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people have been resuming their pre-earth- quake positions. Men and women have Post-Quake Recovery had to return to the roles they had before the earthquake. Importantly, new chal- lenges of social adjustment have been in Urban Kachchh posed to widows, due to the social norms allowing younger widows to remarry and Socio-economic changes in Kachchh after the 2002 Gujarat creating social isolation for older widows. earthquake have had a negative impact on the survivors. This has Apart from the participants in the study, been sharpened by class and caste distinctions in the distribution Thakkar (2001) and Maheshwari (2002) of compensation which have significantly affected the healing among other journalists and authors have noted that the corrupt practices of govern- process. This economic divide has also caused the collapse of the ment-appointed ‘assessors’ of loss of life social support network, which has further aggravated the sense and property have upset many people. The of estrangement and vulnerability. delay in town planning for the permanent resettlement of housing has created further KUMAR RAVI PRIYA The duration of each phase was about two discontent and frustration among urban months. Ethnography as a methodology survivors. he devastating earthquake that hit constitutes a set of methods. Analysis Let us now try to understand, in urban Kachchh1 on January 26, 2001 of the semi-structured interviews of the Kachchh, the dynamics of constructions, Tclaimed about 1,22,0002 lives. The participants led to new research concerns experiences and the support networks aftermath of the quake caused enormous and set forth the evolution of methodology associated with suffering and healing. socio-economic changes, which have [Priya 2002]. Focused group discussions posed a threat to the survivors’ recovery among the villagers and semi-structured Nature and Intensity of Suffering from trauma. This study looks at the extent interviews of journalists, writers and social of restoration of ‘normalcy’ for survivors, workers followed. Articles in local news- Dholakia (2001:2) gives a clear indica- especially in the urban areas of Kachchh. papers were analysed for triangulation and tion of the growth of the materialist cul- Among psychologists and social scien- other relevant information. ture, particularly in the urban areas of tists, Stacy (1988) strongly advocates the Four dimensions of the processes of Kachchh, in the last two decades due to incorporation of ‘culture-sensitive’ con- suffering and healing were explored. These the steady increase of capitalist forces in cepts that may examine the beliefs were emotional (grief and feelings), cog- the region. He has emphasised that such and practices in the domain of health and nitive (attribution and cognitive re- a culture is marked by longing for more illness. It would necessitate the use of construction of suffering), behavioural and more luxury and passivity towards terms and concepts that are not tied spe- (restarting work and usual household labour. Priya (2002) has described the cifically to the organisations, institutions, activities), and social (participation in general construction of happiness and or ideologies of a particular time and place. social and religious activities). health in the urban areas of Kachchh, on In accordance with the culture-sensitive Before understanding the psychological the basis of the interviews conducted with conceptualisation of terms in the domain impact of the earthquake, we study the several authors, journalists and social of health and illness, the term ‘suffering’ post-earthquake socio-economic changes, workers as ‘having material properties and here means the experience of pain or agony which constituted the context of suffering illness-free bodies’. J N Joshi, director, in crisis situations, which is assumed to be and healing. All India Radio, Bhuj, said the people of ‘shaped’ by one’s cultural belief systems In the wake of such a huge disaster, Kuchchh knew that the place was prone on illness and health [Klienman 1988; people discarded the boundaries of caste to earthquakes. There are even names of Palsane 1990]. Also, ‘healing’ is and class and helped each other in what- villages that signifies this. For example, conceptualised as gradual recovery from ever way they could – by pulling bodies the name of one village is Ludai, which such an experience of pain or agony. out of the rubble or consoling each other means ‘to swing’. Still, multi-storeyed The study was planned a few months by staying as a collective in open or under buildings were constructed there. after the quake. It explored the subjective tents. Maheshwari (2002) has indicated In the first phase of the study, Priya experiences of suffering and healing of the that such social conditions lasted much (2002) looked at the emotional, cognitive, survivors, the role of cultural beliefs as longer in rural areas than in urban areas, behavioural and social aspects of the factors influencing these experiences and after the quake. psychological impact on 18 families. It was their social constructions, and the signifi- Priya (2002:109) mentions the guilt, found that the psychological impact was cance of support networks (family, rela- among the adult males at Selari, of grab- deep and serious in 70-80 per cent of the tives, community or social group) in the bing more relief materials than they re- families. Almost a year had passed after healing process within the socio-economic quired. Khatri (2002) wrote several edi- the earthquake when the first phase of the context after the earthquake. torials (in the local newspaper, Kutchmitra) study was begun, but it was very difficult An ethnographic approach was followed imploring the people not to forget the for the people to contain their emotions in this longitudinal study of three phases generosity and honesty strongly associ- during our interaction as most of the (after one, two and three years of the disaster), ated with Kachchhi character. participants talked about the ‘emptiness’ in which survivors of around 20 families of Over the past three years, gradually, the in their lives after the loss of family Selari village and Bhachau town participated. norms and ethics of the social lives of members and property. It could be observed Economic and Political Weekly September 18, 2004 4229 that there was a lack of motivation and much improvement was found in the emo- along with this frustration, there was an willingness among people to carry out tional, cognitive, behavioural and social apathy towards the members of their own their roles in their families. Addressing aspects, since the first phase of the study. family and community. Therefore, the grief such a ‘stagnation’ in their lives, Dholakia One change that did come about in some of of other survivors has found inadequate (2001:5) points out in his book, G-paanch the men was their serious interest in the social space for catharsis and further recovery. thi G-shunya taraf, ‘Jetli aaskit moti, tetlun comparison of the money received as ‘compen- Thus, in the three years after the quake, dukh motu laage chhe’, meaning, “the sation’ from the government. A marginal the nature of suffering has altered as several greater the ‘stagnation’, more will be the improvement in the behavioural and emo- socio-economic changes in the region have intensity of sadness or depression”. Only tional aspects of some of the participants added estrangement to loss-induced grief. two men participating in the study reported could be noted in the third phase of the to have ‘sometimes’ gone out to earn or run study, as they had started paying attention to Community Divide their small business. Social and religious their present-life situation. Some of the male activities (such as bhajans, satsang or col- members were trying to involve themselves In an interview with a journalist from lective prayers) were very infrequent but in their work. Some people (particularly a local newspaper in the first phase of the even these were not well-attended. Urban mothers) were able to attain ‘peace of mind’ study, it was revealed that concern for life had not provided the people with any due to the birth of a child as it provided other people was alive among the survi- constructive philosophy or belief system them with an avenue for projection and vors till the time that relief material from about life to lead them to a ‘cognitive re- feedback of positive emotions as a result all over the world arrived in the post- construction’ of the trauma faced by them. of genuinely relating with their child. earthquake scenario. Due to poor manage- Although the temporary resettlement Importantly, the second and third phases ment and distribution of these relief colonies where they lived were based on a of the study found two unique patterns materials on a caste and community basis, particular caste or community, they generally among the survivors existing simulta- the journalist said, this concern began to lacked the feeling of togetherness or simi- neously. In most families, it was mainly dissipate. Maheshwari (2002) has indi- larity of ‘loss’ suffered in the earthquake, the male members who were frustrated cated that the distribution of relief mate- perhaps because of their conditioning in with the fact that they were living in eco- rials along caste lines has led to an implicit the individualistic patterns of urban life. nomic deprivation, as all their material ‘community divide’, which has a telling effect Two years after the quake, the state of suf- property had been destroyed and they did on the healing process. He and Thakkar fering of the participants remained more or not receive the ‘relief package’ they had (2002) also mentioned that due to the less the same. In 10 of the 16 families, not been promised by the government. But inaction of the authorities and insensitive Call for Applications COUNCIL FOR SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT (Supported by ICSSR, Ministry of HRD, Govt.

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