APA Newsletter on Philosophy and the Black Experience Vol. 20, No. 1
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Dismantling Respectability: the Rise of New Womanist Communication
Journal of Communication ISSN 0021-9916 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Dismantling Respectability: The Rise of New Womanist Communication Models in the Era Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/joc/advance-article-abstract/doi/10.1093/joc/jqz005/5370149 by guest on 07 March 2019 of Black Lives Matter Allissa V. Richardson Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA 90089, USA Legacy media coverage of the Civil Rights Movement often highlighted charismatic male leaders, such as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., while scores of Black women worked qui- etly in the background. Today’s leaders of the modern Black Lives Matter movement have turned this paradigm on its face. This case study explores the revamped communi- cation styles of four Black feminist organizers who led the early Black Lives Matter Movement of 2014: Brittany Ferrell, Alicia Garza, Brittany Packnett, and Marissa Johnson. Additionally, the study includes Ieshia Evans: a high-profile, independent, anti–police brutality activist. In a series of semi-structured interviews, the women shared that their keen textual and visual dismantling of Black respectability politics led to a mediated hyper-visibility that their forebearers never experienced. The women share the advantages and disadvantages of this approach, and weigh in on the sustain- ability of their communication methods for future Black social movements. Keywords: Black Feminism, Political Communication, Twitter, Respectability Politics, Social Movements. doi:10.1093/joc/jqz005 Brittany Ferrell remembered the tear gas most. As a frontline demonstrator during what came to be known as the Ferguson protests in August 2014, she recalled the unimaginable sting in her lungs and nose as she gasped for air. -
The Matter of Black Lives a New Kind of Movement Found Its Moment
The Matter of Black Lives A new kind of movement found its moment. What will its future be? By Jelani Cobb, THE NEW YORKER, March 14, 2016 On February 18th, as part of the official recognition of Black History Month, President Obama met with a group of African-American leaders at the White House to discuss civil-rights issues. The guests—who included Representative John Lewis, of Georgia; Sherrilyn Ifill, the director- counsel of the N.A.A.C.P. Legal Defense and Educational Fund; and Wade Henderson, who heads the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights—were intent on pressing the President to act decisively on criminal-justice issues during his last year in office. Their urgency, though, was tempered by a degree of sentimentality, verging on nostalgia. As Ifill later told me, “We were very much aware that this was the last Black History Month of this Presidency.” But the meeting was also billed as the “first of its kind,” in that it would bring together different generations of activists. To that end, the White House had invited DeRay Mckesson, Brittany Packnett, and Aislinn Pulley, all of whom are prominent figures in Black Lives Matter, which had come into existence—amid the flash points of the George Zimmerman trial; Michael Brown’s death, in Ferguson, Missouri; and the massacre at the Emanuel A.M.E. Church, in Charleston, South Carolina—during Obama’s second term. Black Lives Matter has been described as “not your grandfather’s civil-rights movement,” to distinguish its tactics and its philosophy from those of nineteen-sixties-style activism. -
Organize Your Own: the Politics and Poetics of Self-Determination Movements © 2016 Soberscove Press and Contributing Authors and Artists
1 2 The Politics and Poetics of Self-determination Movements Curated by Daniel Tucker Catalog edited by Anthony Romero Soberscove Press Chicago 2016 Contents Acknowledgements 5 Gathering OURSELVES: A NOTE FROM THE Editor Anthony Romero 7 1 REFLECTIONS OYO: A Conclusion Daniel Tucker 10 Panthers, Patriots, and Poetries in Revolution Mark Nowak 26 Organize Your Own Temporality Rasheedah Phillips 48 Categorical Meditations Mariam Williams 55 On Amber Art Bettina Escauriza 59 Conditions Jen Hofer 64 Bobby Lee’s Hands Fred Moten 69 2 PANELS Organize Your Own? Asian Arts Initiative, Philadelphia 74 Organize Your Own? The Museum of Contemporary Art, Chicago 93 Original Rainbow Coalition Slought Foundation, Philadelphia 107 Original Rainbow Coalition Columbia College, Chicago 129 Artists Talk The Leviton Gallery at Columbia College, Chicago 152 3 PROJECTS and CONTRIBUTIONS Amber Art and Design 170 Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research 172 Dan S. Wang 174 Dave Pabellon 178 Frank Sherlock 182 Irina Contreras 185 Keep Strong Magazine 188 Marissa Johnson-Valenzuela 192 Mary Patten 200 Matt Neff 204 Rashayla Marie Brown 206 Red76, Society Editions, and Hy Thurman 208 Robby Herbst 210 Rosten Woo 214 Salem Collo-Julin 218 The R. F. Kampfer Revolutionary Literature Archive 223 Thomas Graves and Jennifer Kidwell 225 Thread Makes Blanket 228 Works Progress with Jayanthi Kyle 230 4 CONTRIBUTORS, STAFF, ADVISORS 234 Acknowledgements Major support for Organize Your Own has been provided by The Pew Center for Arts & Heritage, with additional support from collaborating venues, including: the Averill and Bernard Leviton Gallery at Columbia College Chicago, Kelly Writers House’s Brodsky Gallery at the University of Pennsylvania, the Slought Foundation, the Asian Arts Initiative, the Museum of Contemporary Art Chicago, and others. -
Booker T. Washington and the Historians
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2015 Booker T. Washington and the Historians: How Changing Views on Race Relations, Economics, and Education Shaped Washington Historiography, 1915-2010 Joshua Thomas Zeringue Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Zeringue, Joshua Thomas, "Booker T. Washington and the Historians: How Changing Views on Race Relations, Economics, and Education Shaped Washington Historiography, 1915-2010" (2015). LSU Master's Theses. 1154. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/1154 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BOOKER T. WASHINGTON AND THE HISTORIANS: HOW CHANGING VIEWS ON RACE RELATIONS, ECONOMICS, AND EDUCATION SHAPED WASHINGTON HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1915-2010 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of History by Joshua Thomas Zeringue B.A., Christendom College, 2010 December 2015 To Monica, Sam, and Noah. Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS When I was twelve years old my father gave me a piece of advice. “Son,” he said, “whenever you read a book, be sure to note when it was written.” Though I did not understand at the time, my father had taught me the most basic principle of historiography. -
Utah State Board of Education From
HEARING RECORD To: Utah State Board of Education From: Ben Rasmussen, Hearing Officer Date: August 5, 2021 Re: July 22, 2021 public hearing on Proposed Rule R277-328, Educational Equity in Schools This hearing record is submitted to the Utah State Board of Education (“Board”) for the Board’s review, evaluation, and consideration pursuant to Utah Admin. Code R15-1-5(5). BACKGROUND On July 1, 2021, proposed rule R277-328 was published in the Utah State Bulletin. Various groups submitted timely requests to the Board for a public hearing. The hearing was held on July 22, 2021 before the Board. An electronic verbatim recording of the Hearing was made and is accessible online at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1faPyvicPus. Pursuant to Utah Admin. Code R15-1-5(5), the following items are attached hereto, as the hearing record: Exhibit A Copy of proposed rule R277-328, Educational Equity in Schools. Exhibit B Request for Hearing – Utah Education Association Exhibit C Request for Hearing – Academic Integrity Movement Exhibit D Request for Hearing – Mormon Women for Ethical Government Exhibit E Request for Hearing – Utah Ethnic Studies Coalition Exhibit F Request for Hearing – Utah Citizens for Positive Change Exhibit G Notice of hearing date, time, place, and subject from the Utah Public Notice website Exhibit H Notice of hearing posted at least 24 hours before the hearing at the Board’s office. Exhibit I Written comments submitted by interested parties Exhibit J List of persons who offered public comment at the hearing Exhibit K Memorandum describing hearing process dated July 15, 2021 250 East 500 South P.O. -
Protest #Journalism: ~ - Black Witnessing As Counternarrative" 1) - IFM: Z - Email: T..+- Or- Imprint: EMAIL: 0 0 Odyssey: 150.135.238.6 N
Borrower: RAPID:AZU Call #: E185.615 .R5215 2020 ;....>. ro ;.... Lending String: Location: Dimond Library Dimond - ..0 .-~ Level 5 ;.... 1) Patron: ....... c -= Journal Title: Bearing witness while black 1) ;.... Charge ...c.- = Volume: Issue: Maxcost: C/l - Month/Year: 2020Pages: 45-71 0- - E - Shipping Address: ro Article Author: Allissa V Richardson NEW: Main Library ::r: University of Arizona Article Title: "The New Protest #Journalism: ~ - Black Witnessing as Counternarrative" 1) - IFM: Z - Email: t..+- or- Imprint: EMAIL: 0 0 Odyssey: 150.135.238.6 N .......>. co ILL Number: -17822866 .-C/l ;.... "'" "'".. 1111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 NOTICE: This Material May Be Protected 1) Z > l- By Copyright Law (Title 17 US Code) e "C :J l'Il ....J ....J 3 The New Protest #Journalism Black Witnessing as Counternarrative 1 strolled with my mobile journalism students one afternoon through the close- knit neighborhood ofKliptown in Johannesburg, South Africa, A few of the girls called the town home. and they wanted me to see it before 1returned to the United States. Kliptown is a neighborhood of stark contrasts. There are houses made of nothing more than rusty corrugated metal-no insulation or plumbing fills them but there is love bursting inside. There are dirt roads that look as if no cars have driven along them for months, yet children are kicking up their orange dust in rousing soccer games. 1 remember sitting down to speak with a young woman and her daughter as my students swarmed about, gathering oral histories from their families and friends with an iPod Touch. After a few minutes, the woman asked me to watch her daughter. -
Why Liberals Separate Race from Class | Jacobin
Why Liberals Separate Race from Class | Jacobin https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/08/bernie-sanders-black-liv... Why Liberals Separate Race from Class The tendency to divorce racial disparities from economic inequality has a long liberal lineage. by Touré F. Reed Demonstrators in the June 1968 Poor People's March in Washington, DC. Warren K. Leffler / Library of Congress After shutting down a Bernie Sanders speech at a Seattle rally for Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, Black Lives Matter activist Marissa Johnson declared to MSNBC’s Tamron Hall that she was motivated by a desire to hold liberal candidates accountable. 1 of 9 8/22/15, 6:00 PM Why Liberals Separate Race from Class | Jacobin https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/08/bernie-sanders-black-liv... This is more than understandable. Despite boosting progressives’ expectations, President Obama has continued to prosecute a shadowy global “war on terror,” undermined public education by promoting charter schools, and reneged on promises to organized labor for the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA) and to the American public for a truly universal health care system. All this has certainly made clear the importance of holding putative liberals to their rhetoric, even for someone as young as Johnson, whose progressive political awakening only dates back to Trayvon Martin’s murder in 2012 at the hands of sociopathic vigilante George Zimmerman. On some level, then, Johnson’s circumspection about Sanders and Gov. Martin O’Malley (no word on Clinton) could be considered encouraging, even if her decision to hijack the Sanders rally falls somewhere between arrogant (she represents no constituency to speak of ) and politically misguided — many black lives, including both of my grandmothers’, have benefted greatly from Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid for decades. -
The New Politics of Community to the Specifi C Issues of How the Obama Presidency Might Signal a New Modernity and the Problem of Meaning
THETHE NEW NEW POLITICS POLITICS OF OF COMMUNITY COMMUNITY THE NEW POLITICS OF COMMUNITY THETHE NEW NEW POLITICS POLITICS OF COMMUNITYOF COMMUNITY 104TH104TH ASA ASA ANNUAL ANNUAL MEETING MEETING 104TH ASA ANNUAL MEETING 20092009 FINAL FINAL PROGRAM PROGRAM 2009 FINAL PROGRAM 104TH ASA104TH ANNUAL ASA ANNUAL MEETING MEETING August 8–August11, 20098–11, 2009 Hilton SanHilton Francisco San and Francisco Parc 55 and Hotel Parc 55 Hotel San Francisco,San Francisco, California California 18133_COVER-R2.indd 1 7/27/09 5:00:32 PM Increase your earning potential. Teach in business. If you have an earned doctorate and demonstrated research potential, new opportunities are on the horizon. In response to business doctoral faculty shortages, Bridge to Business programs qualify non-business doctorates for high-paying tenure track positions at business schools. Not only will you gain a competitive advantage in the job market, you will work in a multidisciplinary, diverse research environment while developing future leaders. Post-doctoral Bridge to Business programs vary in length and delivery methods — visit online to compare and find one best for you. Information available at booth #117. AVERAGE STARTING SALARIES FOR NEW ASSISTANT PROFESSORS Q 2007–2008 Among new assistant 90 80 professors, those 70 in business had the 60 “highest salary. 50 — The Chronicle of Higher 40 Education, March 14, 2008 30 USD IN THOUSANDS20 ” 10 Psychology Social Sciences Business 52,153 USD 55,243 USD 86,640 USD 2007–2008 National Faculty Salary Survey by Field and Rank at 4-Year Colleges and Universities. ©2008 by the College and University Professional Association for Human Resources (CUPA-HR). -
There Are Two Profoundly Different Political Perspectives Within the Black Lives Matter Coalition
A Journal of Public Opinion & Political Strategy THE DEMOCRATIC strategist www.thedemocraticstrategist.org TDS STRATEGY MEMO: THERE ARE TWO PROFOUNDLY DIFFERENT POLITICAL PERSPECTIVES WITHIN THE BLACK LIVES MATTER COALITION. IT’S VITAL THAT DEMOCRATS UNDERSTAND THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THEM IN ORDER TO SUCCESSFULLY RELATE TO THIS IMPORTANT SOCIAL MOVEMENT. BY JAMES VEGA It is understandable that at this moment liberals and Democrats feel substantial confusion about how to relate to the Black Lives Matter coalition. This confusion is emphatically NOT because of the sudden burst of accusations that exploded in the conservative media last week which argued that the movement is really a “hate group” that encourages violence against the police. In fact, since Black Lives Matter (BLM) began there have been well over 100 large, organized marches, candlelight vigils, demonstrations, “die-in’s” and other actions in cities across the country under the BLM name during which absolutely none advocated violence against police. The only specific “evidence” the conservative media has actually offered for this accusation is an inflammatory anti-police chant shouted by some demonstrators at a recent protest at the Minnesota State Fair and the social media statements of a handful of individuals who use the phrase Black Lives Matter but actually have no direct connection to the active participants or organizers of the BLM movement itself. Other than that, the conservative accusation essentially boils down to the claim that any public speeches or demonstrations that forcefully and passionately criticize and protest police mistreatment of minorities necessarily represent the encouragement of riots, rock and bottle throwing and even the cold-blooded assassination of police officers because such speeches or demonstrations do not express appropriate respect and appreciation for law enforcement personnel. -
Uconn Future of Bad Collectivity
The Future of Bad Collectivity By Ali Aslam Mount Holyoke College Email: [email protected] Presented at University of Connecticut Political Theory Workshop, September 27, 2016 Please do not cite without author’s permission The ability of the political Left to organize a collective response to recent political and economic crises has been a series of failures. As nativist groups on the Right have rallied to close borders on both sides of the Atlantic and pass laws restricting access to bathroom facilities in the United States, citizens in the wake of Occupy have struggled to translate their anger over police shootings and economic ineQualities into meaningful changes. At one level, the worry is that these failures deepen the sense of disenfranchisement that many citizens must already overcome in order to join others in action during an era when the responses to crises that concentrate decision-making in non-democratic bodies that have been justified as “necessary.”1 At another, there is the fear that once the exuberance of episodic democracy passes, Quotidian democratic participation is further discredited because nothing changes. The problem of forming Left collectivities and motivating citizens to join them is one with serious stakes for both activists and theorists. Those on the Left have watched as Right- wing groups have been able to mobilize citizens through affect appeals to their fears, anxiety, and feelings of vulnerability. Citizens hearing these messages do not appear to be listening for or much concerned the truth. Rather as the results of the Brexit vote and Donald Trump’s unexpected ascendency to the Republican nomination suggest, citizens are not moved by the power of rational argumentation but fantasy, illusion, and falsehood if these resonate with their feelings of injury and vulnerability. -
Entre Racializações: Oliver C. Cox E a Sociologia
Recebido: 02.10.20 Entre racializações: Aprovado: 22.02.21 Oliver C. Cox e a sociologia Erik Wellington Barbosa Borda (https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8624-5903)I I. Erik Wellington Barbosa Borda Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, é doutorando Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp) , Campinas, SP, Brasil. do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia da Universidade Resumo: Oliver Cromwell Cox foi um sociólogo negro de Trinidad e Tobago que passou a maior Estadual de Campinas, onde parte de sua vida pessoal e intelectual nos Estados Unidos. Neste país, o caráter heterodoxo de pesquisa as suas críticas à sociologia de seu tempo lançaram sobre sua obra um silêncio que durou décadas. atividades do Centro Em tempos recentes, porém, o crescente interesse por sua obra trouxe à tona discussões sobre de Estudos Culturais seus fundamentos. Este texto se volta à trajetória inicial do autor, período que abarca desde seu Contemporâneos nascimento, no Caribe, em 1901, até a publicação de sua magnum opus Caste, class and race, em da Universidade de Birmingham (CCCS) 1948. Argumenta-se que esse período é antes de tudo marcado por uma circulação do autor por – entre 1964 e 1982. distintas gramáticas de racialização, que, por sua vez, foram determinantes para o ímpeto des- Campinas, SP, Brasil. construcionista que marcou sua posição em relação às ciências sociais. Argumenta-se ainda que <ewbborda@gmail. a ênfase nesse aspecto da trajetória de Cox, por meio de um engajamento crítico e sistêmico com com>. raça, oferece uma importante contribuição aos chamados estudos externalistas de intelectuais afro-diaspóricos na sociologia. Palavras-chave: Oliver Cox. -
Black Lives Matter and the Rise of Womanist News Narratives
15 BLACK LIVES MATTER AND THE RISE OF WOMANIST NEWS NARRATIVES Allissa V. Richardson As a frontline demonstrator in August 2014 during what came to be known as the Ferguson protests, Brittany Ferrell recalled the unimaginable sting in her lungs and nose as she gasped for air. “I felt like I didn’t know if I would make it home that night,” she said in a February 2017 interview. She added, “There was the police that were shooting rubber and wooden bullets at protestors. There were gunshots. There were dogs. There was fire . and it was like we knew it and we still went out, night after night after night.” Ferrell also protested by day. With her bullhorn in hand, she appears in one documentary film, teetering precariously in the rear flatbed of a pickup truck. An unnamed man helps her catch her balance. The image creates a new visual rhetoric for black protest. Whereas the photographic grammar of the twentieth-century Civil Rights Movement relied heavily upon black women, wearing dresses and white gloves, behind charismatic male leaders (Gillespie & Clinton, 1998; Hickey, 2013), the Black Lives Matter Movement has placed women at the forefront, with men literally supporting them. This is no accident. The women leaders of BLM interviewed for this study described being intentional – and, at times, shrewd – about managing their core messages, their affiliations with particular organizations within the broad Movement, and the legacies that they create with every Tweet. They are keenly aware of the relative obscurity of their forebearers as black women activists. Hence, they launch and lead their own groups.