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Dar Al Ifta' in the Digital Dar al ifta’ in the Digital Age Issuing Fatwas and Debate in Saudi Arabia Inge van der Stap 5894190 3 augustus 2016 Masterthesis Richard van Leeuwen 1 Contents 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 3 2. Theoretical framework and methodology. ............................................................................................... 7 2.1 Scholarly debate on the relationship between the umara and ulama in Saudi Arabia ........................ 7 2.2 Methodology ..................................................................................................................................... 15 3. Saudi Arabia, a short introduction .......................................................................................................... 17 3.1 Foundation and early years ............................................................................................................... 17 3.2 Modernizing influences .................................................................................................................... 20 3.3 Religious legitimation ....................................................................................................................... 22 3.4 Basic principles of Wahhabism......................................................................................................... 23 3.5 Wahhabi thought on government ...................................................................................................... 24 4. Ifta’ in the digital age .............................................................................................................................. 27 4.1 Traditional ifta’ ................................................................................................................................. 27 4.2 Ifta’ in Saudi Arabia .......................................................................................................................... 29 4.3 Contesting groups ............................................................................................................................. 31 4.4 Digital landscape ............................................................................................................................... 33 5. Debate between state ulama, society and non-state ulama ................................................................. 36 5.1 Description of the website of the Permanent Committee .................................................................. 36 5.2 Navigating the fatwas ....................................................................................................................... 40 5.3 Social issues under debate ................................................................................................................ 41 6. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................... 60 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................ 64 2 1. Introduction In 1989 the Iranian ayatollah Khomeini issued a fatwa on Salman Rushdie, the author of The Satanic Verses, claiming that he had written a text against the Islam, the Prophet of Islam and the Quran. Khomeini further claimed that as a result Rushdie was condemned to capital punishment and Muslims all over the world were asked to execute this fatwa.1 As a consequence, Rushdie had to go into hiding. With this act the concept of a fatwa, although previously not unknown in the Western world, became well known throughout the world in a negative sense. In addition, the adverse connotation surrounding fatwas remains until this day as a result of the reprinting of mostly remarkable fatwas by both Western and non-Western news outlets, that through their conspicuous nature draw attention. One example is the fatwa, allegedly written by the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia Shaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah Al Shaikh in April 2015, that a man can eat his wife when extremely hungry.2 This fatwa led to some heated reactions from different human rights groups as well as to the reprinting of this fatwa in both Western and non-Western media. The Grand Mufti later denied having written the fatwa,3 but by then the damage was already done. The peculiar character of these reprinted fatwas has led to a distorted image of the fatwa in het Western world, and has obscured the real use of fatwas by Muslims in both everyday life and in politics by those in power. The kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an interesting country to focus on when investigating the use of fatwas in everyday life and politics alike. The government of Saudi Arabia implements an orthodox version of Islam that is known as Wahhabism. Today the kingdom of Saudi Arabia is ruled by King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, one of the forty-three sons of Ibn Saud, the founder of the kingdom. He succeeded his half-brother Abdullah who died after a reign of ten years in January of 2015. The king rules the country based on the cooperation between the Saudi family, descendants of Ibn Saud, the founder of Saudi Arabia, and the Al Shaikh family, descendants of al-Wahhab, founder of Wahhabism. The entanglement between the Saudis, the royal family, and the Al Shaikhs, the most important family of religious scholars, has been the basis of power legitimacy since the first Saudi Kingdom. This alliance was first formed between Muhammad ibn Saud and Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab in 1744. The current power structure 1 http://www.chiark.greenend.org.uk/~owend/I/islam/fatwa.html 2 http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/world-news/top-saudi-sheikh-issues-bizarre-5491142 3 http://english.alarabiya.net/en/perspective/features/2015/04/10/Saudi-fatwa-allowing-husbands-to-eat-wives-unsubstantiated- .html 3 is the result of this alliance between the political power and the religious power and is crucial considering Islamic thought on politics in which the ruler is obliged to uphold the Islamic law while the ulama (religious scholars) are responsible for the interpretation and implementation of the law. In exchange, the citizens are required to obey the ruler without resistance. What is of vital importance is the fact that Saudi Arabia is more than any other country identified with Islam. It is both the cradle of Islam and the location of the two holiest places in Islam (Mecca and Medina). As a result the ruler is considered the protector of these sites (Khadim al-Haramayn, servant of the two shrines) and of the annual hajj (pilgrimage). In order to perform these tasks religious legitimation is paramount. The religious establishment gives the Saudi monarchy the legitimation that it needs in order to rule these important locations. The relationship between the umara, the royal family, and the ulama, the religious establishment, is a complex one. Different opinions exist as to what the exact nature is of the relationship and the power distribution between the two parties. This discussion focuses mainly on the political fatwas that are being produced by the Grand Mufti and the Board of Senior Ulama, the highest and most influential religious authority, in order to support governmental decisions. Of importance here is that these ulama, officially independent interpreters of the holy texts and the sharia, have been successfully incorporated into the state system. Multiple bureaucratic institutions have been set up in which the ulama have an active role. One such institution is ‘The Permanent Committee for Scientific Research and Legal Opinions’ founded in 1971 by a royal decree and under the direct supervision of the Grand Mufti. The Committtee’s main assignment is to prepare research for the Board of Senior Ulama and issue fatwas in response to personal inquiries concerning matters of faith, ritual, financial transactions and other social norms.4 The fatwas issued by this committee therefore are exclusively related to social and religious matters and the Committee does not produce political fatwas. The work of this committee have been neglected in the discussion. More importantly, the extent to which these fatwas are debated or observed within Saudi society also has not been taken into account. So while the religious support for political decisions by the issuing of fatwas has been extensively debated, the fatwas produced by the ulama concerning socio-religious matters have never been thoroughly investigated. To fully understand and to deepen our comprehension of the relationship between the Saudi umara and ulama and the influence of the ulama on Saudi 4 Al Atawneh, M. (2010) Islam facing the Challenges of Modernity. Dar al-Ifta in the modern Saudi State. Leiden: Brill: p. 25 4 society, the social-religious fatwas need to be incorporated into the discussion. Another undervalued factor are the fatwas issued by non-state ulama, who due to the growing importance of the Internet have been able to distribute their ideas more easier into society. Both factors are missing in the academic discussion on the political and social situation of Saudi Arabia and are in need of investigation. In this thesis the assumption that the binary power relationship in Saudi Arabia between the umara and the state ulama is the only power structure that needs examination will be challenged. The focus shifts from the debate between the umara and the state ulama to the debate
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