Government Appointments - Internal Politics - Internal Security - Economy Foreign Relations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Government Appointments - Internal Politics - Internal Security - Economy Foreign Relations Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 33, November, 1987 Pakistan, Page 35511 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Government appointments - Internal politics - Internal security - Economy Foreign relations Summary and key dates Government appointments (March 29, July 28, 1987). Resignation of Local Government Minister (June 2). Resignation of Foreign Minister (Nov. 1). Military appointments (March 29). Political party developments (April-August). Raising of voting age (May 6). By-election (September). New NWFP Cabinet (Feb. 5). Suspension of Karachi city council (Feb. 12). 1987–88 budget and amendments (June 4, 12). Assassination of Ahle Hadith leader (March 24). Karachi car bomb (July 14). Intercommunal violence in Sind province (April-August). Formation of Shia political party (July 4). Relations with India (February-October). Pakistani request for lease of US AWACS (April 16). Indictments in USA following attempted transfer of nuclear-related materials to Pakistan (July). Technical suspension of US aid (Sept. 30). Visit by Prime Minister to UK (April 5–12). Visit by Chinese Premier (June 21–24). Talks with France on nuclear dispute (May 6–7). Death of Wali of Swat (Sept. 14). Government appointments Gen. Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, the President of Pakistan, on March 29, 1987, appointed three new ministers and nine new ministers of state; following the resignation in June of the Minister of Local Government [see below] and Rural Development see below and further changes on July 28, the Cabinet was as follows, with previous different responsibilities shown in parentheses [for previous Cabinet list see 34990 A]: Mr Mohammad Khan Junejo Prime Minister; Defence; Atomic Energy Malik Nasim Ahmed Aheer (Education) Interior Mr Sahabzada Yaqub-Khan Foreign Affairs Finance, Economic Affairs, Petroleum and Mian Mohammad Yasin Khan Wattoo Natural Resources Mr Chaudhri Shujaat Hussain Industries Maj.-Gen. (retd) Mohammad Bashir Khan Production Mr Mohammad Aslam Khan Communications and Railways Khattak (Interior) Syed Qasim Shah States and Frontier Regions; Kashmir Affairs Mr Mohammad Ibrahim Khan Baluch Food, Agriculture and Co-operatives Mr Shah Mohammad Pasha Khuro (Culture Labour, Manpower and and Tourism) Overseas Pakistani Affairs Qazi Abdul Majid Abid Information and Broadcasting; Water and Power Syed Sajjad Hayder Education Mr Nisar Mohammad Khan (Railways) Culture and Tourism Haji Mohammad Hanif Tayyab Housing and Works Federal Minister; Local Government and Rural Mr Iqbal Ahmed Khan Development Dr Mahbubul Haq Commerce, Planning and Development Haji Mohammad Saifullah Khan Religious Affairs and Minorities *Appointed . **Appointed . ***Appointed . ****Resigned [see below]. In addition there were 11 Cabinet members with the rank of Minister of State. Resignation of Minister of Local Government and Rural Development Official statement on corruption Mr Anwar Aziz Chaudhury, then Minister of Local Government and Rural Development, resigned on June 2, 1987, after a government anti-corruption committee had confirmed that development funds totalling some Rs 9,500,000 ($ 1.00=Rs 17.393 as at June 3, had been diverted by him into a farmer's co-operative situated in his own constituency. Mr Chaudhury was subsequently replaced in the federal Cabinet by Mr Iqbal Ahmed Khan [see above]. Dr Mahbubul Haq had announced to the National Assembly on May 1 that some Rs 40,000 million were annually misappropriated by Pakistani officials; the announcement followed the presentation to the National Assembly in early1987 of a report by the National Taxation Reforms Commission (NTRC) which estimated that the county's ‘parallel’ or ‘black’ economy accounted for almost one-third of the country's gross national product (GNP). The report cited tax evasion, smuggling and corruption as the ‘three basic maladies’ and recommended radical changes to the country's tax structure as a means of combating tax evasion. Resignation of Minister of Foreign Affairs On Nov. 1 Mr Yaqub-Khan resigned as Minister of Foreign Affairs, a post he had held since 1982 His resignation followed his withdrawal in the second round of voting from elections to the post of Director-General of the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) held in October 1987. Military appointments Gen. Zia retained the post of Chief of Army Staff in a reshuffle of senior armed forces posts effective from March 29, 1987. Gen. Akhtar Abdur Rehman Khan replaced Gen. Rahimuddin Khan as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (the country's senior staff officer) and Gen. Mirza Aslam Beg replaced Gen. Khalid Mahmud Arif as Vice-Chief of Army Staff. Charging of opposition party leaders with sedition - Reported re-emergence of Communist Party - Opposition parties’ conference in Lahore Nine leading members of the Sind-Baluchistan-Pashtoon Front (SBPF–not, as stated on the Sind-Baluchistan Patriotic Front), including Mr Mumtaz Bhutto (half-brother of the former President and Prime Minister, Mr Zulfiqar AliBhutto) and Mr Abdul Hafiz Pirzada (a senior Cabinet Minister in 1971–77), were charged in Karachi on April 9, 1987, with sedition and anti-state activities. The Times of May 16 reported that the Communist Party of Pakistan, which had been banned in 1954 [see 13746 A] and had become greatly weakened as a result of the secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971; [for which see 24565 A; 25053 A; 25019 A;, had recently applied for membership of the opposition grouping Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD, originally formed in 1981–see page 31071; for membership in late 1986 see page 34994). An opposition ‘all parties conference’ held in Lahore on Aug. 16 attempted to unite Pakistan's divided opposition and increase pressure on the government to hold general elections, but succeeded only in accentuating party differences. The conference had first been proposed by Mr Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani, the president of the Jamiatul-Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP, a progressive Sunni Moslem party). After meeting with other opposition leaders Mr Noorani had announced that the conference would be open to all parties which had denounced the current Constitution (for March 1985 amendments to which, thereby effectively excluding the dominant (pro-Zia) faction of the Pakistan Moslem League (PML) and the right-wing orthodox Sunni Moslem Jamaat-i-Islami (JI). Disagreements between the JUP and the MRD prior to the meeting meant that the Jamiatul-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI, the JUP's MRD- affiliated political rival) took over responsibility for the conference. The JUI's president, Mr Maulana Fazlur Rahman, subsequently held an unscheduled meeting with Mr Junejo (the Prime Minister) which led a number of parties (including the JUP) to boycott the conference. Of the 12 parties which eventually attended the conference the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and the Awami National Party (ANP, for the formation of which in July 1986 did so only as observers, both refusing to sign a joint declaration calling for President Zia's resignation and the dissolution of the national and provincial assemblies. Raising of voting age By-election The National Assembly on May 6, 1987, voted to raise the voting age for the electorate from 18 to 21 years. Opposition MPs claimed that the decision was an attempt by the government to eliminate a potentially hostile section of the electorate. A by-election held in late September 1987 for the Mian Channu (Punjab province) National Assembly seat resulted in an overwhelming victory for Pir Mohammad Aslam Badola, the candidate supported by the pro-Zia faction of the PML (the by- election having officially been held on a non-party basis). According to the Far Eastern Economic Review of Oct. 8, 1987, Pir Mohammad's victory raised doubts about the ability of the PPP (the main opposition party) seriously to challenge the PML in a general election. New NWFP Cabinet Suspension of Karachi city council A new 10-member North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) Cabinet headed by Mr Arbab Mohammad Jehangir Khan was sworn in on Feb. 5, 1987, by the provincial Governor, Mr Fida Mohammad Khan (by April 24 the Cabinet had been expanded to 15 members). The mayor of Karachi, Mr Abdul Sattar Afghani, and 99 members of the opposition- dominated Karachi metropolitan corporation (ie the elected city council) were arrested on Feb. 12 after clashing with police during a demonstration in protest at the size of the allocation to Karachi of central government revenues. Later that day the government of Sind province suspended the Karachi metropolitan corporation for six months. Presentation of controversial 1987/88 budget - Subsequent amendments to budget following widespread criticism The 1987/88 budget, presented by Mian Wattoo to the National Assembly on June 4, 1987, included the imposition of a controversial ‘defence tax’ and increases in the price of oil, gas and electricity. Mian Wattoo cited ‘threatening circumstances on Pakistan's eastern and western borders’ as justification for the introduction of the defence tax, which consisted of a surcharge of 10 per cent on net income and corporate tax and of 5 per cent of the duty- paid price of imports. Increased outlays on defence, development and debt servicing meant that expenditure was estimated at 13 per cent higher than in 1986/87, at Rs 199,360 million. Total federal receipts were estimated at Rs 176,010 million, leaving an estimated budget deficit of Rs 23,350 million. The Agence France-Presse (AFP) news agency reported that demonstrations against the budget (which had caused prices to rise sharply) took place in Karachi on June 5– 6. In response to the mounting criticism Mr Junejo appointed a 14-member committee of PML MPs to revise the budget and on July 12 he announced the withdrawal of the defence tax and the lowering of the price of oil, gas and electricity. Mr Junejo urged the business community to lower the prices of essential commodities, and also announced that as part of an austerity drive all government officials (including ministers and members of the armed forces) would be equipped with less expensive and smaller motor cars.
Recommended publications
  • Education, Inequalities, and Freedom
    Islam, Democracy and the Constitution of Pakistan Outcome of a series of dialogue among prominent Pakistani Islamic scholars Editor Safdar Sial Pak Insititute for Peace Studies Copyright © Pak institute for Peace Studies 2015. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Pak institute for Peace Studies. All enquiries regarding reproduction should be sent to Narratives Private Limited at its address given below. Title by: Tariq M. Sajjad Printer: BPH Printers, Lahore, Pakistan. ISBN: 978-969-9370-22-9 Edition: First Distributer P.O. Box 2110, Islamabad, Pakistan. Phone: +92-51-8359475 Fax: +92-51-8359474 Email: [email protected] Web: www.narratives.pk Price: PKR 150 USD 05 CONTENTS Preface 05 First dialogue 09 Second dialogue 43 Third dialogue 73 Fourth dialogue 93 Recommendations 109 Preface Over the past four years, Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS) has engaged Pakistan’s leading religious scholars belonging to all schools of thought in a series of academic and intellectual dialogue to discuss critical challenges facing Pakistan and suggest their solutions. Another underlying objective of these dialogues has been to develop some consensual responses on the legal or jurisprudential aspects of the issues linked to religious extremism and militancy and create awareness among the people about that. Apart from that, the Institute has been serving as a platform to promote sectarian and interfaith harmony by holding structural dialogues among representatives of different segments of Pakistani society including religious leaders and scholars from all faiths and sects, political analysts and leaders, social scientists, media practitioners, and civil society and human rights activists, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • REFORM OR REPRESSION? Post-Coup Abuses in Pakistan
    October 2000 Vol. 12, No. 6 (C) REFORM OR REPRESSION? Post-Coup Abuses in Pakistan I. SUMMARY............................................................................................................................................................2 II. RECOMMENDATIONS.......................................................................................................................................3 To the Government of Pakistan..............................................................................................................................3 To the International Community ............................................................................................................................5 III. BACKGROUND..................................................................................................................................................5 Musharraf‘s Stated Objectives ...............................................................................................................................6 IV. CONSOLIDATION OF MILITARY RULE .......................................................................................................8 Curbs on Judicial Independence.............................................................................................................................8 The Army‘s Role in Governance..........................................................................................................................10 Denial of Freedoms of Assembly and Association ..............................................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan Foreign Policy with a View to Ascertaining Its Alignments with the Dream of Our Founding Fathers, Ideological Mooring and the Genesis of Pakistan
    PAKISTAN’S FOREIGN POLICY An Ideological Appraisal Prof. Fateh ur Rehman* Abstract As a rule, foreign policy of a state, is an extension or a reflection of its internal policy. Since Pakistan emerged as an Islamic State, its internal policy was deemed to be committed to the establishment of a just socio-moral order in this country (in consonance with the socio teachings of Islam). By implication, its foreign policy should likewise have been reflective of the same ideological commitment. It means that Pakistan should have only one overriding objective: Establishment of a just socio-moral order in Pakistan, and a just socio-moral order around the globe. It means that Pakistan should have been a party to those who are striving for justice and be opposed to those who are spreading corruption and exploitation at the international level. In this brief article, we will try to analyse as to how far we have been faithful to our ideological moorings. And if we have deviated, which indeed we did, then what steps should be taken to rectify this departure. Fifth anniversary of the horrific attacks of September 11, 2001 is over but the culprits responsible of 9/11catastrophe are still shrouded in mystery. The terrorist attack on symbols of American military and economic power triggered a transformation of world politics and accentuated dramatic change into the course of international affairs. Its ripples are strong, violent and are reaching far and wide. No corner or country of the world could escape from its far reaching consequences. However, events unfolded so far reveal that apart from Iraq and Afghanistan (& may be the U.S.), Pakistan is the only country that has been turned upside down because of the post 9/11 changed scenario.
    [Show full text]
  • Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani Siddiqui RA
    Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani Siddiqui RA Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani Siddiqui RA was born born in Meerut (UP,India) on October 1, 1926 in the holy month of Ramadan. He became a hafiz-ul-Quran at the tender age of eight. He graduated from the National Arabic College, Meerut, and obtained the Fazil-i-Arabi degree from Allahabad University and Dars-i-Nizam (Fazil) from Darul-Uloom Arabia, Meerut. He had perfect command of Arabic, Urdu, Panjabi, English, French, Bhojpuri and Swahili. He was a gifted qari whose unique style of recitation of the Holy Qur'an is known to be addictive. His wife is from the holy city of Madina and the language of his household is Arabic. They were blessed with two daughters and two sons. Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani was an accomplished 'alim who mastered all four schools of fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence) and followed the madhab of Imam Abu Hanifa both in practice and ijtihad (reasoning). He was a visiting professor who taught al-fiqh al-hanafiyya and 'aqida (belief) of Ahl Sunna wal Jamaah in Baghdad for a number of years. He was Honorary Secretary General of the World Muslim Ulama Organization, with the Grand Mufti of Palestine being its president. He held this office continuously for eleven years and worked for unity of Muslim brotherhood amongst all Muslim nations. Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani was an ardent lover and drank deeply from the monumental writings of Imam Ahmad Raza Khan RA, affectionately known as Ala Hazrat by the Sunni masses. He and other 'ulama worked to bring to light the importance of Ala Hazrat's contribution to Islam in the twentieth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan
    Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema Maqsudul Hasan Nuri Muneer Mahmud Khalid Hussain Editors ASIA PAPER November 2008 Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan Papers from a Conference Organized by Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) and the Institute of Security and Development Policy (ISDP) in Islamabad, October 29-30, 2007 Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema Maqsudul Hasan Nuri Muneer Mahmud Khalid Hussain Editors © Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Islamabad Policy Research Institute House no.2, Street no.15, Margalla Road, Sector F-7/2, Islamabad, Pakistan www.isdp.eu; www.ipripak.org "Political Role of Religious Communities in Pakistan" is an Asia Paper published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Asia Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Institute’s Asia Program, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute runs a joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. This report is published by the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) and is issued in the Asia Paper Series with the permission of IPRI.
    [Show full text]
  • Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
    Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan's Atomic Bomb and the Search for Security
    Pakistan's Atomic Bomb And The Search For Security edited by Zia Mian Gautam Publishers 27 Temple Road, Lahore, Pakistan Printed by Maktaba Jadeed Press, Lahore, Pakistan ©1995 by Zia Mian A publication of the Campaign for Nuclear Sanity and the Sustainable Development Policy Institute Acknowledgements No book is ever produced in isolation. This one in particular is the work of many hands, and minds. Among the people whose contribution has been indispensable, special mention must be made of Nauman Naqvi from SDPI. There is Gautam Publishers, who have taken the risk when others have not. The greatest debts are, as always, personal. They are rarely mentioned, can never be paid, and payment is never asked for. It is enough that they are remembered. Contents Foreword Dr. Mubashir Hasan i Introduction Dr. Zia Mian 1 1. Nuclear Myths And Realities Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy 3 Bombs for Prestige? 4 Understanding May 1990 8 The Overt-Covert Debate 11 Nuclear War - By Accident 16 The Second Best Option 17 Options for Pakistan 21 2. A False Sense Of Security Lt.-Gen. (rtd.) Mujib ur Rehman Khan 24 A Matter of Perception 25 Useless Nukes 26 A Sterile Pursuit 28 3. The Costs Of Nuclear Security Dr. Zia Mian 30 The Human Costs of Nuclear Programmes 31 Nuclear Accidents 35 Nuclear Guardians 38 Buying Security with Nuclear Weapons 40 The Real Cost of Nuclear Weapons 44 Safety 48 The Social Costs of Nuclear Security 51 Who Benefits? 53 The Ultimate Costs of Nuclear Security 56 4. The Nuclear Arms Race And Fall Of The Soviet Union Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • In Quest of Jinnah
    Contents Acknowledgements xiii Preface xv SHARIF AL MUJAHID Introduction xvii LIAQUAT H. MERCHANT, SHARIF AL MUJAHID Publisher's Note xxi AMEENA SAIYID SECTION 1: ORIGINAL ESSAYS ON JINNAH 1 1. Mohammad Ali Jinnah: One of the Greatest Statesmen of the Twentieth Century 2 STANLEY WOLPERT 2. Partition and the Birth of Pakistan 4 JOHN KENNETH GALBRAITH 3. World of His Fathers 7 FOUAD AJAMI 4. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah 12 LIAQUAT H. MERCHANT 5. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah: A Historian s Perspective 17 S.M. BURKE 6. Jinnah: A Portrait 19 SHARIF AL MUJAHID 7. Quaid-i-Azam's Personality and its Role and Relevance in the Achievement of Pakistan 32 SIKANDAR HAYAT 8. Mohammad Ali Jinnah 39 KULDIP NAYAR 9. M.A. Jinnah: The Official Biography 43 M.R. KAZIMI 10. The Official Biography: An Evaluation 49 SHARIF AL MUJAHID 11. Inheriting the Raj: Jinnah and the Governor-Generalship Issue 59 AYESHA JALAL 12. Constitutional Set-up of Pakistan as Visualised by Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah 76 S. SHARIFUDDIN PIRZADA 13. Jinnah—Two Perspectives: Secular or Islamic and Protector General ot Minorities 84 LIAQUAT H. MERCHANT 14. Jinnah on Civil Liberties 92 A.G. NOORANl 15. Jinnah and Women s Emancipation 96 SHARIF AL MUJAHID 16. Jinnah s 'Gettysburg Address' 106 AKBAR S. AHMED 17. The Two Saviours: Ataturk and Jinnah 110 MUHAMMAD ALI SIDDIQUI 18. The Quaid and the Princely States of India 115 SHAHARYAR M. KHAN 19. Reminiscences 121 JAVID IQBAL 20. Jinnah as seen by Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah,Aga Khan III 127 LIAQUAT H.
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan's Nuclear Proliferation Activities and The
    Order Code RL32745 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Pakistan’s Nuclear Proliferation Activities and the Recommendations of the 9/11 Commission: U.S. Policy Constraints and Options Updated March 16, 2005 Richard P. Cronin, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division K. Alan Kronstadt Analyst in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Sharon Squassoni Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Pakistan’s Nuclear Proliferation Activities and the Recommendations of the 9/11 Commission: U.S. Policy Constraints and Options Summary In calling for a clear, strong, and long-term commitment to support the military- dominated government of Pakistan despite serious concerns about that country’s nuclear proliferation activities, The Final Report of the 9/11 Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States cast into sharp relief two long-standing contradictions in U.S. policy towards Pakistan and South Asia. First, in over fifty years, the United States and Pakistan have never been able to align their national security objectives except partially and temporarily. Pakistan’s central goal has been to gain U.S. support to bolster its security against India, whereas the United States has tended to view the relationship from the perspective of its global security interests. Second, U.S. nuclear nonproliferation objectives towards Pakistan (and India) repeatedly have been subordinated to other U.S. goals. During the 1980s, Pakistan successfully exploited its importance as a conduit for aid to the anti-Soviet Afghan mujahidin to deter the application of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Sindh Under Zia Government an Analysis of Nationalists Vs Federalists Orientations
    POLITICS OF SINDH UNDER ZIA GOVERNMENT AN ANALYSIS OF NATIONALISTS VS FEDERALISTS ORIENTATIONS A Thesis Doctor of Philosophy By Amir Ali Chandio 2009 Department of Political Science & International Relations Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan POLITICS OF SINDH UNDER ZIA GOVERNMENT AN ANALYSIS OF NATIONALISTS VS FEDERALISTS ORIENTATIONS A Thesis Doctor of Philosophy By Amir Ali Chandio 2009 Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ishtiaq Ahmed Chaudhry Department of Political Science & International Relations Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan Dedicated to: Baba Bullay Shah & Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai The poets of love, fraternity, and peace DECLARATION This thesis is the result of my own investigations, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by giving explicit references. A bibliography is appended. This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not being concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Signed………………………………………………………………….( candidate) Date……………………………………………………………………. CERTIFICATES This is to certify that I have gone through the thesis submitted by Mr. Amir Ali Chandio thoroughly and found the whole work original and acceptable for the award of the degree of Doctorate in Political Science. To the best of my knowledge this work has not been submitted anywhere before for any degree. Supervisor Professor Dr. Ishtiaq Ahmed Choudhry Department of Political Science & International Relations Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Pakistan Chairman Department of Political Science & International Relations Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Pakistan. ABSTRACT The nationalist feelings in Sindh existed long before the independence, during British rule. The Hur movement and movement of the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency for the restoration of separate provincial status were the evidence’s of Sindhi nationalist thinking.
    [Show full text]
  • 3 Who Is Who and What Is What
    3 e who is who and what is what Ever Success - General Knowledge 4 Saad Book Bank, Lahore Ever Success Revised and Updated GENERAL KNOWLEDGE Who is who? What is what? CSS, PCS, PMS, FPSC, ISSB Police, Banks, Wapda, Entry Tests and for all Competitive Exames and Interviews World Pakistan Science English Computer Geography Islamic Studies Subjectives + Objectives etc. Abbreviations Current Affair Sports + Games Ever Success - General Knowledge 5 Saad Book Bank, Lahore © ALL RIGHTS RESERVED No part of this book may be reproduced In any form, by photostate, electronic or mechanical, or any other means without the written permission of author and publisher. Composed By Muhammad Tahsin Ever Success - General Knowledge 6 Saad Book Bank, Lahore Dedicated To ME Ever Success - General Knowledge 7 Saad Book Bank, Lahore Ever Success - General Knowledge 8 Saad Book Bank, Lahore P R E F A C E I offer my services for designing this strategy of success. The material is evidence of my claim, which I had collected from various resources. I have written this book with an aim in my mind. I am sure this book will prove to be an invaluable asset for learners. I have tried my best to include all those topics which are important for all competitive exams and interviews. No book can be claimed as prefect except Holy Quran. So if you found any shortcoming or mistake, you should inform me, according to your suggestions, improvements will be made in next edition. The author would like to thank all readers and who gave me their valuable suggestions for the completion of this book.
    [Show full text]
  • Baloch Resistance During Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Era: Causes and Consequences
    South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies Vol. 29, No. 1, January – July 2014, pp. 321-331 Baloch Resistance during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Era: Causes and Consequences Gulshan Majeed University of the Punjab. Lahore. Rehana Saeed Hashmi University of the Punjab. Lahore. Abstract Rising insurgency in Balochistan is one of the most serious threats to the federation of Pakistan. The Baloch tribal homeland is a vast area of desert and mountains. Geographically the province of Balochistan is considered the largest province of Pakistan while demographically it is smallest. Balochistan is the most underdeveloped province of Pakistan and this under-development reveals the alarming situation .Since 1947 Baloch have been facing different forms of deprivations and this sense of deprivation amongst Baloch has become one of the major reasons to give birth a number of uprisings against the federal government. Political arrangements under long military rules added doubts in the minds of Baloch people who had a scant representation in military and civil services of Pakistan. This situation has become a major source to strengthen sense of nationalism among the people of Balochistan. This study will highlight various causes of third Baloch insurgency during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's era and its impacts on Pakistan. Key Words Insurgency, Nationalism, Deprivation, Coercive Means, Confidence building measures. Introduction In a federation powers are distributed among federal government and federating units according to the constitution. Bothe federal and provincial governments perform their functions within their prescribed limitations. A federal system can be more successful and stable when there is smooth functioning of federal government and federating units.
    [Show full text]