8525

Court File No. 07-CV-329807PD1

ONTARIO SUPERIOR COURT OF JUSTICE

BETWEEN:

TERRI JEAN BEDFORD, AMY LEBOVITCH, V ALERlE SCOTT

Applicants

and

A TTORNEY GENERAL OF CANADA

Respondents A TTORNEY GENERAL OF ONTARIO

Intervenors

AFFIDA VIT OF

Dr. Ronald Weitzer

I, Ronald Weitzer, of the town of Arlington, Virginia, in the United States, MAKE OATH AND SAY:

1. 1 have been a Professor of Sociology at George Washington University in Washington D.C. since 2000. From 2001 to 2006 I was the Director of Graduate Studies, Sociology, and Criminal Justice at George Washington University. From 1993 to 1999 I was an Associate Professor of Sociology and £i'om 1986 to 1992 I was an Assistant Professor. As my curriculum vitae indicates, I am frequently interviewed and quoted in the media with respect to prostitution issues and the sex industry more generally, and I am one ofthe leading American scholars with expeIiise on the sex industry. Attached hereto and marked as Exhibit A to this affidavit is a true copy of my curriculum vitae. 8526

2. In my capacity as a professor 1 have taught courses on the sex industry, criminology, deviant behaviour and social control, and qualitative research methods. I have particular expertise on American policies and law enforcement on prostitution and sex trafficking, and have also published articles critiquing methodologies used in some research on the sex industry.

3. I am the author two books, co-author of one book, and editor of several books including Sex/or Sale: Prostitution, Pornography, and the Sex Industry, (New York: Routledge, 2000) which has been translated into Japanese. 1 have written over 50 academic articles, 20 about the sex trade specifically, including comprehensive reviews ofthe research literature in articles titled "New Directions in Research on Prostitution" attached hereto and marked as Exhibit B and "Prostitution: Facts and Fictions," attached hereto and marked as Exhibit C.

4. 1 have had the opportunity to review the affidavits of Janice Raymond and Melissa Farley. In this affidavit, I draw upon my expertise and knowledge regarding research on the sex industry. 1 demonstrate that many of the claims made in the affidavits by Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond are (1) based on an unscientific, ideological perspective that regards all paid sexual services and performances as oppressive and exploitative of women, (2) violate some standard canons of scientific research, and (3) consistently ignore counterevidence from published research studies that draw contrary conclusions. In 2005, 1 published two articles in the journal Violence Against Women that systematically critiqued their writings, "Flawed Theory and Method in Studies of Prostitution attached hereto and marked as Exhibit D, and "Rehashing Tired Claims About Prostitution," attached hereto and marked as Exhibit E.

5. Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond define prostitution in a one-dimensional and simplistic manner, as inherently oppressive, exploitative, and victimizing of workers. Throughout their publications, and in their affidavits, sweeping generalizations are made about prostitution. These claims would raise the suspicions of any social scientist. I will cite just a few of these unfounded or dubious generalizations here, as 8527

examples of the kind of circular, tautological, or otherwise flawed logic that characterizes their writings. Janice Raymond concludes in her affidavit that "prostitution is a form of violence against women." Similarly, Melissa Farley claims that "prostitution is internationally recognized as a form of violence against women." This is simply not true. A relatively small group of anti-prostitution activists, Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond included, hold this opinion, but it is not shared by most scholars and it is disingenuous to suggest that there is any degree of international consensus over this characterization of prostitution. Violence occurs in prostitution, but it is simplistic to claim that prostitution is violence ontologically. Melissa Farley consistently reveals her biased orientation to the subject matter. In her co-authored report on the customers of sex workers in Scotland, Challenging Men's Demand for Prostitution in Scotland, attached hereto and marked as Exhibit F, Melissa Farley and her co-authors state that "prostitution is best understood as a transaction in which there are two roles: exploiter/predator and victim/prey." Melissa Farley writes in her affidavit that "Prostitution is better understood as domestic violence than as ajob."

6. Almost every single item in Melissa Farley's list of conclusions on pages 9 to 12 of her affidavit, and her subsequent elaboration of these points, is either false as presented, unsubstantiated, or the evidence is mixed and inconclusive. Note the frequent use of the overarching term "prostitution," such as "prostitution is linked to ... " or "prostitution causes ... " or "prostitution damages ... " Social scientists use probabilistic language to describe research findings - such as "increases the likelihood of' or "heightens the probability of' or "is more likely than"- but Farley rarely adopts such careful and nuanced terms and instead uses unscientific and deterministic language.

7. Melissa Farley claims that her 9-nation study yielded valid results because it used a large sample. She also claims that some other studies have replicated hers. Her affidavit also cites other studies that purport to reach similar conclusions to her own. However, none of these studies used random, representative samples, and almost all were based on samples of street prostitutes. Yet, the studies are used as the basis for 8528

drawing sweeping conclusions about prostitution in general. In addition, many of the writings she cites were written by staunch anti-prostitution ac6vists. Examples include Evelina Giobbe (founder of the now-defunct group Women Hurt in Systems of Oppression Engaged in Revolt), Susan Hunter, Kathleen Barry, (founder of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women [CATW]), Janice Raymond (former director of CA TW), and Donna Hughes. Hughes and Raymond also hold academic positions, but they are well-known activists in the campaign against prostitution and pomography. Janice Raymond mentions the special issue of the joumal Violence Against Women (October 2004) for which she served as guest editor, and she cites articles published in that issue, by Esohe Aghatise, Melissa Farley, and Gunilla Ekberg (current director of CA TW in Europe), who, not surprisingly, come to same conclusions advocated by Janice Raymond. Mainstream scholars have frequently questioned the claims of these aforementioned writers and have argued that many of their claims do not stand up to scientific scrutiny. The writings of these and other anti-prostitution activists often feature anecdotes, non-sequitors, neglect of counterevidence, and failure to cite studies that reach contrary conclusions. I presented some of this counterevidence in my two articles in Violence Against Women that critiqued their work, so it cannot be claimed that they are unaware of studies that contradict their claims. Scientific advances depend on researchers who consider findings that differ from their own, and require due diligence in grappling with and attempting to explain such counterevidence. But these authors simply ignore studies that reach conclusions different from or diametrically opposed to their own.

8. Some ofthe joumals that have published articles by Melissa Farley, Janice Raymond, and other individuals listed above are peer-reviewed joumals, but others are not. Moreover, many of their writings appear in non-peer reviewed reports funded by non­ govemmental organizations. For example, Melissa Farley's report on brothel prostitution in Nevada was published by her own organization, not peer reviewed, in contrast to the peer reviewed, academic article of Professors Barbara Brents and Kathryn Hausbeck, "Violence and Legalized Brothel Prostitution in Nevada" attached hereto and marked as Exhibit G, whose findings on Nevada's brothel 8529

prostitution are very different from Farley's. In addition, Brents and Hausbeck have published several other peer reviewed articles on Nevada's legal brothels. Several of Janice Raymond's reports have been published by her organization, CATW. Another example is the non-peer reviewed report on customers of prostitutes in Scotland by Melissa Farley and her three co-authors, which was funded and published by the Women's SuppOli Project in Britain. This report was condemned as being both methodologically flawed and ideologically biased by 17 British, Canadian, and Amelican scholars in a submission to the Scottish Parliament in April 2008, attached hereto and marked as Exhibit H.

9. In their affidavits and in their publications, it is evident that Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond are committed to a strict abolitionist policy regarding prostitution, and have been very critical of nations that have adopted some type of decriminalization or legalization (government regulation). In her affidavit, Janice Raymond argues that "decriminalization ofthe prostitution sector is a failed policy." She offers a caricature of decriminalized systems, claiming that there is a "popular fiction that all will be well in the world of prostitution once the sex industry is decriminalized ... " No serious scholar claims that "all will be well" under decriminalization, but some do argue that decriminalization or legalization will facilitate hann reduction. She writes that the problem with prostitution is not due to the working conditions (which might be improved) or marginalization of workers under a system of criminalized prostitution, but rather "the construction of prostitution itself, especially under decriminalized conditions, in which women are treated as sexual commodities ... " This is a moral objection to prostitution. The only legal change Raymond and Farley advocate is increased law enforcement and increased penalties for the customers.

10. Studies of victimization in prostitution are often methodologically flawed. This conclusion was reached by Inez Vanwesenbeeck in an articled entitled "Another Decade of Social Scientific Work on Prostitution," attached hereto and marked as Exhibit 1. As Vanwesenbeeck and I have concluded, many studies do not include appropriate comparison groups: they do not include a comparison with non- 8530

prostitutes, which are needed to detennine if the experiences of prostitutes (e.g., rates of assault, robbery, rape) differ significantly from experiences of the wider population. Similarly, sampling problems arise in many studies. Random sampling of sex workers is typically impossible because a full listing of workers (in any jurisdiction) is not available. At best, researchers must strive to create samples that draw from multiple locations and types of workers and that are not skewed toward any pmiicular sub-group. This procedure is known as "purposive sampling." Given the impossibility of random sampling, it is imperative that researchers qualify their conclusions properly and avoid drawing generalizations about "prostitutes" or "prostitution:" workers vary tremendously and prostitution takes several rather different fOlms. Conclusions should be limited to the discrete sample studied, which mayor may not reflect the larger population from which the sample is drawn. Many scholars recognize these points, but some writers fail to abide by this fundamental canon of scientific research and offer far-reaching generalizations that ignore the sampling limitations in their specific studies or make generalizations that are based on anecdotes from a hmited number of SUbjects. Scholars have faulted Raymond and Farley for drawing conclusions that go well beyond their data.

11. Currently the majority of research is being carried out on outdoor sex work, even though this makes up only a small pOliion of all sex work. This is a conclusion I reached in my review article, "New Directions in Research on Prostitution" (referred to above and attached as Exhibit B). Too often, the results from studies of outdoor or street workers are then generalized to all sex workers, when in fact available evidence points to important distinctions between indoor and street work, such as the relatively low levels of violence involving indoor workers. Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond go further, however, in claiming that there are no differences between prostitution on the streets and indoors. Melissa Farley claims that, "There is no evidence for the assumption that women either prostitute indoors or outdoors but not both." She ignores counterevidence indicating that many (not all) street workers remain in street prostitution and that many (not all) indoor workers remain in indoor locations. In their study of sex workers in New Zealand, entitled "A Segmented Sex Industry in New 8531

Zealand," attached hereto and marked as Exhibit J, Libby Plumridge and Gillian Abel call this a "segmented market," segmented between indoor and street prostitution markets.

12. The methodology used by researchers such as Janice Raymond and Melissa Farley is often opaque, with a failure to disclose the questions being asked or samples being studied. As anyone involved in survey research knows, question-wording can make a large difference in detennining the results. Failure to disclose the questions presented to respondents is just as serious as a failure to indicate how and where the respondents were located, and whether they may be any bias in either question­ wording or the individuals selected for interviews. Melissa Farley claims that it is not conventional to provide all ofthe questions (she calls them "psychological tests") in publications, but it is standard practice to provide the reader with the most important items verbatim, ifnot all ofthem. After making this statement, she states that "only qualified individuals" would be given the questions ifthey contacted the author on their own. This is baffling and might be interpreted as an attempt to resist full disclosure of the research procedures.

13. Janice Raymond relies, in part, upon Jody Raphael and Deborah Shapiro's study "Violence in Indoor and Outdoor Prostitution," attached hereto and marked as Exhibit K, in her affidavit to support the claim that prostitution location made a minimal difference in terms of violence experienced by workers. This study is flawed in terms of both the sample used and methods employed in the collection of data. The researchers began from the premise that prostitution is degrading to women, and employed fonner prostitutes who shared that view as interviewers, leading to an obviously biased result. Indeed, Raphael and Shapiro state that "this research project was designed within a framework of prostitution as a form of violence against women and not prostitution as a legitimate industry ... The survey questions and administration were likely biased to some degree by working within this framework and by employing surveyors who had left prostitution." In a longer report on the study, published in 2002, Jody Raphael and Deborah Shapiro reveal that the 8532

interviewers "did not see their own prior prostitution experiences as 'work' or a choice" and "because of the bias of the surveyors, it is likely that this sample [of prostitutes] is more representative of women who do want to leave prostitution" (Sisters Speak Out: The Lives and Needs ofProstituted Women in Chicago (Chicago: Center for Impact Research 2002)). It is not clear from the study exactly how either the survey questions or the administration of the questionnaire were biased, but it is clear that the entire study was seriously flawed by the biases of both Jody Raphael and Deborah Shapiro, their interviewers, and by their ideological "framework." Secondly, they included abuse by intimate partners in their total figures, meaning that the findings on victimization conflate what the workers experienced at home and in their work, failing to distinguish these two, very different arenas and giving the impression that victimization at work is higher than it was. The flaws in their study are reviewed in more detail in my article entitled "Flawed Theory and Method in Studies of Prostitution," refelTed to above and attached as Exhibit D.

14. In each of their affidavits, Janice Raymond and Melissa Farley claim that indoor sex workers are subject to the same level of violence as outdoor workers. Numerous studies present a challenge to this claim. A British study by Stephanie Church et a1., attached hereto and marked as Exhibit L, comp31ing 115 outdoor sex workers and 125 indoor workers found that outdoor workers were more likely to be beaten (27% vs. ] %), slapped/kicked/punched (47% vs. 14%), raped (22% vs. 2%), or threatened with a weapon (24% vs. 6%). These significant disparities in rates ofvictimization rates have also been reported in studies of Australia (Roberta Perkins and Frances Lovejoy, attached hereto and marked as Exhibit M), Canada (by John Lowman and Laura Fraser) New Zealand (by Libby Plumridge and Gillian Abel, refelTed to above and attached as Exhibit J), and the United States (by John Decker, Prostitution: Regulation and Control, Littleton, Colorado: Rothman, ] 979). In addition to the street-indoor differences in ever being victimized, similar disparities have been documented in the frequency and severity of victimization: For example, Libby Plumridge and Gillian Abel concluded that "street workers are significantly more at risk of more violence and more serious violence than indoor workers." 8533

Melissa Farley herself claimed in her 1998 study of street prostitutes and brothel workers ("Prostitution in Five Countries: Violence and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder" attached hereto and marked as Exhibit N) that indoor workers in South Africa and Turkey experienced significantly less physical violence than street workers. These studies suggest that street prostitutes are much more vulnerable to victimization than at least some popUlations of indoor workers. Moreover, these and other studies present a challenge to authors who claim that street and indoor workers experience similar risks and that this risk is inevitable across all types of prostitution, all types oflegal regimes, and in all societies. Prostitution varies substantially by type and fi·om place to place.

] 5. Some of the claims regarding victimization are presented with no documentation. For example, Melissa Farley asserts, with no citations that "johns are regularly murderous toward women." In addition to the lack of documentation for this, the terms "regularly" and "murderous" are opaque. A study conducted by Martin Monto "Female Prostitution, Customers, and Violence" attached hereto and marked as Exhibit 0, suggests that only a small percentage of clients may be responsible for most of the violence against prostitutes and that "there is no reason to believe that most customers are violent." Melissa Farley claims that "Women in brothels or escort agencies or strip clubs are not encouraged to complain about violence to pimp/owners." The impression given is that this is a universal pattern. In fact, the opposite might be true. It would seem that most agency owners have a vested interest in the safety of their employees. And many brothels and massage parlors have alan11 systems, listening devices, or other types of safety precautions to facilitate intervention in the event that a customer becomes unruly. This is one of the reasons that Barbara Brents and Kathryn Hausbeck, in their research on legal brothels in Nevada, conclude that these brothels "offer the safest enviromnent available for women to sell consensual sex acts for money." In the Netherlands and the state of Queensland, Australia, official government reports concluded that workers in the legal sectors typically felt safe at work (cited in my article "New Directions," referred to above and attached as Exhibit B). A final example of a claim related to 8534

victimization, cited by Melissa Farley is the unnamed "Bangkok organization," which she says "instructed women in indoor bar prostitution how to insert and pull our razor blades from their vaginas." Such graphic tales are consistent with the shocking language used by Melissa Farley, Janice Raymond, and others who share their opinions. There is shock-value in referring - as Farley and Raymond often do - to prostitution as "paid rape," to workers as "prostituted women" or "survivors," and in calling the customers "predators," "sex offenders," and "batterers." Such labels are emotionally laden and lacking in scientific objectivity.

16. Turning to the issue oflegalization, both Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond claim that the incidence of violence and degree of exploitation of prostitutes does not decrease in jurisdic60ns where prostitution has been decriminalized or legalized and regulated by the government. They claim that women who sell sex do not want prostitution to be legalized or decriminalized and instead want to exit prostitution. Yet, the few studies that have asked sex workers about legalization find that a significant percentage do indeed support legal changes. Indeed, Melissa Farley's own survey found substantial support for legalization in several countries. In her 2003 study, an average of 54% ofthe prostitutes interviewed in 6 countries (and 60% in South Africa, 74% in Canada, 85% in Mexico) said legalizing prostitution would make it safer. But she discounts workers' preferences when they take positions that challenge her opinions. She writes in her article, "Prostitution Harms Women Even if Indoors," attached hereto and marked as Exhibit P, "Like everyone else, our interviewees minimized the harms of prostitution and they sometimes believed industry claims that legalization or decriminalization will somehow make them safer. Sadly, there is no evidence for their belief.

17. Some ofthe claims made by Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond with respect to the findings of other researchers are the exact opposite of what those researchers found. For example, she claims that many customers accept rape myths, and she cites a study by Martin Monto and Norma Hotaling "Predictors of Rape Myth Acceptance Among Male Clients of Female Street Prostitutes" attached hereto and marked as Exhibit 8535

Q to support this. Yet, Monto and Hotaling reached the opposite conclusion. Their survey of 1,286 men arrested for soliciting a prostitute found low levels of rape myth acceptance among the respondents.

18. Janice Raymond has claimed that the legalization of prostitution will be "a gift to pimps." However in a properly regulated environment, pimps and organized crime can be screened out from indoor establishments. As an example, the current model in place in Western Australia, which has regulated the indoor sex trade industry but continues to criminalize outdoor sex work, involves a significant amount of governmental oversight. Businesses must be certified on an annual basis, including a criminal record check of the owners. Indoor establishments are also subject to random police checks, as detailed in the Prostitution Amendment Bill, 2007 attached hereto and marked as Exhibit R.

19. There is no evidence to suppOli the claim made by Janice Raymond that the legalization of prostitution leads to an increase in trafficking of sex workers. In fact, as governments become more involved in regulation of the sex trade industry, this can lead to a decrease in trafficking. Annual reports by the U.S. Department of State have demonstrated that Australia, the Netherlands, and New Zealand have seen reduced rather than increased trafficking as a result oflegalization, and continue to be classified as "tier one countries" based on the extent of government action to combat trafficking, excerpted and attached hereto and marked as Exhibit S.

20. Furthennore, some confusion arises in the work of Janice Raymond because of a lack of precise definitions. The tenn "trafficking" is used by Janice Raymond to refer to different kinds of migration for the purpose of engaging in sex work. "Coercive trafficking" by fraud or by force can be distinguished from assisted migration where the worker seeks out assistance from an intennediary, which cannot properly be considered coercive trafficking. 8536

21. To complicate the issue, it must be recognized that the u.s. Department of State restricts funding for anti-trafficking work to organizations that sign an anti­ prostitution pledge, a requirement that has been unsuccessfully challenged in the courts as an infringement on the right to free speech. Similarly, the Department of Justice has restricted funding for research on trafficking in persons to researchers who certify that they opposes legalization as well as "the practice of' prostitution. The Department's research branch, the National Institute of Justice, in a 2007 solicitation for proposals to study human trafficking, mandated the following: "eligibility for funds under this solicitation is limited to applicants that do not promote, support, or advocate the legalization or practice of prostitution." Attached hereto as Exhibit T is the pledge that applicants must sign in order to receive funding. Attached hereto as Exhibit U is an aIiicle by the Urban Justice Centre critiquing this restriction on funding.

22. The claim made by Melissa Farley that legalization of prostitution will lead to an increase in child prostitution is also unsubstantiated. More generally, there is no evidence that most people who enter prostitution do so underage. Samples used in these studies have focused on street workers and generalized these results to all sex workers, and even some studies of street workers find considerable variation in terms of the age of entry. Age of entry tends to be higher among indoor workers than street workers. An Australian study by Roberta Perkins and Frances Lovejoy (Call Girls: Private Workers in Australia, (Crawley, Western Australia: University of Western Australia Press, 2007)) for instance, found that almost none ofthe 95 call girls (only 3 percent) and 124 brothel workers (only 4 percent) interviewed had entered prostitution between the ages of 12-15. The vast majority of both groups entered when they were 19 years of age or older: 84 percent of the .call girls and 76 percent of the brothel workers. Most ofthe call girls in the Perkins and Lovejoy study were drawn from Sydney and all of the brothel workers hailed from New South Wales. Indoor prostitution is legal in both locations. In Western Australia there is both a minimum age requirement and a prohibition on having children present when sex work is being perfonned, subject to a fine. A well-monitored system would lead to a 8537

decrease in the presence of underage sex trade workers. Very little underage prostitution has been seen in New Zealand since the Prostitution Reform Act of 2003 decriminalized sex work.

23. The concern that indoor sex workers, across the board, are forced to engage in unwanted acts is similarly unfounded. Whether or not workers are able to refuse particular acts depends on the degree of autonomy granted to the worker under the regulatory regime. In Western Australia workers cannot be pressured to engage in any particular act, and workers may withdraw their consent at any time. The legislation includes a $6,000 fine for owners who do not comply. Similar regulations, designed to empower workers, have been instituted in some other countries that have legalized, government-regulated prostitution.

24. Using the example ofthe brothel system in Nevada, Farley claims that the legalization of prostitution does not reduce levels of violence. Her claims are based on her self-published study "Prostitution and Trafficking in Nevada: Making the Connections." However in their study "Violence and Legalized Brothel Prostitution in Nevada" (referred to above and attached as Exhibit G), Barbara Brents and Kathryn Hausbeck, who studied the brothels in Nevada over an 11 year period, interviewing workers, managers and policy-makers, found that workers described Nevada's brothels as "the safest of sex work alternatives." Brents and Hausbeck have studied the Nevada situation extensively, since 1997. By contrast, Melissa Farley based her report on a much shorter research visit to the state.

25. One of the unique claims Melissa Farley makes is that indoor and outdoor sex trade workers experience similar levels of emotional harm in the fonn of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Melissa Farley and Howard Barkan's study "Prostitution, Violence, and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder" has been critiqued by Paul Henry De Wet, in his affidavit in the matter between Ellen Jordan, Louisa Broodryk, Christine Jacobs and the state of South Africa attached hereto as Exhibit V for using insufficient methods to diagnose individuals with PTSD. According to Paul 8538

Henry De Wet, Melissa Farley and Howard Barkan diagnosed individuals by using a 10-minute questionnaire, when it customarily takes at least 3 hours of consultation to diagnose this condition.

26. I make this affidavit in support of the Application that s. 210, s. 212(1 )(j), and s. 213 (1 )( c) of the Criminal Code be declared of no force and effect and for no improper purpose or motive.

Swom before me at the City of :1('~ ",-rV!--:; t'>- -? {.:>... i "l'n the' Co~:':'...: "0'-( .) I = _--"-----'-. ~(--'-.. 7·-'--r__=

/ Ronald Weitzer

//A\'-:/>{~-;~~:si:.~~=" ,. ....-. Commission~orT(king A~davits /h~ / ~) c..J ,r>..... ", " j 8539 8540

RONALD \VEITZER

Professor of Sociology Department of Sociology George Washington University Washington, DC 20052 (202) 994-6895 (w) (703) 237 -2547 (h) [email protected] www.gwu.edu/ "'soc/faculty /weitzer. cfm

EDUCATION Ph.D. in Sociology, May 1985; University orCalifornia, Berkeley M.A 111 Sociology . .June 1978; University of California, Berkeley B.A. in Sociology (Honors), March 1975; University of Calilornia, Sant~l Cnu

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE 2000-present: Prolcssor or SOCIOlogy, George Washington University 2001-2006: Director or Graciu

AREAS OF EXPERTISE Criminology, Policing, Sex Industry, Race & Ethnic Relations

COURSES TAUGHT Introduction to Criminal .Justice (undergraduate) Criminology (gradu

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PUBLlCATJONS

Books

Ronald Weitzer and Steven Tueh, Rllce ond Policing in A III ericu , COI//lie/ 1I1It! Nl'/i)/'}/1 (Nl'll YllIk: Cambridge University Press, 2006)

Ronald \Veitzcr (editor), Clirrelli COll/riwersies ill Crill/inologl' (Upper Saddk RlI'l'r, NJ PrL'llticl' I Lili. 20(3)

Ronald vVeitzer (editor), DeFionce (lnd Social Con/rol: A Reoder (Nell' York: ivlc(;r~III-II"1. 20(2)

Ronald \Veitzer (editor, original papers), Se:r/or Sale: Proslill/firJll, p()J'J/f)gmj!/I', III/d /lie .\n /1Ir/liSI/T, (New York: Routledge, 20(0) r Translated into Japanese ,md republished in Japan by Studio Pan. 2004

Ronald Weitzer, Policing UI/der Fire: Elhnic COJ!/lici ([nd Police-ColI/lIllillin' Fld({l/ol/,1 ill Nort/wm irdalld (Albany: St,lle University orNe\\' York Press, 1995)

Ronald Weitzer, Tml/sjimllil/g Seltler S/{/Ies: COIllIIl//lwl COll/lier IIlId /II/emu! ,)'('('I(J'ill' ill :VoJ'/liem Ire/oJ/(1 ({lid Zilllhohwe (Berkeley: University or CilIi i'ornia Press, 1(90)

\Vork ill Progress

Ronald Weitzer and Charis Kubrin, "Misogyny in Rap Music: A Content AnalYSIS or I'rl'l'aiclll'l' ,lI1d Meanings," under review

Rod Brunson ane! Ronilld Weitzer, "Police Relations with Inner-City Black ,Illd \Vhlll' Youth." llllliL'r I-eVlew

Kelley Moult ane! Ronald Weitzer, "Prostitution Politics in South Afl'lca," in prL'p,ll',lilon

Articles

Rona Id Weitzer, Steven Tuch, and Wesley Skogan, "Pol ice-Coll1l11un I ty I~el,\I illl]:; III ,I ivl ~ll orlly-l3lac k City," jOIlJ'J/al o/Reseu}'c/z ill Crill/e (Iliff DelillllllellCl', forthcoming

Ron,lId Weitzer, "Legalizing Prostitution: Morality Politics in Western J\llsir"Ii~I." Uri/ish jourl/u/ (}f Crilllill%g)!, 48 (2008), forthcoming

I~()llald Weitzer ,mel RoclBrullson, "Strategic Responses to the Police among 111lll'l-C'li\' \'ol1ih," S()ci()/ogicol QIIUrfer/y, forthcoming

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Ronald Weitzer and Badi Hasisi, "Does Ethnic Composition Make a Dillerl'neL"} C'ill/l'n !\sseSSlllcnIS or Arab Police OITicers in Israel," Pulicing & Society, rorthcoming

I\onald Weitzer. "Race and Policing in Different Ecological Contexts." In RIICL'. (1III/W;II. ({nd P()licing' Th(' Iss II es. !\lfetlwds. Rese(lrch. (lIId the FlItllre, edited by Stephen Rice and iVllch,ll'l \\'hllL'. Nl'\\' York: NYU Press, rorthcoming

Ron;llcl Weitzer. "Prostitution: Facts and Fictions," COllle.r/s, (). 4 (I:all :ZO(7): 2;;-:n (1IWIIl'(1 'Irill'lt-. re kreed)

Ronald \\leitzer, "Prostitution as a Form or Work," Soci%gl' COIII/JIIS.I, I, I (Scpll'mhcr :ZO(7) I :.j~-155

13adl I-lasisi and I\onald Weitzel', "Police Relations with Arabs and Jews In bral':." Hnlt\/i .JOIIJ'l/Ii/ oj Crill/in%g)', 47,5 (September 2007): 728-745

Ronald \\leitzer, "The Social Construction or Sex Tral'licking: Ieleology and Instilllllllll

Ronald \\leitzer, "Moral Crusade against Prostitution," Society, 4J, J (fvlarch-/\pril :Z()()(J) ~3-38 r Featured in Dan Gardner, "Not All Prostitution is Sex Slavery," T/ie (JIII/illi (';1;::('1/, fVlareh ~ I. 2006, p. A 15

Ronald Weitzer and Steven Tuch, "Determinants or Public Satisfaction with till' I)olll'l'." Folin' QlIlirler~l', 8, J (September 2005): 279-297 r Featured in article on public conl'idence in the police in NiJ JOllmu/. Nli. :?5() (2007): i)-I I

.lames Austin, Kelly Dedcl Johnson, and Ronald Weitzel', "Alternatives to SeCllrl' l)l'll'llllllll

Ronald \Veitzer, "New Directions in Research on ProstItution," Crill/e. LIlli'. (llId S()m;! ('!ti/I/ge. 4:->, 4-5 (.June 2005): 211-235

Ronald Weitzel', "Can the Police be Reformed')" COllfexts, 4, J (Sulllmer 2005): 21-2() (1J1\'lted 'li'llcle. refereed)

Ronald \\leitzer, "Flawed Theory and Method in Studies of Prostitution," VilJll.'lI(e .igll/IISf WOlllell, 11.7 (.luly 2005): 934-949 r Reprinted in RL'{I(lillgs ill Del'i(lllt Beilavior. edited by Alex Thill and Thl)ll1ds (·,JlilOUI1. I)USI(}Il: Allyn and l3acon, 5111 edn, 2007, pp.21J-227

Ronald Weitzel', "Rehashing Tired Claims about Prostitution: A Responsc to "11k) 1';;lpil

I<'onalcl Weitzel' ancl Steven Tuch, "Racially Biased Policing: Deter11lJllants 01' ('llil.l'll I)nccpllons." Social Forces 83, ~ (March 2005): 1009-1 OJO

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r Reprinted in Ruciu/ Prr~jiIiJlg, edited by Rodney Brunson. Thomson/Wadswol·th. 2002;, pp.II-42

Ronald Weitzer ane! Charis Kubrin, "Breaking News: How Local TV News ,mel RL',lI-Worlel Conelitions /\ITect Fear or Crime," Jus/ice QII{/rter~l' 21,3 (September 2004): 497-520 r Reprinted in COlls/melillg Crill/e, edited by Gary Potter ane! Victor K~lPPL'IL'I' Prospect I kights. IL: Waveland, 2"" edn., 2006, pages 345-3()5

Ronald Weitzer and Steven Tueh, "Race ane! Perceptions or Police fvllsconducl." SI)('ili/ j>mh/('IJIs 51, ~ (August 2004): 305-325

Ronald Weitzer and Steven Tuch, "Rerorming the Police: Racial DilTcrcncl's 111 I'uhlll' SUPP01'l j'or Change," Crilllil/o!ogy42, 2 (fVlay 2004): 391-416 r Condensed and revised version published as "Public Opinion on RdilnllS III I'ollcing." jJo/in' Chiej(December 2004): 26-30 r Abridged version excerpted in Police PmC/ices Reviell', v. 3, no. 7 (.Iuly 200"1) (newslettl'l' ()j'the Police Assessment Resource Center)

Ronald vVeitzer ,mci Steven Tuch, "Police Relations with Racial Minorities In th L' United St~ltes," in Loc{f/ DelllOc/'([(')', Locu! COVel'l/lIlelll, {/Ild Ci/izell Purticipa/ioll, edited by [\Va .Jureqynsb-i'vleCluskey. l3ielsko-Biala, Poland: University or Bielsko-Biala Press, 2004, pp. 105-117

Ronald Weitzel', "Public Perceptions or Police Misconduct and Rerorm," in Po/icl' 11IIc,'.',I'I/\ !llJrI !:'I/I/n. ee!ited by Matthew Hickman, Alex PiCJuero, ane! Jack Greene. Belmont: Wads\\'ol'lh. 20()4. p~lgCS I () I-:!OS

Charis Kubrin and Ronald Weitzel', "Ncw Directions in Social Disorganiz~lIi(}nlhl'()Iy." jIJIII'IJII/ oj /?l!sl!(frch ill Crill/I! (flld Delillljllell(), 40, 4 (December 2003): 374-402

Chans Kubrin and Ronald Weitzer, "Retaliatory Homicide: Concentrateci Dis~llh-~ml~\gc a III I Neighborhood Culture," Sucio/ Prob!ellls SO, 2 (May 2003): 157-180

I<.onald Weitzel', "Incidents or Police Misconduct and Public Opinion," jOllnlll/ (}/('rillJiJlII/.JIIslic(' ~O. 5 (2002): 397-408

Ronald Weitzel' ane! Steven Tuch, "Perceptions or Racial Profiling: Race, Class. ~lIld l'l'I'sllll;lI Expericnce," Crill/ill%gl' 40,2 (I'vlay 2(02): 435-456

Ronald Weitzcr, "Racializecl Policing: A Study of Three Neighborhoods," 1_1111' 1I1II/.S'ociclI· Rcl'lt'\\', :>4, I (2000): 129- ISS

Ronald Weitzer, "White, Black, or Blue Cops') Race and Citizen /\ssesSlllents oj' 1'()llcl' Ol'i'icl'ls," jOIlJ'/lIl! u/Crilllillll! jlls/ice, 28, 4 (2000): 313-324. r Reprinted in Ulliler.l'/III1i1iJlg Socill/ Sciellcc RC.I'el/l'C/i, editcd by CJcol'J'rl'} .'\ Ipnt ,ml! John MacDonald. Prospect Ilcights, IL: Waveland Press, pp. 90-108.

I" Featured in "Unconventional \Vise!om" colul11n in The W([.I'hillgll!lI FIi.\I. \cptl'lllhn 17, 2()()()

Ronald \Veitzer, "Oei'iciencles in the Sociology orscx Work," in SoCiO/Ogl' o/('riJlIL', rl1l1·. (JJld DCl'il/llce, Vol. 2, edited by Jerkry Ulmer. New York: JAIIElsevier Press, 2000. JlJl. 25()-27

4 8544

Ronald Weitzer, "Why We Need More Research on Sex 'vVork," in Se-l"jfJr Silic. fJmsli//f//lJl/, PomogmpiJy, olld Ihe Sex !fU!IISliY, edited by Ronald Weitzer, New York: Routkdge, :2000, pp. 1-13

Ronald Weitzer, "The Politics of Prostitution in America," in SexjfJr SlIle: Pm.llilllli()l/. hJnJn,'!,mphl', ({fill Ihe Sex !lIdll.l'flY, edited by Ronald \\leitzer, New York: Routledge, 2000, pp. 1:')\)-1 ~()

Cheryll3eattie and Ronald Weltzer, "Race, Law, and DeJl1oeracy: Civilian J{e\'Jl'\\ tlrtlll' P(}lll'C In Washlllgton, Dc''' in CiFi!ioll Ol'ersight IJjPo/icillg, edited by Andrew (joldsll1ith ~Intl ('olken Ll'\\'IS, London: Hart, 2000, pp. 41-61

Ronald Weitzer, "Pmstitution Control in America: Rethinking Public 1\)lic),," Crill/I.', /'111\', (///(I S()('flll C'lliIlIge, 32, I (1999): 83-102 r Revised version reprinted in Street ProS/i/lllioll: SaleI' Sex ill Ihe (ilL edited by ]),lvid Canler. rVlaria Ioannou, and Donna Youngs, Aldershot, UK: Ashgale, 200S r Reprinted in DeJlialice alld Socia! COIl/ro!: ;/ Reader. edited by Ronald WClt/l'l Ne\\' York: McGraw-Hill,2002 r Reprinteci in !Jolllldaries: DeJliallce. Crill/e, alld Crill/illal Jllslice, edited hy 13r,ldley WI'ight and Ralph McNeal. Boston: Pearson Custom Publishing, 2002, 2004, 2007

Ronald Weitzer, "Ci I izens' Perceptions of Pol ice Misconduct: Race and Neighb(}rhood Con tex I." ./11.11 icC' Qf/{/rrer~l, 16, 4 (December 1999): 1101-1128

Ronald 'vVeitzer and Steven Tueh, "Race, Class, and Perceptions or ])Iserill1in,III(}J1 by the I'ollcl'," ('rilllt' (llId DelillfjlleIlC)', 45, 4 (October 1999): 494-507

Ronald \Veitzer, "Policing and Security," in The Po/ilics orNorlhC'/'II Irell/lld, t'tliled lw I)alll ivlJiclll'll ,lIlel Rick Wilford, Boulder: Westview, 1999, pp, 170-/94

Steven Tuch and !ZoIluld Weitzer, "Racial Differences in Attitudes toward the Police," /Yllh/ie Opillioll QIII/rler~)', 61, 4 (Winter 19(7): 642-663

Ronald Weitzer, "Racial Prejudice among Korean f\Ilerchants in J\frican J\JllcriclIl Nl'ighhorho()(is," nIL' Sociological QIIIII'I('I'ly, 38, 4 (Fall 1997): 587-606

Ronald Weitzel', "Racial Discrimination in the Criminal Justice System: Findings ,\Ild Problems in the LIlerature," JOUri/o! orCrill/illo! .Jus/icC', 24,4 (19%): 309-322 r Reprinted in Crill/ill(f! Jus/ice Polic)" edited by Jodi Lane and Joan Petersili,I, Cheltenham, England: Edwarcl Elgar, 1998

Ronald Weitzer, "Police Reform in Northern Ireland," Police SUfi/ics. i \),1 (I ()%J: 17_c1J

Ronald Weitzer ami Cheryl Beattie, "Police Killings in South J\friea: Criminal Trl~lIs, I ()~()-I ()lJ2," Policillg IIlId Sociel\', 4, 2 (1994): 99-117 r Reprinled in Slott' Crill/e, Vol. 2, edited by David Friedrichs, J\ldcrsi1ol. UK ;\Sl1g'Ill'. I()l)~, pages 28 1-299

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Ronald \\leitzer, "Policing," in ReslrtlCiliring SOlllli ,.IFica, edited by John Brewer. Lll!lli()n: ivbcll111lall. 1994, pp. 71-89

Ronald \\leitzer, "Transforming the South African Police," Police SI/{(/ies, I (). I (19<;:;): 1-10 r Reprinted in S{{Ile Crill/e, Vol. 2, edited by David Friedrichs. f\ldershol. UK: I\shgatc. 1998. pp, 399-408

Ronald WeitzCl, "Northern Ireland's Police LIaison Committees," P()licing {flirt S()Ci('Il. 2. ~ ( I ()l)2): ~~~- 24]

Ronald \\leitzer, "Prostitutes' Rights in the United Stntes: The Fnilure or a j'\,lml'lllcnl." Fhe S()ci()/()gu(/I QUllner/y, 32 (SprIng 1991 ):23-41 r Reprinted 111 Proslillilion, volume in: lii/emUliono/ Lihr(//:r o/CrillliJl()/ogr. Crillllllu/ jlls/ice, u/ld Penology, edited by Roger Matthews and Maggie O'Neill. Alclershol. UK: .'\shgatt:. 20(J2 r Reprinted in Deviullce (fnd Socilll CO/llro/: 11 Rellder, edited by Ronilld \\'l'ltl.l'l. Nc'\\' York: McGraw-Hill,2002 r Reprinteclln inlerseclions: Readings iJi Soci()logy, edited by Ralph j'vlcNl',t\ a III I I(,lthlcen Tiemann, Pearson Education, 2003

I~onald WeItzel', "Ehte Conllicts over Policing in SOllth Africa: 1980-19()O," F()lic/Jlg IlIlri Socie/l, 1.4 (1991): 257-268

ROl1

Ronald WeItzel', "Policing Northern Ireland Today," Polilicu/ QUI/ner/r, 58. I (January 1(07): 0:\-%

Ronald Weitzel', "Accountability and Complaints against the Police in Northem Ireland," l)nlice S/lirilI!S, 9, 2 (Summer 1986): 99-109

Ronald Weitzel', "Policing a Divided Society: Obstacles to Normalization in NorthLTIl Ircland." ,S'uciu/ Frohiellls, 33, I (October 1985): 41-55

Ronald Weitzel', "In Search of Regime Security: Zimbabwe since Independence." )IJllrilU/ IJ/MOc/('lIi ll/i'icun Siudin, 22, 4 (December 1(84): 529-557

Ronald \\leitzer, "Continuities in the Politics orState Security in Zimbabwe." in the jJn/iliell/ ECIJlIl!Jlll' IJ!Zilllh{//)\\Ie (eel.) IVlichael Schatzberg, New York: Praeger, 1984. pp, 81-118

I~onald 'Neitzel', "Law and Legal Ideology," BerkehTjourJlU/ o/SIJCiIJ/IJgL 2-'l-25 (11J00): \]7-157

Other Publications

Ronald Weitzel', "Debating Prostitution," Naliolill/ Reviell' Onlille (in respOIlSl' tll ~lrtlek by l)()nn~l Hughes), October 22,2007

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htlp:l/article.nationalrcview.com/?q=OWlIllOWOxl(; E 1MC) 15 YTY()~i \'k()1 n 1ivlC j()~NJ(,h' Y i v 111 1'.11 (i M

Ronald \Veitzer, "The Facts about the Slave Trade," Foreign Allil irs , iVlay-June. 2007 h II p:/ /\\'ww. fore i",nn n~1 irS.nr",/::: 0070 50 I fa Ielters863 () 8lrolla lel-weit zcrlt he-lilch-;I hUlIl-1 h l'-~ 1,I\L'­ Ir'HIe.hlml

Ronald Weitzel'. "])on't Siereotype Ilow a 'John' Thinks," Letter to Ihe I:dillll. li"us/l/ugl(iI/ Fns/. iVI,I\ (). 2007

Ronalcl \Vcltzcr, "Prostitution," in The /n/erllClfionli/ /;'J/CJ'c/oJ!edili oj/ite Sncill/ .\C·it'IICl'S. 2',,1 hlill()ll. [VI aCl11lllan/Ga IelTholl1son, 2007

Ronald Weitzer, "Female Sex Work as Deviance," in The /3/(lck1i'e// EIILyc/opeiliu o/.)'()cio/IJgL VO/lll11e 3. edited by George Ritzer. Oxford: Blackwell, 2007, pp. 1659-1662

Ronald WeItzel', "Prostitution Panic," Feature Article, AllIericon Se.Y/lu/il1: Mllgccille. Vol. 3, No.4. 2006, http://llsrc.sf'slI.ecili/ivI;I,,,A rI ic Ie.c fill" Art ic le= )66& Pagc 1])=0 r Reprinted in swedishscx worker. wordpress.coll1

Ronald Weitzer, "Prostitution," in n,e Encyclopedill o/Se.Y and Gender, (cd.). FL'c!W;1 fVlalti-Douglas. DetrOit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007.

ROlla Id Weitzer, "The Growing Mora I Pan ic over Prostit ut ion nnd Sex Tnlllick Ill!:;." niL' ('rilll ill ()/lJgiSI. Septell1ber-October 2005, pp. 1-5

Ronald \Veitzcr and Stcvcn Tueh, "Public Opinion on Rcforms in Policing." l'(}/ice Cilie( i)l'Cl'lllbn 2004, pp. 26-30

Ronald vVeitzer anci Steven Tuch, Relhinking !vliJloril), Allill/des To\\'urd /he Folict'. i-"Illal Technlc,11 Report. National Institute ofJustiee, U.S. Departmcnt of Justice, October 5,200)

Ronald Weitzcr, "Why Prostitution Initiative Misses: Measure Q in Berkeley i-",Iils on Three ('oulltS." Sun Fmllcisco ChroJlic/e, Op-EcI article in Sunday InSight section, September 2(1. 20()4. p. J:~

I~onald Weitzer. "Prostitution" in Men aJld Moscl/lillilies: A SOCillf, CII/llm';. IIlId l/is/()II('(I/ LIICl'c/opedia, edited by Michael Kimmel and Amy I\ronson, Santa Barbara: /\13('/('110 Prl'ss, 2004, pages 640-642

Ronnld Weitzer, "Prostitutes' Rights Groups," in /.:,'IIC\:c/opedia orCrimin()/o,!;\' (/1/(/ /)('I'iUIII /3c!J({)·iIJ/,. flo! 3. edited by Gilbert Geis and Nanctte Davis. Philadelphia: Taylor and Fr;IIll'is. 2()O I. pp. 2() 1-2(1~

I~onald Weitzer, "New Conllicts Over the Oldest Prorcssion," Grur .. ·/rcus. Sprlllg 1()()) )2-)~

Ronald Weitzel', "Community Groups vs. Prostitutes," Gallll//('I, no. 7 (1004): 121-124

7 8547

Ronald Weitzer, "South Africa: Impartial Approach Key to Police Reform." Crilllilluj .Jlls/in' JII/erl/o/iolla! 9 (rvlay-June 1993): 7-8

Ronald Weitzer. "Police Reform: Lessons from Northern Ireland." COjJl' Fillll's ISoulh i\rrieal. OClobn 5,1992 r Reprinled ,IS "Lessons in Police Reform," Nu{(iI Wi/lless [South ;\frica I. NDh'lllher I S. I ()92

Izonald Weitzer, "Public Alienation Hampers Police Relations." C([pe TilllL'S ISoulh !\lrical. OctolK'r (). IlJ<)2 r Reprinted ,IS "Tackling a Bad Public Image." No/ul iVi/lIL'sS ISouth /\j·rlc:ll. Nm'l'mbn 20. 10l)2

IZollald Weitzel', "SAP fvlust Cut Free From the Past." Slll/doy SlIIr ISouth /\fl"lc;II . .lUll,' 17, Il)l)()

IZonald \\leitzer, "Policing a New South Africa," Chris/ioll Sciellce MOlliwr. /\pril :.1. Il)l)O. p.1 S

ROllald Weitzer, "Police in Need of New Ethos," DeI/IOCT{fLY ill AeliOIl rBulletin oflhe Illstltute I'or ,l Democratic Alternative for South Africa], September-October, 1990

Ronald \Veitzer, "Political Crime and Repression in Europe and Amnica," C()///L'IIII){)I'IIIT Crisl's. 5 (/\])1"111981):217-225.

Ronald Weitzer, "Meaning, Intentional Action, and Social Structure: /\nthony C;iddens' New Rules of Soclolouical rVlcthod," I3erkeley JOllm{f1 rJSocio!ogr, 22 (1977-1978): 199-206

Book Reviews: Michael Tomy (eel.), "The Handbook of Crime and Punishment." COIl/L'/)//)()/WT .\()c/n/l!gL 2l) (iVI,ly 2000): 665-666

J,lllles Elias (cd.), "Prostitution," COIl/ellljJomrl' Sociology, 29 (fVlareh 2(00): ,41lJ-c120

In-Jill '{oon, "On My Own: Korean Businesses and Race Relations in ;\meric,I." /:'/IiJlic (/1/1/ N.IICIiI/ ,)·flIr1ie.l. 1998

Randall Kennedy, "Race, Crimc, and the Law," and .Jerome Miller, "Se,lreh ami Dcstroy: ;\j'I"IClIl American Males in the Crilllimll Justice System," JOIII'I/O/ o/CrillliJlu/.Jlls/icl'. 2() ( IlJ():-»: 352-355.

John Brewer and K,lthleen Magce, "Inside the RUe: Routine Policing In ,I Di\'lded Society," Jlls/iel:' QII({r/ert", 9 (September 1992): 537-540

ReVIew essay: of Mike I3rogden and Clifford Shearing'S Policinu for a New South l\j·rIC'1. (;,Ivln Cl\vthra's Polielllu South Africa, and John Brewer's Black and I3lue in llil' ('nll//lln/(}g/si. 20 (.Iul:-.'­ August 19(5): 28-29,

Dcslree Ilansson anc! Dirk van Zyl Smit (cds,), "Towards .Justice'! Crlillc ami St,ltl' Conlrol In Smith /\friea." SocilllJlls/ice, IS (Spring-Summer 1991): 271-275

8 8548

Stanley Palmer, "Police and Protest in England and Ireland, 1780-1850." CIJIIIl'lIljWIWI SIJcil)/ogL 20 (.J alluary 1991): 42-43

.John 13rewer el al.. "The Police, Public Order, and the State," COlllellljJomn' SIIC/II/()gL 10 (Jalluary I 'J8cJ): 07-99

J.K. Cililers, "Counter-Insurgency in Rhodesia," A/i'iewl Sllldies ReFiell". I t.)X

.Jeffrey Prager. "13uilding Democracy in Ireland" and Michael rV1

Arlene Carmen ane! Howard Moody, "\A/orking Women: The Subterranean World ()!·.')trCl't I'l"llstitutl()n.·· C{)!J/ellljJorwy Soci%gJ', 15 (July 1986) 569-570

Robert Reiner, "The Politics or the Police," journa/ oj"Crilllill(J/ L(I\!' (llIiI Crilll/IIIJ/IJgl', hlil 1905

John Conrad, "Justice and Consequences," jOllf'!la/IJj"Cr/lllill(l1 Lall' (filii Crilll/II()I()g!', Summer I ()i')2

Ric ha rd Qu inne)'. "Class, S ta te, anel Cri me," A lIlerico II jOIl f'I/{[ I oj"Soc/lJ/ogl'. 04 (['vby I (n <)): 147<) - 1.:1 0 I hank Pearce, "Crimes or lhe Powerful," COli I ellljJ 01 '(If)' Sociology, 8 (March 1<)7<)): 251

RESEARCH GRANTS

Faculty P,esearcil Grant. University Facilitating Fund. George Washinglon UI1IVLTSily, "TIll' Org,lI1l/,ltl()11 and Ufeets or Legal Prostitution in the Netherlands," 2007-2008, S(),OOO

American Statislical Association and Bureau of .Justice Statistics, "Criminal VIClillllz,ltlon anc! Perceptions or COllllllunity Sarety in 12 Cities," June 1,2005 - November 30. 20():=;. Stevcn Tlich (1'1). Ronald \Veitzer (Co-PI), $22,000.

Nallonal Institute or Justice, "Rethinking Minority ;\tlltudes toward the Police." ScptCll1bl'r 2001- October 2003, Ronalcl \Veitzer (PI), Steven Tuch (Co-PI), $202,000

Nalional Science FOllndation, "Police-CommunIty I?'c\ations in vVashingtoll, f)C." l.a\\' ,md Social Sciences Program, .June 1995-May 1997, Ronald Weitzel' (PI), $103,000

Center ror Washington Area Studies, George Washington University. "Racial /\ltIludcs Aillong Kore,lI1 Merchants in W'lshington. Dc''' Banneker Awards Program, SUlllillcr I <)()5. S5,~()O

N,lllon,lI Science Founclatlon, "Policlllg Divided Socicties: Northern Ircl,lI1d in ('()I1lP,IIJtl\'C Perspective," Law ,lIlel Social Sciences Program, January I 990-f)ecclllbcr I ()() I. I(.UIl,tld Weill.L'I' (1'1), S~2.000

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.Junior Scholar Incentive Program award, George W,lshington Ulliversity, I'ield rl'sl'arl'h on policln~ in South !\ rrica, Su III Iller 1992, $5,000

F,lculty ReseCirch Grant, University Facilitating Fund, George W(\shln~ton UJ1J"L'rsit\', "1)llliCJn~ tlK' Crisis 111 South ;\I'rica: 1984-1989," Spring 1990, 54,600

Social Science Research Council. Africa Division, post-doctoral research grant on l'thnic politics and state security in Liberia, 1985-1986, S 12.000

Institute 0 r Interna tlonal St udics. Research Scholarship. Unl versity () rCa II rorJll;\. 1krkl'ln', I n4- I ()i\), S7jOO

Institute ror the Study or World Politics, Dissertation Fellowship, Washin~ton, DC, I ():-;4. S4,OOU

National SCience Foundation, Dissertation Fellowship, Law and Soci,lI Sciencl's jlr()~ral1l, 1082-1003, S5,OOO

SOCial Science Research Council, Dissertation Fellowship, Arrica Division, 1')i\2-1()i\3, SI7,OOO

HONORS, A\VARDS, AND AFFILIATIONS

Selective Excellence Award, George \Vashington University, Sociolo~y Dept.. award provides release time to write a grant proposal on urban inequality. 2007-2008, cOJ1lpetlti\'C <]\\',Ird

Policy Research Scholar, George Washington UniverSity, Institute or Public POIIL';:, ,I\\',ml prm'ltiL's reiL'ase tllne to write a grant proposal on legal prostitution systems, 2007-200:-;, cOlllpl,tJlivc

University Facilitating Fund. George Washington University, grant ror rield l'Csc,ll"Ch on lc~al prostitution In the Netherlands, 2007-2008, competitive award

VisltJllg Research Fellow, \Villcm Pompe Institute or Criminology, University 01' UtrL'cht. the Netherl'lIlds, Fall 2006

IZesearch Arrill,lte, Institute or Public Policy, George Washington University, 2()()"I-present

Columbian Research Fellow, George Washington University, 2003-2004. cOlllpctitlvL' (l\v,lrd (onL' or rour awardccluniversity-wide)

PoliCY Research Scholar, Public Policy Institute, George Washlllgton University. 2002-2003. COJ1lpctitl\'C ,lward

VISltll1g Fellow. Institute or Irish Studies, Queens University. 13elrast, N()rthcJ'I1 Irl'bnd, 10S3-1 ()i\4

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Visiting Rese8rch Associate, Centre lor Applied Social Sciences, University or liI11b~lb\w, I n2-1 ()i)3

APPOINTMENTS AND ELECTED OFFICES

J:ditcmal Board, COIlI!!rIS, January 2007-Decel1lber 2009

Program Committee, American Society of Criminology, organizecl policing seSSions, Novembcr 200 I

Progrilm Committee, Society for the Study of Social Problems, August 2()() I

SOCial Action A ward Committec, Society for the Study or Social Probkms. I ()()()-2()()()

C. Wright Mills Award Committee, Society for the Study orSocial Pro'bkms, 1!)(J2-1()!)3

Program Committee, American Society of Criminology, Organized 21 Internatlolwl ~lIld comparatl\'C criminology sessions, 1990

Soc ial Science Research Counc iI, Africa Di vision, doctora I disserta t ion a wards comllli t tl'C, I !)8!)-1 ()!)2

Editorial Board, /3!!/'I,!!/!!) JOIlj'Jlal o/Soci%gl', 1976-1978

MEDIA APPEARANCES

Quoted 111 Matt Vensel, "Sister, Student, Prostitute," lead article in /3 (il B;lltlmorl' rrel' newspaper), !\prll 17,2008 WW\\.hlhesite,coll1

Quoteclln Russ Bucttner and Ray Rivera, .... The Dlwrse Crew or 4 Who 1<';1Il 11K- I':scml Service lh,ll Undid Spitzer," /\pril 7,2008, p, A22: online version titled, "Behind the EmperllJ's Cluh hcort Service." tV!!ll' )'o/'/i Tilll!!.\', April 7,2008 h II p:lI\\'w\\' .n\'l illies,eolli/'008104/07 Inyrcl.! ion/07 empcror. ht 1111 ')pa!!c\\,il Illed= I 8: I'='- I <'\: rl' l'c~ 11 \TC" inn

Guest on KF\V13 Radio, "High-Level Prostitution," with host Steven Lenlz. KFWll itll-news radio. Los Angeles, broadcast March 31, 2008

Quoleclln "Report: I-ligh-End Sex Industry Flourishes in Ohio," I/ss(}ci(/I!!r/ PreIS, [vi arch 22, 2()08,

r Reprinted in Akroll B!!(I(,()Il'}ollm([l, the Collllnhi({ Disjillic/i,

Quolecl1l1 "Clients Orten Well-I-Ieeled, Lonely, 'Lost'," The P!aill f)!!(/!c/, (C!cvl'!and)' 1\/1,1rch 22, 2()()S

Quoled in Diane Suchelka and Tony Brown, "Sex lor S81e: The \Vomcn in the lnduslry," FhL' Fillill f)!!(/Iu (Cleveland, Ohio), March 21,2008; Diane Suchetka and .lim Nichols, "SL'.\ lor S,lle: TIll' iV!cn Who l3uy It," TIll! Plilill Deo/a (Cleveland, Ohio), l"larch 21,2008: and Jim Nichols ill1d Tony 13f't)\\'Jl. "Sex 1'01' Sale: Do Illgh-Ciass Prostitutes Escape the Law')," The Plaill /)!!lIle/' (C'!c\l'l,lIld, OhiO), Ivl;lIl'h 2 L 2008

11 8551

Quoted in Cara Buckley and Andrew Jacobs, "Double Lives, Fakc Names. ancilligh-Pnecd Sex," Nell' York Tillles, M arch 16, 2008, p. 26, h It p://w\\'w. nvt ill1es.col1l!~ OOX/031l6!Jl\Tl'c>. i lJIl! I 6c,!1 Lh t ill I r Rcprinted ill Illternatiollul Herald Trihlllle, S'I/II Diego Ullioll- hihllile. ,mt! 111,1nv others

Quoted in Josh Mcyer, "Spitzer a Rarity Only in Getting CZlught," Los IllIge/l's n/l/es. iV\;lreh 15,2000. p. AIO http://www.latillles.com/news/nZitionworld/washinc>.tonde!1i1-llil-calki."lsI5Il1ilrI5.I.cI3 'IUJ I 'I.s tur\

Quoted in Adnm Goldman, "ScZlndal Gives Peek Inside Cull-Girl Ring." /lssocillll'(1 fJress. ["I,lrch 12. 2008 http://ap.!!o()!2ie.eoll1/nr\icle/ALcqM5c>.Rl-'b5RI/4amJ9L] (Jne IT IlITIO"I!! I)i) V(51'1 ()() r Reprinted in the Wosliillg/(J/I Post. Bostoll C/o/;e. ChiCilgo hi/ilfllL', the (;lIlIl'Ili(/1I (L,,}\), Duli, Telegmph (UK). TorolllO 51111. Ne\\' York Doi~v Nell'S, Londoll rUT h·C's.l. SU/II(T Al()millg Herald, and Illany others

Quoted in Hillary Rhodes, "Prostitution Advances in a Wired World," /lS.I{)CiUler/ Fress. iVl.oo!!.le.coll1!articic/ ALcqMSQe II re05K 9b6hM BCOGikpld)6n6!!.DXV Ii J-'TUCJ I r Reprinted In USA T()d{~)I, Pmvda (Russia), Seal/Ie Tillles, Hllrljiml COllmll/, ,mel Illany others

Quoted in Ted Shcrman, "Spitzer

InterVIewed by Eve Conant, Newsweek, 1'01' ZlrticJes on Gov. Eliot Spitzer's involvemcnt With prostitution ring, March II, 2008

Quoted in Nicolc Fuller, "Woman Charged with Running n Brothel," Fhe /JilllilJllJre S/lII. iVlarch 6. 2()O~ http://w\Vw.baltillloreslln.com/ncws/local/anncarunelel/bal-ll1d.ilr.brotheIOCJlllarOh.().I·I73I.lcl.s tl lr\'

Quoted In Gary \Vright. "Prostitution Ring: Focus Turns to Customers orsc.'\ Ring." fhe C!/{/,-/o/le Ohserve,- [NOr! h Caro Ii na], February 18, 2008, h It p:/ /www.chilrlotte.cum!I()()!stllr\icl\)i).ISX.html

Taped interview by National Geographic TV documcntnry on human trallicking. January 8. 2008, to bc I'irst shown at Toronto Film Fcstival

Quoted in Jessie,l Logan, "Internet Replacing Streetwalking lor Inland JlroStJllltIlll1." FIIt'I)ress­ Ellie/prise (Riverside, CA), JZlnuary 1,2008

Feature article on Illy research Oil the politics or sex trarricking, "Jlrol'. Doubts Tr'lIlicklng." III FIll' HUlcliel (GWU student newspaper), November 12,2007, p.6 http://liics.Qwhatchc1.com/i/07111 ~/print.pdr

Quoted In Gary Wright, Eric Frasier,

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Quoted in Eric I-lerman, "Wrongly AccLlsed: Think llJegals are fvlore Likely to be Involved in Crime'! Think Again," Chiwgo SUIl-Till/es, October 29,2007 http://www.suntilllcs.coJll/news/624913.CST-NWS- i 11e~

Quoted in Mara Gottfried, "As Hookers Move frol11 Streets to Net, Cops Folloll' l)ozL'ns "'!'lbbL'd 111 SI. P,1LI1 Sex Sting Prompted by Craigslist Complaints," The Pioll!!e:J' Press (SI. 1"llil. iVIIIlI1L'Sota), Oetobn...J, 2007 - http://lI'\\\\.twincities.coll1i:lilheildlines/ci 70XX I 03

Quoted in ROS,1 Sobrino, "Film: Unsettlingly Close to I-lome: Sex Trallicking IS Occurring /\11 ()wr thl' World, Including in the United States" (on sex trafficking film Jim/e), //s.l'IJciuler/ J>re.ls. Septcmber 2:->, 2007

Quoted in Jack ShalCr, "The Sex-Slavery Epidemic That 'vVDsn't," S/({IL' rVlagazllll'. ScptCll1bCl24. 2007

Quoted in text al1ciln banner by Jerry Markon, "Human TraJlickll1g [vokes Outr.lgc. I.lttle Evidence." Wo.lhillg!OIl Pos!, September 23,2007, p. A I, A8-9 http://\vww.washil1!.!.tonposl.com/wp-c1vn/conlcnl/arlicle0007IOe)I?.;II-\R;D070()';()1401.html .,.. Reprinted as: "Human Trafficking Estimates Appear High," United Press International, September 23,2007; "I-Iuman Trafficking - Really Such a Big Issue')" SUII Frail cis co Chrollic/e. September 30, 2007; and "Slavery Overstated: U.S. Human Trallickll1g r:stlillates Ikl\\' Skeptics," The: Journal Ga::ell!! (Ft. 'vVayne, IN), September 30, 2007

Quoted in Bruce Lambert, "Craigslist Emerges as Resource 1'01' B()th Prostitutes .lI1d I'olice," NClI' furk Fillle:.I', September 4,2007, pp. A I, A22 and Nell' York TiIll!!S online: "As PmstliutL's Turn to Cr.lIgsllst. Law Takes Notice," September 4,2007 h tl p:l/www.nvt iIlles.com/' 007 109/05/Ilvre~ioll/() 5cra i~sl is\. h t1111')e.\ = I I Xl)] cl" ,I UO& L'Il=l) I ~ de 16a();I;I:-> X]X 7&ci=5070&cll1c=1'l:11

Interviewed by Phil O'Connor, PBS program, Religion and Ethics NClvswcl'kly, llil silJltlllg moral I',liucs regarding prostitution. July 18,2007

Quoted in Benedict Carey, "Study rinds Police Training Plays Key Role III Shootlllt!S," Nell' York lilllL's. Junc 2, 2007, p. M) http://www.nvtilllcs.coIll12007/06/0·/us/02police.html?em&ex= I I XO()'l)(iOOS:cll='cl hXlkcl c 5 5 XOb6b l)c&ei =50X7%OA

Interviewed by Eve Conant, for Nell',lweek arlicle on escort prostitution, fvlay 1:-;. 20()7

Quoted in Justin Rood, "Should Police Ignore High-End Prostitution')" !Inc NCIIS blottn. J\BCnews.com, May 7, 2007 httpllblogs.abcnewscom/theblotter/2007/05/should police i.html

Interviewed by Bri,lIl Ross for ABC News 20/20 show on the "DC fvl,lclam" cas,-', pmvldlng baekgroulld III formation on prostitution, May 3, 2007

Quoted in Jamie Stlehm, "Couple Charged with Prostitution," /3(//lillf{)re: SIIII, /\])111 .'j. 2()()7

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Quoted in Clint Swett, "Legal Experts Absolve Craigslist on Sex Ads," SuCmIlWIII() /J!!!!, [Vlarch 2], 2007,pDI

Quoted in .lerr Kunerth and Pedro Ruz Gutierrez. "Is it Racial Proriling') 1\ fvl:!tll'llli' Pncq1lilll1," In 11ll' Or/ulldo S!!lIlilld October 10, 200()

IVly book, Rile!! 1111(/ Po/icillg ill ;/lIIericu, and its dewiled findings rcprodllcl'd in "POtl'l1tl;J1 ;\rc;ls oj" Rerorm," by .Jc IT K unerth, Or/ulldo Selllille/, October 10, 2006

Quoted in Annie Linskey, "Police Target Internet-Advcrtised Prostllutlon," /3({/IIJIII!U' .'lilli, i\ugusl (), 200() Article reproduced by the Associate Press, {he Gliurdiull (UK), US/I li}{/iJl, several othn American newspapers, CBS.com, ABC.com, and Law,com

Quoted extensively in Dan Gardner, "Not All Prostitution is Sex Slavcl'),." Iilc Offilli'll ("lli:cl/, fvl

Quoted in Timothy Wheeler, "Experts Seeing New Dimension to Prostitlltion," NII/IIII/nrc SIIIl, January 21,2006, story on upscale prostitution

Letter to the Editor. The Cliorc/i{J1I (UK), January 25, 2006, responding to ;lrticlc on prostltlltlon by Katherine VinCI"

Quoted in Jonas Hallen, "13lf1lt Viktigare 8n J-ludf1irg lor Poliser" ("Bluc is fvlorl' IIll]1on;ml tl1:111 the Color ol'the Skin for Police Ofricers") /vieIro [international. Swedish vcrsionj Sl'ptl'1ll1lLT 2(). 2005

Quoted in Ryan LaFontaine, "Judge Rules Strip Club's Rights Not Violated" Fhe SIIII-I/C/{//d (1311oxi. Mississippi), ]Vlay 27, 200S

Two or Illy published articles on prostitution were entered into rormal cvidencc hl'i'ore the Subcol11llllttec on Solicitation, I-louse or Commons. Canada, May J 1,2005 The Subeommittcc held hearings around Clilada, to gather cVlcicnce I'm Its \\"Ilk-I

Quoted in Carol IVlorello, "The X-Rated Shop on the Corner," Wilshi"y,/ii" F'OSI, 1'L'lmlary 17, 200S

Quoted in Kai [VIa, "Taking Sides on Prostitution," III The Fmy, February 7, 2(0)

Quotcd III Mireya Navarro, "Long Silent, Oldcst ProlCssion Gets Voc11 and Org;lIlll.l'll." /\'C1I' r{)d Tillles, December IS, 2004 Reprinted in Spartanburg lSoLith Carolina) Spar/ull-Hem/li. [)cceI1l11L'r I (). :2()()4 ;lnd th l' L1kel~lnd (Florid~l) Ledger, December 18,2004, Hendersonville Tilllcs-Nl'lI'S, Dccclllbn I (), 2004, Gladsdell (Alabama) Tillles, December 19,2004

Authored op-cd article, "Why Prostitution Initiative fvlisses: Measure Q 111 l3crkl'kv r:,lils on Thin'

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Counts," ,j'OIl Fmllcisc() (,hrollicle, Sunday Insight section, September 2(), 200.'), p, L:l Article clled under Communications items in the minutes to the Berkeley City Council rvieetJl1g on October 5, 2004 Article reprinted in \vww,sexwork,colll

National survey on police-citizen relations by Weitzel' and Tueh i'orms b;lSI~ oj' :\IllI1l'stY Illternatl()n;i1 report on police racial profiling, covered by many media sources, including 1\~SI)l'I;llL'd l'rcss, Sl'ptL'mlK'r U & 14,2004

Quoted extensively in 6-page newspaper article: Jim Adams & Jason Riley, "i"'bss;lgL' l';II'lms: SclllI1g Sex," COllrier-.Jo/lI'I/(J1 (Louisville, K V), July 11,2004

Quoted in Herb Frazier's leature article, "Charleston Debates Race in 1\)licl' l\sslglln1l'nts," Post uII(1 COllrier (Charleston, SC), April 25,2004

Featured guest on "Ernie Brown's America at Night," discussing my book ,)'e,\jiJl .'lull' ;llld the SC,\ industry, A syndicated tnlk show broadcast nationWide from Las Vegas, I\prd I:>, 20()4

Tvly book, Sexji;r Sllle, mentioned in article "Along Came a Spiral" by Ai'ci'c Tychimba, III /JultiJllore Cill' Pllper March 31,2004 (a two-part series on prostitution in Baltimore)

Quoteel in Helen Cent and Sue Reid, "Is She the Winner in the Sex Game')" Millie ('fllll'e (UK hillion), August 2002, pages 82-88

Study reatured in "Unconventional Wisdom" column in The Wllshillg!!)1/ POS!, Scpll'lllhL'r 17, 20()(), p, 135. based on my article "White, Black, or Blue Cops'! Race and Citizen J\sSl'SSnlL'nlS lli'l'olicl' OI'i'iclTs," which appeared In JOllrn1l1 o/('rilllilllli Jlls/ice, 2000

[Vly book, Policillg !Imler Fire, cited approvingly in the Fill([1 Report ol'the I3nlish (il)VL'rIlllll'nt's Independent COlllmission on Policing in Northern Ireland, 1999

[Vly articles cited in Filial Report of' the San Francisco Tnsk Force on Prostitution, I

PRESENTATIONS & CONFERENCE ACTIVITIES

J !lvitcd Talks

Panelist, James FyJ'c 2,1<1 Annual Conferencc on Police Stop-and-Frisk, John J,\y (Illkgl' ul'Crilllinal Justice, February 28, 2008

I)rcsent,ltlon, "Police-Minority Relations in Americ,I." Confercnce on iVllll(lrltll'~ ,md 1,;\\\' Eni'orcl'lllcnt. Institute oi'Crimlllology, Hebrew University, Israel, Janunry 14,2008

Presentation, "Leg;ll Prostitution in Comparative Perspective," Georgc VV;!Shlllgloll IIlSlltuiL' ()I'l'ubllc Policy, December 7,2007

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Featured Speaker, "Prostitution and Sex Trafficking: Myths and Realities," District ol'C 'oluillbia Sociological Association, \Vashington DC, November 28, 2007 (I was the sole. !L';llured speaker)

Lecture, "Feminist Theory and Prostitution Policy," Institute ofCrilllinology. linl\'crslly or Utrcchl.The Netherlands, October 26, 2007

Panelist, "PoliCing Racial Bias Symposium," Stanford University, Palo A ho, C/\. fvl:ly 1 I. 20(J7

Featured Speaker, "Building Confidence in the Police," School or Criminology :lI1d CJ'lll1ln:ll .lUSIICl', Anzona State University, Phoenix, AZ, March 26, 2007 (I was the sole, i'eaturcd SI)L',lkn)

Featured Speaker, "Rethinking American Prostitution Policies,"The 'Nomen's C'l'nlL'l, rloJ'lda Stall' University, Tallahasee, FL, February 27, 2007 (I was the sole, featured speaker). The FSlJ studcnt newspaper subsequently published an article discussing my talk.

Panel Participant, George 'vVashington University, Faculty Authors New Book F,L'l'L'pIIOn, with co,Il11I1llr Steven Tuch, Novembcr 2006

rVloderator and Discussant. Panel on "Sex Work and the State," Conrerence Oil "Sn \\Illrk rVbttL'ls." Nl'W School for Social IZesearch and City University orNe\\' York, Ncw '(ork, ivLlrch 2()()(,

Presentation, "Measuring Police Reform," Conference on Police Pattern or Pr,lcllce L!llgatlon: /\ Ten Year Assessment, National Institute of Justice conference, Washington, DC Fehru

Presentation, "Hispanic Citizens' Perceptions of the Police," Annual Conlcrencl' \l!' the National LlllJ10 Peace Officers Association, Washington, DC, October 2003

Presentation, "Rethinking Minority Attitudes toward the Police," Working CroUJl on the Police, N;ltlollal Institute of Justice, Washington, DC, October 2002

Panelist, Forulll on "Sex Work in the City," Metro Calc, Washington, DC f'vlalTh 4,2002

Lecture on "American Crime and Policing" to 25 visiting Danish SOCial scienllsh. \V:Ishlnglon. DC October 1999

Presentation, "IJulllan Rights and the Settler State in Zimbabwe," Social Science IZl'Sl',lrch Coullcil Conf'crence on The State ane! Human Rights in Africa, Denver, November I ()S4

Conference Participation

Presentation, "PubliC Confidence in the Police in Urban Areas," American SnCll'l\ 01' ('rilllln()logy annual conlerel1ce. Atlanta, GA. November 15,2007 (with Steve Tuch)

Presentation, "iVllsogyny in Rap tVlusic: Objectification, Exploitation, and \finlL'IKe' :lg:linsl Womcn," AlllCric,l11 Society or Criminology annual conference, Atlanta, GA, November 17.2007 (With Ch,lIIs

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Kubrin)

Presentation, "Public Confidence in the Pol icc in thc Unitcd Statcs: Do ivlano-l.l'l·l'l Sociocconomic F,ICtorS Matter'!" Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics, COj1l'nhagcl1. July 2007 (with Stncl1 Tuch)

Organizer, Chair, and Discussant, Panel on "Enhancing Police Accountability: Soml' InnUI',ltiIT PractIces," American Society orCrill1inology, Los Angeles, November 200()

Organizer, ChaIr, and Discllssant, Panel on "Racial ,md ContextualPnspcctll'l'S un Uncljllill JustICC'." ;\ll1erlcan Society of Criminology, Toronto, November 2005

Organizer and Chair, Panel on "Enhancing Police Accountability: Somc Inn()\',ltll'l' PracticL's," I\mcrlcan Society or Criminology, Toronto, November 2005

Chair and Discussant, Panel on "Sex Trade Workers," American Studies ;\ssoei,l[lllJ1, Washington, DC. November 2005

Present,lllon, "Pollce-Mlnority Relations in the United States," (with Stevcn TlIch), N;l[lon,JI InstItute' nl' Just icc Annua I Con ference on Crimina I .I ustice Research and Evaluat ion, W ,Ish Ing tUIl, DC'. .Il1l y, 20U5

Presel1t,llion, "Policing in Democratic Societies: Police-Minority Relations in till' LJnltL'l1 St;l[es," (WIth Steven Tuch), Society ror the Advancement or Socio-Economics, Bud'lpCSt. Ilung'l}v . .Iuly 2005

Presentation, "New DirectIons in the Study of Prostitution," Society for thc Study OI'SOCl,li Problems, San Francisco, August 2004

Presentation, "Local TV News, Real-World Conditions, and Fcar ol'Crlll1e'," (1I'llh Ch,lli~ Kulmn) Acndemy of Crimin,ll ./ustice Sciences, Las Vegas, rvlarch 2004

Presentation, "Police-Minority Relations in the United States," (with Steven Tueh) ;\mcrie,lI1 Society or Criminology, Denver, November 2003

Presentation, "Rcl'orming the Police: Whitc, Black, and Hispanic Support 1"01 Ch,lIlgl's III PoliCIng," (with Stel'Cn Tuch), Annual NIJ ConJCrence on Criminal Justice Research and [V,lIlJ:lllllJ1. Washlllgton, I)C .Iuly 2003

PresentatIon, "Rethinking MlI10rity Attitudes toward the Police," Working (jrtlllP un Ihl' \'olice, Sccond mceting, National Institute orJustice, Washington, DC, July 2003

Presentation, "PubliC Perceptions of Racial Bias by the Police," (with Stel'Cn Tucil) !\mL'rIC,lIl Association or PubliC Opinion Researchers, Nashville, May 2003

Rcviewer or papers and panels on sex trafricking for Internation,lI Women's Pl)lll'l l\l'SL',II'ch CllJ1krL'nCl', Washl!1gton DC, ./une 2003

Presentation, "Minority Attitudes Toward the Police: Results rrom iI N,ltiollal SUrI'L'Y," (\I'lth Stl'vcn

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Tuch), American Society or Criminology, Chicago, November 2002

Presentation, Thematic Scssion on Profiling in the Criminal .Justice Systcm, "R~ll'I~!I !lro!'iling :lIlt! Pcrceptions or Fairness in the Legal System," (with !Ziehard Brooks and StL'Vl'n Tucll), -'\merican Sociological Associiltion, Chicago, August 2002

Prcsentation, "Ret,lliatory Homicide," (with Charis Kubrin), American S()ei()ll)glc~!I J\"SOcl~ltlon, Chicago, August 2002

pj"()gram Committee, Policing panels, American Society or Crimillology, l\tl:1nt;1. !\ll\l'lllhL'r 200 I

Chall". Panel on "Police Culture and Behavior," American Society of'Crilllinolog\, l\ti:lIlt,1. N{l\'l'mher 2001

Program Commi t tee, "Police Misconduct in Los Angeles" panel. Society I'm the Studv o!' Soc ia I Problems, August 200 I, Anaheim

Organizer, Chair and Discussant, Panel on "Police rvlisconduct anci ;\ccount;ll)lllt\." /\llllTIGln SoclelY of' Cnminology, November 2000, San Francisco

('him, Panel on "Police rVlisconduct in Context," American Society of' Criminol()gy. NovelllblT I ()()

Prcscntation, "Citizen Pcrceptions or Police Accountability," American SOCICIY or Crlll1ll111logy, Novcmber 1999, Toronto

Discussant: Panel on "America's International Criminal Justice Rerorm [!Toris." !\llllTIC,lIl Soclely or Cnillinology, Novcmber 1998, \Vashington, DC

Presentation, "Racial Bias in Policing in Washington, Dc''' American SociOIOgll',1l !\SSllCl

Presentation, "Ai'rican Amcricans and the Police in the Nation's Capital" ;\mnic,1Il Socicty or Criminology, November 1997, San Diego

Presentation, "Race and Altitudcs towmd the Police: Class and Neighborhood 1:!rL'cl~." !\mCrlL';1Il SnL'lety orCriminology, Novcmber 1996, Chicago

Presentation, "Policing Blacks and Whites in Washington, DC." AmeriL'an SOL'illlll~ll'

Presentation, "Ch~lIlglllg Police-Community Relations in Northern Ireland," ;\nlL'IIL';ln Socl()I()~Ic

Preselltiltion, "Sex Workers Under Siege: Neighborhood Campaigns Agalilst IlJ'l)SllllItlllll." SUl'ICly !'or the Study of SClClul Problems. August 1993, Miami

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Presenta t iOIl, "Reforming the South African Poli cc: 1990-1992." A merican Soc il,ty 0 f Criminology, November 1992, New Orleans

Presentation, "Police-Community Relations in Northern Ireland: Catholic \'S. l'mll'sl

Progra m Comllli ttee, Organ izer 0 1'1 nternational and Comparat i ve Cri minolog)' Sl'ct ions. ;\ lllenC~1I1 Society orCriminology Illeetings, November 1990, l3altimore

Presentation, "Pol icc Accountability in South Afric,l: Criminal Court Cases, I ()~"I-I ()~(r (with (,hl'!")'1 13ea\lie), Amencill1 Society of Criminology, November 1990, Baltimore

Presentation, "Policing the Crisis 1I1 South AII'ica: 1984-1988," American Socil'I:' oJ' ('rlminology, November 1989, Reno

Presentation, "Police Liberalization in Divided Societies: Northern Ireland," SOCil'IY J'or the Study of Social Problems, August 1989, Berkeley

Presentation, "The Fililure of an '1lllllloral Crusade': [Jrostitlltes' Rights In till' Unltcd StillCS," SOCld;,' Cm the Study of Social Problems, August 1989, Berkeley

Presentation, "Policing Divided Societies: The Case orNorthern Ireland," ;\nwrICilll S()Cll'ty of Cnminology, November 1988, Chicago

Presentation, "British Rule in Northern Ireland: Problems ofOrcler and Legitimill'Y." ;\mnican Soc iologica I Assoc iation, A ugllst 1986, New York

Presentation, "Responding to South African Hcgemony: The Case or Zimbabwc''' i\ l'I'IC~111 Studlcs ASSOCiation, November 1985, New Orleans

Presentation, "The Northern Ireland Police: Reform and Regression," Soclcty ror till' Study oj' Soclili Problems, August 1985, Washington, D.C.

Prescntation, "The Authoritarian State in Zimbabwe," African Studies Association, October I ()l)4. Los Angeles

PRO FESSIONAL M EM BERSHI PS

American Sociological ASSOCiation American Society of Criminology Society for the Study or Social Problems Academy or Criminal Justice SCiences

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District or Columbia Sociological Society

PROFESSIONAL SERVICE

Unl\'ersitv: Member, Promotion and Tenure Committee (elected), 2007-200<) iV!ember, Review Committee evaluating GWU 's Gcography Dcpartment, 2004 Presentation and discussion of research opportunities with undergraduate studl'lllS ;11 ('olllmunily Learning and Living Center, GWU, April 7,2004 Luncheon address to NCAS National Council (GWU). Steve Tuch and I werc Ilw C'llk. 1\."ltllrL'l1 SI)L·af;crs. reporting on our research on police-minority relations, Nov. 15,2003 Member of Dean's ad hoc review committee, evaluating applications I'm 2004-2()05 Columbl

iVlcmber. Appointments, Salary, and Promotions Policy Committee. 1<)<)5- J ()(n Chair. Subcommittee on Part-Time Faculty or Appoll1tments, Salary, and Promotion I'ollcy COll)mltll'c. 1l}%-]997 Member, University Hearing Board, ] <)95- J 9<)6 IV!ember, Faculty Senate Committee on Libraries, I <)()2-] <)94 Member, COlllmittee for Student Grievance Review, ] 99 1-1994 I:xternal examiner for Elliott School, MA comprehensive exams in political villkncc nd cthnlc conlllc!. J ()94-1997

Department: Director of Graduate Studies (M.A. in Sociology and M.A. in Criminal.lustice). 2()OI-2()()() Chair. Curricululll Committee, 2003-present In-class observation ane! evaluation of teaching for Fran Buntman, Eric Sterling. 1\')' KCllnelly, Rieh,JrlI Sutton, Charis Kubrin, John Marf;ey, and Lester Joseph, various years DeSigned comprehensive examination requirements and instructions, j"IA in Criminal .IUS[ICl' pJ(Jgr,lm Employed graduate stucient Research Assistants In I <)90- I <)92 (Cheryl 13c

20 8560

[-,terna!:

RevIewer of Pat riei a Warren's project on race and policing, submitted to tl1L' Crillll' ~llld JllstlCl' SUIllI11LT Research Institute. at Ohio State Univcrsity, April 2008

Consulted with fvlarcla Clell1mitt. COllgressiollll/ QIIIIUer(J' researcher. ror CQ ~Irtlck Oil prostItutIon. AprIl. 1,2008

PromotIon referee, faculty candidatc, School of Criminology, Florida State Unil·l'rslt\'. October 2()07

Sponsored Fulbright scholar from Isracl (Dr. Badi I bsisi), a!Yiliated with CiWU Sociology Dcpt. February 2007

Reviewer of Rod 13runson's project on race and policing, submitted to thc Crime ;111c1 JUstlCl' Summer l~esc(lrch Institute, at Ohio State University, April 2006

Evaluation of Pro/'. Martin Monto, for Outstanding Scholarship Award, University o['I)ortlalld, Portland. Oregon, January 2006

[xternal reviewer or University of California, Irvine course: "Police, Courls. ;l11d (·orJl'l·tions." Octoher 2006

ReVIewer of grant proposal on "Regulating the Sex Industry," for the Economic ;JJld SOCial IZcscarch Council. London, UK, December 2005

Evaluation of Prof. Samuel 'vValker, for promotion to University Prorcssor, UniverSity oi'Nelmlska. Omaha, October 2004

Consultation with Amnesty International representatives, on issues ofpolice-llllnorit\· rl'i;Jtlons. I'or i'orthcol1ling Amnesty International report on racial profiling, March 2, 2004

Workll1g lunch meetl11g on Community Policing, with the .Iamaic,m Ambass~ldnr III thc LJ.S. (Seym(}ur fvlullings), Jamaican MinIster o!'Security (Peter Phillips), MPD Comillander (}I'2 nd !)islllL'L ~JJ1d others at GWU Ul1Jl'ersity Club, Nov. 11,2003. I gave lecture on cOlllmunity policing

PromotIon refCree, raculty cnndidate, Department of Crime, Law, and SocIety, IJnl\'l'\Slly (}i'CaiJrurl1J;1. Irvine. November 2002

Reviewer, COlllmunlty Oriented Policing Services, rcport on stratcgies for c(}ntmllll1g slrl'l'l prostltuti(}n. published as SU'eel Froslillilioll, U.S. Department or Justice, 200 I

Reviewer, William T. Grant Foundation, proposal on police-community rclatl(}lls. 2()() I

Revlcwer. National Institute of Justice, research report on police-comJllunily J'l'blllll1S 111 SI. l'cIL'lshurg. FlOrida, 1998

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Reviewer, grant proposals, National Science foundation (Law & Social Sciences Ilrogr,lll1: Small Business Innovation Research Program), various years

Screcning Con1l111tlee membcr, Social Science Research CouncIl (Africa Di\'isIOll), J)(ll'lm,i1 J)1.\SlTl;llIOI1 Research, 1987-1 <)i)()

iVIANUSCRI PT REVJF:WER

Alilcricilli Soci%giclIl ReFie\\', llliIericlIlI Joun/al oISociolo~l', /Jlllericilli jJoli/ini/SuL'lIu' /?('l'i('lI", /llilericull Journ(/I oj'Crlllllllul Jus/Ice, lIusrmliilllllllrl Nell' Zen/IlI1i/Journll/ nf('l'IlIlllIli/ugr, CUJ/uiliull J()urn(/I oj'SoclologF and IIl/th/'{)p()lo~l', COlllporatil'e Po/ities, Crillie (flld Dclillll"CIICI', ('rillliliu/ Jus/ice Rel'iell', Crll11iIlOlo~l·. Ethnic olld Racial Studies, Gel/ller alld Sociery, Gellder IS,\//('s. jl!lll'l/u/ ()j' CrlllliliU/ Just icc. JoUl'Jlo/ oj'Resc(/rch ill Crill/c olld /)cJiIl!/uellc1'. Juslicc QU(/f'lr.:rl\·. /.11\\ (/nd Fu/IC\'. LUI\' (/Ild SociclY RCFicll'. Mell alld /v/(/ScuJinilies, Policing and Sociel)" P()lice .\llIrliL'.l. P()/ieillg. jJulict' PmC/ice (fnd Resc(/rch, Policy PerspcctiFcs, PoliliC!lI Rese(/rch QU(/f'lerll', PI/h/lc 0/lillil}!f QII(/I'/er/l'. Sociul Forces, Soci(// Proh/ellls, Sociological Quarterl]" Soci(/I Scicllce QUUJ'/C'rfl". .';uci()/ogic(// PcrspcClil'es, Sociologicul in(luin', Soci%gicol Fo w.\' , Sociologl' COIIIP(/SS. S()ci([/ .\('I\'icc RCI·iell'. Ur!Jali S'llidies. Violence Agaillst 11'0111 ell , WeslCJ'l/ Crill/illolng.\' ReFiell'.

22 8562

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Crilll~. Law & S()cial Chal1g~ COOS) ·B: 211-~35 ))01: 11l,I007/s1061 I-005-17J5-6

New directions in research on prostitution

RONALD WEITZER f)"I'Ilr/llleJ1J o(Soci%g,\·. Georg" Il'llSiJillgJoll Ullil'l'/"sin', \I'{/SiJill.~IIJIl, nc. US.-I fe-Hill;!: HTil;C'[email protected])

Ahslracl. This article critically cvaluatcs the themetical ami empirical Jileralllr~ "" ClHlIl'IllP"­ r:lr)' prnslitlllioll. f\110SI research focLises exclll~i\'ely Oil s\rCL't pru:\lilliliurJ ;IIH! klll;dl' \\·\lrkL'I~. with much Jess lItiClllioll devoted to indoor pn)slillilioll. male a III I Ir;IIl ..... ,gentiL'f \\·urJ.-:t·r ..... ('11..... - tOlllers. and managers. Drawing 011 till' sparse literature availahle 011 i1h.·~l· IIlllk'fl'.\;lIl1ilh:d [Pp­ irs. lhe article dL'1ll0llstratL's how further rL'~L'arl'h will yield;} I1H11\,' 1l1l'IIIl'cd ;IIHllllltlliLIl'l..'ll'd HlldL'rslaJ1din~ or l'Ollll'lllporary prostitllliDIl.

Introduction

The literature on prostitution is delicient in several imp0rl~lIlt resplTIS This article examines lhese problems as well as some promising recenl dL'\'elllp­ ments, wilh the goal of developing a more nuanced and mllliidillll'llSional understanding of contemporary prostillltion. The analysis is largely L"llnlillcd to Ihe literature on Anglo-American societies.

Theoretical issues

There has been lillk theorelical advancement in recent years, Inslc~ld. a grcal deal of quasi-theoretical. polemical writing makes ci;lims ~lh\lUI thl' n;IIIII'C and consequences of prostitulion and other types of sex work, !Vlllch 01' litis ideological work has been motivated hy an obvious antiprostillliion p(llitil';d ~Igenda. /?otiicol/i'lIJillislIJ is the perspeclive that has done the most I(l dl\tml our understanding of proslitlliion. YCI it remains quile pOPlllar. Titis ,:;cL'li()n oull ines and critically evaluates the m;lin argumenls of radical feminist litL'or\'. as a prelude to my discussion of several nell' directions in rese;lrl'h lit;lt, in Ihe aggregate. olTer a more sophisticated and comprehensivc IlHldL'1 ur contemporary prostitution. Radical feminism sees prostitution as thc quintessenli~tI 1'01"111 or male domination over women - the epitome of women's slihordin~11 ion. lie-grada­ tion. and Viclimizalion (l3arry. 1995: Dworkin. 1981; Il)!n ..klll-L·Y:;. I ()(n: rvlacKinl1on, 1987. 1989). It has been calkd an 1'.Is(,lIiinlisi jlL'lspcl'li\L' 8564

R, \\TIT!.ER

because its sweeping claims apply to ;"1 historical time periods, all SOUl'IICS, and all types of prostitution, In this perspective, prostitution involves not only specilic ;1L'lS or \'illknl'l' bUI is ujimll oj'l'io/I'llce by dejinilioll, Violence is depicled as "inlrinsil'" ;111(1 "endemic" to prostitution - categorically, universally, ;Ind Ir;lIls-hisluril';"ly, These :llithors argue that any distinction between forced ;lllli \'olunl;lry pros­ titution is a myth, since some coercion is clainll:d 10 always be im'oh'cd, evcn ir the worker is unaware or it. Radical feminist work on prostitution is not limited to the absiraci theo­ rizing found in the writings or Dworkin, MacKinnon, and others, i\ Illlmher 01' elllpiric;d studies take this perspective as well. Onc buok-kngth study concluded that prostitution is an "abomination" and "brut;" llpprl'ssiull" 111;11 "Jllust be opposed," even though the ;llJlhors' lindings do not juS! i ry III i, Illdil'l­ menl (Hoig;1J'(1 and Finstad, 1992: 7(), IXl, IX4), Similarly,;1 siudy ()r ,lrL'l.:1 prostitution in live countries proclaims that "proslitulion is \'io!cllL'l' ;lg;linsl women" and th:ll "numerous violations or human rights" arc "inll'insil'" 1(1 prostitution (Farley et aI., 199X: 406, 421), Some wril!.?I's ;lllelllpi 1(1 prcsl'nl Iheir work as scientific, while others ;lcknowledge Ih!.?ir i(leological hi;ISL'S, ;\ Chicago study, for instance, indicales Ihatthe "research projeci was (ksign,'d wilhin a framework of prostitution as a form of violenc!.? againsl \\'Olllcn ;Ind nol prostitution as :1 legitimate industry, , ' The survey qllcstions and ;Itimill­ istration were likely biased to some degree by working within this rraJl)c\\'ork and by eJllploying sllrveyors who had left proslitlltion" (Raphacl and Silapi 1'0, 2004: 132). Thc interviewers "d id nOI sce Iheir own I prior prost iIlil iW1Il',\ p,'ri­ ences as 'work' or a choice" (Raphael ~Ind Shapiro. 2002: 9), This ()VL'l;lll'liin~ bias st~lCks the deck: "When researchcrs h:1VC dirliculty lIndcrst;lnding J';111\l­ nal, notto mention positive. reasons for choosing sex work alllilind il casicr 10 think of prostitutes as victims, it is understandable thai the scx workcrs I inlcr­ viewed] will stress their victim status and negative motivations I'or w()J'i;ing" (V;lnwescnbeeek, 200 I: 259), Alithors who adopt this perspective Illake claims dcsign!.?tI I'm 1ll:J,\inllllll shock value, Clisiomel's arc labeled "prostitlile users," "ballcl'crs," and "Sl'XlI:i1 prcdalors," Fadey declares that "the dilTerence bctwccn pimps wliJl Il'rl

\"EW I)IRECTIO\"S I\" RESE,\RCII ()\" I'I{()STITLTIO\"

study ofnlllre than ~:lO() arrested customers found Ih;lInlllst of the Inen rl-jl'l'ted rape myths and other rationalizations for violence against \\'Olllen: "till'rl' is no reason to believe that most customers arc violent" (tvlonto, 20()-'l: 7hl. ;lnd "a relatively small proportion or clients may be responsible rllr IllOSI Ilf the violencc against prostitutes" (Monto, 2000: 6). Radical feminism uses emotivc l;lIlguage regarding the \\'mkcrs :1."; \1'l'll. Instead of the term "prostitute," these writers insist 011 "prostituted Wllllh:ll," "sex slaves," or "survivors," klTreys ( 1997: :nO) concedes that use uf sucil terms is ideologically motivated: the term proslilllff'd 1I'liIIli'lI "is ;1 deliber­ ate political decision and is IllC;lI1t to symbolize the lack or choice WOlllen have over being used in prostitution," These terms are extremely prllhlem;lIic. "Prostituted" clearly indicates that prostitution is something done III \I'Olnell. not something th;lt can be chosen, and "survivor" implies sOllleone 1\'lll) has escaped a harrowing ordeal. In its central arguments and clmil'l' of terminology. the r;ldic;i! I'Clllilllst perspective df'lIies II '() rkl' rs , Ilgene.", The only time a conscillus Cill)IL"l' IS m;lde is when women decide to leave prostitution, not whell they dl'L'ide tu enter or remain in prostitution, It is simply declared. by Ii at. that Ill) \\'(llll:ln would choose this type of worL "To the extent that any woman is assllmc'(\ to h;lve freely chosen prostitution, then it rollows that cnjoymcnt of dlllllin;lIillll t .. and rape are in her nature" (Farley and Kclly, 2()()O: 54), Underscorillg till.' ( alleged lack or consent in thc sex tmde, prostitution i;; equated with r;lpc, 01' "paid rape" (Raymond, 1995, 1998), Workers' selr-conccptions arc notneccssarily cOllsistent with thesl' L'l;lillls Exploitation and victimization arc not intrinsic to the sex trade: "fvl;III\' prus­ titutes emphasize that they engage in sex work not simply out of CL'lllHllllll' need but out or satisi"

R, \\'EITZER sakty, security, rreedom, hygiene, anti personal control.'· ShL' is Illli llplimisliL' tilat this scenario will become the norm. hut she tioes ehalkngc the essciltialisl notion that prostitution is intrinsically oppressive anti dehum;lni/.ing. TilL' im· plication is that there is nothing inherent in prostillition tilat would PI'L'\'l:nl il rrom being organized in lerms or mUlual gain 10 bOlh p~lnics - jusl ~IS ill (llilcr economic lrans,lclions, The legal context under which proslilution occurs is imp()rtant, ~I COIlIC,XI Iypically ignored in radical feminism. lvlany or the harms Ih~1I scem III hc as­ sociated with prostitution arc traceabk 10 its prohibilcd and penalized sialus: "II is nOI sex work per se Ihat promotes oppressive values or clpit;disl palri­ ~lI'Chy bUI rather the particular cultural ~Ind legal production Or'II\1;1rgin~dil.ed, degr;lded prostilution that ensures ils oppressive ch;u',lclcrislics whik ~ll'ling 10 limil the subversive potential Ihal mighl ;I!lend a tit::nil11inaliI.L'd. l'lllillr­ ~dly legitimized rorm or sex work" (I.~IIZ. 1997: 291). Ullticrni111in~dl/,:lIilln. proStitulion is SCI apart rrom "legitim:IIL'" work. workers arc l11;1rgin;diI.L'd :lnd st igmalized. and tile police provide littit:: protection. Eal'h ()r tllL'sL' prohklns is;lt least somewhat reduced ullder conditions where pmstilUli()n is kgal :Inti carerully regulated - as documented below. Violating the c;lnons or scientific inquiry, the radical k111inisl litl'r:lIlIrc llil pl'Ostitulion and other types or sex work is !illed with "sloppy de!initi()l1s. 1111- supported ;lssertions, and outlandish cl~lims" (Rubin, 1993: 3()); such wrilers select the "worst available exampit::s" or sex work and trc,lI thcm ;IS repre­ scntative (Rubin, 1984: 3(1). AnccdolCS are genCl';di/.cd ;1I1d pre:sL'IlIL'd :I;; conclusivc cvidcnce:, sampling is selel'lil'e, and COUIlICl'L'l'itiL'l1CL' is ""tllille'lv ignored. Such research cannot help but produce tjucslioll:lbJc lilltiillgs ;1I1t! spurious conclusiolls (Weit/.er, ~005a.b). Wlwt is needed is an alternativc paradigm th"t is (I) based tHI Sllllllli cmpi rical evidence, (~) incorporates the multiple re,!I i tics or workers ,1Iltillther actors, and (3) encompasses diffcrent types or proslitutioll. In the: rL'I11:lillder or thc article, I build upon the empiric:1i research litcraturc in order to outline key tenets or this "lternative, empirically grounded perspecti\'l'.

Variation in prostitution l'vluch academic writing seems to equate prostitutioll with street proslillllll1l1. 1 In the United States, Britain, The Nethcrlands. ,Inti many other c()ulltries. howcver, only a minority or prostitlltes work on the streets (I{)-,i[)'j;) (Alexander, 1987; Matthews, 1997; O'Leary anti Hllw:lrd, ~()()I). Yl'l Ihey rcceivc the lion's share of attcntion, ;Ind !intlil1gs Llll street prostilutiull are' "orten presentcd as a feature or scx work pCI' se. Thus. the aSsllCiatloll llr 8567

21'i prostitution and misery prevails" (Vanwesenheeck, 2()()1: 27t)). Thl' in)))\' is th;lI IlJ()SI resellrch hilS 1>1'1'11 dOJlI' Oil Ihl' 11'11.1'/1)1"('1'1111'111 lip£' IJ(flm,l"/ifliliIJII, ;\11 too orten overlooked is the large jlopulation or indoor workL'ls: eSl'or!. brothel, bar, and massage parlor.e Although more research is needed ()n the indoor sector, till' cvidenl'l' ;I\';lil­ ;lbJe points to important distinClilln~ between indoor ;Ind streel \\urk, (;cn­ erally, "empirical analyses demonstrale a remarbhle divcl'sily or al'li\'lIic~ tilat ralluncier the term prosliflilioJl and a remarkable diversily ur e,\pl'ricnl'cs ;Inlong participants" UvlonlO, 2004: 1(4), and "prostitutes' expcriellL'l's, silu­ alions, and circumstances dilTer greatly over thc gamut or Ihis highly l'lass­ slr;ltilicci occupation" (Chancer, I 99:l: 16:l). The diversc expcricnl'cs :Irc IXlI­ terneci in such a way that the prostitulion market is seglJll'lIler/ bctwl'en the indoor and street sCCiors J Yet this v;II'iatioll ;lIld segment;lIion is III;hkcd ill radic;i1 rem in ism, Street prostitutes occupy the lowesl slratum and n:ccil'e lile sirollgl'si lh)Sl' 01' stigma: upscale workers arc somcwhal less rel'iled, SClliered opiniull pull data show that the public is more toJel'ant or indoor prostitillion 111:111 sireel prostitution (Weitzer, 1991, 2()OO). Wurkers themseh'cs ortell dr:I\\' distinl'­ tions between their work and that or others in the sex tr:lde, distinl'lillll,\ til:11 usually include some disparagement or other types or workers, There is also a hierarchy II'i,hill each tier. Within the indoor sector,cdl gids generally exercise more control over working conditions :Ind express gre:ller job satisraction than do workers in brothels and massage parlors Il'el'kins, 1996; Prince, 1986; Vanwesenbeeck, 1994). Among indoor workers, SI;ltus increases as we move rrom massage parlors 10 brothels III eseUri ;Igel)l'ies IU indepencient call girls (Heyl, 1979), Street prostitution is slr:ililied Il\' raee, gender, age, appearance, income, and locale - all of which shape \\'orkl'l's' daily experiences, In some cities, workers 01';1 parlicul;lr race segregall' Ihem­ selves and operate in distinct street lucations, sellings tilat 1Il;1)' alTecl their working conditions (Cohen, 1980; Porter and Bonilla, 20()(): Sallche;.. 11)1)7), Ilcrnstein's (1999) study or a ten-block area or Sail Franl'iscll identilied tllll'e distinct strata or streetwalkers (based on income, ;lppc;lranl'e, allti SI:IIIIS). Drug-addicted workers also diller strikingly from nOIl;lddicts in their \\illing­ ness to engage in unsaf'e sexual pral'lices and accept 111\1' prices, Tlil' \\'orld ul'm;i1e prostitulion is similarly stratilied, tliough there appears III hl' IIlUle mobility between the ranks than is true for f'emalc proslitutiunlsl'l' Iwlllw). The stratilication or prostitution has implications ror working l'llilditillllS, workers' selr-esteem and psychological adjustmen!. and its iIllP:ICI llil tlie surrounding cOllllllunity, Workillg Contiilioll.\': Prostitutes \,:Ir)' in their acce.';s tu resources I'llI' pr,)­ tection, their rreedolll to rduse clients and particular sex ;lctS, ;\lltl tlieil' 8568

216 1<, \\'I'ITI.EI< dependence on managers and other third p~lrties (Ch~lpkis. 2()()(): O'C()Jlllc'll J)~lvidson. 1l)l)X; Hey!. 1l)7l); Lim, 1l)l)X), Control over these cOlldil illih is gl'n­ erally lowest at the holtom or the hier;lrchy - among streL'twalkers - IIHlIIgh mid-level workers employed by third parties (in massage parlurs anti hnliltcls) h~lve It::ss control over wOlling conditiuns than indcpeJldcnl Sll'cet Pl'lhlilutcs, who do nOI work ror pimps, By delinitioJl, indcpelldenl cdl girls l',\c'IL'isc' more conlrol than workers employed hy escort agencies, Workers diller in their risk or victimization: f\ss~llill, rohhery, ;lIld r;qk' arc occupational hazards 1'01' streetw;tlkers and for Ihose coercivel), tl;lrJiL'ket! inlo prostitution, but are relatively uncommon among ull-strect workers wh(l h~lve not been recruited by force or fraud, Suhslantial, and Sllll1L'timcs Itugc'. dirrcrences arc reported in studies that comp;IIT street prostitutcs willt c;i11 girls, brotltel workers, and escorts, 1\ I3ritish study, for inslancc, or I I,~ prlls­ lililies who worked on the streets anti 125 who worked ill S:IIIII:" 01' ;I~ L,;tli girls found th:1I the street prostitutes \\'ere more likely Ihanlltc' indoor \\OrkCIS 10 I'CpOI'! thai they had ever becn rohhed (]7 \'S, IIY!(). hC;lIcn 127 \S, I'ii J. sl:lpped/pullched/J.:ieked (47 vs. 14'1r), rapcd 122 VS, 2'1r). thrc:llcnet! willl ~I wcapon (24 vs, 6o/cl, or J.:idnappecl (20 vs, 2'1r) (Church ct :tI" 2()() I). ;\ Cln;I' di:1Il sludy round similar dilTerences between streci workers :1I1tl CSL·tJrh - rill' robbel')' (37 vs,90/0), kidnapping (32 VS, 5%), sexu:tI ass:llIll (37 vs, l)(i; l. heat· illgS (39 vs. 14%), strangling (31 VS, 5%), and attcmjlled murder (10 \S, ()'ii) (Lowman and Fraser, 19l)5), Such signilic:lI1l disparities in victinli/,:lti(lnl~llc's 1'01' streel and indoor workers arc reponed in many oiller stlldies or 1\lIslr~tli:l. I3rit:lin, Canada, New Zealand, and the United St:ltes (DecJ.:er. I 97(): l)c'lkin~, 11)1) I; Perk ins and Lovejoy, 11)96; Perk ins and Bennell. Il)X5: 1)lulllritigl' ,llld Abel, 20() I; Prince, 1l)86; Whillaker :ll1d Hart. 11)l)6: Wood\\,;lrd el :11" 2()()-I), Clearly, street prostitutes are ll1ueh more vulnel'able 10 victimil:llion tll~11l ill­ door workers who engage in consensual 'sex work, I\s Plull1ridge :lIld /\hel (2001: 8:lj conclude, "street workers are signilicantly more:1I risk or Illllie vi­ olence :llld more serious violence than indoor workers," Call girls :Ind c'Sc'lll'lS ~llld mass:lge parlor workers are in a beller position 10 screen (lUI d:1I1!"l'ltllIS customers, :lIld they also have a greatCl' pl'Opol'lion 01' Illw-I'isk. reglll:!1 c'ilenls (Lever alld Doillick, 2 ()()(), f\lthough a I'ull evaluation or legal, regulated indoor pmstilutillll is hL'vollt! Ihe scope 01' the article. indoor work can be org:lIlized in a \\':1)' tll:11 glc'~III!' in­ creases workers' sarety, Indeed. one 01' the major :ltiv:ll1tages lll' Nc\,:!t!;I's legal brothels is pl'Otection rrom violence; its legal brothels "oller till' s:lkSI c'll\'i­ I'tlnment avail:lble 1'01' women to sellulnsensual sex acts 1'01' IllOncv" Illrc'lIls and Hausbeck, 2005: 2Xl), Nevada's kgal brothels emplo)' a IIUlllbel lli s;ilclv precautions (panic buttons, listening dcvin:s. man:lgc'lllcnl survcill;111L'C'), :lIlt! similar security measures in olher legal prostitution systems hclp 10 Illillilllil.L' 8569

217

Ihe risk 10 workers, In The Netherlands, Ihe "Ihe I'~ISI m~l.imily" Ilj' II'urkc'r~ ill brothels, clubs, and window units repllrl Ihal they "Orlell m ;dll';ly~ kc'l s;lre" (Dalder, 2004: 30), And a major evaluation or legal brolhels ill (Juc'c'lhl;lIltl. I\ustralia cllncluded. "There is no doubl that licensed hrolhL'!s prtllidc' tlie S;lreSI working environmenl ror sex workers in Quecnsland " Lc'g;d hnllli­ els noll' opcraling 111 Queensland providc a susl;lin;lhle model j'or ;1 hc';J!lliv, crillle-rl'ee, and sare legal licensed brolhel induslry" ;Ind are a "SI;lle [llliJc ;11'1 model 1'01' Ihe sex industry in Australi~I" (Crime and f'vlisCDllduCI CDlllillissi[lIl, 2()04: 75. X9), Risk orcxposurc toscxually transmitted diseases varics bCIII'CCIl Slrccl ;Int! indoor worKers, HIV infection rates v;lry m;u-Kedly ;lInoll)2 sireel proslilules (willi Ihe highest incidence among sireet workers who injeL'1 dl'll)2s I V;IIIII'C­ scnbecck. 2001; Weiner, 1996]), but HIV is r;IIT among call )2irls ISc'idlill, II)XX) and all1on)2 women working in legal brothels in/\uslrali;I, Holl;IIIt!, ;Ind Ncv;ld;1 IPycli. 1996: PerkillS and Lovejoy, 19()6). Nonc oj' NCI';ld;I', iL')2;d hrolhel workers has tested HIV-positivc sincc testing 11';1,\ nl;llld;ilc'd III 11);)5, Otlier variatiolls in work experiellces can bc noted, ESL'OI'I~ ;1Ilt! c';11I gil'ls arc cxpeetcd to engagc in "emotion 1I'0rk" in ;Iddition 10 prtll'idillg sL'xu;d services, They arc much more likely LO coullsel. hel'ricIHI. and Diler L'llltllioll;d SUppOri to clients than street workers (Lcver and /)olnick. 2()()(); LliCIS, IlJI)XJ, 1\ simil;lr p;lttern is round in the dynamics or the enCOUlller ilsclf. WhCI'C';IS Sl reet w;likers tend to have Heeti ng in teract ions wi t h cusltlmers. escol'ls ;1 lit! L'a II girls are much more likely to have eneounLers that resemhk d;lIillg expc'I'ic'lIc'es (with conversation, gi fts, hugging, kissing) ;1.\ well as to l'cecil'L' 11U.\S;I~C" ;Ind oral sex rrom clients, In a Los Angeles study, I'or eX;ll11ple, :;(),Ir or c';11I girl~ (but only 2% or street prostitutes) rcponed receiving nonscxlI;!1 l11;hS;I~CS rrom Lheir most recent customer; 427r or call girls (Ylr or slrtTII\'aIKc'rsJ said tilaL their most recent customer had L'aressed, kissed, or hugged thL'Ill; ;lI1d 17% or call girls (4% or street prostitutcs) reported th~lt they received or;! I sex rlOm a customer in their most recent transaction (Lever and i)olnid, ~()(){), The "Ime receipt or sexual "serviccs" from custoillers 1i;ls been repoliL'd ill oLher indoor vcnues, In Queensland. Austr;i1ia. tll'o-Ihinls Dr kg;i1 hnlihL'1 workers and four-fifths or call girls il;lve reccived or;1i se,\ rl'l)ll1 ;1 l'Ii\lllIllLT. cDlllpared to only a third or street workers (Woodl\';ml et aI., 200-11. !\nti ;1 cDlllparison or 75 call girls and 7S sireet prostitutes in Cliirorni;1 ;11It! l'i() women working in Nevada's legal brothels round suhst;lnlial dillerc'llc'es ill whether workers experienceLi orgasms with customers - 75'1r Dr e;!I1 girls, II)'/r ofbrotilel workers. anti none oi'the streetwalkers reportcd Ih;llthel' rrL'l)lIL'llIly h;ld orgasms with customers (Prince. IlJX6: cJX2), Psrc1w/ogiclI/;ldjllsllII(,lI/: Prostitution docs not have ;IUllirmlllc'lh'c'l Oil workers' selr-iJ1l~lgcs anti psyches, A comparison of 176 streetw;dkns 1I'1](l 8570

R. \\"I:ITZEI(

lise craek cocaine and a matched sample or I]() crack coelin,' lIsill~ Illllljllll'­ titlltes, interviewed on the streets in 1·1;lrlell1, round th;1I the stle,'t PI",tIlIIICS wen: morc likely to exhibit psycholo~il'al disordels (1:1 Bassd I1)ln J. 11'lii Ie anothel compalison or 2l) prostitutes in New Zeal;lIld (27 or Whl)Jll \\'mh'" as call ~irls, escorts, or in massage p:lliors: 2 worked the stlcct) ;lnd ;In ;1~C­ matched sample ornonprostitute womcn round nodillclcnccs hetw,','nlli,' tll'U ~roups ill physical health. selr-esteem.mental health.llJ" tli"lJlI;iliIV 1)1'11i"IIS"­ ci:i1net works (Romans et al.. 200 I ). }\ nolher study rOllnd Ihal c;i1I.!' i l"is. hJ[lIIi,'1 workers, 1. The stless and danger associated with street work contribute III 1I,'!:';ltll',' ;ISSCSS­ mCllts or the work as well as psycholo!:, ical problems (Vanll'escllhl'cL'k, 2()() I J. Resealch on slreetwalkers and call girls in Calirorlli;1 a III I k!:,;d hl'otlici wmker., in Nev;ld;1 round that l)7 rlr ()r the call !:,irls lep()J"l,'d ;111 ill II ,'II 1(' III selr-esteem arter they began workin!:, in prostitution, COlllp;lled willi 5()';! Ill' llie brothel workel's but only XO/. or the streClw;i1kers (1)linl"', I I);)(): -I.~-Il. Cdl girls exprcssed positive views or their work; brothel wOI'kers wer,' !:'I'ller;tlly s:lIislicd with theil work: but street prostitutcs evalu:lIed Iheir wurk IIHlJe negatively (Prince, 19X6: 497). Similarly. a study or ind()or pJ"(lslillll,'S (lllnSI or whom worked in bars) in a Midwestern city in the United SI;II,'S J"ullnd th;lt thrce-quartcrs or them I'clt that their lik had iIllJJ/"(}I'l'iI after ,'nll'l"ill~ prostitution (the remainder reponed no change; Ilolle s;lid II \\";is \\"[1I,,' 11i:ln heron:); more Ih:1Jl halrsaid that they gcnerally elljoy tlieir Wtll"~ (l)ec\.;l'I. I In I) I ()Cl, 174). III The Netherlands, thrce-quarters or intiom wmkers Il'j1111"! 11i;11 Ihey enjoy their work (Dalder. 2004: 3-1). Research lln,)5 call ~irls ill Snlll,'\", /\ustralia round that thcy were generally cmotion;i1ly healthy (Pcrkills ;lllll Lovejoy, 19')6), All oJ" the escorts studied by Foil!. (1')7'): I ::>X) I()ok "pride in Iheir profession" ,1Ild viewed themselves as "l1lor:illy supel'im" t() otilers: "they consider women who are not 'in the lil'c' to be thro\I'in~ ;JI\'ay \I'(lilian's major source or power and controllsc.\ual capit;i1], while tiley ;1.\ pJ"()\lilutes ;Ire usillg it 10 their own advantage as well ;IS ror lile benelit nl Snt·iel\· ... :\nd :1Il I\ustralian study round that hall' or call girls and brutllL'1 Ilol'kers kit IIi:lt lileir work was a "major sourcc or salisraction" in their lives, wilik /' [)III \)1' III said Ihey would "delillitely ehoose" this work ir lilcy had il \() do (llcr ag:lin (Woodward ct al.. 2004: 39). Other studics or indo()J" w()rk r"I)[11"! Ih:lt the workers kit the job had at least some positive elTel't (lll th"ir li,'cs [)r bellcved that they were providing a v:i1uable service (13renls ;llld 1-!;lllSh"l'k. ::>O()S; Bryanl ;Ind Palmcr, 1l)7S; Chapkis, 1')l)7; Fade)' and Davis. Iln,'): Lc'I'c'r ;lIld Dolnick, 2000: Lucas, I,)')X: Verlarde and Warlick. 1')73: Wcst. I I)ln). 8571

:\I:\\' DIRECTIO:\S 1:\ RESI:,\I(OI 0:\ I'ROSTITLTII J:\ ::' I I)

Workers' psychological well-being is aSS()Ci;lled with ;II';llIge or ~tnll'llII;i\ helors, including Iheir educalion, conlrol over working ,'oJldillllJlS, rl'~()llrl'L':-' for prolection, and clieJlt base, As Lucas (ll)')~: 32()) l'IJJlclutlcd II'Jlll ilL'1 iJllcrviell's with eseorts and call girls, these women hadlhc "liJl;lIll'I;i\,,,,,'i;d, ;1I1d emotional wherewilhallO structure their work i;Jlgely III \\,;IVS Ih;11 ~UIl,'tI thelll :lIld provided", the ability III lIlain!;lin he:i\thv ~elr-ill];lgL':-'," III ~IIIII. ;i\thougil certain aspects of the work arc disliked, indllOi" \\'urkel~ ;111' IlllJIL' likely than street prostitutes to describe posilivc aspects or Iheir \l'Ulk, C(jmIlJlllli{1' Impact: Street and oil-street prostitutiull ha\'l' \'CII' dillL'i"elll erkets on the surrounding cOlllmunity, Indoor prostitulillJl 1i;IS lillk, Ir ;111\', neg;llive imp;lct on the environment ;lIld, if discree!. thCle is Illll'lll;dlv lillk public aW:lreness of it (Reynolds, 1l)~6),~ A recent cxalllin:llion urlcg;i\ hmlh­ cIs in Queensland, Australia, round that they had 110 negalive impa"1 11n Ihe local community (Crime and Misconduct COlllmissioll. ~()()'I J. Slr,'cl pl'OSI i­ IUlioll, by conlras!. is associated with;1 hosl of probklllS, illL'ludillg tli~lllllc-rl\' cOllliuel, sex in public plaees, discarding or condo!))s ;lIld s)TingL':-' III puhlil' ;Ircas (public he;i\th h:lzards), cuslom,'r haraSSlllcnl or WUIIlCII '111 lill' :-.IIL'el:-., iJlcreased noise and Iranic, and loss of business 10 mel,'halllS (Sl'IJI!. 2()() I: \Vei Izer, Il)l)l), 20(0), Such adversc i ill pau 0 n com nlll nil i ,'S ''x pl:llllS \I'll\' U1I1- tellljJorary antiprostitution campaign~ ale largely dircctcd al stlcL'1 Pllhllllllillil rather than the indoor trade 5 In coulllit:ss cities in the Uililetl St;llcS, Ihil;lill, alld elsewhere, residents living near prostitutioll sirolis ha\'c lll11biIII.L't! III drive prostillition oil their streets,l> While loeal community groups h;I\'L' hcxn Known 10 exaggerate the problems associated wilh streel prllslilillillil ill mder 10 ;lItr;lct allention from the aUlhorities (Huhbard, I')')~l. I ilL' prohkl1b llin' dcscri bc are largely con Ii rmed by i ndependellt obs(Tvers (Cnilcll, IlJS(): SL'nl!. 2()O I; 'vVeitl.er, 20()O), 1\ltllllugh we need more research on indoor sex \\'ol-kers, tile SllidiL's le'­ vicwed here provide strong evidence contr;ldiuing radic;tI rclllillislll'S ;1:-.­ seniolls about the universality or various harms in proslilutillii. TilL' IVJlL' or prostitution mailers greatly, Although there is variation botil wilhil1 ;1 p;lni,'­ ular seClm (e,g., from one hrothel or massage pal"ior 10 ;lllother) ;ll1d ;111)(ln~ IIldividual~ doing the same work, the evidence preseillcd ahovc ~illlWS lil;II, ill

general, liTe {I'pC' o/pmslillilioll is Ihi' iJesl IJI"edi("/()r oj 1I"I1I-/.:<'1 ('x/!I'li('//("('S, Victilllil.;Jlion and exploitation arc highest among streci jJl"ll~lillllCS ;1I1t1 ;lllllJllg those who h;lvc been traffiCKed into prostitution. but other \\'lJIkels ;111' 111lll'il it:ss vulnerablc to vioit:nce, exercise more controlovCi" Iheir \\urk, ;llld lic-ri\L' at it:;lSt some psychological or physieal rewards from \\'1i;1I lliey till, :,",'JIlL' ul lliis is mealll to discount similarities across types uf prosliltltinll, IllSl.i;lr ;1:-. tilere arc certain generic experiences illvolved (c,g., coping witli Sti~lll;I, 1111,'r­ acting with customers), But differences between types 01' pmslilulillil ;lppL'ar 8572

22() R, \\TlT/,ER

to be impOrl~lnl enough 10 juslify i"Uriher cxaminalioll or ( I) Ihl' \lrlfl'I\lr;!I condilions associated with each type and (2) the ways ill whil'h lI'Illler:-- ill dilTerenl echelons experience and describe their work - lIeg:lli\'cly, PI1\lll\ell', or indilTcrcntly. Nol only docs prostitution vary hy occup:ltiollal SUhlYPl', hUl \\'"rkl'I\' gellder also appears to make a difference, as sholl'lI ill the IIC.\I :--eell"ll

i'l'Iale and transgender prostitution

{vlost Iheory and n:sc~lrch conceilirates exclusively Oil i'em;lk pl'tlSlilUlc'S, ivluch kss is kllown about male alld especially trallsgentier workcrs, dl'spill' thc fact th:1l they comprise a significant segment of Ihc SC,\ Ir:ltie ill m;lIl\, cilles, WI1;\1 we do kllow about male prostitutioll poillts 10 some h;l:-.il' sillli­ larities as well as imporulill differences with femalc proslltlilioll, rlllill Ilde's :lIld fem:!les, ror example, arc stratilied illlo street :lIld illtil10r \\'llrk, ;lIlll hU11i mcn allti women engage ill similar IYPL'S or indoor work (1l);1s:-.;lgl', h;lr,e'~Ulrl. "clil boy" services) (LlIcas, 2004; Perkins and Iknilcii. I l);)): 1'1111n;111. 11)71: Salamon, 1981); West. 1993), Differences in the ways m:lil' ;\llti klll:lic' prll,";. lilules e,\perience their work are evidcnt in the followillg :Ireas, f'l'l;!le\ Il'lllllll be:

• involved in prostitution in a more sporadic :lIld trallsilorY \\';1)', drillill~ III :lIld out of prostitlltion and leaving prostitulion e;ll'iier (/\~glell11I, IIJI)I): Presl:lge, 1994; Weinberg et al .. 1991)L • less dependent on prostitution as a source or incomc or I'or \\lr\'i\';!1 (Prestage, 1l)94; Weinberg et aI., JI)l)l); • more mobile across types or prostitution - moving helwecil hars, 1I1;I:-.S;lgl' pal'iors, and escort agencies or independent call boy ope'r:lliOIlS (;\:cgicl(lll 19l)9; Luckenbill, 1l)86; West 199:1): • Illore compelled to dcline their sexual orientation: while Sllllle sl'll'ldellllly as g:I)', others insist that they arc heterosexual despite cngagill:C ill h1111hl· sexual ,Icts - a behavior-identity disparity that typically docs litH pel'laillill i'cm:i1c pmstitutes (AggletoJ1, 1991): Boyer, I t)X9): • less likely to have been abused as children (Weisberg, II):).')): • less likely to have been coerced into prostitutioll, less like'l\' loh;\\',' pimps, and subjected to Illuch less violellce from UlstolllL'rS (!\ggkltlll, I (JI)l): Valer:1 et aI., 2()O I; Weinberg et al .. I 99lJ; West. I I)IJ.): • in greatt.'l' cOlllrol over their working conditions, becilise k\\' 1I;1\'l' PIIIlP\ and bec:lllse males arc able to exercise gre:ller physil';11 pll\\'er I1\'l'r CIIS· lomers (West, 1993); 8573

221

• derive more gratilication i"rom their sexual cont:lL'ts with ClIS\!IIIlL'I'< Ildl's experience orgasm with clients much more orten tli:111 knwks I \\'l'illill'l!:, et aI., 1000), and many male workns vic\\' prostitution :Isjust :llllltliL'l rllnn oi"n:cre:lIional sex, with the :ldded bL'nelit ornwteri:ti COJl1I1L'llsatillllI IlIlI'l'i". 19X '); Prestage, 1994); • less susceptible III arrest or harassment by the police, duc to tlil' 1';ll't til;1I they dress less conspicuously than kJl1aic prostitutcs and :lrL' tilus Ie" Ilhli­ ously involved in prostitution, spend less time Oil tile stn:cl. ;11ll1 hCl';JIISl' 'II' police homophobia, which tcnds to discourage cont:ll'ts witli m;tic Ilorkcrs (Aggleton, 1000; Lucas, 20()4; Weinberg et aI., 11)<)IJi.

These m;lie-remale dirferences should be considered tentativc at tliis Iwint. much morc corroborating evidence is needed (van del' Poc!. 11)<)2). Mmc'owL ;limost all ol'thc literature is divided into separate studics or m:lics and kJ}};lks, witli viJ'lu:lily no sl's/(,II/([/ic C(}III/I([}'(!/il'C' examinations 01' males ;1Ilt! klll;lks at the same level or work (an exception is Weinberg ct ,Ii" I ')I)'J). !\nti Ihcrc arc rew cOlllpar:ltive studies or male workers in dillcrcnt cchclolh, slIl'lI ;IS strcet, bar, and escort work, The research tlwt docs dr,lll' slIl'h C'[)lllp,lri,slllb lintis signilicallt objective and expcricntial tiillerenccs bv Iypc' llr "'1I k - di Ilerenccs that mirror those round :IJllong kmak prost ilutl's (l,lIl'~L'11 hi II. 1<)86; Wesl, 1<)<)3), Given the dearth of research ontransgcnder prostitulcs, Ilwlilik i, known 10 draw even tentative conclusions along most or thc dimcnsions lllillin,'t! :Ibove However, it docs appear that transgentiers DCCUpl' tilc IOWL'S! S!I':lllIlll or the status hier:lrchy and gcnerally race greater diflicullics Ih:111 klll;lie' ()J' male proslitutes: they have higher HIV inrectionl'ates, "lIsu,illy h,II'L' Ihl' k;hl desirable prostitution location, make the least money, ,Ind ;Irc Sliglll;llilL'd ;11lt! I'idiculed by nOIl-transvcstite male and kmale prostitutes" (!loll's ;lIllll:,lifsllll, 1<)94: 85). Cohell's ( 19XO) street observatiolls or 120 tr,lIlSVL'SI ilC pr,)S! i Iul C,' In New Ymk City revealed that they were dressed much l1lore conspicu()uslv ;lllll sCll1tily than km:lie prostitutes; they were more aggressivc in aPJl\'();I,'ilillg and propositioning potential customcrs ("in a loud, h,lIsil, ,lilt! hc'lIl!:,crcnl lone" and orten quickly jumping into men's cars); and thcy ,i111](1S! ;i1\\,;IYs beh,lved in an "indignant and hostile" fashion upon re.lcl'liol1 hy ,I 1'"1L'llIi;i1 cuslolller, more so than the female prostitutes Cohen ohserl'ct!, klany biologically-male tr;}nsgender workers do not disclosc III L'I"llllllL'rS that they arc not women (Weinberg et al" I 00<)1. increasing IhL' I'h;llll'cs tli;11 deceived customers will react violently (Cohcn, 19XO: 55), Ollicr l'lhitllllc'IS. however, expressly seek out transgendcr workers jJl'el'isch' heclJIsc' Illl'I' ;Ijl­ pear III be wOJllen but arc really males - something the L'IISIOlller lillLis "Xl'illll!:, or "kinky:' Some cllstomers "arc attracted by the idca or (e.\pcrilllL'111111!:, \\'illi) 8574

")

sc,\ with anothcr Illall but arc reluct:lIli 10 choosc a panner who :ll'tll:1I1" I, :1 1ll:1I1" and instead scek out transgenders who :Ippe:lr to bl' kmak (l'r,'sl:lg,', 1994: 177), This is just one area in which transgendcr workers, as \\,,'11 :1.-; IhL'ir customers, have fairly unique experiences, distinguishing thClll rrtllll Ill~ill' :111l1 i'emale prostitutes and their customers, One victimi/,atioll study round th:lt transgenders werc kss like'ly tit:111 rcmalcs but lllorC likely than males to be assaulted or r:lpcd whik ~J1 1Il1l'k (Valera ct ;Ii" :?OOI). Other research rcports that tr:lI1sgcntins do Ill)t dillc'\'

from male and i'emale workers in theil'level or satisfaction with the \I'Ilrk 1)1' their willingness to leave prostitution if olTered anothcr job ;11 thl' S~III)c' P;IY (Weinberg et aI., 1999), Regarding soual satisraction, transgcnders ~Irl' Illl)rC likely than women, but less likely than men, to s:IY the), enjoy Iheir-;e,\\l:iI experiences with customers (Weinberg ct aI., 1999), !\ 13ra/,ill;1I1 stlld\' :ilso reponed that tr:lIlsgender workers had substantial satisr:ll,tioll ill thl'ir SC\u:1I relations with clients: moreover, prostitution was the only sphere or Iile th:\I rostned positive selr-images for these individuals, PJ'()stitulion g:I\',' thc'lll :1 "sense of pcrsonal wonh. sclf-conlidcncc, and selr-esteem" (Kulid:, IIJI):\, I :\6), They sold sex not only I'm the money but :liso for elllotion:Ji :Ind Sl'\lI:1I fulJillmcnl. Docs a roughly equivalent power relationship charaClCl'IlC rl'lnale-, 111:1IC, and tr:lnsgender workers' experiences with thcir clients - with :1Ilthrn' t\'pl.'S or workers subordinate to other l11e\l') The available evidellL'c suggests :1 Illore complex picture, especially in terms of male workers' rel:ltivc pll\\'l'r \'is-;'I-\'is thcir custoillers, But systematic, comparative research is necded 10 idl.'nlil'y n)J'e simil:II'ities and key dilTcrences betweell female, JIl:lk, :lIld tl:lllS~l'Jl­ del' workers, Further research 011 lllale ano transgellder prostitulC:s "')llILi hl' v:!luable not only in terms of the empirical inrormation yicldc:d hut :ilSll thc­ oretic'III),: Such comparative studies alT ide'llly suited tll testill~ :lrglll)ll'llI~ I'e~arding workers' objectilication, exploitation, alld victiJlliz;lIil)ll. Slll'h ,..;tlld­ ies will help to determille the dcgree to which workers' gender sh:lllL's tlll'il experiellce of the work and their relations with customers and third p:IJlies, :Illd whether there is anything truly inherent in prostitution,l\t presl'llI, we l':lll PJ'Il­ pose the following hypothesis: fvlale and transgender workers cxpni"Jl"c less exploitation .lIld victimization. alld exercise greater power :Jlld l'(lllll'lli IlIl'r workillg conditions, than most female workers, If this propositiull is ,'IliTIlh,,- 1';lted, the next step would be to explaillthese dilTelenCl's, wilh:1 \'Il'\\ IImdrd idclltifyill~ the factors that help to reduce I'ictimil:llioll :Illd illLTl';I~L' II IlIt..l.'r\ pOlVer. I\tthe theoreticallel'ci. further investigatioll ol'lll:lk :llld Ir:lll'gc'IILin pmstitution, as well as female escon and c;lll girl prostitution, will h.:lp til deillollstr.lte thl.' fallacy of reirying "prostitutioll" alld undcrscorl' thl' I)l'ed II) base conclusions on lindings drawn from Illultiple In'els :lIld inl'lllpIlI:ltlllg 8575

worh:rs or dillcrcnl gcndns. Similar poinls can bc madc ~lh()[11 CIISIIlIl1c·r\. ~<.\ indicalcd in Ihc ncxl sel'lion.

C ust()Jll ers

Whcn we Ihink or prostillition and olher scx work. we lend til thin\; Ill' klll~dl' ~Ietors, despi te the raci that prostitution i nvol YeS at least· t Wll pilrt ics (~It k~hl IlIlC or whom is usually male), allli despitl' the raet that customers r~lr lllilnll1l1ber the workcrs who snvice them. A gender disparity also pnl'ades thl' reSl'~lrl'h lilerature, which overwhelmingly rocllses on remale workel's, p~lnl\' bl'CIUSl' customers are so dirJicult to access. Customers vary demographically (age, race, ciass, marit~d stat liS. l'tl·.J. but wc arc only beginning to understand thcir motil"lIions. ~ltlillilks. ~lIld beha\'ior patterns (Atchison et aI., I 99~: Campbell. I 99~: Hoig~lrd ,IIHI !-illslad. 191):!: Holl.man and Pines, 19~:!: Jordan, 11)97: 1vIcKeganl'), ;Iilll Iblll~lrd. 19%: l'vlonto. :!()()(): Simpson and Schill, 1977: Winick. I%:!: Wtll'lkl' ct ;d .. :!()():!j. This lileralul"C suggests thai customers patronil.e pnlstitute\ Illr sL'lcr;iI reasons:

• Ihey desire certain types or sexual experiences (e.g .. m;iI se.\ I llI" II I ml' vari;ltion in their sexual experiences: • they desire sex with a pcrson with ;1 certain image (e.g .. Sl',\\'. raUllL·!Jv. l'll·.) or with specilic physical attributes (c.g .. racial, tr;lIlsgenderJ: • Ihey lind this illicit ;lIld risky conduct thrilling; • Ihey wish to avoid the obligations or emotion~!i altal'IHnent ill\,IlIIl'd III a conventional relationship; • they have dirJiculty linding someone ror a eonventillnal rl'latiolhhip. In one stuLly or 700 customers, ror instance, 43% reported th;1I thl')' "11;1111 a difrerent kind of sex than my regular partner" provides: :.J:!'1r agrel'd "'Ilil the st~lIemcnt, "I am shy and awkward when I am trying to mcet ~I II'oman": cl7'Ir said tint they were "excited by the idea of approaching ~I prostitute": "Vir said they did not have the time ror a cOJll'entional relationship: and .loti; Sind they did not want the responsibilities or a convention;!i relationship (IVlollto. 2()()O) Fell' studies have explured customers' ('xp('J"i(,lIu's or the pnhlllillil1l1 tr;lIls~lction and the services provided. Some ren'nt \l'mK. hll\\L'lc'I·. h", begull to shed light on their experiences. Internet II1l'SS:!!2l' htl:!rd, tl'.!2 .. (I/I.se.\".fII"llSlilllfioll, cmigs/is/, plIlI/erne/, iJigi/oggie,/II'/) oller ~I 1\'l'"ltil III ill­ i"ormation tilat clistumeJ"s share with e~lch other: what III expel·t ill IL'I"Ill\ Ill' pl'ices ~Ind services; "reviews" or a specific worker's ;lppCar"IlCl'. lkllll';II11\l·. 8576

R \\'EIT/,IOR

and PCrrlll'lllancc: whnc to locatc ccrt;lin kind~ or workLT~ IL',~" \\'lIiL'1i In;IS, sa~c padors havc Asian workers or olTer certain types or sl'n'ices): ;111l1 ill­ ronnation on ren:nt 1;l\v enrorcement activit)' against an CSL'lll'l ;1~c'IIL':- \lI' 1Il;lssagc parlor, In addition, the sites provide uniquc insiglll inl\) L'IISltllllL'l" beliefs, justilications, expectations, a IIII beh,l\'ioral norll1s - thing~ 11i;1I h;J\l' becn addressed onl)' superliciall)' in intt:rvicw and sur\'ey rese;IITh oiliolln~, lv1;lny 01' the cyber exchanges discuss appropriate ,Inti in;lppnlpl'iale h,'II:I\illr toward sex workers, with wayward individuals chided by oillers - \\'II;!I Illi!:,11I be called an emngent code or ethic, in buying sexual services. Rl'\'IC'\\ or thcse siles shows that many or thesc custoillcrs arc look in!:, 1'01' IlilIL'h Illorl' th:ln sex: they plan: a premium on thc providcr being rriendly, COIIVl'i".S;lIil)n;iI, gcnerous with time, kissing, cuddling, and providing what has l'O IIll' 10 hc known as a "girlrriend experiencc" with elements or rllm;lnCl' ;Jnd illlil1l;ll'y that go bcyond mechanical paid sex (Kern, 2(00)' One CliSIOll1l'l' \l'roll' tl) ;1 mcssage board, "I have to keep rcminding myselr that this is ;In :lpP()lnlllll'nl and not ;1 wild limc with a girlrricnd" (quoted in Kern, ~()()(), p, (1:> I. Little is known about how custoillcrs reel ahout thl'ir cnl'lll1nlCl",' \\'1I1i pl"llslitliles, Judging rrom Inlernct disclissions ;Jnd rroll1 ililen'il'\\'s willi l'lh­ tomers, il is clear thai somc rcport vCI"y good cxpcricllL'l's and kl'l 111:11 SlIl'h ;Jctivities have enhanced their lives, Others, however, repllrl largcl\' IIL'g;Jli\'l' experiences, A sllrvey or 169 arn:sled customers in Ednwnloll. Can:ld;I, rl >I Il\(l th;11 71 o/r said they did not enjoy sex with prostitutes and Iwo-Ihinb l'l'I)J)rieli Ihat patronizing prostitutes had caused problems in their livl's (LtlllltllIlll/i SIlII. November X, 199X) - comparable figures to those reponed in a slIn'cy ()i" I-II) customers ill two American cities, 6'-l'lr of whom said they did 1l()ll'll.1()\' ,,',\ with prostitules while 60'lr said that going to prostitules h;ld l';IlISL'd lilL'lll problems (sec Table I ),7 Neither survey asked follOW-lip qlll'sti()ns II) l'.\pllli"l' why respondents !'elt unsalislied or wilat kinds of problems the\' clll'IHlnterc'd as a result or buying sex - but other studies (listed abo\'e) suggcst 1il;J\ SllIl1L' customel's are unhappy that the sexual encountcr was rushl'd Dr PCI'i"Ulll'lury. while others !'eel guilty ror bClraying their wivcs or girlrriends or kel shalllC and stigma ror engaging in this disreputable behavior. Somewhat more informatioll is ;1\'ailable on customCl"s' 1I111l1lt/('.\' I()\\';ml prostitution, As shown in Table I, a majority or cUStOllll'l'S ilclicl'L: Ih;11 pros­ tilliles arc victims of pimps, and a majority rejects the notiolls thai pnlSllllIll', enjoy theil' work m want 10 be prostilutes, Only a Illinority Sl'CS "1l()lhill~ \nDll~ with pmstitutioll:' would marry a prostitute, would appr()\'l' Dr Ihl'il' SI>l1 11'" Irollil.ing a proslitute (2.:J'Ir), or would approve or thcir dall!:,iJlel ilL'L"<>lllillg a prostilutc (X'Ic), What illlluences;1 person's decision 10 bu)' scx ollthc Slreel;iS Opp(),'C'd II) sOllle other veIlue') Streetwalkers are ol'teIl prekrred hL'l';IlISC 01' L';J\\, ;IL'l'OS. 8577

:\I'\\" IlII(ECTIO:\S 1:\ RESI'..-\RCII 0:\ I'I(()STITI TI():\

l CIlIT~lllly ill " ,,"xI,,1I rdalioll,hip :i ) ,)1 Usually I..'lljnys sex with prustitulLS )() 1>,) Tri"d 10 'lopI"illg prn'liIIlIL"' 50 :ill

P;lIflmil.illg prn:-.tillilL" h~b caused pruhklll":; fur 1111.' -Ul hi)

Prustiwll..'s ;11'1..' victims llf pimps 61 I'ro'lillll", IlI"kL" " 101 of 11l1lll"Y .).)

\Vumell are proslillllL'S lkTtlU .... L· they walll \0 hL' ..p Prosliluil'S enjoy tlleir \\'urk 27

PrDSliltl!l'S gL'lIuiul'ly like men ... L~

There is IlDthill~ wrung with proSlitlllioll ..H) I'ro'lilllli()1l ,ilOllld b" Icg"liz"d (,1 I would Illarry a pn)slillltl..' 2-1 7h

Ii wUllld hI..' Dkay If Illy .... llil \I,'L'nl IU pro;..ti(llll'~ 2--1 7h

II wOllld b~ ()by if Ill)' d""gillcr b"""IllL" " pro,lillllL" X

N:::: I-tO IllL'Il ;IITL';-.led rnr 'l.oliciling a pl"thliltilL" in 01 1'.... 1idw\..';-'!L·rn \':il)' :I lid \\.1..'-..[ ('\);!,I cilY ill lhe UllilL"d SI"I"," SOlinT. Thl' lir~1 tllrL'\.' iIL'I11 .... were n:p\)f!ed in Saw}'l'r l't ;11. (!()OI-2002L h~U'l·' lHl Ihl' fL'Jll;liJlillg itL'l1h provided COtll1l'S,>' ur Ste\'l'1l SilWYl'r. loll' COSI, :lIllln)'mit)'" choicc oi"wolllcn" and thc cxcitcmellt or nuisin~ I'm Sc""\" Indoor cstablishmcnts havc the advalllagc or bcing s:1I"cr .lIld m()rc di,UCL"t (Campbcll. 199X)" Massagc parlors anti brothels typic:dly allo\\" CIISIllIIICIS l(l sclect a II'Om,lIli"rom a ""Iilleup:" whcn::lssuch choicc is lilllilt:ti whcn (lnc l":ilis ,In cSCOrt agcncy or a call girl. which Orlt:n opcratt: sighl IInseCIL Iholllc"ls l":111 olTcr a re lax i ng" homey or club alll1osphcrt:" Mcn who palrtJni/"e CSl"(lrh l)r loa II girls are oftcn looking for companionship and emoliOlwl SIIPPorl. in addili(ln 10 scx - something workers in othcr st:ctors may bc unwilling or 1IIl:lhk It) providc (Pcrkins, 19l) I: 250)" Lcvcr and ])olnick"s (20()O) COlllpal"isllll ()I"l'all gids and slrcct prostitutes in Los Angcles found th,11 custOllll'l'S CXPCl"ICt! alld received much more emolional suppor\ from thc call girls" ,lIld I'rilll"l" ( I ()X(): 4l)()) round th,lt X9r;(' ofa sample orcall girls in Califmllia ,Inti 7-1 'X of NC"\":ld:l brolhcl workel's bclicved thai ""thc a\,l'I'agc customCl" wants alTcclil)11 Ilr I()\"L" as wcll as scx"" - Ihc view of only a Ihird of sln:ctw:dkcrs" In delining proslitution as an institlliion or male dOlllination" radll":d kill" inist thcory assllmcs thai Ihc clients ;IIT Illale (Ovcrall" 11)l)~)" Fl"lll:ilL" l"lh­ illlllerS,;1 slll;dl but thcorctically il1lp0r\ant fraction of Ihc lIlarkc" I " 1t:l\L" hL"L"11 ,lilllOSt IOI:dly ncglecled" One arctw in which WOllll'n huy SL""\ rrtllil Illak prostitutcs is as wurists to the Caribhcan anti olhcr \'acllilln \"CIHICS" YL"I Ihis 8578

I{ 11"1-.1"1"/.1;1{

I)'pe Df "sex 100lrism" h;ls received ;Ilmosl no ;lllenlion, /\ h;IIHlflil "I" 'ltld­ ics have examined prostiltJtion transactions belween amllcnl ElIIUPl';lll ;111d /\meric;!n kmale lourists and young Caribbe,ln men, who mcct l)nlllL' hl';Jl'lh:s and al clubs (Phillips, IlJlJlJ; Sanche; Taylor, 2()() I). bUI bDIIl thc "lnpiril';iI lindings and larger implicalions of this thin litcrature ,In: clllhryonil', There are somc basic similarities bel ween kmale sex louri'lll ;llid 11];ill' se,\ tourism (e,g" ecollomic inequality between huyer ;llltl sellen ;l~ I\'l'lI ;I~ SDllle dilTcrences (e,g" ICmalc sex tDurist.'; rarely :ICt viDlenll}, ;lg;lilhl Iliaie' prostitutcs), It h,IS bCL:n asserledthat femak customers of lllale pro,;(lIl1ll" ;lIe !lOI eqllivalent to male customers of !'em,lie prostitules fur tile ,implc Il';hOll thai males experience more sexu,li gralilie,llion (and, hem'e,;1 gll'all'l dl'grCl' of cxploitation) ill bUlh Iypcs of encounlers:

Women can never sexually exploil men inll1e same way Ihal mell ,'.\ploit womcn bccause pcnetrativc scxu;iI heterosexual inlercoursL' I'cquir,'s llil' woman to submit to the male - she is "used" by him, NOIll;ltlcr hl)\\ grl';11 the a,ymmctry bClwecnjariluelllj!'em,ile lOuri,t ,lIld Im'allllaie' jpnhlllllll'j in lenns of their age or economic. ,ocia!. and raciali/.cd P\l\\'l'L il is sldl !lS,IIII/It'ri Ilwt the male derives bcnelits from sex ;!bow ;lnd IWylllld Ihl' purcly pccuni;!ry and so is not being cxploitcd in thc S;lInl' \\';1\' 11i;11 ;1 prostitute woman is exploilCd by ;1 male client. (O'Conncll 1);II'idsOJl ;1 III I Sanchcl_ Taylor, IlJlJlJ: 52, cmphasis added)

The "asslllned" univers;ility of male exploit,lIion and !'elllaie' SUblllissillil 111 all hetcrosexual encoullters requires cmpirical testing with d;lt;1 lIll klll:ile customers' own experiences, Such in format ion would hel p to address the quesl ion of wilel iler niSi< lIlll'rS' gcnder inlluences the character and subjcctive meaning of Ihe l'nl'IHlnler. '1'1) wh;" dcgrec, ii' ,II ;tli. is gender domination or any othl'r kind Ilf oppr,':'>sioll present in exclwnges between kmaic customers and male (allli klll;ill" 1I'llIt­ ers') Do i'cmale cuSlomers cngage in less objectilication of Ihe Il'orLers, I)r is objcctilication el'ident irrespectil'e of the cuslomn's gende(.' J)o Il'lll;tle customers expcct more emotional bbm from rem,11e workel's til;1I1 is trlle I'ur m:lle customers'! When Ihe clIslomcr is a II'oman, is therl' less likelilllllldlir I'iolcnce from either party') Do km;tle prostitutes who sel'l'ice klll;ill' L'lIS­ IOmers dcrive more gratilicatioll from Ihe act of se,\u,tlly s;llisfying ;llllllliL'l woman - perhaps seeing it as ,I kmi nist pr,lctice') These qucsi ions h;lvl' l'l'l 10 he inl'estigaled, but such research would be inl'aluahk ill ansllc'l'Illg IIll' theoreticll queslillilof whether prostitlilion has cert,lin "fullLlalllelll:tI" ill' "es­ sential" qualities irrespective of the gl'lHler of the wurkcr :Ind Ihl' ell:'>ltlllll'\'. Ill' whether it varies signilicantly accmding tlltllc acturs involved, 8579

:"H\'I)IIO,CTIO:"S I:" RI:,SI: .. \RCIf O,\; I'IHlSllTI 'Til l'\ ,,'__ I

Managers

Prostitution is not Ilt.Tt:ssarily organi/,cd by third-partil's (c;1I1 girls/btl\'''; ;1l1d m;lIl)' kmalt: and m:1 k st rt:t:t walkt:rs opt:r:llt: i ndt:pt:lll!t:ntl y), but 1ll;ln\' I)ther workt:rs art: controllcd by a managel' - i,t: .. someone wlto e,\L'rCiSl'S l'()lllml ovt:r tlte workt:r :Ind t:xtracts somc or all of tltt: proJil. Rt:se:lrdl i~ 'l':lrn' 011 botlt strct:t-!t:vcl pimps and tht: 1ll;lIlagcrs alld o\\'ncrs of indl\(lI' eSI:II1- lishll1t:nls (brothels. mass:lgc parlors. escon agencit:s) (1\lberl. ~()() I, Ihel11s and Hausbeck, 2001; Decker, II)7l); Hausbcck and Brcnls. 2()()(); Heyl, 11)77; ivlilncr allli MilnL'r. 1l)72), Suclt ncgkl'l of managcll1enl is 1IIllISU:iI ill Iltl' ,so­ ciology of work and occupations. tlHluglt rcse:lrcltn access is ck':Il'lv Illorl' diflicult in thc prnstilution arena, Pimps :Irc al'livcly involvcd in proilloting thc proslitution of others :Ind benefiting malcrially from that associalion, In COlllll1LlnSCnSe usage. :1 pimp is somconc who managcs strccl-kvcl prostitutcs; the term is 1':lrcly :Ipplied 10 Illan:lgL'rs of indoor cSlablishmcnls, Ihough il lils the sl:IIHI:Il'd dl'lllllllI)11 above, /\Imost ncvL'r studicd din:ctly. tltc lillie wc kno\\' about pimps l'I)lIlL'S mainly from prostitutcs. rather titan fmm Ihe pimps IItClllsch'cs, Oill' rCl'L'111 cxception is a British study of 16 pimps, whieh found Iltal Iltey l'Xl'l'l'l'l'd :11- Illosllolal conlrol over Ihcir workcrs Uvial' ct al .. 2()()()), TW1Hitirds ur Ihl' 1I) pl'llstitutcs inlCrvicwcd in the samc sludy saw no bcncJits in h:I\'ing:1 pillljl :llld kw felt protcctcd by their pimp, All Il) had bccn physically :Ibusl'd Iw Ihcir pimp, ranging from bcing slapped to assaulls thai requircd hospil:tii/,:llillll: 10 reporlcd h:lving bct:n rapcd by thcir pimp, In olher sludics, :lppro,\IIlI:lll'ly two-thirds of strcct prostitutes rl:purl bt:ing assaullt:d for SlH1II'ing dislepcl·l. m:lking too little money. brt:aking the pimp's rules. :lIld trying 10 kal'c 11):I\'is, 2000; S i Ibert :lIld Pi nt:s, Il)X2), Pimps rarely provide protcct ion for lile 11'111 )rL­ ns, bccause tht:y are only intennitlt:ntly onthc strt:el moniloring Iheir 1l'(lrkers, Only one-fifth or the 72 prostitutes intnvit:lVeti in one study said Ihl'ir pimp provitll:d thelll with protection anli, surprisingly. only :1 minority (li' lill' ,Hi pimps intervit:lVcd (43%) belit:vcu til:lt pimps providc tilcir wlJI'kers willi PIll­ It:ction (Jalllt:s, 1l)73), Pimps ;Ire very concerncd, hlJ\vl'I'cr. wilh "prolL'l'ling" thcir wOlllcn rrom poaching by other pimps. and 1m)' IISC violencl' :1~:linsl workers who even spcak to another pi mp, Pimping and other m:lnagel' pracliccs should nOI be rcg:lrdcd :\S :1 nll)IlI)­ lilhic t:nlcrprisc; pimping arrangemcnts I'ary in terms oft:lllotion:t!.cL'l)lll)lllll', coercive, and scxual rt:lationships (Cilapkis. 2()()(); Dccker. 1l)7 1): 2,)C:-::>,~C:: O'Connell Davidson, 1l)l)X; Hoigard :Ind Finst:ltl. 11)1)2). /\llhougil il I, l'llIll­ nlllnly assumed that pimps routinely administt:r violence IOlheir 11'llrkn", Ihl' frl'qut:ncy anti SCOPL' of violcncc by pimps is unknown :lIld il is ill Ihl' pllllP'S inlcrcst to control the worker through tht: devclopmcnl of :1 "l'OII'l'lhll:t!" 8580

I< \\TlTlEI!

rl'I;Jlionship rather than through outright cOl'rci()n. (Th,' i"lgur,'s Pll'sc'IIIl'l1 ah()vl' arc b;lsed on whether pimps evel' ;Issauitl'd or raped. not hIm Ill'quc'lli h· they do so; and these lintiings cannot be generalized t() contc'.\ts Ollhltic' tllllSc' investigated in these studies.) Some Illassage parlor and hrS' itive feelings about their J1ladaJ1ls" (PI'ince IlJX6: cllJ7). Another type of manager is the /JIIJlderer. a person who "induccs, enli,'cs. ()I"olherwise steers ;Inother into the occupation of prostituti()n" (Dc,·kn. IlJ71): :!5lJ). Accmding to Decker (IlJ7lJ) pandering was more prc\'aknt hislllri,';illl'. but fairly sporadic and isolated today. The recent tr;lflicking deb;ilc, IH1\le\·c'r. has focused new light 011 pandering. Cocrcive sex Im/lidiJlg can hc d,'lined ;IS the usc of force, fraud. or deception 10 procure. tr;ll\sport. had)()r. ;11111 sl'11 persons. within and bctweennations. f()r purposcs ofprostilulion. This ,klilli· lion docs nol apply to persons who willingly travel in searl'h or clllplm'IIl,'nl in the se,x industry. though many wrilL'l's lump Ihis kind or migralioll 1111l111iL' Iraflicking Gltegory. Since the article focuses on the dOJ1lestic situ;ltilln in /\nglll'I\IIlL'I"il';lll societies. inlernational pandering is nOI examined in depth. nUl II'h;lI is ck;II' is that radical feminist arguments h;lI'C increasingly dominated Ih,' ,kh;ilL' over sex trafiicking and Ihat radical reminist claims ;lhlHll Iranicking h;I\'c' catalyzcd a larger campaign to abolish all forms of prnstitution . . Unfortunatl'iy. fairly lillie is known ;lbollt the v;lrious prolilel'l'.\ ill\'lll\'L,t! ill the inlernational tr~lnicking or persolls recruiled thmugh dlTL'plilln {Ir coercion (O'Neili I~ichard. 2(00). Reliable statislics on Ihe exl,'111 lllll;i!·· licking are una\,~lilablc. due to the hidden nature or the undergmul1d L','lll1- oilly. the lack of standardized recording procedures. and Ihe rl'lucl;llll',' {lj' victims to report abuse oul of real' or reprisal. Although "110 llnL' U.S. or internatiOlwl agency is compiling accurale stalislics" (O'Neill l<.i,'h;lId. :!OOO: 3). this has not stopped concerned organi,_;ltions and SOlll,' gU\'Cril' lllt.:nlS frolll claiming thai large Illllnbers of wOlllen arc trafficked 1I'1lrld· wide c~lCh year. Estimates vary wildly. frolll as many as :: million \'il'lillb to a tin)' fraction of that (lvlcDonald. :!OO'-l). The U.S. Slate J)CP;II'lllll'lll cl~lims. without providing any credible evidence. Ihal "ilundr"ds Ill' {Illlil' s;lllds" or womcn arc tral'licked inlo pmstitution every YC;lr (U.S. D,'P;II'llllL'lli of State, :!()()..j). Such al~lJ'Ining ligures arc convenienlly V;lgliC ;llId Illl;Jih unreliable. None of this is 10 suggest thai tr~lflicking is a mylh. II docs lll·,'ur. ;dllll~­ side voluntary migration in search or work. The rail or l'{llllllllllliSIll 111 Ihl' I'oriller Soviet Union and E;lstern Eumpe and tile opening ul' hllrtins \\ililill 8581

:\EW DIRITTIO,\;S 1:\ IU:SI:ARCII 0:\ I'IUlSTITITI(}:\

I:Urtll)L' neated new opportunitit:s ror l'UlIHllllic:illy ma['~ill;iI II'O[llL'11 III Ir;IIL'1 III Westt:J'i1 Europt: ror sex work, ;lJld l';I~I-Wt:stllli~rali()n 1'01' Ihi~ pllql"'L' h;l~ hl't:n dlKulllelltcd, But it would hc wr,)[]~ to concludt: Ih;1I ll10SI or IhL',';,' Pc")­

pic, or migrallts t:lscwht:n: ill the world, havl' bt:l'lllraflid;t:d a~;linsllhc'lr II ill: ill rael, it appcars thai only a small minority 1';111 into Ihis l';IIC~')J'\' (i\'kl)llll;tld, 2004 ), Sex Irafficking has beell called a mmal p;lJlic, Inllateti li~u['l's ;1[1l1 ;IIIL'nh)l;iI Iwrro[' siorit:s arc used III support Ihe claim thalthcrt: is;1 w'lrldwidl' l'pidl'lllil' or cocrct:d prostitution, As McDonald (20()4: I SiI) points oul. Ih,' l';llllp;li~n ag;linsl lr;lfiicking has exploiled "onl' of tht: mosl powl'rl\li symh()l., ill llil' p;lJltheon orWeSlt:rIl ima~t:ry,lhc inn()cent. young girl dr;lgged ()ILlg:ti[hl hcr will 10 disl;llll lands to salisry the ins;lliabk sexual nal'ings or lI';lIl1lln illen," Conlcmporary claims abollt st:x trafficking art: reminiscenl of Ihc rrelllY lm:r "while sl;lvt:ry" early in tht: 201h ct:nlllry. exccpl lhal noll' thl' PI'otolvpic;iI victim is a poor, young woman rrom the Third World or 1:;IStLl'Il Euro jlt: , 1\ lil;lny or wild claims have elcvatt:d lhl' prtlblcllltO;1 mO[';iI p;lnic Il'lllilliscc'lll or the white slavery p;lJlic or the past. The m;lnagemenl of prostitution is one or Ihe most illl'islhk ;ISjlc'l'IS III t ill' trade, I'I'! ueh Illort: rt:search is needed on the d ynam il'S or rl'LTIl i I[11,' Ill. sllci;lIi/,;ltion, survcillanct:, exploilatilln, cocreion, alllltr;li'lil'king, SlIl'li lillLl­ ings will help to provide a mort: t:laboratt: 1ll0dt::lllr varying jJOWl'l' Icl;lIi'liIS in prostitution, ranging frolll those typt:s whnt: wllrkers expC'rit:nl'L' l',\lrc'[IlC tillmination by managcrs to those whne workt:rs t:xperience littk nplt liialillil ;lJld no cot:rcion,

COIlt:lllsioll

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C,illlL' and J\'li~cl)llthll'l Ct)ml11is~iull, /(r'gllltlllng I'ro,'ilillll;oll: An J:"l'ltlllllfifllJ 111 flit' l'n',\II'

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F;lrky. i\'klissiJ, and Vanl's:-'i1 KeD),. "Pro,lilllliull," \\()}J/C'1l (/nd CrimiJ/u/ .fllsli.'(' ~(}()() ! II J 2')-()~. 1',,111., Tanie". "[,eon Sl'r\'iel's:' Clllijimlill SUe';ulogi.1'I I ~7~ 12) 105-1.11 11a1l,bLT~, Kalhryn, and f1arbara Brl'IlI", """ide r.:"\.,,,!a', ilnnhL'1 IlId'''lr\':' III 1\. \\\'illl'r

(l'd.), ,)'exjiJr .)'o/e: Pro.wi/H/iol1, Porl1ognffJIiy. lIlItl JIll' Sex 11/{/lIslry! i\'l'\\' YDrk: '~()llIkd~l.'. 20(0)

"k:'!. Barb,lr;l. "The rvladalll as Teacher: Thl' Tr;lining of IltltJ:-'l' Pr~h[i[U(l':--," .)'/J{·illl /J ro h','/I1S I ~77 (2-1) 5~5-555. I kyl, BarharO!, "ProslilllliDIl: An Ex I I'L'llll' Ca:-'l' or s .... x Slr'lltlic;lIiull." ill I: :\dkr ;IIH! R. Simoll (ells.). 'fIJi' Crilllinology (~r J)I'I'iw/l \\'OIll(,1/ (n\l"lllll: Ilull~hhHI ~linlin, I ~7').

!-InigaI'd. (ceilit.', and Li\' finslad.IJtwksll'l'c'/,c Frosri'lflioll. I\101I1'.\', C/1lc11.1J\'1' (Ulli\'t,'r:-'lly 1';lIl: P"nll'yl\"Uli" Siall' UlliVl'r,ily 1'1'''''', 19')2 I. Illll/.Ill;IlI. Ilamld. ;Illd Sh"fllll Pille", "Iluyi,,~ Sn: Tk PhL'II"/IIL'''"I,,~.'· Ill' Ill'lll~ " .Illh,,:· 1)''I';(/)1I ""ltorior I ~X2 (~) X~- I 1(,. Huhbard, Phil, "Sl'xualiIY, Imlllllralily, alld Ik CiIY: Rnl-Liglll Di'lriL'" allllll", ,\-br~ill;tli/.a· lill" of FelllalL' Slre"l ProSlilllll"," Gmt/a 1'loCl', lI"tI e"llltl'r 1')'), (51 .'.\ .. 72. J;lIlll':-', Jellni fer, "Prostitute-Pimp Rl'iation~hip;..." (\1('llinr/ ,.\'V/ll'I·D· I~r J/wnw' SI'\lllrlily ( 1)7,\ 17) 1~7-1 60 . .kllrL'Y", Sheila, Tlte' 'tle'll "lI'I1!JI;lltliflll (r.:llnh ~-Il'lh"U1llL', l\u,lr,tli;1. Spilllk.\, Il)l)7). ,itlrdan. Jan, "User Buy,,: \Vhy ivkn Buy Sex:' .. 'ustrll/iull lIlIil Nl'II'II'lIlond .lollnrol II( ('rimi­ IInlog." 19n (JO) 55-71.

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Kurt!.. SIL'\'L'Il. Ililary Surratt, JalllL'\ Illci;lJ"di. and i\l'lrinll Klk~', "SL',\ \\"\lrk .Hllt '!).lll'" Vi"leIlCl· ... Violl'ili'l' ,lgtlill"l lIilllll'lI 200-1 (I 01 ~)7-.\''i, L,·\'n. Jall"l ;lIId D";II11W [)olllil'k. "Clil'llh alHI Call Clirb: SL"'ki,,~ S,''\ a"d 1"11111''''\,' ill R,

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Lilli. Lin Le;lIl. "flIt' Sex ,)t't"lOf: -l7w /:"nJluJlI1;," till" Soo'llllJast's o(/1roslillllilill 1"11 SIJulhj'u","I .. lsitlIGL't1L'\'a: Iml'ntaliollal Lah\lf Onil'L'. II)I)X), I.inz. J)ani ..... l, ",\11 Examinaliull nr lhe A:-'SUlllplilHl thai ,\dult BlhiIlL"'l" ;Ir\.' !\':-'PI,.'I:I\o..:d \\'1111 Crime ill Surrounding ArL'as:' 1.1Iu' und SUI'it"y 1\('1';1'11' 200...J L1i\) ()I)-IO... 1.

LI)Wman. John. and Laura Fraser. Violence Agaillst IJersolls \\'IJ{) 1)J'PSJitlflt': rill' I:'\},.', ;,'/11'/' /11 i!l'i/isll C"/II/II"i" IOllawa. Canada: DcpanltlC'H "I' h',lic". 11)1)). Llll';!:). }\I1I1. "/'lll' /JiS-('(JSl' (~r Being II \\~JJ1"IH, Ht'lillllking I'Ji)SfilllliulI IIJld S/fhlln/illlll;PJl, Dt>L'itlr;tllli"en:tlit>nllkrkell'Y: UniVL'r,il>' Ill' Ctlil'llr"i:l. IIJlJX) Lltl';\:-'. 1\1111. "Hustling I"or l\'luHL'Y: [\'lalL' Pn)~!i!lItL's' EXlk·ril,.'llcc, p( ,')\)L'i;1I ('1l1111"1)!.·' ill 1\.

Mill"r and S, Iln>\\'ning Il'ds,). /-ill' IIII' COIIIIIIOII Goo" (Durh,"It. ""nil CI'" >I '":1. (""lllilla ;\c;ldl"ltic I'rcss. "IlO-1). Lud':l'llbill. David. "DL'\'iall{ CareL'r (\'Iohiliry: ThL' Case Dr f\·lak PnhliIllIL"." ,)u,'illl l'nlhl,'lIIs 11):\1> 1-' I) 2:\,\-2%, fvl~Il'KiIlnDI). (athL'rillt'. Ft'UlillislI/ UllIllodUi('d (C;II11hrid~L'. l\ i;I':-';ll'Jllbl'II': I !;\n';lId l 'Ili\ l'l ,il~" I'rcss. 11):\7), i\!;ll'Killllllll, Catilt·rifle. 1fJl\'llnlll Feminist '/'Iwol'Y t~llhl' .\(o/(' lC;lIl1hJid~l·. ~L1':-.;tl·hthl·!I' Ila,,'ard Uni",'!'sil,Y I'rl·". II)XI)). ~kl)lllt"ld. Willi;IIIt. "Tranit- Cllllnh. Symhllk and Agend",: 1\ Criliqu,' "I' lh,' (',"nl'aipl Against Tranickillg of tillman BL'illg~:' /"fl'flltltiolllll UC'I'il'lI' I~r \'jl'lilllulogy 2()()-1 III) 1-1:1-176,

t\'kKeg;lIlcy. i':L'il allli J\larina Barnard. !'rosritllfiol/ 011 thl' ,)"I"I'c'I,\ (HllCkill~haJII. I·.!l~blld: Open Ulli\',-""ily 1'1'''''. 1')1)6), i\1atlllL'ws, RU~L'r./)Jo.Hifllti(J1/ in IAJ/ldtJl1 (~"liddk~ex. Engl;IIHL 1\liddk:--I..·.\ Ullin'r,iIY. 11)1J7)

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l\'liiIlL'l'. Chrislilla ;ttlt! Richard Milnl'r./J!"ck !'!cI."''/'.\'llltl'ltlll: Lillk Jlltl\\'Il. 11)7:'1. .\'lnillu. i\'l;lnin. "\Vhy i\.'lL'1l Seck nut Pn):-.titult·~." ill R, \Vl'ilJ.eJ' (l'lI. L ,)"I'.\jiu" SuIt': /11i1\/JlllliPIl. l'Ii/'Illlgl'II!,"Y. /lilt! IIII' Sn ""IIISlrY INl'\\' YI!lt: Roulledgl'. 201l()) i\'lnlltn. ivianill. "FelH;i1c Prustitlltioll, CUSlllllll'r,_ alit! Vink'm.'L· ... \'ioll'lll"1' ,\g(1;IISI \\iJlIJI'1I 2{)D-! 111l) 160-16X, O'Col1l1ell [)'I\'id~lHl, Julia. Pown: !l/nnillllioll. WIt! !-"In'dom (/\IlIl/\rblU", 1\1iL"lli~;IIl: lillih'r­ sily "I' 1\'lichigall I'rl'''. II)I)X).

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Silber!. i\·lillli. lIlId Ay;J!.1 Pine'. "Viclimizillilill or Slft.'l'l Pn)'dllllll''>,'' \·jl·li/l1'JIII.~·.\ !l)S~ 171 1~~-!.1J.

SilllP:-'lIll. \\-bry. and ThOlI1":-' Schill. "Pal rOil."" \)1' ~vla.\sat!t.' Parh}/":--:- ;\rc"lrin',\ ,~J S,'.\IIIlIIir'lit/l"/llr 1<)77 (I») )~I-)~). I I.S. DL'part'lIL'1H "r SlatL'. "ThL' Link llL-twL'L'n I'II"titllli"n a"d SL'.\ T .. afli,·b,,~.··1 \\'",hi"~I"". DC: DL'pann'L'IlI11i" StatL'. ~()()-I). \':lkr~1. RllhL'nu. Rubin Sawyer. i.lnd Glenn Schiraldi. ··Pl'fl"L'in.'d I k:t/lh 0:l'L'd, III 111Ill'('( 'ity Strl'L't Pro\liwtcs:' An1l'rinll1 Jourllul t~lllf'lllfh lkhm';oF ~()I)I (~5J SIJ Sly \":111 del' Pncl. Sari. "Professional r.... laJc Pru,lilliliun: A f'\Cgkl'lL'd Phl'l)tlIllL'lhli!.·· ("rllt/I', 1.1I1)', ullti Suciul C/rUIIXl' I ')<)2 II X) 25')-275. V;Ul\vl'sl'llhL'C'ck. Jnl". l>nJslilll/('S' B'e/l·/JeiIJ.t: lIml Risk (,\lllslerd:II11: Vt! Unin·r .... it:-.. PI',,:,,". I<)')~ ).

V;IJl\\Tsl'llbl'l'ck. 11ll'. "Another DCl-illk of Surial SCil'lllilil' \Vork uo Pr\I .... IIlIIIIIlIl.·· .·\/lII/Ift! H"!'ie, .. orSex f(".\('ur.-i. 2()OI (12) 2-12-~X'). Verl'mk. AlbL'n. "'kcolilillg I'nrslitLlIL'ti." IJrilis/r '/0110",1 or CrimilllJlogr I '>75 I 15) c.' 1- cl>.1. \V:\~t'Il;I:Ir. llendrik. "DCIllOCfilCY and Prustillllillll: DL'iihl'r;Jlill~ Ihl.' Lt.'~;lli/;Jlinll pI" Hrlllhl'h ill till' i'!clill'rlanli:-.:' Atlmil1istnlli{m I~ I) 'n-I()5.

\Vl'ishL'rg, D. KL'lly. Chiltlre'li c~lll1t' Nighl: ,.\ SUltly (~r ;\t!,,/t'sn'Jlf I'/"Il.,riflll{p/l II.l·'\ ill~11 Ill. 1\'las~aclllhL'tlS: LL'xill~IUn IlJX5).

\VCIII.L'r. Rnll~dd, "Prostitutcs' Right~ ill the t.Jnitl'tI Slale .... : Till' Faililll' III' :\ '\!\I\\'l1ll'IIL" SlJcioloXi,"," Qllllrierir I ')<) I (32) ~:l--II. \Veilzt,.'r, RUIl~dd. "PruslittiliDIl CDlllrul ill AllIlTicl: RL'tilinking PllhliL' Pulil·!'." (·rinll·. '.OH~ IIlId S,,.-illl C/rlillge It)')<) (3~) X3-I02. \Vciuer. I{ooald, "The Politics of Prostitutioll ill America." ill 1<. \\·L'ill.l'r h'd.). .)'(' \ 1;11' SII/I': 1'J"(}Sliflfrioll. 1)()rll{)gJ'tII)/ry. lind fhl' .)·l'X Indlls/I:,' (New YUI"K: Rtllllll'll~l'. ~()()f)). \VL'itZL'l'. HDllalti. "Flawed Theury and ~·klhod in Stlldie~ or JlnhlitlllitllJ," V/Oll'IlI'I' :\gllill.\! WOll"'" 201l)a II I ) <)J~-<)~<).

\\'eitzel', Ronald. "Rehashing Tired Claims ahuill Prostitlllinn:' \'i"/('II/"I' Agllillst \\ '/lUII'1I ~1)(L=)h I I I ) '>7 I -<)77. WL',t. DUllald. Mole l'm.Hillllioll (Binghaliltoll. NL'w Y,,,l: II ''''·lInh. I 'N.') \VhitlilkL'r. Dawn, and Graham llan. "j\-Iall

Z;ll/, NU;lh, "St'X \VorkJSL'x '\l't: Law, L"bllf. and De .... irl· ill COlhlrtlL'll\lIh \)1' 1'l\hltllllitHl"· Signs 1<)'>7 (22) 277-30X. 8588 feature article ronald weitzer prostitution: facts and fictions Alrhough 50rnetirnes ronlantlCJzed in popular culture; prostitution is aJore often portrayed as inTrinsica!!y oppressjve and harrn{uf. j--jo';f;j accuratE is this linage?

hen I mentioned the topic of prostitution to a oppression model use dramatic language (" sexual slav­ friend recently, he said, "How disgusting! How ery," "paid rape," "survivors," and so on) and describe Wcould anybody sell themselves?" A few weeks only the most disturbing cases, which they present as typ­ later an acquaintance told me she thought prostitution ical-rhetorical tricks designed to fuel public indignation. was a "woman's choice, and can be empowering." These The oppression model's images of victimhood erase opposing views reflect larger cultural perceptions of pros­ workers' autonomy and agency, and preclude any possi­ titution, as well as much academic writing on the topic. bility of organizing sex work III order to minimize harm A growing number of scholars regard prostitution, and empower workers. This model holds that prostitution pornography, and stripping as "sex work" and study it as should be eradicated, not ameliorated. But much research an occupation. Exploring all dimensions of the work, in challenges the oppression model as well as some other different contexts, these studies document substantial popular fictions. variation In the way prostitution is organized and experi­ enced by workers, clients, and managers. These studies the street vs. indoors undermine some deep-rooted myths about prostitution and challenge writers and activists who depict prostitu­ Street prostitution differs sharply from indoor prosti­ tion monolithically. tution. Many of the problems associated with "prostitu­ The most popular monolithic perspective is that pros­ tion" are actually concentrated III street prostitution and titution is an unqualified evil. According to this oppres­ much less evident in the indoor sector. sion model, exploitation, abuse, and misery are intrinsic Certainly many street prostitutes work under abysmal to the sex trade. In this view, most prostitutes were phys­ conditions and are involved in "survival sex," selling sex ically or sexually abused as children, which helps to out of dire necessity or to support a drug habit. Some are explain their entry Into prostitution; most enter the trade runaway youths with no other options. Many use addic­ as adolescents, around 13-14 years of age; most are tive drugs; risk contracting and transmitting sexual dis­ tflcked or forced into the trade by pimps or sex traffick­ eases; are exploited and abused by pimps; are vulnerable ers; drug addiction is rampant; customer violence against to being assaulted, robbed, raped, or killed; and are workers is routine and pervasive; working conditions are socially isolated and disconnected from support services. abysmal; and legalization would only worsen the situa­ This is the population best characterized by the oppres­ tion. sion model. Some writers go further, characterizing the "essen­ Other street prostitutes are in less desperate straits. tlal" nature of prostitution. Because prostitution is Some work independently, without pimps (a Miami study defined as an institution of extreme male domination found that only 7 percent had pimps, but the percentage over women, these writers say that violence and exploita­ varies greatly by city). Regarding age of entry, the oppres­ tion are inherent and omnipresent-transcending histori­ sion model's claim of 13-14 years is clearly not the norm. cal time period, national context, and type of prostitu­ A recent British study by Marianne Hester and Nicole tion. As Sheila Jeffreys writes, "Prostitution constitutes Westmarland found that 20 percent of their sample had sexual violence against women in and of itself"; and begun to sell sex before age 16 while almost half (48 per­ according to Melissa Farley, prostitution is a "vicious insti­ cent) had begun after age 19. Childhood abuse (neglect, tution" that is "intrinsically traumatizing to the person violence, incest) is indeed part of the biography of some being prostituted." Many writers who subscribe to the prostitutes, but studies that compare matched samples of

Context5, Vol 6, NumiJer 4, pp 28-33. ISSN J536-5042, electronic 155N 1537-6052. © 2007 by the American 50ciological Association. All fights reserved Plea:.'? direct all requesf5 for permIssion to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Pres5'5 Right.s and PermissIOn:. website, http://www.ucpressjournail.comlreprintlnfo.alp. 001: 7O. 7525Ictx.2007. 6.4.32

28 contexts L,li ,,'f)U! street prostitutes and nonprostitutes show mixed results; prostitution to prostitution in general. What gets less some find a statistically significant difference in experi­ attention is the hidden world of indoor prostllution in ence of family abuse, while others find no difference. HIV venues such as bars, brothels, massage parlors, tanrllng infection rates are highest among street prostitutes who salons, or in services provided by escort agencies or inde­ inject drugs and less common among others. pendent call girls. An estimated 20 percent of all prosti­ Different writers report very different rates of victim­ tutes work on the streets in the United States. Although ization. Scholar-activists and some "survivor organiza­ this number is hard to substantiate at the national level, tions" (Breaking Free, Standing Against Global some city-level studies support it. Regardless of the exact Exploitation, Council for Prostitution Alternatives) cite numbers, indoor sex work clearly accounts for a large high levels of violence against prostitutes (70-100 per­ share of the market. cent). Samples drawn from the clients of social service Less research has been conducted on indoor prostitu­ tion, but available studies indicate that, compared to streetwalkers, indoor workers have lovver rates of child­ hood abuse, enter prostitution at an older age, and have more education. They are less drug-dependent and more likely to use softer drugs (marijuana instead of crack or heroin) Moreover, they use drugs for different reasons. Street workers consume drugs or alcohol to help them cope with the adversities of the job, whereas Ifldoor workers use them both for coping and as part of their socializing with customers. Sexually transmitted diseases are fairly rare among call girlS, escorts, and women who work in brothels where condom use is mandatory. Indoor workers tend to earn more money, are at lower risk of arrest, and are safer at work. They are in a better position to screen out dangerous customers (through a referral system for call girls and vetting by gatekeepers in broth­ els and massage parlors), and they have a higher propor­ tion of low-risk, regular clients. Amsterdam's Prostitution Information Center Studies conducted in a variety of countries have found that indoor sex workers are less likely to experience vio­ agencies or from antiprostitution survivor groups yield a lence from customers than those who work on the much higher level of victimization (their clients were des­ streets. For example, Church found that few call girls and perate enough to seek help) than samples drawn from sauna workers had experienced violence (only 1 percent the wider population of street workers. A study by had ever been beaten, 2 percent raped, and 10 percent Stephanie Church and colleagues found that 27 percent robbed). This and other studies support Lilly Plumndge of a sample of street prostitutes had been assaulted, 37 and Gillian Abel's conclusion that "street workers are sig­ percent robbed, and 22 percent raped. Criminologists nificantly more at risk of more Violence and more serious John Lowman and Laura Fraser reported similar results: violence than indoor workers." (ObViously, this does not 39 percent assaulted, 37 percent robbed, and 37 percent apply to persons recruited by force or fraud and trafficked sexually assaulted. Since random sampling of this popula­ into brothels, who are at high risk for subsequent tion is impossible, we must approach all victimization fig­ exploitation and abuse.) ures cautiously, but victimization is apparently not nearly Research finds that many lfldoor workers made con­ as prevalent, even among street prostitutes, as the scious decisions to enter the trade; they do not see them­ oppression model asserts. selves as oppressed victims and do not feel that their Unfortunately, much popular discourse and some aca­ work is degrading. Consequently, they express greater Job demic writing extrapolate from (a caricature of) street satisfaction than their street -level counterparts. And they may differ little from nonprostitutes. A study by psychol­ Ronald Weitzer teaches al George Washington University His current ogist Sarah Romans and colleagues comparing Indoor research is Oil legal prostitution systems. workers and an age-matched sample of nonprostltute women found no differences between the two groups in work quite draining. physical health. self-esteem. mental health. or the quality Many customers are looking fOI more than sex from of their social networks. indoor workers. Reviews of several websites where cus­ Some prostitutes feel validated and empowered by tomers discuss their preferences and experiences indicate their work. In some studies. a large percentage of indoor that many seek women who are friendly, conversational. workers report an increase in self-esteem after they began generous with time, and who engage in cuddling and working in prostitution, state that they are very satisfied foreplay. This has come to be known ilS a "girlfriend expe­ with their work, or feel that their lives improved after rience" (GFE), with elements of romance and intimacy III entering prostitution. Escorts interviewed by sociologist addition to sex. One client writing III the populdr Tanice Foltz took pride in their work and viewed them­ Punternet websites said that he had "a gentle GFE that selves as morally superior to others: "They consider was more lovemaking than sex," and another stated, wornen who are not 'in the life' to be throwing away "There was intimacy and sweat and grinding and laughter, woman's major source of power and control, while they as and those moments that are sexy and funny and warm and prostitutes are using it to their own advantage as well as leave you with a grin on your face the next day. Girlfriend for the benefit of society." A study by the Australian gov­ sex_" Escorts and call girls also contribute to these web­ ernment reported that half of the 82 call girls and 101 sites, and their comments make it clear that many do not brothel workers interviewed felt their work was a "major believe the oppression model applies to them. source of satisfaction" in their lives; two-thirds of the In sum, prostitution takes diverse forms ilnd exists brothel workers and seven out of under varying conditions. a com­ ten call girls said they would" def­ plexity that contrcldicts popular mitely choose this work" if they Prostitution takes diverse myths and sweeplIlg generaliza­ had It to do over again; and 86 forms and exists under tions. Plenty of eVidence chal­ percent in the brothels and 79 per­ varying conditions, a com­ lenges the notion that prostitutes, cent of call girls said that" my daily across the board, are coerced into work is always varied and interest­ plexity that contradicts the sex trade. lead lives 01 misery, Ing." Ann Lucas's interviews with popular myths and experience IIICjh levels of victim­ escorts and call girls revealed that Ization, and want to be rescued. these women had the "financial, sweeping generalizations. These patterns charilctellZe one social, and emotional wherewithal segment of the sex trade, bur rhey to structure their work largely in are nor the definmg features of ways that suited them and provided ... the ability to main­ prostitution. Sex workers differ markedly in their autono­ tain healthy self-images." Other studies indicate that such my, work experiences. Job satisfaction, and self-esteem. control over working conditions greatly enhances overall It's time to replace the oppression model With a polymor­ Job satisfaction among these workers. phous model-a perspective that recognizes multiple Indoor and street prostitutes also differ in whether structural and experiential realities. they engage in "emotion work" (providing intimacy, emotional support) in addition to sexual services. Emotion legalization? work is rare among streetwalkers, whose encounters are limited to quick, mechanical sex. But call girls and escorts According to the oppression model, legalization (and, to a lesser degree, brothel and massage parlor would only institutionalize exploitation and abuse. workers) are often expected to support and counsel Antiprostitution groups insist that legalization is a recipe clients, and their encounters may resemble dating experi­ for misery and has a "corrosive effect on society as a ences, including conversation, gifts, hugging, massage, whole," according to the Coalition Agaillst 1rafflcking In and kissing. Janet Lever and Deanne Dolnick's compara­ Women. It is difficult to measure sornethlf19 as vague as tive study of a large number of street and indoor workers a "corrosive effect," but 11 IS pOSSible to evaluate some in Los Angeles found striking differences between the other dimensions of legalization. includmg the effects on two groups mthe quantity and quality of their sexual and workers themselves. To address tills question, we need to emotional interactions with clients. Emotion work is not examine cases where prostitution IS legal and regulated necessarily easy; workers who feign intimacy or emotion­ by the government. Brothels are leCjal 111 a number oj al support over an extended period of time may find the places, Including Nevada, the Netherlands, Australia. dnd

30 contexts hI! )00 7 8592

licensed brothel industry." In each of these systems, elab­ orate safety measures (surveillance. panic buttons, listen­ ing devices) allow manaC)ers to respond to unruly CllS­ tomers quickly and effectively. These studies suggest that legal prostitution, while no panacea, is not inherently dangerous and can be structured to minimize risks and empower workers. The question 01 whether legalization is preferable to criminalization-in terms oi h,lrrn reduCl/on-ls one thing. The question of its feas/i)ility in the United States IS another. Today. it is legal only In Nevada, where about 30 brothels exist in rural counties, It IS prohibited in LilS Vegas and Reno. According to a 2002 poll, 31 percent of Nevadans are opposed to the state's legal brotllels while 52 percent support them. And il 2004 ballot measure to ban brothels in one of Nevada'S rural counties was defeated: 63 percent voted to retain legal prostitution in Churchill county. Rural support comes larC)ely from the tax revenues that counties denve from the brothels. And the rest of the country! Although many Americans conSider prostitution immoral or distasteful. a large minority disagrees. In the 1996 General SOCial Survey, 47 percent (52 percent of men, 43 percent of women) agreed that. "There is nothinC) inherently wrong New Zealand. Statutory regulations vary by country, but a with prostitution. so long as the health risks can be mini­ common objective is harm reduction. New Zealand's 2003 mized. II consenting adults aC)ree to exchange money for law, for instance, gives workers a litany of rights, provides sex, that IS their buslrless." Moreover, a Sizeable number for the licensing and taxing of brothels, and empowers favor alternatives to criminalization. A 1991 Gal/up poll local governments to determine where they can operate, found that 40 percent of the publiC thought that prosti­ limit their size, vet the owners, ban offensive signage, tution should be "leC)al and regulated by the govern­ and impose safe-sex and other health requirements. ment." Unfortunately, no American poll has speCified the Research suggests that, under the right conditions, meaning of legalization, which could involve licensing, legal prostitution can be organized in a way that increas­ mandatory health exams, brothels, a designated zone of es workers' health, safety, and job satisfaction. street prostitution, or other regulations. Mandatory condom use and other safe-sex practices are A lair number of men have bought sex. Accordlrlg to typical in legal brothels, and the workers face much lower the 2000 General Social Survey, 17 percent of American risk of abuse from customers. According to a 2004 report men have paid for sex at some time /11 their lives. and 3 by the Ministry of Justice in the Netherlands, the "vast percent have done so in the past year. Recent surveys majority" of workers in Dutch brothels and window units indicate that 9 percent of British men and 16 percei11 of report that they "often or always feel sale." Nevada's Australian men report paying for sex. The actual numbers legal brothels" offer the safest environment available lor are likely higher. given the stigma involved women to sell consensual sex acts for money," according Despite the significant support for legalizatIon and to a recent study by sociologists Barbara Brents and sizeable customer base. there has been almost no serious Kathryn Hausbeck. And a major evaluation of legal broth­ debate among American policymakers on alternatives to els in Queensland, Australia, by the government's Crime prohibition. As a 1999 til5k iOlce 111 Buffalo. New York, and Misconduct Commission concluded, "There is no reasoned. "Since it IS uillikely that city or stilte offiCials doubt that licensed brothels provide the safest working could ever be convinced to (ic'uilnindllze or legalize flros­ enVifonment for sex workers in Queensland .... Legal titution in Buffalo, there is nOlhlng to be gained by debai­ brothels now operatlllg in Queensland provide a sustain­ inC) the merits of either." TIllS logiC seems to put the cart able model for a healthy, crime-free, and safe legal before the horse, but all those rare occa';lons when poli-

contexts 31 8593

cy alternatives have been floated in other cities, they have "inherently harmful and dehumanIzing," and In a 2003 met with the same status-quo outcome. When a San speech at the United Nations he declared. "The victims of Francisco task force boldly recommended decriminaliza­ the sex trade see little of life before they see the very tion in 1996, the city's political leaders promptly relected worst of life--an underground of brutality and lonely the Idea. And III 2004 a Berkeley. California. ballot meas­ fear. ... Those who patronize this Industry debase them­ ure that called on poltce to refrain from enforcing prosti­ selves and deepen the misery of olhers." tution laws was defeated: 64 percent voted against it. The Bush administration h,15 iunnelel~ more than 5350 OpPosition was likely due to the measure's laissez-faire million Into international and domestic organlzil1ions fight­ approach; people are more inclined to support some kind ing prostitution, many of Wllich are right-WIng. faith-based, of regulation, just as they are with regard to some other or abolitionist feminist in orientation. These groups have vices. Still, despite the substantial minority of Amerrcans received funds to conduct "research." operate "rescue" who support legalization In prinCiple, outside of Nevada miSSions, and engage In otiwr interventIon'.. Organizations the idea has attracted little public attention. that prOVide services to sex workers bul do not formally COf)­ demn prostitution have been denied funcilng. increasing criminalization Criminalization of other sectors of the sex Industry also appears to be on the Arnellcan agenda. ActiVists Although the issue of legalization is dormant in the have been pressing the government 10 ulmffliJllZe the contemporary United States, prostitution policy has commercial sex trade as a whole. contending that the recently become a hot Issue. An antiprostitution coalition oppression model applies to all forms of sex work. For has gathered steam, composed of the religious right and example, in a 2005 report funcied ily the State abolitionist femillists. Judging by their publications and Department scholar-activist Donna Hughes condemned pronouncements, the coalition not only accepts the myths I have described but actively perpetuates them. During the Bush administration, this coalition has played a major role in redefining the issue and influenc­ ing public policy. Coalition views have been incorporated in key legislation and in the official policies of several fed­ eral agencies. What began (in the 1990s) as a campaign focused on international trafficking has morphed into a frontal assault on the domestic sex industry in America. In 2001, the State Department created a new unit, the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons. This otiice has endorsed the same extraordinary claims that are made by the antiprostitution coalition. One example is the State Department's remarkable website, "The Link Between Prostitution and Sex Trafficking," which contains these nuggets: "Prostitution is inherently harmful. Few activities are as brutal and damaging to people as prosti­ both stripping and pornography. She claimed that tution"; it "leaves women and children physically, men­ women and girls are trafficked 10 perforrn al StriP clubs tally, emotionally, and spiritually devastated;" and (though she found only six case:, of thIS In the United "Prostitution is not the oldest profession, but the oldest States during 1998-2005) and tilat the producers of form of oppression. " pornography "often rely on trafilcked victIms." a charge Similar claims appear III the websites and publications made with no supportrng evicience. Some government of some other government agencies-the Justice officials have echoed these claims. Department, Health and Human Services, United States In 2005, the Justice Department launched a flew Agency for Interniltional Development-and have been crackdown on adult pornography ilnd obscenity. (Under recapitulated by some members of Congress and by the the Clinton aciminlstration. child pornography was the president. In 2002, President Bush signed a Presidential main target.) The stated objectIve of the 2005 End Directive on trafficking that defines prostitution as Demand for Sex TraffIcking bIll WilS to "comb'lt commer-

32 contexts [;;11 /Uf! 8594

cial sexual activities" in general. The rationale for this Chicago Press, 2007). TraCK', trends In commercialized :,ex, sweeping approach. according to the bill. is that "com­ focusing on the growing lTlilrket!flg of intimacy coupled mercial sexual activities have a devastating impact on with sexual services. society The sex trade has a dehumanizing effect on all

involved." Commercial sex is defined remarkably broadly Wendy Chapbs. "Power and Controi III the CommerCial Sex as "any sex act on account of which anything of value is Trade." In 5ex for Sale.' Prost/lulion. Pornography, and {fie given to. or received by, any person." The overall trend is 5ex Industry. ed Ronald Wei tiel (f(ouI leclrjE'. 20001 clear: the Bush administration has embraced the oppres­ Identifies variables tilat shapE' 'Norker experiences In differ­ sion model as a rationale for its expanding. multifaceted ent sectors of the sex industry. crackdown on the sex industry. Although the oppression framework dominates today, Martin Monto. "female Prostitution. Customers. and there IS a diametrically opposed cultural representation Violence." Violence Agaills{ Women 10 (2004): j 60 ·68 that romanticizes prostitution We see this in some rock Exposes several myths regardlflC; nrOSllluteS' cllen!s and hip-hop songs, films like Pretty Woman and The Best Little Whorehouse in Texas, novels like Tracy Quan's Diary Ine Vanwesenbeeck. "Another Decade of SOCIal SClenlii!c of a Married Call Girl, televiSion shows like HBO's Work on Prostitution." Anllual Revlf'w of Sex Research 12 Cathouse. and a handful of academic writings. Such rep­ (2001): 242-89. A comprehenSIve illerature review_ prOVid­ resentations portray prostitution as enjoyable. empower­ ing support for the polyrnorphous model. ing, and lucrative work. In my view, this celebratory model is just as one-dimensional and empirically limited as the Ronald Weitzer. "New Directions In Hesearch on oppression model. The alternative, superior perspective Prostitution." Crime. Law. and Social Change !13 (2005): recognizes that prostitution vanes enormously across 211-35. Analysis of delicleneles ,n tl'le research literature time. place. and sector·---with important consequences for and some promiSing studies lhat help 10 address them. workers' health, safety. and jol) satisfaction. Ronald Weltzer. "The Social C:onslluct,on of Sex rrafflo;lnr]" recommended resources Ideology and Institutionalization 01 a rvioral Crusacle.·' Politics & 50ciely 35 (2007): 447-75. Crrtical evaiuation 01 Elizabeth Bernstein Temporarily Yours: Intimacy, the claims of antitraificking forcE'S and their increasing Authenlicity, and rhe Commerce of 5ex (University of endorsement in U.S. cJovernment policy

out of context: are a majority of wornen spousel joel best

Earlier this year, the New York Times ran a front-page The two Times stories led to COIISlcierable cornmentary in story, "51 % of Women Are Now Living Without Spouse." A other media and on the Web. Illuch of It focused Oil what few weeks later. the paper's" readers' representative" issued "most" womell were doillCj. 1\10 one denied a clear trend a clarification. The original story drew upon the Census young women are marryllll) later. and olcier women are sur­ Bureau's 2005 American Community Survey, which grouped viving longer (thereby Increasing the numbers of wlciows), females 15 and olcJer Not surprisingly, a substantial propor­ so that the percentage of WOm("fl 11I1f1l9 Without a spollse tion of 15-year-olds are living With their parents; in fact, in has grown in recent decades. But trends moy nOl attract many states It is Illegaf for them to marry. If 15-year-olds had media coverage until someone declares that sorne symbolic been excluded, a majority of women would have counted as milestone-such as "51 % "-hilS been reilehed. In this case. living with a spouse. (Married women whose spouses were the larger social pattern and ItS significance got lost in the away-·-such as Imprisoned or serving in the mliitary--were debate over the validity of the measurement used to denote also categorrzed as not living with a spouse) the milestone.

contexts 33 8595

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Forum

Flawed Theory and Method in Studies of Prostitution

RONALD WElTZER GeorSf Washinglon Univcrsily

I}/ }/anren of the social sciences has ideology contaminclteLi knllwl­ edge more pervasively than in writings on the sex industry. Too often in this (lrea, the canons of scientific inquiry

IDEOLOGICAL BLINDERS

The three articles arc only the most recent examples in ,1 lung line of writings on the sex industry by Cluthors who i1ciupl ill1 extreme version of radical feminist theory--{'xtreme in the: Sl'nse thClt it is absolutist, doctrinaire, and unscientific. Exemplifnng this Clpproach are the works of Andrea Dworkin (1901,]lJ()7), Catherine MacKinnon (1987, 1989), Kathleen Bcury (1995), (Inc! Sheila Jeffreys (1997). These writers view prostitution CIS ccllcgori-

VIULENCI: ,\Ci\lNST WOMEN. Vol. Il No.7. jllly 211115 'J3'1·~'I') DOl: 1U.1177(I077H01205276981> 1.~, 2tJ05 Snge Puulicatillll.'i 8597

Wcitzcr / FLAWED THEORY AND ,\1ETI-IOJ) ~JS cally evil, the epitome of male dominCltion and exploitc)tillil of women irrespective of historical time period, societal context, or type of prosLi tu tion. The authors of the three articles under rc\'ievv share these views2 Prostitution is decried as a humCln righ ts \' io\,1- tion, "an institution that doles out death Clnd diseClse" to women (RClymond, 2004, p. 1182) and "Cl porticularly viciuus institutilliluf inequality of the sexes" (Farley, 2004, p. 1117). These writers ,liso insist thClt prostitution is by definition Cl form of violence c1gclinst vvomen, whether or not it involves outright physical violence. Violence is endemic and intrinsic to prostitution, categoricllly and universally. RClymond titles one of her articles "Prostitution as Violence AgClinst Women" (Raymond, 1998) and another "Prostitution is Rape That's Paid For" (Raymond, ]995). Finley SICl tes, "Prosti tu tion must be exposed for w ha tit re,1I1 y is: i1 pi1rtic­ uli1rly lethi11 form of male violence against \-vomen" (hlrley & Kelly, 2000, p. 54), and elsewhere she claims that prostitution is sexual harassment, rape, and battering (Farley, 20(0). The distinc­ tion between "forced" and "voluntary" prostitution is regi1rded ClS a myth; some type of coercion and domin,)tion is i1lwi1ys involved. The terminology used in these articles, and other writings in this genre, is designed for maximum shock value. Customers Me IClbeled prostitllte llsers and sexlIal predators who brutalize women Farley declores that "the difference between pimps who terrllrizl' women on the street and pimps in business suits who terrorizp women in gentlemen's clubs is a difference in class only, not ,1 dif­ ference in woman hating" (Farley, 2004, p. n(1). J\aphi1el ,mel Shapiro (2002, p. 137) proclaim, "These men must be viewed as batterers rClther than customers," and Farley (2004) claims th,)t "johns are regulClrly murderous towClrd women" (p. 11(2). Every­ one knows thClt some johns do indeed have violent proclivities Clnd others are serial killers who prey on vulnerable women on the streets (Lowmi1n, 2000), but studies of customers ci1ution agilinst blanket characterizations. Martin Monto, \vho has studieci more than 2,300 arrested customers, hilS found that most of thc l11('n did not accept rape myths or other justifications for violence agi1inst women. He concludes that "a relatively small proportion ur cli­ ents may be responsible for most of the violence against prosti­ tutes" (Monto, 2000, p. 76) and that "there is no rcason to Lwlic"c that most customers are violent" (Monto, 2004, p. 176). 8598

936 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / July 2005

Vivid labels are also applied to the workers. Antiprostitution agencies and activists, and the writers featured in this commen­ tary, are adamant that prostitutes be called prostituted 1l!OIl/f!1l or survi·uors. The former cleClrly indicates thClt prostitution is some­ thing done to women, not something that can be chosen. "Anti­ prostitution cClmpCligners use the term prostituted {(IOIIIl'1I instl:'ad of proslitllles," writes Jeffreys (1997, p. 330). "This is a deliberate politiccl1 decision and is meant to symbolize the lack of choice women have over being used in prostitution." It is true thnt the conventional term prostitllte is stigmatizing, so I understand \,vhy analysts have searched for alternatives. But sllrvivors Clnci eros/i­ tllfed women are problematic in their own right: The former sug­ gests persons who hClve escaped something and the ICltter CllITl­ pletely erases women's Clgency. Women are described as I()cking any agency, except when they resist being prostituted or whel1 they decide to leave prostitution. As Farley puts it, "To the exlent that any womCln is assumed to have freely chosen prostitulion, then it follows thClt enjoyment of domination and rape Me in her nature" (Farley & Kelly, 2000, p. 54). Talk about Cl non sequilur. Prostitutes themselves do not necessarily see themselves ClS people who hClve been prostituted or as survivors. Many view themselves in more neutral terms. In a study of 294 prostitutes in Miami, for instance, almost all of them "prefer the terms sex I/I[lrkcr Clnd worklllg woman Clnd refer to themselves as such" (KlIrlz, Surratt, Inciardi, & Kiley, 2004, p. 359). Regardless of ho\\' the women see themselves, authors who take the extreme rildiGll feminist position reject the idea that prostitution is "sex work," because viewing it as work might legitimize prostitution. The problems described Clbove are the tip of an iceberg floating in a larger theoretical quagmire. The extreme version of r,1Ciicill feminism underpinning these studies is a flawed theory accLlrd­ ing to Clny conventional definition. A good scientific theory is one whose propositions can be verified and fCllsified through empiri­ cal testing. UnfortunCltely, few of radical feminism's clClims about prostitution are amenable to verification or {alsificcltion. These claims Clre presented as self-evident, absolute principles. !-Io\\' would one ever test the platitudes that customers Me prcd,llors, that prostitution is paid rape, or as Dworkin (1997) puts it, th"t "when men use women in prostitution, they Clre expressing () pure hatred for the female body" (p. 14S)? 8599

Wcitzcr / FLAWED THEORY AND METHOD ~J7

I am not the first scholar to raise these questions. In ,1 sweeping critique, Gayle Rubin (1993) noted that the rCldicClI feminist litcri1- ture on prostitution Clnd pornography is filled with "sloppy defi­ nitions, unsupported Clssertions, and outlandish claims" (I'. 36). Such writers deliberately select the "worst cWClilable examples" and the most disturbing instances of abuse and present them (IS representative (Rubin, 1984, p. 301). Anecdotes are routinely pll:'­ sen ted (IS definiti ve evidence, and counterevidence is com plctel y ignored. This particular literature "violates most of the criteria for meaningful, serious, systematic, scientific thinking" (Coolie, 1997, p. 226). Rubin, Goode, and others are especially troubled by the claims of Dworkin and MacKinnon, but their criticisms apply with equal force to many others who write on the sex industry. The extreme radicClI feminist perspective hCls been cri ticizt::d (or its essentialism and universalism, in particulClf the contention that victimiza tion and exploi tation arc inheren t, o!11ni presen t, and unalterable-that prostitution has never been Clnd Ciln ncver be organized in a way that minimizes coercion and inegmllity ,md maximizes workers' interests. Some other feminists disagree. /\s Christine Overall (1992) points out, "It is imaginable that prusli {lI­ tion could always be practiced, as it occasionally is even now, in circumstances of relative safety, security, freedom, hygiene, dnd personal control" (p. 716). She is not optimistic Clbout this becom­ ing the norm, but does present a contrasting picture to those writ­ ers who portray prostitution as a vile institution under (lny ilncl all CirCUlTlstances.

METHODOLOGICAL FLAWS

Many studies of prostitution can be fClulted on methodologicill grounds. Some authors fail to describe how and vvhere they con­ tacted research subjects. Others fail to include comparison gmu ps (nonprostitutes matched on demographic charc1cteristics; eg., age, social class), without which it is impossible to knOl-\' if the findings reported for a prostitute sample differ significantly from those of nonprostitutes. Those few studies that do include appropriate control groups yield mixed results. Some find sig­ nificant differences between prostitutes and controls 011, for instance, history of childhood victimization, vvilereas others find no significant differences (Earls & David, 1989; Nadon, Koverold, 8600

938 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / July :WOS

& Schluderm(lnn, 1998). When it comes to victimiziltion in prosti­ tution, studies are "often methodologic(llly fl(lvved (lnci, more­ over, contradictory" (V(lnwesenbeeck, 2001, p. 259). Reli(lnce on ui1fepresent(ltive s(lmples is vvidesprei1C1. Although r(lndom s(lmpling of sex workers (lnd customers is impossible, too often the findings and conclusions cir(lwn fron, convenience and snowball s(lmples Me not properly qU(llified ilS nongener(lliz(lble. Victimization studies arc (I case in point Street prostitutes (lppe(lr to experience high r(ltes of violence in the course of their work, but the samples used in most studies consisl of people who cont(lcted service (lgencies, were (lpproilched Oil the street, or were interviewed in jail (J(lmes & Meyerding, ]977; McKeganey & B(lrnard, 1996; Weisberg, 1985). The high victim­ ization r(ltes reported in such studies are thus vulner(lble lo selec­ tion bias: The most desperate segment of the population or those persons who are most frequently or seriously victimized mily be especially likely to contact service providers or agree to inter­ views. Generalizing from prostitutes in custody to the pOpU]rllion of prostitutes is also improper, just as with other types of inC,l rccr­ a ted offenders. Yet the implications of this sampling bias lypicclll y Me neglected in the published reports. Moreover, the victimiza­ tion r(ltes reported are often reproduced in the secondary litera­ ture and in newspaper reports without disclosing the sampling technique and its limitations.} To cite just one example of this tendency: Silbert and Pines (1982, p. 127) studied 200 street prostitutes in San hancisco ,md reported that 45'X) had been robbed, 65% h(ld been beaten, ilnd 70'];) had been raped or h(ld experienced a customer "simil,nly going beyond the work contract" (a bit vClgue). The authors hireci interviewers who were former prostitutes, h(ld been residen ts of a treatment facility in the city, and "had been victims of Vc

Weitz"r I FLAWED THEORY AND METHOD ~3Y

that plague these articles; the problem extends to the centr()1 COI1- clusions derived from the research. In ei\ch Ci\se, the procedures used severely compromise the guality of the findings ill1d the larger arguments made by the authors. Raphael and Shapiro (2004) recruited 12 "survivors of prostitu­ tion" to locate and conduct interviews with other prostilules (p. 129). The authors give little indication of how the respondenls were located, except to say that they were "already knOl-vn to" the survivors, "women with whom they worked while previ­ ously in prostitution, and women referred by those interviewed" (J{aphael & Shapiro,2004, p. 132). In other words, no attempt was made to sample the broadest range of workers possible; the Si1m­ pIe was heavily skewed by the fact that the interviewers were prostitution "survivors" and by the fact that interviewers and respondents were prior associates who may have been like­ minded. The authors point out that the interviewers "did not sec their own [prior prostitution) experiences as 'work' or a choice," and "because of the bias of the surveyors, it is likely that this Sdl1'\­ pIe is more representative of women who do want to leiwe prosti­ tution" (Raphael & Shapiro, 2002, pp. 9, 33). Even more serious, this bias appears to have colored the entire study:

This research project was designed within a framework of prostitu­ tion as a form of violence against women and not prostituti()J1 ~lS i1 legitimate industry. ... The survey questions ilnd aciministrOltiuJ1 were likely biased to some degree by working within this frame­ work and by employing surveyors who had left prostitution. (Raphael & Shapiro, 2004, p. 132)

I t is unclear how either the survey guestions or the administrcl tion of the survey were biased, because nothing is said about them. Respondents were asked to state how freguently they had experi­ enced 28 types of violence, but the actual survey guestions are not presented. I congratulate Raphael and Shapiro (2004) for acknowledging these methodological problems ilnd biases, something few othcr vvriters ever do. But the botton. line is that we can hm'c no ctlllfi­ dence in their findings regarding the amoun t Dr nature of vinlellCl' experienced by these women (see below). As V,lnwesenbeeck (2001) points out, 8602

940 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / July 2005

When researchers have difficulty understanding rational, not to mention positive, reasons for choosing sex work and find it easier to think of prostitutes as victims, it is understilndilblc thilt the SPX workers [interviewed] will stress their victim status ilnd negative motivations for working. (p 129)

Biilsed procedures beget foregone conclusions. Rilymond's (2004) article discusses her two previous studies oj sex trafficking--one on trafficking to the United Stiltes and the other on trafficking between lndonesiil, the Philippines, Thili­ land, Venezuela, and the United St

Wcitzcr / FLAWEDTJ-IEORY AND METHOD ~'Il she cites are deeply flawed melhodologicclI1y. Sampling biilses and other procedural problems, in greater or lesser degrl'e, per­ vade her literature, yet Farley never addresses this problem because that might undermine her sweeping claims. What about Farley's own research procedures? Much is left opaque. In one study, Farley and Bctrkan (1998) interviewed street prostitutes in San Francisco. No indication is given of the brcildth or diversity of their sample, or the method of approaching people on the street. In another study, Farley, Baral, Kiren1ire, and Sizgin (1998) interviewed workers in several countries: In Turkey, they interviewed 50 women who were brought to a hospital by the police for the purpose of venereal disease control; in Zambi;", they interviewed 117 women at an organization that offers support services to prostitutes; in Thailand, respondents were inter­ viewed on the street, in a beauty parlor, and in an orgi1l1iz;ltion offering support services; in South Africa, people were inter­ vievved on the street, in brothels, and at a drop-in center. No infor- 111ation is provided as to how these locations wefe selected, or whether alternative locations were rejected for some reason. We knovv that people accessed at agencies providing services arl' likely to be particularly distressed. Finally, though Farley lists the topics covered in the interviews, none of the actual questions is presented. It is especially important to know the exact wording of questions, especially on this topic, because question wording Inay skew the answers. I fully appreciate how difficult it is to conduct research on indi­ viduals who are stigmatized and involved in illegal beh

A QUESTION OF VIOLENCE

Because the three authors define prostitution as violcncl' agClinst women, there is really no reason to try to determil1l' how much violence takes place. Violence is intrinsic to the very ch'lini­ lion of prostitution, so there can be no prostitution vvithout vio- 8604

942 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / July 2005

lence. As indicated above, these writers simply decree th'lt prosti­ tution is violence, a proclamation that is neither verifiable nor falsifiable. How could one prove or disprove it? But, in one of the Ill.Ost revealing passages, Raymond (2004, p. 1175) uses gr<1phic examples to try to prove the prostitution-

To understand how violence is intrinsic to prostitution, it is neces­ sary to understand the sex of prostitution The sexual servin' pro­ vided in prostitution is most often violent, degrading, and abusive sexual acts, including sex between a buyer and several women; slashing the women with razor bl

Note the use of horror stories to arouse the reacler's disgust ,mel anger, and recall Rubin's (1984) criticism of thuse whu present till' worst examples of abuse as typical. Given that violence is presumed to be inevitilble and omnipres­ ent in prostitution, one wonders why these writers spend so much time trying to document its incidence. Perh"ps 'I finding that violence occurs also establishes that it is intrinsic? I now turn to the question of incidence. Many studies have attempted to estimate the amollnt ur viu­ lence involved in prostitution. Unfortunately, we cannot ,1Ilswer this question definitively until yve are able to construct ,I ri·mdolTl sample of workers-something that probably can never be done, given that we have no way of knowing the parameters of the pop­ ulation of prostitutes, not to mention the problem of g()ining access to

Weitzcr / FLAWED THEORY AND METHOD ~-i3

traffickers (p. 1175). It is important to keep in mind th()[ thesc fig­ ures come from a segment of the industry thCit hCiS hCid pilrticu­ Iarl)' harsh experiences: trafficking victims. Thus, the result~ cer­ tainly should not be extrapolated to "prostitution," ilS R,'.vl1lond (2004) does: "The reported findings ... indicate high levels 01 vio­ lation, harm, and trauma, and the fact tha t prosti tu tion is i1 form Dr violence against women" (p. 1177). Farley found that 78% of her sample of street prosti tutes i i1 San Francisco had been threatened with a weapon, 82% hi1d been i1ssaulted, and 68'1., had been raped (Farley & 13arkon, ] 998). Simi­ larly high figures are reported for four other societies-Thailand, Turkey, South Africa, Zambia-though less so for Thi1iland (Farley et al., 1998). In two of the societies (South Africa and Turkl~y), respondents included women in brothels as well i1S on the s[rcl'l. Although no comparative figures are presented from these two dOn1()ins, "We found significantly more physical violence in street, as opposed to brothel, prostitu tion" (Farley et Cil., ] 998, p . .:j 19). This seems to challenge Farley's claim that violence is omnipresent in prostitution. Another interesting finding is that 44'Y" of the pros­ ti tutes interviewed in San Francisco, 38% in Sou th AfricCi, zmd 20';'-;' in ThailCind said that prostitution should be legalized. FMlcy dis­ misses these workers' preferences, insisting thClt legalil.;)lilln \-vould only make their lives worse (Farley et a1., 1998, P '12ll) Raphael and Shapiro (2002, 2004) report similCirly high figures for Chicago. For example, 86'},;, of street workers hCld been slapped, 70'/'0 had been punched, 79% had been threatened with <1 weapon, and 64% had experienced forced sex. Raphael and Shapiro (2002, 2004) include in their total figures violence committed by the women's intimCite pMlners, which is not prostitution related. (The article is about violence in proslitu­ tion, not that occurring outside it.) Including domestic violence in the figures artificially inflates the total amount of violpnce ex peri­ enced.lndeed, intimate pCirtners were responsible for much llf the total violence against prostitutes: After customers, these partners were the actors most frequently involved in meting out violence. For workers who work out of their own residence, for ins[,1r\ce, their partners were responsible for "25%-]00% of the violl'ncl'," depending on the type of violence; for women who \\'orJ..:. lhl' streets, their intimate partners committed abollt one fourlh llf [he violence they experienced (RCiphael &.: Shilpiru, 2004, p.135) 8606

Y44 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / July 2005

These intimate partners were not pimps; the authors present separate figures for pimps. A related question is whether street and off-street prostitution differ. Street prostitution accounts for approximately one iifth of all prostitution in America; indoor prostitution is much rnlHl' common, though less visible. A number of writers (lJ'gll!:' thilt there are indeed significant differences between these two domClins Clnd that studies that lump all workers together into all undifferentiated prostitution category are simplistic (Chapkis, 2000; Weitzer, 2000a):1 Vanwesenbeeck (2001) is critical of the widespread "failure to adequately differentiate between sex workers .... Sex workers are not 'the category' they Me (lflen taken to be" (p. 279). Chancer (1993) notes that "prosti tll tes' expe­ riences, situations, and circumstances differ grcCltly ovcr the gcllnut of this highly class-stratified occupation" (p 163) And Monto (2004) points out that "empirical analyses den,onstrdte a remnrkable diverSity of activities tha t fall under the term )Irosl ill/­ tiD}] and a remarkable diversity of experiences Clmong pClrtici­ pants" (p. 164). Comparative studies tend to find significant,

Wcitzer / FLAWED THEORY AND METHOIJ ~'15

Australia, Britain, Canada, and the United States (Perkins, 199] Perkins & Bennett, 1985; Perkins & Lovejoy, 1996; Prince, ]986; Whittaker & Hart, 1996). None of these studies uses random Silll\­ pies, so there are limits to the conclusions Vie can draw from them. However, these studies are better designed than the three unlit'! review here. Our three authors attempt to refute the argument thill IIll' amount of violence differs significantly between street proslitu­ tion and indoor prostitution. FCHley (2004) SclYS that violence is "the norm for women in all types of prostitution" (p l09.:J). Raphael and Shapiro (2004) conclude that in Chicago, "violence Ivas prevalent across both outdoor and indoor prostitution \'en­ ues" (p.133), and they issue a "mandate that we not strive to makl' strict distinctions or demarcations among different prostilutioll activities in terms of violence" (p. 31). However, Ive hilve alre;ldy established that Raphael and Shapiro Cldmit to hewing il strong bias that views prostitution as violence Clgainst women, ancithl'ir exprostitute interviewers shared this perspective and thus were hardly objective in selecting interviewees, persons who Me likely to have had bad experiences. It is ludicrous to conduct a study measuring the exten t of violence suffered by prosti tll tes I\' hen one's orienting framework equates prostitution with violence, and it is not surprising to find high levels of violence, in any pros­ titution sector, if one's sampling and interviev.'ing strateg\' is so transparently slanted. The other, better designed studies cited above do indeed fine! significant differences in the amount of violence in variulis indour versus street settings. No one is arguing that indoor prostitution is free of violence, but based on the available research literilture, violence is nowhere near as prevalent as the image presented by Raphael and Shapiro (2004). Even Farley found "significclntly" more violence in street prostitution than in brothel prostitution (Farley et aI., 1998, p. 419). Street prostitutes are more vtlllwl'oblt, to victimization than escorts, call girls, and those involVl'cl in con­ sensual brothel and massage p(\flor workS

CONCLUSION

Violence in prosti tu tion is a serious probl em. Workers, pill' I iCll­ l(\fly those on the streets, are vulnerable to ilssauJt, robbery, rillX', 8608

')-16 VIOLENCE ACAINSTWOMEN I July 2005

cll1d murder. The best studies provide us with rough estill1i1tes of hovv frequently this violence occurs. UnfortunCitcly, the three Mti­ cles reviewed here make little contribution to our understanding of this problem. Although my critique has been restricted to v\'ritings un the' extreJTle radical feminist side, elsewhere I hClve been equillly cri ti­ cal of works that celebrate and romanticize prostitution, pornog­ raphy, and other forms of sex work (Weitzer 1991, 200(),\, 2000b). Such studies marshall the "best available examples"-typicllly upscale call girls Clnd escort agency workers-to Clfgue lha t prosti­ lution is or can be empowering and lucrative. For some workers, this is indeed the case, but these "best examples" are no closer to the norm in prostitution than the "worst examples." ;\gain, pros­ ti lu tion varies significantly by type, and it is disi ngenuolls to gen­ eralize from one type to prostitution as CI whole. Finedly, though these writers conhnuCilly refer to "prostitutiun," it is not clear if their arguments encompass male imel trClnsgcnder, as well CIS female, workers. Does the radic<11 feminist definition of prostitution as violence, oppression, <1nd human rights ilbusp ilpply, generic<1l1y, to all types of prostitution? j[ these clClims apply only to female prostitution, then these harms arc not intrin­ sic to prostitution. Studies indicate that male workers experience much less violence and exploitation and exercise gre<1tcr control over working conditions than female and trcmsgcnder wurkers (Aggleton, 1999; Valera, Sawyer, & Schiraldi, 2001; VVeinbl'rg, Shaver, & Williams, 1999; West 1993). Further investigcltion uf mCile (1nd transgender prostitution, as well as better designed <1Jld ideologically neutral studies of femClle prostitution, vvill contrib­ ute to (1 more sophistic(1ted, nU(1nced, vnriegated, and CDll1prl'­ hensive underst(1nding of contemporary prostitution

NOTES

1. RilynlOnd is coexeculive director oi the Coalition Against Tr,dfickillg ill \VLlIlH'IL Farley is director of the staunch antiprostitution organization, Prostitution Rl':-';l'

Weitzer / FLAWED THEORY AND METHDD Y·17

3. For example, Farley and l3arkan's (19'18) San francisco study was replHtl'd ill LUr rnagazine rather boldly: "7S'1.} of prostitutes suffer frUln substance <1bU5l',.:1 majlHily were "bused as children, and 68'1., have been victims of violent crime" (Fllglir\(), 1')')",1'. %). 4. Of course, the line between slreet and indoor work is not written in ,lllIll'. SOIllI' workers transition froln one type of work It} another, btll 1110.s1 reJn;1in ill Dill' l'chl~ll)n for Illeir entire c"rel'r (l3enson & Matthews, 1'11)5; Heyl, 11)79). Mnrem'er, it is rM,' im "'lIrI,,'rs to expL'ripJlCl' filciicaJ up'N(\rd or ciOWJlWilrd mobility, such as moving hum ~tn'l.·t \\'urk to escort w"rk or vicl' versa. If a mOve takes pl,)c(' at all, it is likely 1,,1lL' 1,llI.'rill, slid) ;.. ' In)\\, thp stn.'pt to a crllck hOllse. S. The studies cited that compare indoor and street prostitutio\\ do nol ,nc!t,d,' in Ilk' indoor category persons recruited by force or fraud and those tfilllicked tll \\,llrk in "mtheb or Illassage pari DrS, who clearly suffer multiple victimiz,ltions.

REFERENCES

Aggleton, V (Ed.). (1999). Men who sel/sex: IlIlcfllaliollall'crsl'cclil't'3 all III/Ii"IIft)slil"I"," "lid HlV/II/DS. I'hiladelphi": Temple University Press. llilTrY, K. (1995). The proslillliioll of sexllality. New York: ,'\;,,'" York Uni,'!'rsit I' I'""" llenson, C, & Milll11e\\'s, It (1995), Street prostitution: Tell lacts in s(""Th 01 i\ J.\I)litY 1111,'/· I1l1liollal lournal of Ihe Sociology of Law, 23, 395-415. Chann,", L. (1993).l'rostitlJtion, feminist thenry,ilnd ilmbivillencl'. Sociol'l;'xl, 37,1 '\3·171 Chapkis, W. (2000). Power and control in the commercial sex trade. In " Weitzcr (lOcI.), Sex for sale: Proslilulioll, pomography, and Ihe sex induslry (Pl'. ·11l1-2m) New York: Routledge. Church, S., Henderson, M., Barnard, M., & /-lart, G. (2001). Violence bv clients towards felmlc prostitutes in different work settings. Brilish kledicnl 101lmal, 322, 52'1-~2(L Dworkin, A. (1981). POrJIogTIIl'hy: Mm possessing WO//JI'II. New Yurko l'uln,lIn Dworkin, A. (1997). Life and dealh. New York: hee Press. blrb, C, '" David, H (1989). Male and lemall' pmstitution: 1\ rl'vicw 11111111/5 tl/~".r I"'",:,,.(h, 2,5-28- Exner, L Wylie, K., Leura, A., & Parrill, T (1977). Soml' psychologic"l ch.,..octt'ris!ics of pmstitlJtl's. loumal of Persollality Assess11lmt, 41, 474-'lH5. buley, M. (2000). Proslilulion: Factsheet on Jlllluall righls viult,liIl1lS. San Fri1\lcisCt>: hoslilll· tinn Research and Education. htrlL,y, M. (2004). nad for the body, bad lor the heart: l'mstituliO\l hM\l1S WOIt",1t "'.('1\ if legilli;ced or decriminalized. Vialellee IIsaillsl WO/lleJI, 10, JOIl7-112S. Filrley, lvI., l3aral, t, Kiremire, M., & Sizgin, C. (199R). I'roslitution in li\',' collnt,ws. Vio­ Il'ncl' and posl-traUinatic stress disordl·r. FI'11linis11I (llld Psycho{o,'':Y, 8, ,)().)-:12(). Farie)" 11'1., & l3arkiln, H. (1998), l'rostihltion, violence, and posttrilUll\ilt"lC slress tr,smder. Womell IIlId I-lea/til, 27, 37-49. I'arley, lvI., & Kl'lly, V (2000). Prostitution. WO/llell alld Criminal Illslice, 71, 2{1-(,,1 Foglino, A (1998, November). Quitting the streets. Life, PI'. 1)(,. ]()o. Coode, E. (1997). Devianl behm'ior. Upper Saddle River, N): Prentice l/illI I·leyl, Il. (l lJ7I)).Prustitution: An extreme CilS" "I sex stratification. In F ;\dlt:r ," " Silt)oll (Eds.), The Crtllli!l%gl/ of dell/llI!t WOIJICl! (pp. 196-210). goston: Houghton ;'vldilin. Jilmes,]., & Meyerding,). (1977). Early sexual experience end prostilulion. IIlIteri("/J IIIJlrI/,,1 of Psychullry, 13'1, 131l1-13RS. )eflrl'!s, S. (1997). The iden ofl'rosli/llli01l. North MelbDunll', Allstr"li,); Spiniivx. Kurtz, S., Surratt, 1-1., lnciardi, L, & Kiley, M. (200~). Sex work "\ld doll' "i"lt'net' h"/1'1I« IIS"Jl!sl Women, 10,357-385. 8610

0·18 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / july 2005

Lever,j., & Dolnick, D. (2000). Clients and call girls: Seeking scx and intimilc\'. In 1'- Weilzel" (Ed.), Sn for snle: Proslill/lion, pOTJIogrnl'hy, nnd Ihe sex il/dl/slry (pp. 85·100). NI.'\\" YDrk: Routledge. Lowmiln,). (2000). Violence ilnd the outlaw slatus of street prostitution in C"nad". t'lokll,·,. Agoil/sl WOlllell, 6, 987-1011. LO\Vn1iln,J'I & Frilscr, L. (1995). Violellce agaiH:>/ persons who prostilllle: TIl!' t'.rJ'l'ri!'llL.t" III Hrit­ islr Col/llI/bin. Olt"w", C"nad,,: Department of Justice. MocKinnon, C. (1987). Fell1illislIIlIIll/lOdijied. Cambridge, MA: J-iCll"VMd Uni,;crsily 1'/\'.". MocKinn"n, C. (IYR9). TOWI/rd afrlllilllsilirearyuflirrsiair. Cilmbridge, 1\·1,\: 1·IMvMd UIlI\-,,,·· sit)' Press. McKegilney, N., & Barnard, M. (1996). Sex lmrk ollille slreels. Buckingham, UK: Open Unl· versity Press. Monto, M. (2000). Why men seek out prostitutes. In K Weitzer (E(L), S"-'"for Sill,': !'lIls/ill/' liol/, l'ol"llOsrnplry, nlld lire sex il/dl/slnl (pp. 67-83). New York: I(outlcdge. Monto, M. (2004). Female prostitution, customers, and violence. Violellce Asail/sl fV"",,,", 10,160-168. N E,'allli1ting Sl" work. S'X".-, ./ ;;, :(1:,. 724 Perkins, K (1991). Workins girls. Canberra, Australia: Australian Instit\ltl'of Cril1l1l1"!"!~1' Perkins, R., & llL-nnett, G. (1'185). BeinS a p",s/illlie. Londlln: George Alkn i1!ld Ullwin Perkin.', J<', & Lovejo)" F. (19%). Healthy and unhealth), life styles of felll;lle brolh,'1 "',lIk· ers and Cil II girls in Sydney. Allslralim1 and NI~V 2mlmlll ImIT/1II1 ,rf J'lIb1ic l-I""lth, 2IJ, .012· 516. Prince, D. (1906). A psycilOlogicnl sllIdy of I'l"Os/illlles in Califomill alld Nel'lld". Unpublisl,,:d doctorill disserliltion, United States International University, San Diego, Cali/llIni,\. Raphael, )., & Shapiro, D. (2002). Sislers speak 0111: The lipes lind lIads a/proslilll/cd 1<'0111,,11111 Chicago. Chicagu: Center fur Impact Research. l\ilph"e1,j., & Shapiro, D. (2004). Violence in indoor and outdoor P[l)stitlllio!l \'('I1I1l'-' Vi,,· icnce Against WOlllen, 10, 126-139. l{"YlTlond,j. (1'1'15, December 11). Prostitution is rilpc that's paid for. Las 1\IIXd"s Tm!!'.<, 1'.11( •. 1{C1ymond,). (19Y8). Prostitution as violenc(' against won)en. ~VUIJ/('}/'5 Sll/{fie~ tlltl'nlfltlllJ!ul FOTIIIII, 21,1-9. Raymond, J. (2004). Prostitution on delnanci: LegaJizin¥, thl' buyers (lS ::.eXtlil! enlburllers. Vialmee AS"illsl 'vVomCll, 10, 1156-1186. Rubin, G. (198~). Th·lnking sex: Notes for a radical theory of the politics of sexlI;t1ilY. 1:1 C. Vance (Ed.), Pleas lire nnd danger (pp. 2(,7-319). Boston: Routtedge. I{ubin, G. (1993). Misguided, dangerous, ilnd wrong: An analvsis of al\tipornograpl1\' poli· tics.ln A. Assiter & A. Carol (Eds.), Bad girls lind dirty pic/llres (pp. 19·

Weitzel" I flAWED TI-IEOI,), ;\i'\'D METHOD ~·i~

I-Veitzer, K (2000i1). Deficiencies in the sociology of sex work. SocI(J1oSY oi Cnll/,', '-Ofl', ,111'/ O~l'i""CC, 2, 259-279. Weitzel", I{. (2000b). The politics of pmstituti"n in i\merica. In I( Wellzer (Ed.L Sn)"f .'oil': Proslill/lioll, !,of/logmphy, Illld Ihe scx illdllslry (pp. lS9-11l1l). New York: j{ou tled);t" IVest, D. J. (199:1). M{/Ie proslillllioll. Ringhil1l110n, NY: Haworth. \Vhiltilkrr, D" & Hart, C. (1!I­ lutioll. SOCIV/ogii of !-1m/III nlld 1II//~ss, ) S, :199-414. 8612

THIS IS EXHIB1T ..jJ.~ ...J.REFERRED TO IN THE AFFIDAVIT OF ....~~.L ... ~f.i.lli~...... Z~~S;YQ~~:AIl1803 ~-4~/~ 8613

Rehashing Tired Claims About Prostitution

A Response to Farley and Raphael and Shapiro

RONALD WElTZER Gt!01~~C lNl1shinglvJI liJlivffSiJy

J identified severn I methodological problems in the three articles 1 re­ viewed. In her reply, Farley (2005 [this issue]) argues that her methods are sound, in part because her studies have been repli­ cated by others. However, many of her citations are to her ovvn coauthored articles. And the fact that a study has been replicated says nothing about the quality of the procedures used. It is quite possible to replicate a flawed study reaching similarly flawed conclusions. To show that her findings on victimization are not unique, Farley (2005) provides figures from other sources. Some of these are taken from staunch antiprostitution, radical feminist organi­ zations, such as WHISPER in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and its director Evelina Giobbe and the Council on Prostitution Alterna­ tives (CPA) in Portland, Oregon (Farley, 2004; Farley et aL, 2003). In her study of CPA, Nanette Davis (2000) concludes with the following critique:

CPA deals primarily with street prostitutes-a group with higher exposure to violent predators th<1n indoor prostitutes in bordellos, mass<1ge parlors, or escort services-yet CPA h<1S gener<1Jized its cJ<1ims to cover <111 forms of prostitu tion. A t its best, r<1dic<11 feminist advoc<1cy serves <1S <1 recJ<1m<1tion process for some prostitutes, empowering the disempowered. At its worst, it reinforces stereo­ types about prostitutes as unfit and degr<1ded persons .... Prostitu­ tion historically h<1s been subjected to mor<11 crusades that have scapegoated poor women prostitutes. The link between these

AUTHOR'S NGIT] am grateful for the opportlll1lt)' to respond to the two replies tu my original articie. Janice Raymond declined 10 reply. which is unfortunate given that sill' served as the guest editor of the special issue in which twoof the original articiesappcMed.

VJOLENCE AGAJNST WOMEN, VoLlJ No. 7,Julv 2005 97J·977 DOl: 101l77/1O77801205277090 '

972 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN I July 2005

earlier events and contemporary gender politics is often lost. (pp. 154-155)

It follows that any figures on prostitution provided by such organizations, and cited by other writers, must be taken with a huge grain of salt. Raphael and Shapiro (2005 [this issue]) provide more detail on the procedures used than appeared in their original article. In my critique of their methods, I noted that none of the intervievv ques­ tions was provided. In response, they state that J should have requested a copy of the questionnaire from them. It is incumbent on the researchers to provide a full description of their method, including verbatim versions of the key questions. Raphael and Shapiro (2005) go to great pains in their reply to show that their interviewers were objective and that their sam­ pling strategy was not biased toward one particular type of worker, the most victimized street-level worker. They wonder how I could conclude that their sample might have been skewed by the type of interviewers employed or by the types of questions asked. The following quotation demonstrates obvious bias and shows why I questioned, and still question, their results: The interviewers "did not see their own [prior prostitution] experi­ ences as 'work' or a choice," and "because of the bias of the sur­ veyors, it is likely that this sample is more representative of \NOmen who do want to leave prostitution" (Raphael & Shapiro, 2002, pp. 9,33). Moreover, "the survey questions and administra­ tion were likely biased to some degree by working within this framework and by employing surveyors who had left prostitu­ tion" (Raphael & Shapiro, 2004, p. 132). Yet they now claim in their reply that "this is not a research bias" (p. 969). Like their interviewers, Raphael and Shapiro embrace this per­ spective: "This research project was designed within ,1 framework of prostitution as a form of violence against women and not prosti­ tution as a legitimate industry" (Raphael & Shapiro, 2004, p. 132). In their rebuttal response, they try to downplay this: "Stating that we are working within a framework of prostitution as violence against women is simply notifying the reader of that" (p. 969). This perspective has much deeper implications than simple noti­ fication; it puts Raphael and Shapiro squarely within the radical feminist camp, though they try to deny this in their reply. Al though 8615

Weitzer / RESPONSE TO FARLEY AND RAPHAEL AND SHAPJRO 973

they complain that I have wrongly "labeled" them rCldicClI femi­ nists, the above quotation is a central radical feminist tenet-the equation of prostitution with violence. To SClY, further, that "these men must be viewed as batterers rather than customers" (Raphael & Shapiro, 2002, p.137) is additional evidence of their attachment to an essentialist, radical feminist perspective.

INDOOR AND STREET MARKETS

With regard to the issue of street and indoor prostitution, there is no contradiction, as Raphael and Shapiro claim, between the need for more research on the indoor variety and the fact thCl t sev­ eral existing studies document substantial differences behveen street and indoor markets in workers' experiences, control over working conditions, and risk of victimization. I hClve never claimed that indoor work is free of victimizCltion, but a body of research does show that the risks are much lower indoors. It is by no means premature, as Raphael and ShClpiro claim, to drc1'vv this conclusion. Their own findings regmding the amount of violence among indoor workers are out of sync with other literatme (ei ted in Weitzer, 2005). Farley (2005) complains that J focus exclusively on physical violence and ignore "psychological violence," vvhich she does not define. She claims that "the rates of psychological violence clJ1l0ng indoor and outdoor prostitution are comparable" (p. 955) Clnd that indoor prostitution "does nothing to decrease psychological trauma for the prostituted woman" (p. 955). These claims Clre con­ tradicted by other studies. A comparison of indoor prostitutes in New Zealand and an age-matched sample of nonprostitute women found no differences between the two groups in physical health, self-esteem, or mental health (Romcllls, Potter, Martin, & Herbison, 2001). An American study documented significant psychological problems among street prostitutes, but call girls, brothel workers, and massage parlor workers vvere generally "handling themselves well, manifesting good emotional controls, being well aware of conventionality, and doing well in the occu­ pation of their choice" (Exner, Wylie, Lema, & Parrill, 1977, p. 483). Research comparing streetwalkers Clnd call girls in CCllifor­ nia and legal brothel workers in Nevada found thM 97% of the call 8616

974 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / July 2005 girls reported an increase in self-esteem after they began working in prostitution, compared with 50'};, of the brothel workers but only 8'Yc) of the streetwalkers (Prince, 1986, p. 454). Call girls expressed positive views of their work;brothel workers were gen­ erally satisfied with their work; but street prostitutes held largely negative views of their work (prince, 1986, p. 497). Perkins and Lovejoy's (1996) comparison of 124 brothel vvorkers and 95 call girls in Sydney, Australia, found that call girls were emotionally healthier than the brothel ~workers, though the former felt more social isolation. All of the American escorts studied by Foltz (1979) took "pride in their profession" and viewed themselves as "morally superior" to others:

They consider women who are not 'in the life' to be throwing away woman's major source of power and control [sexuC1 I cilpitalJ, while they as prostitutes are using it to their own advan t'lge ilS well as for the benefit of society. (p. 128)

Other studies of indoor prostitution report th(lt the workers took some pride in their work, felt the job had (It least some positive effect on their lives, or believed that they \.-vert' providing ,1 valu­ able service (Lever & Dolnick, 2000; Scl11ders, 2005; Weitzer, 2000(l)~ Although certain (lspects of the work are disliked, indoor workers are more likely than street prostitutes to describe positive aspects of their work. None of this is meant to romanticize indoor "vork, but it does caution against the kind of blctnket gener<1Jizations made by the authors under review. Neither psychological hMJ11 nor physi­ cal violence is intrinsic to or pervasive in consensual indoor prostitution.

A QUESTION OF IDEOLOGY

My original article (Weitzel~ 20(5) was very critic(ll of the ways in which one theoretical perspective, rcldical feminism, hilS dis­ torted our understanding of contemponuy prostitution. These ideological blinders are as apparent in the replies to my ilrticle as they were in the original essays by Farley, RClymond, and l\ilphJel and Shapiro. 8617

Weitzer I RESPONSE TO FARLEY AND J~AP]-jAEL AND SHAPJRO 975

Farley's radical feminist prism colors her views on virtually every aspect of prostitution. One is the issue of legalization and decriminalization, which she insists would only make a bad situ­ ation worse. An interesting finding "vas that many of the vvomen in prostitution disagree vvith Farley In her own study, an average of 54% in six countries (60'1.) in South Africa, 74'1.) in Canada, 85% in Mexico) said legalizing prostitution would make it safer (Farley et aI., 2003). But Farley (2005) discounts women's voices when they take positions that challenge her claims. In response to my article, she writes, "Like everyone else, oLir interviewees mini­ mized the harms of prostitution and they sometimes believed industry claims that legalization or decriminalization will some­ how make them safer. Sadly, there is no evidence for their belief" (p. 954). If the working women favor legalization, they did not form this opinion on their own, but must have been duped by advocates. In fact, there is evidence that some systems of legaliza­ tion provide a relatively safe working environment. Although no system is risk free, women working in leg(ll brothels and window units in the Netherlands experience very little violence. Workers and managers have instituted elilbor

976 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / Jl1ly 2005

Nowhere in these articles do 1 express support for any kind of prostitution. Both articles, as well as a longer policy p<1per on vvhich they are based (Weitzer, 1999), examine the impact of street prosti­ tution on surrounding neighborhoods and other problems, in comparison to indoor prostitution. I do not, as Farley claims, view prostitution "from the perspective of the nonprostitute commu­ nity" (p. 952), but 1 do identify a set of grievances commonly voiced by community residents. Farley also charges that I view prostitution "from the perspective of the trick" instead of the "perspective of the prostitute" (p. 952). This assumes that there is a single, monolithic prostitute perspective counterpoised to a sin­ gle customer perspective. Research shows that customers vary demographically and attitudinally (Monto, 2004), and the same is true for prostitutes (Weitzel', 2000a, 2000b). And even if there'were a single perspective shared by customers or by prostitutes, it would be wrong to associate me with either perspective, as Farley tries to do. Unlike Farley and Raymond, 1 am not <1n advocate or activist on one side of the "sex wars" debate. My perspective is based on fidelity to the principles of sound social science, and as such, it is the an tithesis of svveeping, es­ sentialist claims about "intrinsic" and "endemic" features of prostitution-whether the claims are made by radiGI) feminists or by wri ters on the other side who celebra Ie prosli tll tion <'15 work that empowers and emancipates women (Weitzer, 2000,1, 2000b). My hope is that future studies of prostitu bon avoid the theoretical and methodological pitfalls so evident in the three articles J reviewed and in other ideologically inspired work.

REFERENCES

Brents, B., & Hausbeck, K. (2005). Violence and leg"lized brothel prostlttltJOn in Nevada. ]ollmol 'if'lulerperslluol Vioimc(, 20, 270-295. Davjs? N. (2000). From victinls to survivors: Workjng \vith recovering siret:'1 proshtlltt:'S. In R. Weitzer (Ed.), Sex(or salc: Proslillilion, pornography, ouri illI" S,'X illfills/n! (pp. "Ll'!-J55). New York: Routledge. Exner, J., Wylie, K., Leura, A., & ParriJl, T (]977). Some psvchoJo~ical characlc,..stics of prostitutes. !ollnlfli oj" PersollfliilJj Assess/llclIl, 41,474-485. Farley, M. (2004). Bad for the body, bad [or the heart: Froslilution harms I\'on",n even ii legalized Or decriminalized. Violellc,. Agoillsl WO!JJCII, JI), 101)7-/ / 25. farley, M. (2005). Prostitution harms women even if indoors: Reply to Weil!.er. V/oil'lIc,' Ago/usl WVlIIrJ], 11, 950-964. 8619

Weitzer / RESPONSE TO FARLEY AND RAPHAEL AND SHAP1RO 977

f~rley, tvl., Cotton, A., Lynne,)., Zumbeck, S., Spiw~k, F., '" Feves, tvl. (2D03). Prostitution and tr~flicking in 9 countries. 1n M. Farley (Ed.), Pro5lil1llioJl, ImtTickiJ1g, tJllli Im/llJlalic "ress (pp. 33-74). I3ingh~mton, NY: Haworth. Foltz, T. (l979). Escort services: An emnging middle-class sex-ior-money scene. CtJlit')rJlitJ SocitJ/oSi51, 2,105-133. L.'ver,)., '" Dolnick, D. (2000). Clients and call girls: Seeking sex and intim.lc\,. In R Weitzt'r (Ed.), Sexj;n solc: ProslillllioJl, pOrJIo:;rrIJIIIII, tJud IiiI' 5('.1' illdll5/nl (pI" 85-1(0). New York: Routledge. t\'lonlo, M. (20tH). Fem~le prostitution, customers, and \·iolenct'. \fio/l'IIc,' !lSi/iJJSI WOJJleJJ, 10,160-168. Perkins, R., & Lovejoy, F. (1996). He~Jthy ~nd unhealthy life styles of femille brothel work­ ers and call girls in Sydney. Allslmliilll ilJJd Nell' /.mltJJJd jOllrJIt)/ or I'JJbk Nt'll/Iii, 20, 512- 516. Prince, D. (1986). A psyclr%giwJ silldli O(pro5/illl/t!S iJJ CtJlit;)fJ(itJ OJJd Nt'iltldtJ. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, United States ]nternational University, San Diego, CA. Raphael, j., & Shapiro, D. (2002). Sislers spl'ak 011/: Tlil' Ii""s tlIld IIfl'ds o(pn>5lillllt'd WOIlJeIl in Chicngn. Chicago: Center for lmpact Research. Raphael, ./., & Shapiro, D. (2004). Violence in indoor ilnd outdoor prostitution "t'nues. Vio­ /Wet Agtli)/Sl WOlI/fII,W, ] 26-13Y. R~phael,J., & Shapiro, D. (2005). Reply to vVe;tzer. \li,,/I')/CI' AXllillsl WOIIII'H, 71, 965-Y71l Romans, S., Potter, K., Martin,]., & Herbison, P. (200J). The n",nt" I and physic"l health of fenlil}e sex workers. Alistralinn f1Jui NI'TP Zeololld Journal I!lPsycJJiolry, 35, 75-BO. Sanders, T. (2005). Sex work: A riskl/lll, nlJd D""iIlIlCt', 2, 259-279. V\r't~jIZt:?l, 1<. (200Gb). vYhy we nl:~ed mon' resE'drrh on St').. wurk. In I~. \Vt:'iL/.er (Ed.), Sex !lH" SIlIt': Pro:::tililfioll, porJlo,'{mpllY, dl/d fIll' .s,'.\" illdJ{;·:.!r.!! (PP J-I"!). i'

8622

A.C/{n

Thanks to Christine Stark for permission to use her artwork on the front cover. 'Husk' is a man's face over a prostituted woman, from her perspective. Christine Stark is a feminist writer, artist, speaker and activist of American Indian and European ancestry, who has spoken out on issues of rape, race, poverty, homelessness, prostitution and pornography. She is a survivor of incest and of a racist prostitution and pornography ring.

The authors would like to thank the many individuals who contributed to and supported this important and challenging research project: those people who assisted with recruiting interviewees, the research interviewers and their supporters, those who inputted data, representatives of funding bodies, and the staff and Directors of Prostitution Research and Education and Women's Support Project.

Challenging Men's Demand for Prostitution in Scotland A Research Report Based on Interviews with I 10 Men Who Bought Women in Prostitution

Copyright: Women's Support Project & Prostitution Research and Education

ISBN: 978-0-9558976-0-3

Published in the UK by the Women's Support Project, 28th April 2008 Women's Support Project 31 Stockwell Street Glasgow Scotland GI4RZ

Tel: 01415522221 Fax: 014] 552 1876 Email: [email protected] Website: womenssupportproject.co.uk 8623

Challenging Men's Demand for Prostitution in Scotland

A Research Report Based on Interviews with 11 0 Men Who Bought Women in Prostitution 8624

2

Contents

Table I. Punters' Comments on Prostitution ...... 4

Background ...... 5

Questionnaires, Methods of Recruiting Punters, and Interviewer Challenges During this Research ...... 6

Demographic Findings ...... g

Age ...... g Table 2. Ages of 110 Men Who Bought Sex in Scotland ...... 8 Ethnic Identity ...... 8 Sexual Orientation ...... g Family Income & Education ...... 8 Political Orientation ...... 9 Total Number of Sex Partners ...... 9

Punters' Prostitution History ...... 10

Age when first bought sex ...... 10 Circulllstances offirst buying sex ...... 10 Recent experiences of buying sex ...... I J Awareness of pimping ...... I J Locations Where Men Purchased Sex Purchased ...... I I Table 3. Indoor Locations Where J 10 Punters in Scotland Purchased Sex ...... I I Buying Sex in the Armed Forces ...... 12 Buying Sex Outside of Scotland ...... 12 Table 4. Countries Outside Scotland where J 10 Punters Purchased Sex ...... J 3

Rape Myth Acceptance, Frequency of Use of Women in Prostitution, and Use of Sexually Coercive Behaviours Against Nonprostituting Women ...... J 4

Hostile Masculinity ...... J4

Effects of Prostitution on Punters' Relationships with Non-prostituting Women ...... J 5

Pornography Use Associated with Use of Women in Prostitution ...... J 6

Lack of Emotional Connection and Lack of Empathy for Women in Prostitution ...... J 6

Table S. Punters' Attribution of Feelings to Women During Prostitution Compared to Women's Description of Their ActuaJ Feelings ...... 18 Table 6. Punters' Descriptions of Their Own Feelings Before and After Purchasing Sex ...... 18

Punters' .Justifications and Rationalisations for Prostitution ...... 19

Justification for Prostitution on the Basis of Men's Asserted Need for Constant Access to Sex and the Assumption of the Inev itability of Prostitution ...... J 9 Justification for Prostitution as Opportunity to Dominate Women ...... 20 Prostitution as Choice versus Prostitution as Coerced ...... 20 8625

3

Prostitution Justified because Punters Declare that Prostitutes are Qualitatively Different From Other Women ...... 21 Prostitution Justified as Rape Prevention ("Catharsis Theory") ...... 23

Responses to 'What changes would have to take place in order to end prostitution'?' ...... 24 Punters' Opinions on Legal or Decdminalised Prostitution ...... 2S What Would Deter These Punters from Buying Sex ...... 26

Table 7. What Would Deter Men in Scotland from Buying Sex ...... 27 Classifying Prostitution as a Sexual Offence and Other Public Exposure ...... 27 Criminal Penalties Including Time in Jail ...... 28 Prostitution Education Programmes ...... 28

Conclusion ...... 30 Endnotes ...... 32 References ...... 32 8626 4

Table 1. Punters'* Comments on Prostitution, Glasgow and Edinburgh, 2006/07

"It's like ifyoll're vel}' hungry you're not bothered with where you buyfood. So if you want sex are yOlt that bothered with where YOlt get it?" "Prostitutioll is there because men are looking for it."

"There willI/ever be an end to it because if men {Ire looki'lgIor Sf'\" thell someone is going to provide it."

"Nothing is going to deter me ji'om masturbation and prostitutioll is all extension oftlIat." "U'a glly wants his hole, go and get it done with, get it out your system." "Prostitutioll iSjllst like emptying yer baws". "They know what they're there fOI: You get what you pay for withuut the 'no.'"

"It depends 011 ~r the woman lIas track marks on her vagina. That's ([ real turn off.

"Part of my regret is Illy lack of certainty that the womall wallts to do it." "/ wouldll't encourage prostitution - it's someone's mother or daughter. It's all empty experience. It sounds enjoyable at the begillnillg bill it'sjllsl horrible, degrading."

* Punter is a word commonly used in Scotland to refer to men who buy women ill prostitution.

The alternative perspective of a woman in prostil ulion

Every day I was witness to the worst of men. Their carelessness and grand entitlement. The way they can so profoundly disconnect from what it is they're having sex with. the way they think they own the world, watch them purchase a female. I was witness to their cleep delusions. Spoiled babies all of them, and so many of them called [telephoned] prostitutes. J thought. maybe a\1men called prostitutes. It was a terrible thought. but really. what did I care. There was a system in place that was older and stronger than I could begin to imagine. Who was l? I 'was just a girl. What was I going to do about it? If I had any power I woulclmake it so that nobody was ever bought or sold or rented ... Michelle Tea. 2004 8627 5

Background

Public awareness of prostitution as a human rights issue has grown in recent years, along with an understanding of the harm resulting from sexual exploitation as commercial enterprise. There is also recognition of the need to understand prostitution in its cultural contexts, and the need to understand the social structures and the psychological articulation of misogyny that stimulates and sustains prostitution as a social institution. The authors of this research report realise that although it is essential to address the urgent mental and physical needs of women and children during prostitution and after their escape, it is also imperative to address men's demand for prostitution which is at the root of the problem. Acceptance of prostitution is one of a cluster of harmful attitudes that encourage and justify violence against women. Violent behaviours against women have been associated with altitudes that promote men's belief that they are entitled to sexual access to women, that they are superior to women, and that they are licensed as sexual aggressors. Men who use women in prostitution strongly endorse such attitudes toward women (Cotton et aI., 2002, Farley et a!., 1998). There has been considerable debate in Scotland on how best to address prostitution and other commercial sexual exploitation, including what is euphemistically termed adult entertainment. The Routes Out of Prostitution Partnership and other projects that have challenged prostitution in Glasgow in the past decade have been informed by an understanding of prostitution as commercial sexual exploitation and as a form of violence against women. Prevention of prostitution is a key aim of this work. The findings of this research will contribute to an understanding of and strategies for challenging men's demand for prostitution. The Women's Support Project (WSP) is a Scottish non-governmental organisation working against male violence. The work ofWSP is informed by a feminist analysis of male violence and an understanding of the links anci overlaps between di1Terent forms of violence, discrim ination and oppression. The Women's Support Project aims to raise awareness of the extent and effects of violence against women and children, and to support those affected by violence. The goals ofWSP have been educating the comlllunity about the links between different forms of male violence and promoting an interagency response to the abuse of women and children.

Prostitution Research & Education (PRE) is a U.S. non-governmental organisation which has researched and documented the harms resulting from prostitution. In 2005 PRE embarked on an international study of men who use women in prostitution aimed at developing culturally relevant programmes to prevent prostitution. This research report on men's demand for prostitution in Scotland is the first of a number of reports that will be produced from other locations where PRE has conducted similar interviews with partner organisations, including lndia, England, U.S., Spain, and Cambodia.

Funding for this Scottish study was secured from Greater Glasgow & Clyde NHS Health Board, Scottish Government Equality Unit, Community Regeneration Fund (via Routes Out of Prostitution Partnership), and Glasgow City Council. The Women's Support Project contributed resources and staff time, and Prostitution Research & Education contributed funding and staff time.

Mel issa Farley of PRE and] an Macleod of WSP together initiated this research project. The study was managed by WSP, and Lynn Anderson from the Scottish Coalition Against Sexual Exploitation coordinated advertising and interviewing. Melissa Farley provided the 8628

6

questiannaires, trained interviewers, reviewed the sacial science literature, and cansultecl with Lynn Andersan and Jan Maclead thraughaut the data callectian and analysis. Jacqueline Galding aversaw the database and canducted statistical analyses. Interviewers were Lynn Andersan, Janette de Haem, Rachel Durchslag, Melissa Farley, Catherine Harper, Jan Maclead, Geargie McConnell, and Stuart Minnis.

Questionnaires, Methods of Recruiting Punlers, and Interviewer Challenges during this Rescan.:h

The questionnaires used in this research were gradually developed over five years. Experts in sexual violence, including survivars 0.1' prostitution, reviewed and contributed to the semi­ structured interview questians used here. The questiannaires were designed to. advance aur knawledge of buyers' perceptions 0.1' wamen generally, and their attitudes taward prostituted women in particular. Standardised and validated questiannaires yielded bath quantitative and qualitative data from the interviews. Questionnaires included a J OO-item questionnaire that asked about buyers' attitudes toward prostitution, acceptance of rape myths, sexual behaviours and condom use, pornagraphy use, commission of sexually coercive behav iour toward prostitute and non-prostitute partners, likelihood-to-rape, and demographics. A sec and questionnaire asked 34 questions about hastile masculinity. Permissian to. use this questiannaire was generously granted to this research project by Dr. Neil Malamuth. Interviewers also used a 64-item structured interview to abtain quantitative and qualitative data which included the men's history of using wamen in prostitution, what they looked for when they bought sex, their evaluations and perceptions of women in prostitution, pimp-prostitute relationships, first use of women in prostitution, and how they discussed prostitution with their friends, among others.

We used a range of approaches to recruit interviewees. We distributed flyers among taxi drivers and at sauna establishments where prostitution is cOlllmon. We distributed cards describing the research in Glasgow city centre. We used a snowball recruitment technique, asking employees who might encounter punters at health clinics or university networks to tell other men about the research. These methods resulted in only a few interviews.

The majority of our interviewees responded to newspaper advertising. We received a total of 376 PROSTITUTION phone calls from men interested in the research, many RESEARCH & EDUCATION of whom assumed that we were offering to. sell sex. 173 EVER BEEN A CLIENT OF men scheduled interviews and I J 0 interviews were A PROSTITUTE? completed. International research team Some newspapers were apprehensive about whether or would like to hear your views not they were advertising proslitutian by publishing the advertisement for this research. For example the An interview fee will be paid Scottish Sun refused to publish our advertisement, Confidentiality guaranteed staling that the word 'prostitute' might offend their (Telephone number) readers.

The interviews lasted approximalely 90 minutes. We paid a £20 honorarium to each interviewee in apprecialion of his time and transportation costs. While interviews were canducted in Edinburgh and Glasgow, the men did not necessarily live or buy sex in the city where they were interviewed.

The ethical and methodolagical challenges of studying men who commit violence against women are daunting (Miller, 1997). Those of us who research sexual violence also confront it in 8629

7

the course of studying it (Stanko, 1997). The interviewers in this project were women and men who are dedicated to ending violence against women, yet in order to conduct the qualitative portion of this research, it was necessary for interviewers to establish a nonjudgmental and friendly rapport with men who were often deeply misogynist and sometimes overtly violent. Many interviewers felt the cruelty of the men \ sexism not only against the women bought by the men but against ourselves as well. The men's sexism ranged from their stated assumptions that all interviewers were prostitutes to solicitation to the sadistic detailing of brutal racist and misogynist violence. This was occasionally the stuff of nightmares, as in the case of the man who described his experience of "knocking back" chilclren in Cambodian prostitution. Other researchers have described sexual harassment during the process of researching men's attitudes toward sexual violence (Mattley, 1997, I-luff, 1997).

No interviewer was untouched by the men's attitudes toward women. The interviewers reported feeling skeptical about the men's professed ignorance about prostituted women's feelings and sexuality, angry at the men's cruelty to women, fearful about the possibility of being stalked by interviewees, physically revolted, had flashbacks to their own previous experiences of sexual violence, questioned some aspects of their own relationships with the men in their jives, and at times felt the inclination to dissociate or to drink alcohol in order to numb painful emotional reactions to the interviews.

Reflecting the feelings of several other interviewers. one researcher described some of her emotions during and after the research interviews:

Several people have said to me that they don't know how I could have managecito interview these men; how I could stand it and thai they don't think they could have done that. People say this to me with respect, like they admire me for being able to have done this work. I clon't feel it is something to admire and it sometimes concerns me that I could do it. What cloes that S,I), about me? How did I manage to interview so Illany men and not lose my temper. Ilot react angrily or indignantly with them? It is a c0111forllo me that I do feel anger now, and did after the interviews. It is a comfort to me thai some of the things they said, hurt me. This reassures me that I'm not some sort of harel-hearted individual who is at ease with hearing aboUI the abuse of women. 8630 8

Deillographic Findings

Age The average age of the I J 0 men we interviewed was 37, ranging from age 18 to 77 years of age. 47% of OLlr interviewees were between the ages of 18 and 35 years. A third were between 26 and 35 years. 41 % were aged 36 to 49 years. Only J 3% were older than 50 years of age.

1~1ble 2. Ages of 110 Men Who Bought Sex in Scotland "1'8=55'" ...... ,.... . 15 %

26~35 32% 41% 13%

These age ranges are consistent with three other studies of punters. McKeganey (1994) interviewed 70 men in Glasgow. whose average age was also 37 years, ranging from age 23 to 61. Simpson and Schill (1977) interviewed 183 U.S. men who Llsed women in massage brothels and found a mean age of 35, ranging from 18 to 67 years. Busch, Bell and colleagues (2002) interviewed 1342 punters arrested for solicitation of prostitution in the Western United States whose average age was 39. ranging from 18 to 84 years.

Ethnic Idcnlit} 77% of the men \'ie interviewed c1escribeclthemselves as White Scottish; 4% were African; 2% were Asian Scottish: I % Caribbean: 1LX. mixed ethnic background, and 16% were members of other ethnic groups including Australian. Burmese, English, Irish, New Zealander, and South African.

Sext!

Family lncollw 52% reported a family income of f20,OOO or less. 19% reported a family income of£20,OOO~£30,()OO 17% reported a family income of £3().OOO~[40,OOO 9% reported a family income of £40,000-70,000 3% reported a family income of more than no.ooo Father's Educatilmai &,('\c! 35% no qualifications 25% completed Ordinary Grade or eCiu iva lent 12% completed Higher Grade or equivalent 10% attainedl-INC/I-IND or equivalent 19% college or university degree or postgraduate qualifications

MoUl{'r';., Edun!iionai i.eve! 41 % 110 qualifications 22% completed Ordinary Grade or equivalent 14% completed Higher Gracie or equivalent 8% attained HNC/HND of equivalent J 5% college or university degree or postgraduate qual ificalions 8631

9

Political Orientation (self-dc:;,cribedl 4% Far Right 13% Right 51% Middle of the Road 32% Left Totai Number of' S0'> Panners 48% of the men told us that they were currently in a relationship with a wife or girlfriend or other partner. Two-thirds (66%) of the men we interviewed told us that they had more than 16 sex partners in their lifetimes.

Similarly, McKeganey (1994) found that 66% of his Glasgow punters were married or living with a partner; Chetwynd (1994) found that 50% were married or partnered, and Simpson and Schill (1977) found that 50% of punters were maJTied.

Based on our and others' findings it is noteworthy that men's decision to buy women for sex is not because of their lack of a sex partner. In fact, in one study the opposite was the casco Johnson, Wadsworth, Wellings et al. (1994) reported that the more sex partners a man has ever had, the more likely he is to have paid for sex. Ward, Mercer, Wellings and colleagues (2005) in UK found that men who paid for sex were significantly likely to report 10 or more sex partners in the past 5 years. Only a minority of these men's lifetime sex partners ( 19'/(;) were women in prostitution. 8632 10

Punters' Prostitution History .... ~ ...... ~ ...... ~ ...... " ...... ~ ...... ~ ......

Age when firs! bought sex The age range for these men's first use of women in prostitution was 14 to 49 years of age, with 3Y/O of the men first buying sex between ages 18 and 20.

52% of the men bought women in prostitution before they were 21 years of age, and 74% bought sex by the time they were 25 years of age. Along these lines, research data from Glasgow's Sandyford Clinic indicated th,1l if a man had not paid for sex by the age of25 he was less likely to do so in the future (Groom and Nandwani, 2006). Cin:HlHstallce!'. of nrs!. buying sex. We asked the men about the social circumstances of their use of women in prostitu tion.

559(, of the men were alone when they first bought sex, 4 I % were with a friend or friends, and 3% were accompanied by a family member.

17% of the punters we interviewed told us that prostitution was their first sexual experience. Explaining this, one man said

"/(.1' uncomplicated, it's a good way 10 have your/irsl sex." Unfortunately, the sex that men learn in prostitution - disconnected anclunemotional- is the opposite of the sex that most women are interested in when they are in relationships with men. Interviewees spoke about intense pressure from other men to use prostitutes.

"There W({s pressure 10 go along wiTh rhe gll)'s. fr was a cOl1lmon e.l'pcrienccjiJl' VOl/llg gl/.I's,/i>r Illeir 16rh or 18117 hirthdo\'." One of our interviewees said that he visited the Amsterdam legal prostitution zone with his friends as a "ri/c oj'possagc". One of this young lllan 's friends chose not to buy sex and as a result was harassed and teased by the rest of the group.

"Therc wos all almojphere ()f aI/the lads egging each o/!Jer on," another Illan told us. "Onc in particl/lar \-I'([S {/ virgin and seemed like he didn'l W([11110 do il bUI alllhe guys pI/shed him inlo il and he did il."

Another man described how a group of his friends took him on a London pub-crawl to celebrate his eighteenth birthday. When they arrived at a club that functioned as a brothel, his friends "shol'ed" him in the door where he discovered that they had paid in advance for him to use a prostitute. Unable to publicly - or privately - refuse prostitution, he proceeded to sexually exploit the young wOlllan via prostitution, but told the interviewer

''j'I'e a/ways i'\'ished / !Jo{1n'1 andjusl pre/endcd 10 11l1'./i'iends Ihat r d donc it." These examples suggest that young men wOlild benefit from education and support for resisting peer pressure to use women in prostitution. Educational programs about the harms of drug lise similarly teach youth how to reject offers of drugs. Prostitution prevention programmes aimed at counteracting the intense peer pressure to buy women in prostitution will be a critical component offuture curricula. The goal of prostitution prevention programmes is to shift cultural

II

Prostitution is widely advertised and mainstreamed on the Internet, in newspapers, and street advertising. The hypocrisy of advertising any form of sexual exploitation must be addressed. To date most educational programs have focused exclusively on street prostitution. In order to effectively prevent prostitution, the prevention efforts mllst focLis on the young man's harm­ generating behaviour in prostitution itself rather than the location where he performs prostitution. which is often indoors. 80% of these punters had purchased sex in indoor locations. See below. McKeganey (1994) noted that Glasgow men's prostitution use was largely secretive anc! solitary. Monto (2000) found that friends or family had arranged the first purchase of a prostitute for 27% of men in the U.S., whereas 31 % of the men engaged in prostitution for the first time without the knowledge of their family or friends. At this time. it is not clear whether there are differences between men who first purchase sex as a social activity '.",ith a group of friends and those who first use a prostitute by themselves.

Recent experiences o/" buying sex 74% of our interviewees bought women in prostitution in the year before we interviewed them.

Awareness of Pimping 28% of our interviewees in Scotland reported that they had used a woman in prostitution whom they knew was under control of a pimp. 42% said that said that they hml observed a prostituted woman who had a pimp and 20% had talked to a pimp or had frienc!s who had done so. In general the buyers we interviewed had a difficult time acknowledging the extent of the violence that exists in prostitution. 50% of them stated that prostitutes are victimised by pill1p~, whereas the other half disagreed with that statement.

Locations Vdwre lVIen PUfchasnl Sex in Scotland Most of the men we interviewed bought sex in more than one loullion. 56(}; hought ;,ex outdoors and 80% bought sex indoors

The Scottish interviewees bought sex indoors in a brothel or a private 1bt that iunctioneci as a brothel (61 %), a massage parlour (52%), a sauna (44%). or a lap dance club (31 0/,.). Other locations where men bought sex were bars (28%), escort agencie:; (16(k). and private clubs/hotels (9%).

Table 3. Indoor Locations Where 110 Punters in Scotland PUIThased Sex Type oIIndoor Location ------TI)~i:~;;;;·i;tg~,77;~;;~;b~;T~;T;;;-e;;-J Massage ----;------·--·-5·i(ir··(5~-)--·-····------J Sauna 44% (49) I ----+-.-.-.-- ...... - '-... -...... -.-...... --'-·'·-1 Brothel Lap dance Club Bar ------=~~~~----'280/,.~~ ~.. \]:;;;-...~J I ) i -- '- "1 ...... yl·!~~lte _!!,I!~~I?ll¥i~¥_t()PI·()~~itLlt ~()I:pilllp ... 19 fir (:2 1) .i Escort Agency ______.______...... __ I(?'Yc ( 18 )_-1 Private panies, hotels. nightclu_~ ______.__ .... ___ .. _ _. ____ .. ..-l

93% of the men interviewed in Edinburgh bought sex indoors compared to 74(;{ oithe men interviewed in Glasgow, a statistically significant difference (chi square (I. 1(9) = 5.62, P = 0.(2).67% of the Glasgow men bought sex outdoors compared to 3WYr of the Edinburgh men. These differences between men in the two cities were statistically significant (chi square (I. 110) = 9.09, p = 0.(03). 8634

12

Punters' choices to use women in indoor as opposed to outdoor prostitution may reflect the lwo cities' differing approaches to prostitution. Indoor prostitution has been tolerated in Edinburgh, whereas Glasgow City has employed it strong anti-prostitution approach since 1998. 1 Indeed, several of our interviewees assumed thai indoor prostitution was licensed in Edinburgh, which may be a reflection of Edinburgh's policy of managing rather than challenging prostitution. 34% of the Edinburgh men who bought sex indoors reported that they located prostitutes in a lap-dancing club. Significantly fewer (13%) of the Glasgow men located prostitutes in lap dancing clubs (chi square (I, N=88) = 5.53, p = 0.(2). Edinburgh currently has seven lap dance clubs whereas Glasgow has four (Scottish Executive, 2(06). Although Glasgow City Council considers lap dancing to be a form of sexual exploitation, current licensing legislation c10es not prohibit it. Buying Sex in lhe Armed Forces 20% of the men we interviewed had been in the Armed Forces and half of those bought a woman in prostitution during their time in military service. Respondents told us that their superior officers were aware of the use of prostitutes by men under their command. In some instances, prostituted women were bought and offered to soldiers as a reward by commanding officers. "The p,irl was a presel1tjiDll1lhe Sergeanl, a Ihank you: '/'ve broughl yo/.{ some girls.' III Bellasl it was organised Ihrollgh Ihe Sergeanl. ~Ve'd ask him (lnd he would sel it ujJ.lt was l1olhillg, (/ necessary pari olworking life. In Edinburgh - I've SCC/1 sqlladdies sneaking jJiDstirules Oul ill the morning."

Another man said, "S'ujJ('I"iors in l/7e N({FI' werc ({\1'ore ()j"lhis and they du it as well. It'sjusl a

/(11011'11 thing, i(sjllsi {f recogniscd Ihing in the Nm'.", cl'('/"Y0l"/e on Ihe ship does iI."

"In Germany l'I'e wcnl 10 Ihe Rcip('f"iJ(/hn in H(fJlliJl.lrg. When w(' l1'('/'e on leave 11'(' used Ihe girls Ihere. Wc wenl OUI ({s (/ gmllp ({nd /wd /)('('1'.\ ... /II-I'([S Ihe norm among the gill'S. A!Jo/(1 YO,]; of Ihe guys would go ... We wer(, aelFised in Ihc military 10 avoid the streel prostitutes, 10 lise Ihe indoors prostitutes. Wc 1'1'('1"(' adl'ised that cheaper prostilliles would be less carefit! (lnd quill' ojlen had unproleCle(/ sex." A man talked about information sharing in the Merchant Navy.

"1/1 Singapore there's aj(Jlir-slory Imilding where i(sjllsl all women.lj(nlnd OU/ ahollllhis li"Ol11 another boy on Ihe ship.lnel'(,/, wen I alone, was ahvays with a group of boys. In each country, you're oilly therefor a shor/ lime so yO/l go and have a couple of drinks and use a proslilute."

Another man who had been in the Territorial Army described how he look a friend to buy sex in Glasgow because the friend was "gctling slagged/c)r being a virgin, slogged hy others in Ihe TA."

Buying Sex Outside of Sco!land The men we interviewee! described their purchase of sex in legal and illegal locations, both in the UK and in other countries. 56% of the J 10 men we interviewed had bought sex outside of the UK, having traveled to 40 different countries on 6 continents." 8635

13

Table 4. Countries Outside Scotland Wher"e 110 Punters Purchased Sex

Co II Iltry Number o.ftil7les noted Cities/regiolls spec~fied ~~~~--~~~~~------~------i Netherlands 35 Amsterdam ; .. ,.... _ .. __ ...... _... _ .. ·..... ·h·. __ ._·, ... _... _ ... _.... _.. _...... _._ •. _... _____ .h._ ...... _...... ~ ...... _ ...... _... _...... h...... _...... _ ...... , Germany 18 Hamburg, Berlin, Frankfurt ---+ Spain II Barcelona, Canaries, Ibiza, Tenerife ~~------+------~~ France 9 Paris ; -::U:::1S=:A:,-··_·····_·····:-·····_······_····_······_····_·.....-f .. _..... _ ..... _ .... _...._ .... _ .. _ .. _·..::8_·· ___·_····_······_·····_···-'-····_p:lj;;!~~c~~i ty: ·D~I);;·O;;;IB~;;~I~,N~v:Yol:k,61:j;;;~~I() ...... ,

t·································'" Thailand ____ ····I·I ...... 7 .mmm •••••••• ..mm. • •••• m. "mm.m. mmm ••• ,: : Belgium I 6 ------··------1 ,II:~L,I~~9.. __ ._ -:]i,-.....-----3-- Dublin. Belfast ••••••••;._ ••• __ •••••• _._ •••••••••• _ ...... h ••••• •• ..... ".-...... _...... _- ···················--···-1 Brazil I 3 Rio de Janeiro ·········_····.··· __ ·... ·.. _._·.h __ ... __ ..... < . Czech Republic 3 Prague ~~--.~~~4------~------+- '~~~_:_:;_la_1i_a_ ... _.--._... _.---i-jf--....._ .... _ ... _ .... _.-_ .... -_... -··---l----···-··-···-·····1-·~:~~1~ong

Mexico 2 !----:--c,------j------.----'---- .. -. , New Zealand 2 >- Russia 2 St Petersburg ______----'

The punters we interviewed also bought women for sex in Austria, Cambodia, Canada, Croatia (Dubrovnik), Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia (Tallinn), Georgia (Tbilisi), Gibraltar, Greece (Crete), Italy, Kenya, Laos, Latvia, Morocco, Norway, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Singapore, Slovakia, Sweden, and Turkey (Mannaris).

A number of these men were employed outside of Scotland at the time they bought women for sex in other countries. A punter disclosed, "1 \\'(/sjlls/ working there and took ad\'al1lage of/he situorion."

Interviewees spoke about how the 'group mentality' influenced their decision to buy sex in other countries. Men used women in prostitution when they were traveling with their mates on holiday or when they were going to a sports event in another country. One man who traveled to Amsterdam with friends said,

"1/wd heen to Amsterdam before (lnd walked arollnd bllt didn'/ do anything bill this lime I was confident thar the others 1 was with wouldn't hold it against l17e, there was 110 stigma".

"/IWIS wilh {{ grollp o/P{t/s. We'd hem {(lIking a/Jolif itfor years, I think all blokes do. 8 of us ,\jJecifi'calfy weill to get the pl!ffand prostitu/es ... It was a rite ofpassage. We \.-vel1t to prostitutes three times a da)'. We were like pigs in shit ..."

One punter mentioned that he had taken Viagra before visiting a brothel, because "I wanted to do (my.f()()tball team) proud."

Another said, "II was (/ cele/)/"{/tion- ollr team WOIl- and wc thollght Icr's go and gCf laid."

Another man described his purchase of Internet holiday packages which includee! prostitution. These excursions, he told us,

"gil'c YOII a choice (j/l1'OI7lCIl when .1'011 go therc. I paid by credif card, ifwos all organised. There were other men therc. Group .WI" wus ({\'{Iilable and I took part il1 this."

A UK study compared punters in 1990 to a second sample in 2000. The latter group of men was significantly more likely to use women in prostitution in other countries. They were also more likely to report having contracted sexually transmitted infections (Ward, Mercer, & Wellings, 8636

14

2005). Certain cities such as Amsterdam and Prague are specifically marketed as destinations for 'stag nights' and other prostitution tourism. In New Zealand, Chetwynd (1994) reported that 40% of a group of 30 men had traveled to another country to buy sex.

One man we interviewed remarked that in some countries the nationality of the women was "varied," observing that "some women were de.ljJerate.!()r money," especially Eastern European and Russian women. He observed that when he was in Cyprus all of the prostituted women appeared to be Russian.

Another man was filmed while in a Czech Republic brothel. The film was broadcast on the Internet. He naively assured the interviewer that none of his acquaintances - especially his mother - would ever see it.

Another punter was a frequent prostitution tourist in Asia. He detailed the harsh conditions women were subject to in Thai and Cambodian prostitution. Exposing his narcissism and his sadism, he rationalised the commission of sexual violence against women and children.

"I don't get pleasurefi-orn other people's suffering. I strtlggle with it but 1 can't deny my own pleasures. In Cambodia J knocked back {{ lot (~lchildrel1: it makes ir hard to sleep at nighr. BLit J dOJ1'r see the poinr in making (/ moral stance."

We conducted statistical analyses of the psychological measures that had been administered to these 110 punters in Scotland. Next we describe the results of these analyses which suggest that punters hold attitudes on a continuum from mildly to strongly misogynist. These negative attitudes toward women are associated with sexually coercive behaviours against not only prostituted women but against other women in punters' lives.

l{ape fVlyth /\ccep1~iilce, !~~requency of t;se of \-'\::oHle.n in r~rostitution and L'st: of Sexually Coercive Behaviours NOll-prostituting "Vumen

Rape myths are a part of culturally supported attitudes that normalise rape (Lonsway and Fitzgerald, 1994). Rape myths include "women say no but they mean yes," and "rape accusations are women's way of getting even with men." Rape myths have been theoreticalily and empirically linked to other attitudes regarding sex roles and also to coercive interpersonal behaviour (Burt, 1980; Field, J 978; Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, & Tanaka, 1991).

One-fourth to one-third of the men we interviewed endorsed rape-tolerant attitudes. A third of the punters stated that rape happens because men get sexually carried away (32%) or their sex drive gets "out of control" (34%). J 2% told us that the rape of a prostitute or call girl was not possible. 10% asserted that the concept of rape simply does not apply to women in prostitlltion.

22% of our interviewees explained that once he pays for it, the cllstomer is entitled to do whatever he wants to the woman he buys. These attitudes are what make prostitution so dangerous for the women. One of the men we interviewed stated, "They'll hasical/y do {/l1yrhingfor mOl1ey." The belief that the money they paid cancelled out the harm or exonerated the punter was a recurring theme in our interviews.

Hoslile Masculinity

We asked interviewees about the extent to which their identity as men was based 011 valuing psychological and sexual dominance and about their suspiciousness and resentment toward women. Taken together, these constructs constitute what Malamuth described as hostile masculinity. We also asked respondents 46 questions about acceptance of and justification for prostitution (Farley, Becker, Cotton, Sawyer, Fitzgerald, & Jensen, 1998). We found that the 8637 15

men who were most accepting of prostitution were those who most strongly identified with hostile masculinity. The association between acceptance of prostitution and hostile masculinity was statistically significant (r = .205, P = .037).

The punters with the highest scores on the hostile masculinity scale also tended to be those who most strongly endorsed rape myths (r = .668, p = .000 I ).'

Effects of Prostitution on Pumers' Relationships with Non-prostitut.ing 'VVomen Prostitution affects not only how men think about women, it also influences their actmtl behaviour toward 'Nomen, incluciing sexual aggression against non-prostituting women.

We used a scale cieveloped by Koss and Oros (1982) that assessed sexually coercive behaviours such as verbally or physiutlly threatening a partner or using physical force in order to obtain sexual intercourse. 54(l/,:, of the men who frequently used women in prostitution had committed sexually aggressive acts against non-prostitute partners compared to 30% of the less frequent users. The more frequent Iy a punter used women in prostitution, the more likely he was to have committed sexually coercive acts against non-prostituting women (chi-square I, 109) = 4.70 I, P = .030). 10% of the Illen we interviewed stated that they would rape a woman if they could be assured that they would not be callght. Acknowledging their sexually coercive behaviours with non­ prostitute women, 12o/r. told us that they had had sex with a woman partner after they had continually verbally pressured her into sex. 43% had pressured women into having sex by lying to them. In similar finding0. Monto and McRee (2005) compared 1672 U.S. men who had been arrested for llsing women in prostitution with U.S. men who had not used women in prostitution. In the national samples. men who were cither first time or repeat users of women in prostitution were signilieantly more likely to h~lve r~lpecl a woman than non-punters.

Busch. Bell and colle~lgues (:200:2) found that among punters who had been arresteci for soliciting prostitution in the U.S .. a subgroup of these men told the researchers that they had previously committeci violence in oreler to obtain sex from a non-prostituting woman. These particular punters were the same men who had many sex partners (both prosti tuting and non­ prostituting women) in the previou~ year. They also tended to have used a large number of women in prostilUtion in the past year, to regularly watch video pornography, to have served in the military, anci to have themselves been physically or sexually abused as children.

Other effects of frequent use of women in prostitution on men's relationships with their non­ prostitute partners have been noted. An Israeli advocate on behalf of women escaping prostitution said, "Israeli men have simply grown used to the idea that women can be bought. Both married and single men no Illnger W,lnt to work at relationships. For them it is easier to purchase sex when they want it" (Malarek, 2003).

Some or the men we intervieweel acknowledged that prostitution could have an adverse effect 011 their relationships with non-prostituting women.

"ProS/illl/ion cOllld hu\'(' ({ hud clll'C1 ij'mcll/rC(f1 olhers likc they trcol pms/il/./ICs.11 could break up marrwges.

"Must o/'l/7e l7Ien who go, .1('(' il as a Imsincss /rallsactioll ond dOl/'r sec /hc girl as ({ \'\'OI71((n. This could il7lj)ac/ on how (/ mon seC's womcn in general:' 8638 J6

"Mell think i/they can buy a prostitute and treat her as all object, they can do the sal71e with other women."

"Some men in general look dowll Oil women. This is a !Jyproclilct ofproslitutif!l1. r /1l generalising hut I think it's the calise."

"Some people think aI/ wOl11en arc prostitlltes. It keeps )1'Ol11el1 in a suhserl'icnt role (fnd keeps Ihcl11 as viC/ims to male sexuality. II shollldn'r he like this:'

"Having a hidden lilc' inlerlc'res wirh rclationships, it's disloyally/i)r a Slarl." Nonetheless some men rationalised their use of women in prostitution by stating that prostitution could save marriages or improve relationships. For example,

"Ilhin/.: il would help a couple iflhey \veren' I happy and the husband was going willi (f prostilule now and Ihel1 -may help ccmelllihe relalionship. Iflhe H'ife docsn'l kno\-\', il mighl make him happy."

With a convoluted logic, one of our interviewees argued, "Husbands mayfeel that IiiI'\' arc in 0 dead end marriage, wirh the "vile not giving them whallhl'Y waJ71. Mavhe the \\'ift' is (II homc with rhe kids. working all day and she doesn' rfee/lip ro beillg (!lfeetionale IOwaI'd her hllsholld. Men can go fO {/ prostirule thcn slill go h01771' 10 Iheir wile andfamily." Some men justified prostitution as a means of improving their sexual performance. 46% told us that going to a prostitute made a man a better lover. The opposite is likely the case. Women in prostitution train men to ejaculate quickly in order to decrease the men's traumatic intrusion into their bodies.

Pornography Cse Associated \vith t .'it: oj' Women in Pros! itution We found a statistically significant association between these punters' pornography u\(' anei the frequency of their use of women in prostilUtion. 'vVe compared men who were high frequency users of prostitutes (once a month or more) to those who were low frequency lIsers (once or twice, ever) with respect to their use of print, video, (lndlnternet pornography. Those who were most frequent users of pornography were also the most frequent users of women ill prostitution (r = .26, P = .006). One interpretation of this finding is that more frequent use of pornography supports and stimulates men in their use of women in prostitution. It is also possible that men who are infrequent pornography users may be less likely to use women in prostitution. Monto and McRee (2005) compared the pornography use of 1672 U.S. men who hac! been arrested for soliciting women in prostitution with sampJes of U.S. men who had not used women in prostitution. Men who had llsed women in prostitution were far more likely than non­ punters to use pornography on a regular basis. In a statistically significant linear relationship. Monto and McRee found that men who were repeat users of women in prostitllt ion were more likely thall first time users of prostituted women to use pornography, and that first time users 01 women in prostitution were more likely than non-punters to have used pornography.

Lack of Emotional Connection and Lad, or Empai Prostitution

Punters search for the appearance of a relationship but one with no obligation or cOlllmitment. While punters interviewed in New Zealand described their contact with prostitutes as a relationship, they also explained that "the payment of money lor sex ent itlecl them to Ireedom from the requirements normally associated with relationships" (Pluillriclge et al, 1997b). 8639 17

Punters felt that the women had no right to make any demands on them. "Money displaces the emotions. It frees you from that bond, that responsibility," explained a man who was interviewed after buying sex in the UK. "The distance you get from exchanging cash for sex means that afterwards you don't contemplate the impact on the prostitute" (Spurrell, 2006).

Only 16% of the men we interviewed in Glasgow and Edinburgh told us that they had any kind of an emotional relationship with the women they bought in prostitution. Ronald Levant (1997) has discussed men's frequent preference for what he calls non-relational sexuality - the paradigmatic sex of prostitution. Using women in prostitution reinforces men's tendency to relate to women in a detached and unemotional way. Sven-Axel Mansson (2001) described the ways in which mass-media representations of commodified sexual relationships affect young men's thinking about women in prostitution and women, generally.

The punter's fantasy is the hassle-free girlfriend who makes no demands on him but is prepared to satisfy his sexual needs. He may pretend emotional intimacy but the relationship with a prostitute always stops short of emotionalmuluality or commitment. One punter described prostitution as

"bein,~ alJ!c Iii go ({lid h(l\'(' a I('mporary relaliol1ship Qndjusileave a/ier il I-I'ilh IlO OIlier repercllssiollS. Somelimcs/c'eIlike j' mllot paying for the sex bUl/or not hoving !O do Ihe orller sr/lftc.g. 1)If\' prescnlS, go out OJ) dClles, go OJ) holidays, or to go out to work. /'m poyingfor oI/OI7)'mlfl'

Jf the men construct an imaginary pleasant emotional relationship with the woman they are buying they can then retain their opinion of themselves as nice guys rather than having to redefine themselves as punters. "J wanted to be different from all the scum suckers." saiel one Illan interviewed by Blanchard (1994). It was important to these men to see themselves as a "nice punter" rather than an unpleasant or violent one. Some men declared that they themselves were "nice" punters. but that others were not,

"FIJI f"L'sp('('luliic !JUI."OU gel secd.\' l)(IslOrds llim oren'/ sa(e."

An Edinburgh punter we interviewed described prostitution itself as simply an extension of his masturbation. McKeganey ( 1994) noted that the men seemed to appreciate the ability to "do anything" with a prostitute. By paying for sex, the Glasgow men interviewed by McKeganey seemed to "place their own desires at centre stage and to largely disregarelthe sexual preferences of their female partner." One man interviewed by McKeganey said, " ... it'5 like going in to have your car done you tell them what you want done - they don'l ask, you tell them I want so anel so clone ... " As one of the punters we interviewed explained,

"You (Ire II/(' /Joss (lild gClwlial Will walll."

Based on interviews with New Zealand men who buy women in prostitution, Plumridge (1997), like Jeffreys in Australia (1997), understood that men mUII/t/oC/llre IIie idea (){whol (f prostilute Ihinks {{ndj£'e/s. ascribing reactions and desires to her in a way that is sexually arousing to the punter. but which may have little basis in reality. In fact, Plumridge's interviewees were observed to "cheerfully reject information that contradicted" their idea of what prostitution was like for the prostitute (Plumridge, 1997).

We obtained evidence regarding these punters' construction of the prostitute's emotional reality. We asked them to tell us how they felt during a session with a prostitute. We also asked them 10 report to us what they assumed the prostitute herself felt. The punters declared that the prostitute was having positive feelings during their sessions 45% orthe time. In a separate study of women in prostitution Kramer (2003) askeel the same question. Only 9°;(, of the women in 18 8640

Kramer's study indicated that they had any positive feelings at all during prostitution. Our punters opined that the woman was having negative feelings during prostitution 44% of the time while according to Kramer's interviews of the women themselves, 77% of the time they experienced a negative emotional state. See Table 5. These findings suggest a lack of accurate empathy on the part of the punter, an emotional callousness toward the women they buy, or indifference with respect to her feelings.

Table 5. Punters' Attribution of Feelings to Women During Prostitution Compared to Women's Description of Their Actual Feelings (from Kramer, 2(03) -- ---1.····.· ...... · .. -·-·· ...... ·-·-.·.···-····-·····-...... - ...... _ ...... - ...... -.... --.- .... -.- ...... - .... -... ~ .. -..... Positive Feeling Negatil'e Feeling Neutral Words Words Words ~------Scottish Punters 45% (132) 44%(127) (Current stud~ , .----.-.-.. --~------~-.-.. ------~.. ------" Women in Prostitution 9%(41) 77%(127) 14%(64) _(_K_r_an_le_r,_2._0_0_3 )'---__----L. ______:_. ______._. ______._._ .. _ .. ___~_. ______... ____ .. _. ______!

We also compared the men's reports of their own feelings before and after prostitution. They reported equalnLlmbers of negative and positive feelings before and after buying sex. Slightly more than half (57-58%) of the men described positive eillotions before and after purchased sex, while 40-41 % listed distinctly negative emotions before and after. Many of our interviewees' positive feelings were sexual in nature: aroused. excited, or horny. These sexually positive words comprised 51 % of all posit ive words the men llsed to describe their feelings before the purchase of sex and 25% of all positive words after the purchase of sex.

Before purchasing sex, other positive words (in addition to the 51 ex- sexu~t1ly positive words) used by the men included happy, interested. anticip

After the purchase of sex, the men we interviewed reported that they experienced positive emotions 57% of the time and that they experienced negative emotions 41 {Ic:- of the time. 25% of the positive words referred to sexual relief or satiation. Other positive words included happy, at­ ease, and comfortable. 41 % of the words used by these men to describe how they felt after purchasing sex were negative emotional descriptors, such as regretful, disappointed, dirty, or guilty. See Table 6.

Table 6. Punters' Descriptions of Their Own Feelings Before and After Purchasing Sex i··--··-···--·····-··-··-···--····-· ... -·- ... ·-··-····-··-········-r··-·········-···········-·······-·;····;····...... -...... ! Posltlve Neutral Total . ___ i__ ._ Words_____ -'-1~)!:~.~_ IVords Words

Before Buying Sex I 58% (232) i 4()

Several men cOlllmented on their ambivalence about purch~lsed sex, saying that while they forged ahead and bought women in prostitution. they put it out of their minds afterwards. Many described their own feelings of emptiness after prostitution. 41 (X or the men we interviewed told us that they felt no guilt or shame about using prostitutes. but 59% of the punters reported feeling some degree of guilt or shame, with 25% of our interviewees expres::;ing significant guilt and shame about their prostitute use. 8641

19

Punters q Justifications and RationaHsations for Prostitution

Public misconceptions about prostitution originate in punters' rationalisations for the objectification, degradation, and violence that they perpetrate against women in prostitution. Just as pedophiles justify sexual assaults of children and batterers justify beatings of women, men who use prostitutes develop elaborate cognitive schemes to justify their purchase and use of women. Men's justifications for physical violence against women are remarkably similar to their justifications for prostitution. Batterers justify beating women by telling us that she asked for it. Punters justify prostitution by telling us that she's getting rich or that she's simply doing an unpleasant but necessary job like a factory worker. Bauerers justify the battering of women simply on the basis that they are men (Mullaney, 2007). Similarly invoking male supremacy, punters also justify prostitution simply on the basis that they are men. Prostitution like battering is embraced by punters as an institution that functions to restore their domination of women. Like women who are blamed for provoking men into beating them, women who fail to provide the sex acts demanded by their partners are blamed for their partners' turning to prostitution. In the following section, we describe in detail some of the justifications for prostitution offered by Scottish punters. Unfortunately many of these men's justifications for the purchase and use of human beings for sex have until now been unquestioningly accepted by the public.

and the ASSlJHlption of til(' ~ ituLion Approximately a third of the puntersjusti1ieci prostitution simply as a way for men to satisfy their sexual desires. This is the most cOlllmonly offered justification for prostitution. For them, prostitution is a place where men have

':fi"l'I'du/)/ to do anything thc)' want in (/ COl1scqllcncc~ti'cc clI\'irollll1cnl." The men we interviewed did not question the notion that men have the absolute right to have their sexual needs met whenever and wherever they want. For example, "Prosrilulion is therc ro sarc mcn's 11Ist." Men's sex drive itself was considered inevitable and uncleterrable by the punters we interviewed.

"IVe wOllld nccd to bccol11c likc sca horscs, hcr/11aphrodiICS. hccol11e onc sc.\". that's Ihc only 1'I'0r 10 SlOp prostitlltion"

Miln)' of our interviewees considered men's demand for pro:>titution as inevitable and unchangeable and as having a rightful place in society.

"Therc will alw({),s he supply and demand. f{Cl'C}yonc was rich how would YOII get a c!c({ner f()J'llic hOlelloiler?"

"Therc's 0 markct. Womcil will alll'ovs be drawn infO pIDsrillirion iflherr:'s (f demand."

"It's hI/mUll }/{III/rc."

"/t'sPCtrl (~tsocicly." 8642 20

"It's there since beginning qltime." This view of prostitution as inevitable permitted some interviewees to justify men's abuse of women by reasoning it was due to prostitution's existence as opposed to taking responsibility for its continuation. "I think. there will alll'a)'s he guvs thm go to prostitutes ... something in the paper ah(mt guys that have steak at hOl11e, still go out.!()}" hurgers - bec({use they can, it was there."

"~fit's going ro be rhere people (I}"e still going to lise it." The Scottish men's views regarding the primacy of men's sexual urges were consistent with other research. For example, 79% of a sample of 60 Australian men who bought sex explained that they had a "strong sex drive" (Xantidis et ai, 2(00). Swedish researcher Mansson (200 1) suggested that as a result of the so-called sexual revolution, men's sexual 'needs' have become even more taken for granted, and men have been strengthened in their conviction that they are entitled to unlimited sexual access to women.

Justifkation for ProsWution as Opportunity to Dominate Women The structured interviews were a rich source of information about men's understanding of prostitution. Several men emphasised the pleasure of establishing dominance over women in prostitution. "1n order to reallv Cl!jOY prostitution YOII nced ro kno\-\' how to comrolthem."

"Prosriturion's exci!illg to !hc eXlellI you know .1'011' FC gor control."

"YOII need 10 kilo1-\' how 10 rHanipulo!c (lnd cOI1!rol Ihem -which is easy wirh s!ree! proslillllCS­ vou dangle drink ({nd drugs inji"Olll ()Irhem." A number of our interviewees challed candidly about how prostitution enabled them to control women.

"It's a power thing reall\' - heing ahle to gel a I-I'omanto give VOlt sexual ser\'ices hy handing (wer money "Everyone recognises Ihe objeclljicarion as parr ofthe husiness exchange ofprosfitlltiol1."

"There is a scc/ion Of male society that Fiew women in prostitution as properly or Fiew women as cheap."

"Women are becoming more domineering in the lvorkplace and I think a lot ()t"gU}'S like to have pOlver over women. They usc prosti!UleS and talk bad ahoul them, exercising their pOl'l'er."

Prostitution as Choice versus Prostitution as Coerced Almost all (96%) of the punters interviewed in this research stated that to a significant extent (50% or more of the time) prostitution was a consenting act between two adults. 93% agreed with the rationalisation for prostitution that women have the "right" to sell sex, transforming the intrinsically harmful institution of prostitution into a positive human right for prostitutes. In real life however. prostituting women are clear that they prefer the "right" to escape prostitution (Farley et aI., 2(03).

While on the one hand asserting that prostitution was a choice for the women in it, the punters simultaneously helel diametrically opposing attitudes about prostitution; 73% observeelthat 8643 21

women prostitute strictly OLlt of economic necessity and 85% acknowledged that women did not enjoy the sex of prostitLltion.

In another contradiction, 71 % of oLlr interviewees stated that prostitution should be treated like any other business. At the same time 42% believed that prostitution lowers the moral standards of the community. Throughout our interviews with these men, we noted many such dramatic inconsistencies in their thinking. These contradictions are important because they may be points of entry for future prostitution prevention programmes.

The 110 punters in Scotland were deeply conflicted regarding whether or not prostitution was a choice. The follO\ving quotes highlight these contradictions. Many were committecl to the falsehood that prostitution is a job choice for women in prostitution.

"They' Fe jusl doing {/ joh. 1r' S 1/01 (I hard job - they elZioy iI, thcy make 17I0I1ey."

"Thn'lJwdc IhejlllJljJ 10 do it overtly. They say to themselves: I'm going to choose thaljor (J joh."

"II's ({ serl'ice Ihey proFide -for example ajoiner cal) use his hands 10 produce somelhillg H'ith wood, thOl's (/ service.lla wom(ll) can usc part other body, thar' .I' a sen'icc, 100."

Some men explained that they L1sed women in prostitution because the prostitutes themselves chose it. For example

"The\' c/zoose /() h(/\,c jJeople payfor sex wil Ii them.- mosl women don't."

Similar findings come from other research studies where men who buy sex also declared that the purchase of sex - a commercial enterprise - was a mutually beneficial, mutually enjoyable experience (Plulllridge 1997b). One of om interviewees constructed mutuality in the proslilulionlransaction as follows.

"II hilS 10 r/ol1'ilh desirc -Ihe malc's illl/7c l1I([ill- (Ind l/7cfe/1wle's hllsincss (lCllI7lcn."

1'rostitu1.ioH Justified because PUI1[{,l'S Declare that Prostitutes are Qualitatively From Other \-Vomen

The punlers interviewed by our research team attributed personal characteristics to pro!;titutes that enableclthe punters to justify prostitution. For example some men described women in prostitution as 'Fce-~jJiriled" or as people who were comfortable having lots of sex. One man ominously proposed that prostitutes are fatally flawed and someho\',1 "morally ditferent" from other women. Another suggested that women in prostitution are more materialistic than other women, a typical victim-blaming maneuver. Employing a classic and brutally judgmental double Slancbrcl that divided "good" and "bad" women, one punter said,

"IFroujiJ/ll/d 0111 rOllr girlfi'icnd Ivas ([/1 ex-prostillile !hul l-\'ould he had."

In oreler 10 justify prostitution, punters cleclare that prostitutes like the sex of prostitution and that they are more sexually liberated than other women.

"Proslillfles (lrc morc opell und hOlies! aholll their aims ul1d oblcclil'es. They arc prohably very ('o/)/t-" willi Ihl'ir hoc/ics."

2~(!r. or our interviewees stated that prostitutes enjoy pl'Ostitution, but 85% at the same time told LIS that prostitutes do 1101 enter prostitution because they like sex.

Against COllllllon sense. the punters we interviewed insisted that the women they bought for sex were sexual! y satisfied by the punters' sexual performances. Half (49 Ck) of the men delucled 8644 22

themselves that the prostitutes they purchased were sexually satisfied 50%-100% of the time. In fact, nothing could be farther from the truth. Despite the fact that the sex of prostitution has been described as "paid rape" by survivors, other researchers have also found that punters insist that women enjoy the sex of prostitution. Most of Plumridge 's New Zealand interviewees ( 1997a) believed that the women enjoyed prostitution and were not faking sexual pleasure. This opinion was deeply rooted and entrenched. With prostituted women themsel ves interviewing punters, Plumridge (1997b) noted that men retain their conv iction that women enjoy the sex or prostitution even when confronted by contradictory evidence, such as a woman telling the punter, "No, I did not enjoy that." The experience of having to acquiesce to unwanted sex in order to survive economically results in psychological ciamage. This fact has been established via many studies that document depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, anxiety disorders, dissociative disorders, and bipolar disorder in women in prostitution. (McKeganey, 2006, Routes Qut of Prostitution Intervention Team, 2004, Farley el aI., 2003) Articulating the appearance of choice but with underlying coercion, women have described prostitution as "paid rape" and "volunteer slavery." These conditions exist in prostitution regardless of its legal status or its location on the street, in a massage brothel, in a lap dance club, a flat, or in a business class hotel. .In order to endure the unwanted sex, women dissociate either by emotionally distancing themselves frol11 the reality of prostitution or by use of drugs and alcohol. Having carefully observed the women's dissociative symptoms. several punters told us that they believed that the capacity to detach or "switch oll.'· differentiateci prostitutes from other women.

"11 has negalive effeCTS Iherefore YOIi pigeon hole \,lIlIr II'ho/e "/(' - SC/WID/(' irji"Ol71 work "(c. They 1'111 what Iher do ro the back oj" their rllind - Iher ('ollldl!'! ('\/.11 IJrhl'J"lI'i.l(, as 0 Ilw.wi I IIle 24 hours a do)'''

"She'll end up drinking and doing drllgsjllsllo ,~('/ ({II Ihose Iilings 0111 hel h('w/. CircIIIJIS/{IJ/ces arejim:ing her to do il." None of these men described the women's dissociation as symptomatic evidence of prostitution's harm although dissociation is a psychological defense commonly used by people who are suffering from unbearable and inescapable stress. Men who buy sex are not the only members of the community who fail to acknowledge the psychological damage from prostitution. Over the years, the Women's Support Project has offered trainings and public education about prostitution. We have learned that although people can grasp that there are many physical health risks inherent to pmstitlltion. most have not considered the adverse psychological impact of the unwanted and rape Iike sex of' prost itution. Increasing the public's awareness regarding the lasting psychological damage ofunwantecl sex is an important component of any prostitution prevention programme.'i 8645

23

Prostitution .1ustiiied as Rape Prevention ("Catharsis Theory") Several of the punters explained that if men's sexual needs were not met then rape was inevitable. They reasoned that if prostitution did not exist then some men would rape women who were not prostitutes. While none admitted that they themselves would rape, they were adamant that other men were incapable of controlling their impulse to sexual predation. A significant number of the punters subscribed to the catharsis theory of rape and proslitution. This theory posits an inverse relationship between prostitution and rape. 41 % of our interviewees believed that the availability of prostitutes makes the rape of other women less likely.

"Pcople who mighl he tempted to commit a sexual crime could get rid o(theirfi'ustratiol7 i(they

C(/I/ go with (f prostilllle:'

Another man said "Prostillilioll keeps a lot o(people o./jthe street who might otherwise alfack women, such as shy people f1'ith no confidence."

Chillingly, one man stated, "Men decide to usc a prostitute as a surrogate instead o(gettillg sex through suiJterjilge orforce."

A slightly veiled version of this theory was also expressed: "Therc willllcver he al1 elld to prostit{(tion: ij'l11cJl arc looking for sex then someone is going 10 providc it." There is no evidence supporting the theory that prostitution prevents rape. Rape rate statistics from the U.S. raise the possibility that there may even be a positive association between legal prostitution in Nevada and higher rape rates in that state. The Nevada rate of rape was higher thall the U.S. average and it was significantly higher than rates of rape in several more populous U.S. states - California, New York and New Jersey. Official rape rates in Las Vegas ane! Reno, Nevada. were significantly higher than rape rates in other U.S. tourist destinations such as New Yurko Los Angeles, and San Francisco, where prostitution is not legalised.) The notion that men are not responsible for violence, rape, or sexual exploitation if their sexual expectations are Llnlllet has been promoted with respect to rape and incest as well as prostitution. Some social scientists define the purchase of women in prostitution as normal, maintaining that men's prostitution behaviour is simply part of human nature. This definition of normalcy is then reflected in public policy that defines prostitution as a form of labour (sex work) where prostitution is considered an unpleasant job but not different from other kinds of unpleasant jobs, like factory work. From this perspective prostituted women are viewed as "simply another category of workers with special problems and needs" (Bullough & Bullough, 1996). The notion that prostitution is work tends to make its harm invisible. DeCildes ofresearch indicate that sexual violence is a cultural phenomenon rather than a result of individual psychopathology (Davis, Parks & Cohen 2006; Lee, Guy, Perry et al 2(07). r~ecent sexual violence prevention programs have used community-based approaches including educational campaigns, and community prevention strategies (Lee et aI, 20(7). Since sexual violence is a result of social and cultural forces, it is necessary to create a change in cultural norms so that sexual violence sllch as prostitution is excluded from the mainstream. Blaming their nOll-prostitute sex partners for causing them to seek Ollt prostitutes, some of the punters interviewed in Glasgow and Edinburgh told us that prostitution provided them with sex acts that they could not obtain from their wives. girlfriends, or non-prostitute sex partners. They specifically mentioned that they sought anal sex. corporal punishment, sadism and masochism, and 8646

24

"things YOIl H'olildn'l dare ask a normalfemale/c)J' - afemale thar' s not (f prostitute, that's not offering sex/or cash."

79% of the punters told us that it was easier for them to ask a prostitute to perform certain sex acts than to ask their regular partner. Most frequently. these sex acts tended to be oral and anal sex.

Other researchers have found that men search for sex acts that they can't obtain from their regular partners (McKeganey, 1994; Plulllridge et aI, 1997). Pointing out the role of pornography in guiding his sexual preferences, one punter clarified the relation between pornography and prostitution. "Some guys H'atch {[ 101 ofpornography {[nd e.IJNC! Iheir parlll('J"s 10 perj(Jrll1 certain acls. They' /I eilher pressure their parilla 10 0 cerwin poi/Ii or Ihen go alld gel whol rhey WOI7I."

Responses to '''Vhat changes \yould have to take placr in order to end prostilution'!'

The men struggled with an open-ended question about what it would take to end prostitution. Many were stumped, declaring that prostitution would never end, even that it would take "Armageddon" to end prostitution. Like a mantra, they repeated. "/(" Ihe oldeSI profession," suggesting that the historical existence of a phenomenoll justified its continuation. Yet these men would not be likely to justify murder simply because murder h,IS been around for a long time.

Unable to think beyond the conceptual limits of their entitlement to sex, other punters told us that in order to stop the institution of prostitutioll, all wOlllen would have to function as prostitutes.

"Women would have 10 be ul'oilable./()I" Sl'.\ 01 (/Ill' (}PI)(}J111II ilr. 11·17('/1('1"('1' men 1-\'(fI7lNI if.--

"You'd have 10 im'l'!1Ill'ornen sex robols:'

Some of the men we interviewed were aware or the root causes or prost itut ion. A third (34%) stated that prostitution is based on the subordination or women. f\ slightly greater percentage (39%) acknowledged that prostitution is sexual exploitation. Some men clearly understood the relation between prostitution and sex inequality. although 1110st railed to describe their own contributions to the exploitation of women in prostitution.

"Prostilli/ion has 10 do wi//7 women's jJOSiliol1 ill llie econol7lY: womcn are 1101 as Fa/lied. Maybe for SOl77e, proslilUlio/J's Ihe only way ro earn a cert(/ill (l11/()/I/l1 o{mol/cl'.--

Several men mentioned male violence as precipitant to women's entry into prostitution. They noted the role of childhood sexual abuse and also the role of abusive adult partners who pimped them into prostitution. Despite their insights into the women's vulnerabilities, this did not stop them from buying sex.

"A 101 ofhoyfi·icl1ds have Ihelr! oul doi/lg il. iJe(flillg Ihe/1/ "I). Los.lies go 0111 /Jec(lIIse Ihcv're scared, and Ihey hu1'(, nowhere c/se 10 fUm 10."

A number of men understood that major social change would be necessary in order to eliminate prostitution. They listed the following as essential: the eradication of poverty. promotion of sex equality, and programmes for women currently prostituting. A number of the interviewees had an awareness of the relationship between sex inequality and prostitution: 8647 25

"f have no idea about how to end prostitution but f think it's to do with inequality. f think some menfind prostitution empowering -theyfeellike they're huying (/ H'oman.1t vl'ould take total equality betH'een men and women. We're meant 10 be equal hUI social/v Ire're 1/01- women are slilllooked down 011."

"We'd need bellerjoh opportunities and proJpects.t()J' womcn. Belfer eduul/ionfor men and womcn.lt's a palriarchal society. Women would have to he trealcd rnore as equals. have more say."

"Proslillltion could end if there Ivas less poverty, social exc/usion. (lnd irat/illides changed lowards women."

"How do you expeci a woman 10 bring up a child wilh the money lhc governl71elll provides. ii's ridicillous."

"A heller social security system e,\peciallyfor mums with two kids, maybe get her into training so she can get a hetterjob, one with a.timlre. TI)' and help the drug addiCls ((they want to help themsell'es. This coumry's got a bad attitude to prostililles in gel/eral, seeing them as diseased and addicred hut some arejust ,11011len willi a couplc of k.ids and Ihat's rhe only H'ay to make that much mOl/ey, prostirution hrings in 111uch more than working in {/ 1701'...

"I rhink they'd have to devise a programme for proslitures ro prol'ide alternatives to prosritution Several men alleged that they would tell other men that prostitution had not been a positive expenence. "Ar rhe beginlling, it's exciting to have {/ choice and ro k"owyol/'// ger sex hllr you'll leaJ'll it's !wIIII(/{ grc(t! as you gel older."

"It's I/olliing orher rliall a release, Oil e.. \pensive 0111'. It's a hil degradillg 011 hoth accounts. I \muld Icl/ Ihel11 to consider whol!lIe}' were doing. It's all (,lJIplr c.\pcricllce."

"It's sleazy, voufeel bad ajierwards,l17aybc /wl rhm nighl.I!'sjllsl using someone and messing wilh rheirIeelings. J would,,'! advise i!.'·

"fI's I/O! all it's cracked up 10 he. 1 was divorced, insecure, ulIswblc.1 thought that going vvith prostitilies would be a solution hut it wasn't. My.ti·iends were also hachelor,\' - prostitution was pari (~lrhc social scencji'Olll 4P111 to 4a111. One pal said, 'I g%r dinner and then I get them cor/I', when tllcy' re Fesh.' He reasoned thai later on the women would be worn out," Two men told us that men do not talk honestly with each other about prostitution.

"1\10.1'1 guys e.roggerate,telling each orilerprosfilUfion's grear.l would lie [also) because it's lIot grc(/{."

A second man stated, "f don't know anyone who goes into dewil ahollr ir, except prices,"

Punlers' Opinions OIl Legal or Det'riminalised Prostitution Historically in Europe, regulation of prostitution was actively promoted by coalitions of mil ilary administrators and conservative politicians, often with the tacit approval of dominant religious organisations. Those advocating legalisation - like mallY oflhe punters interviewed for this research - assumed thai men were not capable of attaining sexual continence. They therefore sought contexts (prostitution) in which men could buy sex - assuming incorrectly that legal prostitution is disease-free prostitution and Ihallegal prostitution would preserve men's 8648 26

sexual health (Limoncelli, 2006). Today's attempts to legalise prostitution make the similar assumption that men are inevitably sexually incontinent. Self-interested, most of the punters we interviewed recommended legalising or decriminalising prostitution because it would spare them the social embarrassment or the inconvenience or the negative legal consequences of buying sex.

While a majority of the men we interviewed were aware that women were not in prostitution by choice, nonetheless they favored legalisation (94%) or decriminalisation (89%) of prostitution. In a profoundly self-serving way, these men maintained that legalisation would somehow miraculollsly remove the harm of prostitution.

"1'/71 assuming Ihal ifit's legal. no-onc would /ial'c 10 work there lIllless they really wal1fed to," reasoned one punter.

In spite of their advocacy for legal prostitution and in spite of the fact that 67% would not object if their sons went to brothels - only 14% of these punters felt that it would be acceptable for their daughters to grow up to be prostitutes. One wonders whose daughters they think their sons will buy.

One man wistfully commented, "/ wish they wOllld build (/ centre where people would kllow they could come [Ind get them."

On the other hand, another interviewee commented, "Legalising prostitution could also hc very bad - il creales (f bad namefor a eify."

As a result of eleven years of offering training and awareness-raising about prostitution, the Women's Support Project has learned that many members of the community share the punters' fantasy that legalisation of prostitution would improve conditions for women. Information regarding the harmful effects onegal as well as illegal prostitution is an essential component of a comprehensive prostitution prevention programme.1> Education regarding the harm of buying sex in someone else's counlry is also impeJl'tanl, given the globalisation 0[' loelay's world and the fact that more than half of the punters we interviewed used women outside UK for prostitution.

What Would Deler These Punters From Buying Sex

59% of the men we interv iewed in Scotland stated that, to some degree, they had feelings of guilt, shame, or badness regarding their use of women in prostitution. There are opportunities for intervention, education, and prevention of prostitution even with men who are currently llsing women in prostitution.

We asked these I 10 men what might deter them from using a woman in prostitution. We offered a list of consequences including legal penalties, financial penalties, public exposure, jail time, registration as a sex offender, and attending an eclucation programme. 8649

27

Table 7. What Would Deter Men in Scotland from Buying Sex ------,------: ! Being added to a sex offender registry I 89% .. J...... _. __ ... __ ... _... __ ... _...... __ ...... "."""""",.. - ""'] --_.'.. ;,., ...... _--: Having your picture and/or name on a billboard I 861'0 : ------.----i------! Having your picture (md/or name in the local newspaper I 84% i ------, -'---.------1'------,I : Having to spend time in jail ! 79% .. I -~·---··---~··--····---··------·----·--···------r~------~ i Having your picture and/or Dame posted on the internet i 78% ~I ______------,------i--, .------_ : A letter being sent to your family saying you were arrestee! for soliciting 1~1~~'~1_'1Il in prostitution "",,_ i 77% Greater criminal penalty -[ 72% ------.------.-.----.. -. -----.- .. ------.. ------i--.. ------. Having your car impounded ------r---69%--c70% Higher monetary fine ------i------.-l Required to attend an educational program for men who buy prostitutes i 56% ' . _.. ..!. ."'~

The men's responses suggest that there are a number of equally effective alternatives that would reduce men's demand for prostitution, if legal sanctions were enforced. These include being publicly named as a sex offender, being publicly exposed via billboard, newspaper. Internet. or letter to his family. Jail time, higher fines and greater criminal penalties would also deter these men from buying sex if, and only if, they were convinced that laws would actually be cnforced.

The punters understand that activities around prostitution, such (IS 0oliciting. arc illcg,d. Nonetheless, in Scotland, United States and elsewhere, men who buy se\ depend on the fact that existing laws will not be enforced. Regardless of Scotland '.<; prosl i lui ion pol icy and laws, many men simply did nol think that police or politicians would enforce the Lllv. As one punter explained,

"fO though I (lny oj'thosc Ihings were rca/f.\' going I() happcII if wOllld hI' (/ dl'ferrelll,"

Another told us, "/ }vouleln' t /ikc /(J get cought hUI f''' go Oil the lack o/pro/Ja/Jili/\' (Jr~eflil/g caugflt./(J go/ Ulugh/ so would halrlhe male population_"

A number of men were skeptical about there being any effective deterrent, yet ,II the same time they acknowledged that the possibility of criminalisation deterred them. One man commented that he only bought sex where prostitution was legal.

"/ don'/ do it hcre because it's no/ legal."

Another man stated that no deterrent would work but at the same time saiclthat he did not lise prostitutes in Scotland since it was illegal and he wanted a clean criminal record.

Classi(ving Prostitution ;lS a Sexual OITem:e and nUwr

89% of our interviewees told LIS that being placed on a registry of sex otTender:. would deler them. Naming men who buy prostitutes as sex offenders lVould - with just two words - remove the glamour from buying sex, instead categorising punters as sexu,1i predators, This naming is important since it places men who buy sex in the same category as rapists, pedophiles ,ll1d other social undesirables. Many of our interviewees were ambivalent about their purchase of sex. feeling both attracted to and repubed by it. To name them as sex offenders would send a strong 8650 28

message and reinforce their already-existing knowledge of the harm they perpetrate, which they struggle to deny. 77%-86% of the men said that they would be deterred by public exposure such as having their photos or names posted on the Internet, in the local newspaper or on a billboard.

"You can buy {/ lOf oj"{hillgs hu{ you call' { buy your rcpu{(f{ion - losing your reputation is {he biggest dc{crrclIl.'· one punier explained. While many feared that their wives or girlfriends would find out about their visits to prostitutes, this appears not to have operaleci as a deterrent so long as there is little risk of wives ,md families finding oul. One man indicated that the threat of public exposure had been enough 10 change his behaviour.

"The policl' com I' and s({id 11101'(' oul or w(" II gC! YOllr numher pfa{e and wrile {o your l-I'i/1'. Thar wos {he las{ lime / wCI1{./ll-I'as a sirong c!elcrrcllt/i)]·l17e." Women who are prostituting in Scotland tell us that men buy sex during tea breaks and lunch hours, often using company vehicles. Several men stated that they would be deterred from buying women for proslitution purposes if their employers discovered their prostitution activities. For example, .. losing rcspl'c/ ill (/ \vorking I'l1vironmcnl" was a deterrent 10 one man.

69-79% of the punters \ve interviewed stilted that they would be deterred by grealer criminal penalties, such as a greater monetary fine, having a car impounded, orjail time. Some of the men suggested that a combination of criminal sanctions and public exposure would be most effective. Most oj" the men told us thai any ;lIllOunl ofjail time would c1eter them.

·'A" hOlfr wOlfld Ii(' ('I/o/lgil··

Another recommended. ·'Zero IOlc{"(In("(' - IJ()/icc evcrywhcrc··.

One man suggested harsh penalties: "Mu\'!Jc a minimal jail sellfCllce (~/rl1'o ycars/oJ" the dicllls i/c(llfgh{ solieifillg."·

Another man suggested a combination of penalties, "Som(' guys haFe p!cl1fy /lIOnel' so (/ hig File might he lIo{hing to them. The\" should gCI (/ \'l'Llmillgfirsl {ime, {han public C.\jJO,I'lIJ"C ({nd (/

hC(I1'yfi 11('."'

In similar findings, Brewer. Potterat and colleagues (2006) found that arrest deterred 70% of men from buying women in prostitution a second time. In an extensive analysis of data from one U.S. city. they concluded. just as our interviewees in Scotland did, that arrest was a powerful faclor in deterring men from using women in prostitution.

Prostitution Ldm:atioli Progr~lljmH:s.

Only 56 'Yr. of the men we interviewed told us that being required to attend an educational program for men v,,'ho buy prostitute~ would deter them. This is consistent with anecdotal reports from other countries. Our findings here reflect what has been learned from decades of legal and social attempts to deter batterers. Counseling and educating alone do not deler men who batter. It is necessary to combine educational approaches with strong legal or social consequenccs such as jail t imc (Stubb~, 2007). For example, a study of homicides of battered 8651

29

women found that previous arrest of the abuser was a protective factor against homicide of women by an intimate partner (Campbell et a1., 2(03). Unless didactic programmes are combined with sophisticated role modeling and participant behaviour enactments that challenge men's acceptance of prostitution, educational programmes are not likely to produce their intended results. Katz (2006) described the effectiveness of teaching men to become empowered bystanders in confronting sexist abuse and v iolence such as prostitution. Using a mentoring program among college-aged male athletes, the program taught men specific techniques of countering peer pressure to commit acts of violence against women. We recommenci that education programmes be offered in addition to, rather than as all alternative to, legal sanctions. Given the significantly Icll'ge numbers of interviewees who told us that they would be deterred by actively enforced criminal penalties and by pll blic exposure. education programmes would be most effective post-court. 8652 30

Conclusion

Once viewed as a form of violence against women stemming from sex inequality. prostitution is best understood as a transaction in which there are two roles: exploiter/predator and victim/prey. Since there is a vast power clit:t'erential between the punter and the woman he buys in terms of her poverty, social status, abuse history, and often immigration status, the women (or men) who are purchased in prostitution would not be categorised as criminals because they are victims. The Prostitution (Public Places) (Scotland) Act of 2007 is the first Scottish legislation that challenges men's demand for purchased sex. This legislation makes it an offence to solicit or loiter in a public place for the purpose of obtaining the services of a person engaged in prostitution. Thus men convicted of buying sex can be easily identified via criminal databases. However this legislation does not sit within Scottish Legislation on sexual offences and women continue to be criminalised for soliciting or loitering for the purposes of prostitution. At the time of this writing (March 2(08) there have been calls for both the Scottish and the UK governments to adopt the Swedish model to prevent and combat prostitution and trafficking. Acknowledging the enormous social injustice and harms intrinsic to prostitution, the Swedish legislation criminalises punters, pimps and traffickers. Those who are bought for prostitution are understood by the Swedish Parliament to be victims regardless of whether or not they were overtly physically coerced or whether they were emotionally coerced by prior sexual assault, abandonment, brainwashing by pimps or whether they were coerced by a sexist or racist lack of job alternatives, or coerced into prostitution by poverty. While those buying and selling sex are arrested, women in prostitution are not criminalised in Sweden. Instead, they are offered soci,lI services similar to those offered by the Routes Out Project in Glasgow (Bindel, 20(4).

Swedish police statistics indicate that there has been it dramatic decline in prostitution since the law went into effect. "We have signifiuliltly less prostitution than our neighboring countries," a Stockholm police officer stated. (Anwar, 2(07) Two years after the Swedish law's passage, a government task force reporteci that there \NaS a 50% decrease in the number of women prostituting and a 75% decrease in the number men who bought sex. According to the Swedish National Rapporteur on Trafficking the law that prohibits the purchase of sexual services has "a direct and positive effect in limiting the trafficking in human beings for sexual purposes to Sweden" (Ekberg, 2(04). Laws affect cultural practices. The Swedish law has a social impact on the way prostitution is viewed by its citizens. The 1999 Swedish law" is a concrete and tangible expression of the belief that in Sweden women and chi Idren are not for sale. It effectively dispels men's self­ assumed right to buy wOlllen and children for prostitution." (Ekberg, 2(04). In addition to imposing serious legal consequences on men 's purchase of sex, we at the same time need to increase the public's understanding of why prostitution is harmful in and of itself, ancito ensure that prostitution is regarded as predatory and sexually exploitative behaviour rather than sexual behaviour. Ultimately. the effectiveness of any criminal justice program depends on the community's understanding of the issues and its commitment to justice for prostituted women and children. Its success also depends on the willingness of police departments to enforce laws that have been passed (Moe, 2007). Additional research on men who buy sex is needed. Because of their need to minimise the harms of prostitution andrhereby justify its existence, and because of the punters' desire for 8653

31 social invisibility, we are confident that the statistics in this Report are conservative and are likely underestimates of, for example, the men's frequency of using prostitutes, their violence, and their misogyny,

Using this report, and additional information from this research database, prostitution prevention programmes, including some aimed specifically at young men in schools and colleges, can be initiated. We remain cautiously optimistic regarding men's capacity for change. 8654 32

Endnotes I. See Glasgow City Council prostitution policy at http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/en/YourCouncil/PolicyPlanning_Strategy/Corporate!Equalities/Wo men/Prostitution.htm

See also Julie Bindel (2004) Streets Apart. The Cuardian UK. May 15,2004 discLlssing the differing approaches to prostitution in Gla~gow and Edinburgh at Available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/theguarcIi an!2004/may/ IS/weekend7. weekend4. 2.52% of men interviewed in Glasgow had bought sex abroad and 63% of men interviewed in Edinburgh bought sex abroad. 3. The constructs of hostile masculinity ane! rape myth acceptance have some overlap. 4. Education about prostitution would also include discussion of sex inequality, men's demand as the driving force behind the economic success of sex businesses, men's demand as the root cause of the supply of women in prostitution, reasons for entry into prostitution, harm to families and communities, organised crime, and evidence for the negative effects of legalised or decriminalised prostitution including expansion of sex trafficking and prostitution of children.

5. FBI Uniform Crime Report (2004) Table 6 http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius_04/0fficial rates of rape are known to be far lower than the probable aClllal incidence of rape because so many women do not report rapes to the police. . 6. See several articles about the harmful effects of legalised prostitution at http://www.prostitutionresearch.com/c-Iaws-about-prostitution.html. These include articles by Julie Bindel (2004) Streets Apal'l. The GI/ilrdioll UK. May 15,2004, Melissa Farley (2004) 'Bad for the Body, Bad for the I-Ieart:' Prostitution Harms Women Even If Legalized or Decriminalized. Violcllce /\g({ills/ \'\"Oll/I'll I (): I ()~7-1 125, Janice Raymond 2004 Prostitution on

DemancJ: Legalizing the Buyers <}, Scxual Consumers. Violellce Agoinsl Women 10: I 156-1 186.

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BindeJ,1. (2004) Street Apart. Th(' Cllme/ioll. London. Available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/theguardi(Ifl/2()04/may / IS/weekend7. weekend4

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33

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Lee, D.S., Guy, L, Perry, B., Sniffen, CK., Mixson, S.A. (2007) Sexual Violence Prevention. Thc Prcl'enlion Researcher. Vol 14 (2) April 2007. Available at www.TPRonline.org

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This research was made possible thanks to funding from the following organisations: Community Regeneration Fund, Glasgow City Council. Greater Glasgow & Clyde NHS Health Board, Scottish Government Equality Unit

ISBN 97R-O-9S58976-0-3 2()08

Women's Support Project Prostitution Research and Education Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Website: womenssupportproject.co.uk Website: prostitutionresearch.com 8659

THIS IS EXHIBIT. tr f ... XREFERRED TO IN THE AFFIDAVIT OF ... l':-.Q~.lc .... W( ... R~< ...... ~~~O~.~.~D20~ 8-d~Z, 8660

Violence and Legalized Brothel Prostitutio 11 in Nevada Examining Safety, Risk, and Prostitutioll Policy

BA REA RA C. 13 RENTS KATHRYN i-iAUSBECK UnivNsily o(Nevudu, Los v,'g{/S

'i1Ji.\ anicle examines \';o/ellce illleg(lli:.l~d hrOlhels in Nl'wu/a. J)('];oles 0\'(''- /)/"OS{J'­ tlllioll policies ill/he UniJed Sw/es have loug/vel/sed Oil que.H;OIlJ l?{.Hdi'IY (lilt! risk. Thl'Jt' discourses iJlel'illlhly iJlFoke 'he coupling {~rl'if}leJln' flJId jJnHffllllinJ/. {hollgll sysrelJltllic examillUl/ollS q{lhc relationship be/ween/he III"n are J/)(lrs('. rhi.\ (lrliclf' eXl'lures file issue (~r\'i()lel1rl' in/he Nf'I'(I(/a /;l"fJlhel im/lls/f.\". Hr drawillg Oil 111/('1- "jell's IF;/h pn>slilllles. IIJlllwgers. (lnd poli(Y J}/{//.:crs. Jhi.~ or/ide <'.\"{Imines /lofiJ ern.). 1;1111£,.\' pernpfi())1J rl sf!kr), !lilt! risk und /J!"(lihel lJllIllu,t;ers' pnlClicn dc.Jig/led /Il

miligm(' pio{enct>, Disco/lr,t;fJ re/{l[(' /(} 1hree rypes (~ll'iol(,JJ(,l': iJ/[(,I'lwnoJ/i1! \'/1)­ lenee ag(/illsi pro_Hitllles, violence agaillsf cummllJliTY ort/cl; {l1fl1.H'.nlfflly IrIlIlSlllil­ I(~d dise{I.W:S as "Iolence. The (l1//hors ('ollc/wll' hy {/I:t:llillg llim the If'ga/I:.tllioll (JI prostllJ1Jioll brings {; ICl'ei (~lpflbli(' sel'miny. fdlici(// J'egll/mion. and ImJ'f'flln'l'{{fi:.n­ [;OJlIO oro/ltds 111m decreases rhl' risk (~rlhesc 3 r-"pcs (~(sY'\'Il'm(/lic "juil'II(<<',

}{e),lI'(Jrtis: /Vel'tu/a; brothel; sex im/lIsrr.\': sex work: viu/t'lIc('." INlJSlilllli(JI/

Legalized brothels occupy a eOlllr3dielory positioll in debates over prostitu­ tion policy. On one hand, brothel proilloters Ihroughoul the last cenlury h;IVC argued that brothels provide the safest and Illost hygienic outlet for prOqilU­ tion (Bell. 1994: Bcst. 1998; Gilroyit'. 1992: Walkowill., 19::;0, Evell t.llLIY. analyst.'; often see brothels as safer ,i\ternatives to policies th,1l LTilllill;til/.C prostitution. Cril1linalized prostitution neither eliminates prostitution !lor frecs prostitutcs from tile threat of violencc. On the other ham!. Illally see brothels as lillie bettcr than criminalization in tcrms of the cxploil;lliun uf wOlilen (Chapkis, 1997: Hobson, Il)()()). This is espl'cialiy true alll()ll~ prop(l­ nelltsoldeerill1inalization. who arguc tilat state regulatiun. as illlhc 1c~,tilJ.<:d brothel inciustry, just replaces illegal pimps with Icg;li olles. ArL· hlOlbeh a safC!" alternative to criminalized proslitution or ,lie thcy a stall'-S;I!l(tllJI1L·d form ur the oppression of women'? This question is hroader lilallthe Se()pL· or

JOURi':,\1. OI'INTERPEI~SON/\L VIOLENCE. \hl. ~o No.:l. \'\;UL"il ]00:') 270··29.') DOl: 10.1 I 7710086:60504170J3J ~) 2n05 Sag!.: Publi..:alinn:o.

270 8661

Brl'Il!>. Hallshe,'k I LEC;\IJZED IlRCYrHEL PROSTITI !TI()r; 2' I

Ihis article. However, Ihc issliC or violence is a kc)' cicmcnl in Ihi~ dcbale TI\ cvenlually answer the 18rger policy qucslion ,1boUI hoI\' hcsllo n::gul,lli: pl"l\S­ lilution rirsl requires all analysis or vi()il'ncc in Icgal izcdlm)lhel oysleillo .sucit as Nevada's. 1lllportanlly, though, it al.,o enlails an analysis or pClCCpl iOlls (ll' sakI)' and risk ,lilt! exploralioll inlo just whal is meanl by Ihe Icrlll I·jl!/{,IICC. This article examines Ihe issue or violence withinlcgalil'ed brothcl., III lite state oj" Nevada ill two ways. Rather than arguing derinitively ror or ;lg;lin"i brothels as safe places, we an,dY'l.e the mechanisms in Nevada brolitels lit'll ildelrcss saki)' and inhibil the risk oJ"particular rorms orvioicncc. Secont!. We' examine how proslitution policy is rrailled by JlolioJls orris!;. sak:I)' .•1Ilt! "io­ lence and how this is echocd in the altiludes or legal prostitlltco allL! brillhel owners. We argue that thc rhetoric or risk and safety that i, evident ill prosti­ tution policies and echoed by sex workers anel brothel owtlcrs rr and hcodlh throu~h Ihe spread or sexually transmittcd infections (ST1). Likewise, lJrol hclll1~ln'lg­ crs ,lilt! 1.lwncrs ~ec themselves as prolecling wOlllen frolll violence Oil I hc streets by providing a legal alternative 10 illegal proslitulion. They also see themselves prolecting bOlh custoillers and prostitutes rrolll diseasl' thrtlugh statc-mandaled health testing in Nevada's brothels. So not unly dOl'S ~III assumption ur violenec remain atthc heart or thc instiiutiun 01' \L"S \\,prk. hili Ihis ,lSSllllllllion also includes disease :IS a rorlll or violencl' 10 Ihe lwei\'. Our research draws on 8 years or rieldlVork inlhc Nev'll\;t brolhel Sy"tl'lll. Our data consist or ethnographic note<, rrom visits to l:l or the 26 CUITl'ntly operaling brolhels in Nevada, p:lrticip:lnt observation in public dehatl'.' \')) bmthcls and brothel policies, and historical and contcmporilry t!\lL"Unll'ni 8662

272 .JOURN;\L OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE / ~,I;IICh 200')

an:ilysis of laws, policies. programs, :lI1cl org:lnizalioll within the iJroil1L'1 \1"­ telll.! Between 1998 and 2002, we conducted sell1istructurccl. opcll-ended. raCL:-to-r,lcc interviews with 40 pro,titutcs th:lt lastcd abollt :111 hour cacho Thcsc illtcrviews were all conductcd in prostitutes' mom, ,II Ihc hmlhch m. on a few occasions. in the lounge are:1 without managemcnt prc,cllt Wc lol­ lected surveys rrom 25 prostitutes ill rour or the brothels. \Vc' c·olldul·tl'd approximately II semistructured. open-ended intervicws with l'IlITClit ;lIleI rormcr brotiJclm:.lnagers and owners. We have intcrvicwc:d approximatc Iy III state regulators and activists and hile! rnrmal or inrormal discllssion, with I'il'l' brothel clistOll1ers. i"tJr this rescarch, IVC coded our interviews and field notes ror ilil rckr­ enccs to safety. violence, danger, risk. and fear. We thcn an,ily/.cd thc II',!\' ill which prostitutes anei olVners disellssceithcse issucs to establish insight into th" meaning and mechanisms or violencc as pr,Kticc anc! ,IS discolll'Sl' within NCI':ld,,'s legal brothcl industry.

I'ROSTITUTIOK POLICY AI\'D THE I{!IETOI~)C OF IUS),

I)crccptions or safety :.!nel dangcr have framed prostitution policy sillce it cntered public discourse in the 19th century, and Ncvacb's kgali7.cei S)'''ICI11 has bc"n no dilTcrenl. Scholars have Iloteci rour main catcgorics or prostitu­ tion policy: (a) legalization (state licensing anc! regulation); (b) abolit!onisl approaches (laws punishing third panics. notthc prostitutcs IhcllbCil'l's) (e) criminalization (prohibiting solicitation anc! punishing all partics. including prostitutes. pimps. and. potentially. customers): ,ml! (eI) dccrilllinalil.

Interpel'sonal Violence A~aillst Prostitllte WOlllell

Till' rirst conceptllaJi7.ation or violcnce ill f\merican prostitlltioll polin' was through rdonncrs' abolitionist arglll11cllls !'rom the lirst wave klllinist 8663

ilrc'lIts, 11"",bed, I LEl;i\L!/J;J) IlROTII!:L I'R()STITI.!TI( F\ c7.'

movcmcnl, Early reformers ilicnlillcd Ihc key problem wilh prmlllillilln ~IS m~ile Iusllilal Iurcd innoccnl women inlo it depravecllik as proslilliles. Th,'y Sill\' violence inlhe rorce and coercioll uscd 10 I r;lIlsrOrln inn(lccill \\'(lnl,'n l(l proslilules, Ihe wresling or female virlue ::lway from poor \\,Oillen. Ollce womcn became proslilulCS, rurlhcr c"ploilalion and vlo!cm'c I'rolll pilllPS, madams, and CUSlOlllcrs was endemic, Punishing Ihe CUSIOl11er" plnlps, ;Int! panderers could deslroy the inSlilUliUIl or proslilUlion, III England, kl11111isls advOCillCd abolilionisllaws in rcsponsc 10 Ihc Conlagious Disease !\Us Ihal, Ihey argucd, bOlh inslilulionalizcd proslilUlion and subjeelcd pn)SllllIll" It> brulalillcdieal cxarninalions, This approach informed while ,Llvl'r\', ;lllIill~lr­ ficking laws, and inlcrIlalionallreCllies Ihal prolikralcd rrom Ihe laiC I ~(){)s inlo the micl-1900s ane! conlillues It) inform somc Illore recenl allcnlpis 10 conlrnllr,dTicking in womcn (Alcxander. 1997; Ooczcma, I l)L)9; Wal~()\l'il/.. 1(80), The abo I ilionisl pcrspeclivc expressly acivocales sarcly, pri Illilri I)' wOillcn's frecdom from harm, as a cenlralmoliv;llor or plli il'Y, I I is imp' >1'1:1111 lonOle Ihal il is nol saklY 1'01' lVomcn as proslilulCs, per sc, Ih

ic~tll'i()lcncc as jusli Ilcalion ror lheir parIicular rorms or regulaling pmsl II lI­ lion, Criminalizalion policies argue Ihal proslilulion brings danger :Ind violence 10 proslilulCS and 10 lheir CUSlomers, Proponcnls or eril1lin:di/,:IIIOIl arguc Ihal Ihe only way 10 prOleel ,lgainsl Ihcsc dangers is 10 sl,lI1d l'<)llce­ livl~l)' :lg:lin:-'1 Ihe cOl11mercial sale or sex and 10 proseculc purveyors ()I' 1'1'1 )~­ lilUlion, Prolegaliz;llion aclvocalcs arguc Ih,1l proslilliliun is all IIn>lopp:lhle social cxchange and lhal Ihc 1110s1 crrieicnl anti elTcclil'<:: IllC,IIl:-' I() ellll1ill;JIC Ihe violence anci prClICCI all panies involved is 1'01' Ihc gOl'erllll1cnl 10 rcgll!;ilc pro:-;[ilUIIOIl via !cg:ilizalion,

Violence Againsl COllllllunity Order

The second way 10 conccpluali/,c proslilulion-rcl;lIcd vioicllce is lilmllgil policies Ih,11 sec cOllllllercial sex as evidellcc or gcncr:ilil.cci ,'lll'l;iI dis<)r

scenes players who flaunt disreg:ml for the law. For cxample'. lllunicip~tI reformers during th.:: progressive era critiri/.cd prost i tlltion pol ic'Y for kc'd in:: corrupt politici,lns and ward bosses \\'ho controlled and pill Ii ted from \'In: In urban areas (Best. 1998: Gi I foyle, 11)1)21. Tile con tag ion 01' visi hie ,\lId unreg· ulated prostitution thrc,Hens the slability of comillunitic's: this fear of ,trUl·· turalviolence reaches beyond interpersonal harlll [0 rear of the di.sregMd I·m the ru\e or law and COil cern 1'01' an orderly rivic I ill: (l3est. 1l)l)X). :V\;IIl\, lll· these arguments arc similar to p()licil'~ regulating other vices on coml1lunitics, a conccpt that includes disorderly public' conduct. potential harnl to children, harassment or and violence ag,linst women. nasty pamphcrnalia, and so on (Weitzcr, 20(0). This per~pective is also evidcnt in discoursc~ that support the crill1in,i\· ization of prostitution. Here, these idc,ls arc Illost clearly eclllleti ill nil" "\'er the Cllllt,lgion el'i'ect of prostitution suc'h that the pUblic' sale of Sl',\ act, like' ~I virus that allacks the good fiber of cOllllllunity. spawn.s ,I host or ,pi IH >Ii' crimes allli deviant behaviors, ;lIld cultivatc, unwallll'tI suhcultul'c\ ,lilt! ~'''111' Illunities at the expensc oftradition,iI cOllllllunity, l'Iourishin~ businl'ssl", ,Ind mundane civic culture.

Violel1ce or Disease

The third rhetoric or danger associ;lted with prustitutil)n is Dill' tl)

England. which slJlidilice! thc frall1c of proslitllics as V(,(,lllrs lli' (Ji;'l';t~l' (Alexander. 1997: Doczcm

;Ind ;I potentialthrem to hcterosexu,iI popul;lIions and h,lS spurred laws Ih;11 crimini1lit.eel I-IfY-infected prmtitutes. !\llhough nlOsl ofthc focus has been on the threat 01' elise;lse cOllling 1'lIllll prostitulcs' bodics. I"cminist ane! activist prostitutcs h,II'C brought allcllliull to Ihrc infecting the general public is cvilienl in 1Il;lIlllall)ry 111\'/;\11)\ dlltl

othel' STI testing requirements and leg;iI pcnalties c,q"blishl'd hy \ ar" II 1\ stales 1 II) test prostilLlICS' customers as similar sites oj" contagion,

NEVADA POLley

When Nevada \ current law> wcrL' written. they drew 1)11 the lL-~aL'l' Ilr other cxal11plC's of brothel legislation and regul;ltillll. Toci;ly's I;lll'~ plllll\h Ihi rei part ics III prostitution. they regulale and zone prost itlillOIl ;llI'ay irom ,,,). c,illeel respectable

271, .IOURi':;\L OF INTERI'ERSOi\i\L VIOIYNCT I \brch 21l1l)

The statutes prohibit pandering. ,lIlyolle who force,. decoy,. ur l'nlin";1 woman to becoille a prostitute and to work in a brothel (NRS 201 ..'()()·:;('()i. The,c laws also protect spouses frolll being i'orccd into proslilulion ;IIHI pru· liihil rorl'ing women inlo lllarri'lgc. NRS Section 201.:)2(J prohihii.\ ;In,'(lnc i'rolll living oil the earnings of a proslitule. The NI(S also impose J.(liling rcslrictions, keeping hrothels ~It ",11;11 Icgisl~llors considcr a sarc: disl:tnc,' aw,IY from schools, churches. and main streets. For years prior, some brothels institutecltheir own hc;t1th and STJ) tcsling policies. but not until the AIDS crisis in Ihe mid·1 %()s did NC";ld" inslillll(: olTieial health reguhilions in the brothels, In I 11il' ror daillages irlhey cOlllinue III employ a prostitule that lesls jJosilivc I'or ,\IUS (13rents 8:. Hausbeck, 200 I), Prior 10 Ihe law making prostillilion illeg;Ji in eounlies wilh poplll:!li{lll\ e~cccdillg 400.UOO. Ihere was no stall' law un pmstitutiull

Ilrc'lIl" I''''"skc'' / LE(;;\LII.I:j) BHOTIIEL I'lmSTITt 'TI(l;\ ,,"

BIWTIIEL SAFETY 1\'IECIIANIS,\IS: IN-1I0USE POLICIES ANI) I'I~:\CTICES

Nl'I'ilh'ld,', with the prilllary goal or brothel olYners: pmrits, Thill said, it i, nl'vcr III Ihc busincss interests of brothc J owners w 11iIvc an cnvironlllent or rC:,Il' ')1' dllll:,!,'r penlle;lling the exchanges in their bortiellus, Such II clilll;IlC lI'urb i1gllinst the ability to hire Illotivated and hard-working proslitules, gc:ncrlllC:s L'

The Negotiatioll l'roress

.lust as with othcr busincsses, Illak i ng the de;d and rel'eiv ing P;I\'1l1l'11i i ,\ l)r the utillost illlpon;lnce to thc prostitutes who \l'llr!.; ,IS intirpcncil'11i l'lllllr;!c'· IOrs III the brothcls and, or coursc, totlic illliationtakcs plal'e in the ;lpparent priv;IL'Y urthe: pro,tllute'-' hl'cI· room, Howcvcr, sarcty diclates that the sccrccy or the providc thc agreed-upon serviccs, shl' leaves her room and takes tlK l'IUnlu's timc is up aneI he neecls to either leave or rcnegotiatc aneI pay ,Ig;lin, Most owners iclentiliecl employce thert as the major reason ror usin~ IntL'r· cOin systcms 10 listcn in on negotialions, bctraying a basic mistrust or pr"'II' tutc,>, Onc owner said, "You have thc J (Jo/<, ol'the Imlies th

I jusllciliheillth;tl iryou'rc rL'ally nCI'I'OI", you Kno\\', ynullccd ii' al k'a,1 ~cl a hall' IlOUr. Wl' h'lVL' ,OIllC lime III \\',Iml up and you kclillorl' Cllll)i't lnabk Ilul i I you'rc nLTVOUS at all,lhCll1 rc;dly "OIl'IW;\))1 to tio va ullder 30 lllilltllCS h,'call,,,, you arl~ going lo hil\'l~ thL'" inlprcssiolllilal il':.. alllllC". 8669

Then. ;11 Ihe puinl ",huc a proslilule lake, p;IYlllcnl It) Ihe 1ll;11I;lgCL ,111\

strange I"celings or prohlems can be discussed, ;lIld Illanagl'rs l',11I Ix put ()II alert. One OWller expLiined,

The ide,1 there i, 10 gel llie Illoney Dul "I'llie roOlll so lil,lIlhl'rc', I]() ailelllJlI "" Ihe III all \ part al sOllle pninllo Ix physie.1i nr rnree/"ullo rq'ain Iii, IlHJlI,'\', Then ii's our responsibilil), 10 end Ille party, You walll 10 ciimin',lIe Ilk' LtdI' rrom any oi'lhe decisions inlhe prnce",;o Ihal she is shel\ereil fnllil :II1.I'lm\\l'·

bl?aling or coercion from the gcnlklllall'~ pan aboUl nl{)rl~ lillk' 1)1' ~11l~'~ lliillg , , , Ihal she's PUI in a POSilioll 10 be able It> s:ty \() Ih,' l"'llIklll:tIl, 'Ull you're Ihe besl I'w had all day or all week or all ye,lr and I'd love 10 'pclltl iI'L' neXI hour in here wilh you. bUI Ihese SOB's I work for arc going 1(> l'OlllC pOllnding on Ihc door, anJ wc're going 10 gel inlrollhlc link,;, cilh,'r ",c 1e,,1'L' Ihe room or we lalk Illore moncy.' \Ve cneouragc Ihe lady 10 PUI Ih,' hurdell Ull liS, And Ihell she's Ihcir buddy ;lnd wc're Ihe bad guys,

i\ proslilille l'()nCIIITCd lil,11 Ihis PI'llCCSS was ClllpolVL'rillg,

S;I), for ilbl,IIICC' YOll gel inlhert' and Y" kilO\\, Ihcy sian riglll :l\lal L'ilillbilll' ,til 0\'('''" ;'JI..HI . . il'\ like wait ;Ilnilllllc. ylHI haven"1 ~hn\VJ1 (lilY L';I:-.il ;Inti yilll dl1l1'j ilal'e frce rcigll ulllillllL'rt'''' 'Ill exchange made here. OLly"

Once Ihe Ilcgoli;llioll is made alld Ill()lle), is L'ullcl'ICd. Ihe i1l1l'l'C01l1 is IYPI­ cally lurned olT, M81lagcrs c1ailillhey Ihen 1'1:1)' 011 Ihe II'Olllen lillelllhl'lll ir Ihcy IIced 10 keep IIIC illiercoill on, One owner said,

If a girl i, unsure of ,I CUSlOmcr she Illighl ;(sk you l(l li>!cl!. for sceUl'ill', Or, illSlcad o/" Iurning on, I would lV;d~ 0111. Ihis is \lIeh a small hOllse, 1'(\ 1I':t1k dow II Ihe h;1I1 and lislell, BUI I mean, somclimes Ihal happens, 0,. Ihe)' ic',"'c: Iheir door OpCII jllq " lillie bil. Thai', no problem

!\Ilolilcrc"ampic oJ'ilolV Ihis llcgoli;llion ane! P,lYIllClli syslem proll'l'l' illl' ill(\epcllticnl COlllraClors was explained Ihis way:

II' a lady is cOllcerneci aboul safcIY wilh a CUSlonler, shc com,'s 0111 wilh " ,lip Ihal sal'S, kccp an cye Oil Ihis one,

MOSI or Ihe womell lIT lalked 10 kit secure ,Iboul Ihi, syslelll, 1'1(111'1"1'':1'. IWO womell i/l a slllililcr brnlhclwcrc /101 happy,

1'lelT Ihey hal'e h"hy IIHlIlilOrs, hUI Ih,'y're 1101 al"';I),S liSicnin~ , f,lIsl' sClise of SCt'llrily. 8670

:'XIJ .111[11<1';\1_ 01- Ii"TERI'U'SONAI. VIOI.EN(OE / ,\I;IL,-II cllll:\

;\noliler prosti!llteLi addctJ.

Th~ main rCllson II1l'Y I illICrCl1lllsi an' Ihere i, so Ihlll Ih,' pin-llIr nLli," Jill Ilul havc 10 IllIil up and down Ihc hall. They call say '11}(JiL's_ liillL' III I-CIlL'~(lIilil"­ over the inlcrcolll_ I'vc yelled lind llOlicred and cvcn scrcilined jusl iI, " leSI.

Tilis whole process or negotiation is designed to ensure full p:lynl"lli t(l the ilouse and the sakt)' or prostitute~_ /\s evidenced by these qlHIIC~_ thl' work:; in scvCI"al WllyS_ The house can itear i r the client gets unl-U l\' or II bu,i ,-(' during the negotiation and can interrupt il" needed_ PrcpaYlllcnt 10 thc I1l"1ltl1\:1 such thatthc credit card and cash arc not in the prostitutc's room enSUrl" 111;11 the elienl docs nOltry to gct any ol"his money back should he not he l"tilly Slll­ islled by the exch:lIlgc_ The roolTltimers Idlow the house tt) kccJllrllck I)r Will) is Ivorking wilen 111)(1 who is running overtimc and mighl nced m;JJlllgl'll1clll intc'J"\'Clllion_ The rhetoric or risk is mtensibly on the physical siliet' ilr IhL' working WOll1ell, but the risks 01" losillg business Dr prorit~ lire L'vitiCIlI;" "-c II

Panic Buttons

As added sc:cunty, ;tllthc hrothels wc visiled hlld (;111 hUllilns in L';\c-Il ill thc prostitutcs' rOOIll'" Whcn pressed_ these panil' hUltolls would eitliL'r lillk

via a dircct illtncom tl) the onJ(e-I"ilrmal or makeshift, dcpendin~ 11I1 IhL' brothel-or would ring ;1 buzzer that could be clearly hC:lrd by thL' 111;1\111111. ll1an;lgerm:nt, or other cmployce_ III ill()st brothels, thL' bUliOIlS ;!re 111C;llctilll easily accessible Im;;lliDIlS;lI the hC;ld or sidc Dr the bed in IhL' prostilull'-S room, bUlthis was not Ilhvays the case_ Nonetheless,thcse bUltllllS are a Illll.i<_" source or security ror most or the prostitutes we inlcrviewccJ. ,lIld 1ll;!ll)'

pointed these out as Iheirdircctlink {(l help should all incident OCCUI"_ Sllid (lllL' prostitute, "You push the panic bulion once ancl )'IlU have imillediate rL'sL-UC-­ Owners pointed thcm oul as a back-up system in case other Jl1el'h;lnl_'il1_' railed_

The panic bUlions seem to serve ;IS more or a sYlllbolic than ;1Il 1I<.:lu;1I

mel'hanism I"or prOlectioll ag kit II sense or security with the panic buliOIl had also !lot cxpcril'nccd any "l!lknl situation,,>_ A i"cw prostitulesexprcsscd l"(lIlccrn abolltlhe loc;!tioJlII!-thL' hut­ tOil or explaincd how they consci(lil';Jy positiolled IlieJllSclvcs "'hL'IL' tlic'y could ilave easy liccess lothe hUIIIlI)' Ilul onc IOJlg-timc pmstitlilc 11I1I_"llltil. rllr;d brnthcl who hlld l'.\perieJlccci \-i"icncc pointc:d

1'

In realily, Iht: sarely 01 lhe brolhel L"Omes into play long bL'illrl' SOlli,'(lllc rcllt:s upon ~I panic bulion ill Iheir hl'tirnolll, Mosl everyollc rcc'ogni/,c'" Ih'll the rcallllcchanisll1s for protection ~IIT working in ~I sClling Ih'lI ;tll(l\\" l'\)11· stalll public scnllillY or the heh~l\'ior nl' Ihe cusloillcr bdore llil' ~lcIII~1I p;liLi Pilrly, Ihalillilkes clicllt anon),lllily and easy exil dirlicull. ~Ind 11i;11 prlll'i(k:,;: liousei'ul 01' pcoplc just a rlilT1sy door a\\';I)' rmm Iht: pj()sliIUll'-j()JIIl inlCI' actioll :Jnd cxchilllge,

Allics with Law Enf'oreclllcllt: Conlrolling ]{owdy Clistollll'l'S

Most all or the owners wc spoke to prided themselves Oil thcir ,Ibilil\ til rUIl out-or-cOlllrol cuslOrners oil Ihe premises, They were all VL'r\' elL'"r IIi"t rowdy or clisrespcctrul ilctiOIlS by CUSI,)IllCrS were IIDt 1()ler~lled: il was 1);111 ror business anc! hac! rnr the morale and ,arct)' orthc gil''', Said one (l\IIll'!,

t\~shuJc!'- we canllot deal with. Rig.hl Ihl~rl' il say .... there ;1I"l' Ill) F word:-. illlh'I\' \Ve serve ~enlkmen "nd wc have bdics, And Ihal's ho", il is, \Vc likc h'I\'ill~'" fcplilalioll rur l)L'ill,!; strict with 0111' clistomers ilnd 11tH Ictlill~ IIlL'1Il driJlk hHl much and ilc r()\\'(ly, becaus,' I'Dronc Ihin~,lhal's" vcry illipon'"l1 ",kl\, 1;1,'1111 with the girl:-..lrlhl' CU\!Olllcr i:-. aJlo\\'l'd 10 be loud itllt! Ohll{)'\i~l\ls ilild LI~t.· h:\it 1~ltlguagL' in lile h"ll". hc'~ going 10 be rnugh in the rOtlll1. So we IL'II him rl~11l away. guy comes in using bad lallglltl~L', w(' make him stop ... \ntl if Ill' WIII}"l ~IOp clI.'\sing, we throw him out.

Ul1like streel proslilutes, lhe brothels cln rely ol1locil 1,1\\' enrOrl'CnlL'nl ", a back-up ill tile unlikely case or trouhle,

Th('~!rc safe here. Ir\\'l~ h;1\,(' i.I guy (hal comes in, and I 'II lise you 101 illl L'\;II11- pk. ir you wall! to beat one or my girl:-. lip, you ilin"! gtlllll;! .=:t...·1 OUll)]' hl:rl' l) I I GCI somebody up here, The cops arc 011 our side, They'rc gOlln" t'c'l ";1.

Brothel owners have ,1 clear inlcrl'sl in nlaintaining their illl<1gl' ;" !:I\\" ;Ibiding, Iroublc-rrcc businesses to keep their licenses ,1I1(] lll

Tile whole' 11;1111<: of Illc game is conlrol. Bul Ih"l c(ll1lml "I,,, 1I1"k, 1'-' ,','I "long prclI}' well ",ililihe sheriff', olflcl'. Ther,' 'liT !Wll rca,'''I' I'llI' dll"l~ II. OllC, tlie sheri I'!", onice, bUI "bo Ihe girls' personal sa relY,

/\S <1nolhn owner s,lid, 8672

YOli Cill be 100 laic, bill YOII callnl:vn (,dl him Ilhe shcrilfl 100 ,'arly, S,) iflh,'\" h,,,',: Ihe slighle,1 hinl ol'a probkm,liley.:alllhe ,hcrill.lflhe)' ,lsi; I Ill' ~\I' It) leavl' and he "1)'S, 'I'm nol going 10: Ihey ,ay, Tine, I'll (,dl Ihe shl'rilf' Til," dOIl'1 ev(n argll" ",ilh him, Thc),jllsll',dllhe sheril{ alld lIslI,lil\' Iw Ih,' lim,'111,' ,she rill gels here Ihe)' guy's already lerl. So all we dtl is gi\'c' Ihe sherin", ,kplll \' a Clip of eolTee ,nld senti him down Ihe rO'ld,

Another policcll1illl whl) lI'as 1101 entircly supporti\'e or pro"lllllllllll e~Jllained the diffcrence between ellforcing prostitulioll ill Ihc hrolilL'is "l'r­ sus on the streets:

And it\. like anYlhing cis-e. O!lce yOU'fL' in Iilw l:l1fOrCclllelll YUlI ~i.)n ol'h"vL' lu enforce Ihe lall", And we come in and pan of Whill we do i, J"SI mak,' '111\' e\'erything is going. okay .. .. Beciluse ;1101 or limes you gel p:llroll.' 1h:1I ~!() 1"1\'­ qllenl olher bars and gel a lillk bil on the inlosici\cd side, Th(\' ,,"IIlIIO (11\11,' illiO here, 'fhey wanl 10 raise hell 'll Ih,' l'ISi millllle, So YOli kilOI', I Ihink \\',' iouk (II i! more Oil Ihat (iSpeCL The girl~

In actllal practice, il ~eems the contl'Ol exerted hy 1l1;ln;lgCr, \\'urb, \Iost bnllhels report that they vny rarely nl'cd tll involve till' police 10 Ctllllnli Cll~­ tomcrs, One plllicelll,11l who WilS paying a check-lip call1(\ iI brotheltl>ld lI',

Wt: lIoll'l gel vcry many calls here al ,!iI, Til,' LISII\I'(l ur lilre,' ."c"lrs liler,,', h,'ell nexi 10 nOlhillg.

Like Sistcr's: I'nJstitutes' lnteraetions as ;\'lcl'hanislllS or Safety and Danger

The uther W,I)' in which brothels provide il sak CIll'il'l>l1ll1CIlt IS hv h'll'lng prllstitutes or various experience levels in the saillc ellvirollillelll, Proslilule,; generally watch out 1'01' each other. New brothel prostitute", cspcciidlv Sl)­ calleel TOs, or turn-ouls, who havc nevcr prostituted he forc, t ypicall)' rCTe;v,' on-Ihe-job training rrolll pther, Illorl' expcril'lll'cd pn"litut"" Thi, 1l1ClltOl'ship r,lIlgcs rromlll

YUU'IT Ilollrained ill how III 1'1'01('\'1 Y"llr,e1L Thai is \l'lly Ih,' Illirrtlh 'Irc' Dlllil,' w;dL ~o youc:ln ~CL' whal till' hl'll"c.. g()ill~ on i10 mallcr what p()~ili()1l yOU"fL' ill" Girls don 'I rcal;/,l' Ih'll. They Ihink ;1 i, ,ill fDrthe Irick', sake, )'llU kllIlW, I'or lil,' 8673

1J1L'1l1S. l'fausbed I LECi\l'!I'.f'l) BROTHEL I'ROSTITl'TIO;\ .'~.'

SeX. No baby. that's your security gU;lrd right there. You can ~CL l'Ver)' mo\\.' that Jock is making .... Whcn I train TOs. itcach thern how YllU L:ep ,O"le' thing as a weapon an anns length a\V~ly ... II doesn"t h~IVl" \0 be-

And when 8busc or violence docs happen. the wOlllcn SliPPIlr[ {lIIC another, too. As onc prostitutc cxpLlincd,

There", nothing worse in this world than getting bcat lip by " bunch III' '"1;'>1'1' hookers ... cause they usc stiicllo heels and anything they can ge't thcir h'"llh on ... 'lild they will beat Ihe dudc ,tlllhl' way OUI wthe gall'.

This kind or camar,ldcrie is not :tiways app,lrcl1l betwecn the "'''illl'n working in a panicular brothel. butll'hen it cOllles to initi'iling tllm'lHI\.-; :\lld protecting one ilnother, the prostitutes typically have one am>lhc(, Iracb. Yet

YOtl can pUllen guys ill a three bedro\111l hotl~c in college and tht'y're ~(lin.~ It) gel along. You put two girls ill ~ 20 rnOllllllalll;.inn. lllcrc'(", going 10 be;1 pr(Jh­ lem, nby') So we, wcjusl said, it', vcrv simple. here's hoI\' il w()rb. YOUIIHIl'h

stllllchody, you're going 10 jail .... And uh, lirsl lillle il happe'net!. uh I WI) !,irl, gOI in Ihe parlOl'. and one did Ihis 10 Ihe olhl'r onc. wilh hl'r tin~(:r. [",iti,'I. calkd. 'Therl''s iln illlad~ ill Ihe brolhel.· Cops ,itOIl' up. 'She' did Ilti, III ItlT: c\ln\, Oil her, gone.IIl'II·S il. Gucss Whill, Ihere'\,c been nil tigilis ,incl'. NtlIl j, Illere lIlisllllderSialidings, i, Ihcre YL'rh,lI'i Yes. As ill 'Illy \\'\lr~ plal·c. bul Ilohody's going 10 be ligillilig ill Illy hO\l~e. And hee;lllsc orit. iIJllakc', it nict:. 'C~ltlSC thcn:'s some tough girl~ out there. Some tough ass girls \)UI t!J('rl~ yl1lJ kllow')

The vcr)' n~llure ol'the brothel s),stem encourages this Illix Ill' rriendship and tension because most orten the women live and \VOL"\; illthc IWlIsC'. Slllhl~v ~\I'(? in close proximity 1'01' extcndcd periods or lime. This rosters wh«t h,IS repealed I)' been c1cseribcdto liS as a somrity house-like <111l111sphere. ",ilh :ili the altend~lIlt rricnciships, rollics. sp.lIS, and support SY"CIIlS Ih,ll cOlllrilllltc to the risk versus sakty equation in the hrothels. 01' l·ourse. thl' II't)\llL'1I 'lrl' .lIs(I competing against one ;lIlothCl' 1'01' the interests, alfection. and I1I1Jll(') tit' brothel eLlstomers. The process or being c\'alu~ilcd «nel picked nvcr. (II' 8674

rejecled in favor or. Ihe olher girls m;IKes il :l siruciural impedlmenl III del el­ oping close bonels or sislerhood.

OIT-l'remise SCn'ices: Lelll"e at YOIII' Own His\;

ivinsl ur the brothels e10 nOI admil 10 allowing "c'" I don't knoll' ;Intl J cion' t book anybody tllilsidc or thl' house." To til 1.'0 i, Icl IC1,,' onc orthe vital prolcctions olTered by kg;dizcd brolhel proslilulion: thl' .',TIi­ I'ity or the Illluse :llllithe peopk in i!.

Restricting [VIO"CIlll'llt: The Surveillance 01' Brolhell'rostitllll'S

ivlosl urlhe so-called cal hOllses l'losely nlllnitor Ihc lll()\'CIllClli ofprc"li­ tUles. This is one of the IllOSt contentious isslIes in Ncv;lda bnllhcl pW.'liIU­ tion. Brothel managers know when prostilutes arc on shill, II'hcn Ihe\ ;11,' expecled to show lip for customer line-ups, ami when thc)' arc IlO!. Thl' I';(sl ll1ajurity orbrotheb do not allow WOlllClllU \c;;lve Ihe prcmise, II'llilc llin' "rl' nil cOlltractto work, CVCIl ir Ihey arc nlll on shill. Only OIlC uf thl' lilliesl "lId only Ihe very I:lrgcsi brolhels allow \I'lllllcn to go hOIlle whcn they :Ire \lurk­ ing their shifls. ,Vlost brolhels idenlir\, specific days when IVOllll'll Cilll ~U 1'.1 the Sillre or rlln errands: SOllle do notel'cn allow thai. Others jusl lequirc' 11l"1 women log in Iheir speciric locations-whcre, exactly, Ihey arc !,!oin!,! Ip run errands-al alitilllcs. Mosl all brothels have a syslcm in pl;lcc l'OIIVUllll'n III order out ror whal Illey need rrolll around lown by payi ng ;1 ,I;lil pnslln til till Iheir errands rOI' theill. There arc few olher prokssillll.S where Ihi.s kliHI or p;lIcrnaliqic supervision and lock dUlVn occurs. Not;lbly, Iherl' arc no OrJiCiiIi laws in any oflhc brolhcll'oullIil's or II\Cclr­ por,llcd cities Ihal rcquire thi\ kind ol'restriction on prostilull'." Ill()\L'llle'III,. 1\1 unc poinl in Nl'vada history, SDllll' or the loc;Ii plllicl' Ill' shl'lill LkP;III­ lllelliS hall ;lddilion;Ii rules beyond wh;lt was in county l'oelc :lnd Ihl'.'l' ruk.' were governed Illostly 10 restriet proslilutes' visibilily in lown. J-'Cl\", il' ;llly. locales h;ll'e these rules any Illore. J\c.'>lrictions on proslitute's' IllObilitl' ;11\' entirely Ihe purview oi" Ihe intliviLlu;Ii brothel's rules. 8675

Ilrcilh. Ila'hhcd; I LI:( ;.\ LlZED Ill{( J"llliT I'R( lSTITt'TI< 1.'\ ,.s.'

iVI~lnagcrs realize the contcIlti()u~ 1l~lturc oithis practice. 1"lowl'\"lT till"" justify it sqllMely within the rhetoric of s;lkty:

Our ruk~ arc (here bcci.ltJ~c \VC wanl \0 know where alllhc girl:-- ilrL~ ;dllhL'IJI!ll' I\nd ilwc knmv where all the girl~ arc. ;111 the lilllC. w,",1 then ,,"t. tlo,,', h;r,",' hi \vOlT)' abollt their hc~lith ami -,arL't)' hccall-'c wc kllow ,,"hnc thl')" ;11',' al .\lIti thcn ,,/" eourse, wc have pan ic bll Ii O"S and alllh;11 t vpc ,,!"st II II. 1\ "d '" It'II'l" '"I II .. if Ihe)' do have it problc:m or 11 Silllillioll in their room. \If ('lHlrSl' \\'L' LIl~')\\ where they're' at, ~lIld then whell,

Other managers told liS that the rules that do nlll allow prostitutcs out Di the house were for health saret)' reasons. They told us thai ir wOillen il';,,'" I ill' brothel overnight, they have to take ,lilt! pass health lests beior,· thL'" l';111 '[art \vorking again. This delay can lake ~I couple nr days or Illngn ;1I1d I.' ,,1'[l"11 inccnlive r()r the wOlllen to stay in the house ;lIld work IDllgn bL'I"'l"l'l~ [lIlh" otT. Dcspilc Ihc cOlllrolling nature orlhcse poliL'ics ,II1d thl' '·;Il·tth;l[ \,'\";,,\;,', legal proslitutes work as inciependcnt conlractors, thL' prostl[llil" w,' IIl1LT vicwed accepted Ihem as basically reasonable restrictions inlclllktlt<> prllt"u both thcm ancllheir clienls, We heard J"cw cOlllplaints rroillthl' \\-Olllell. ;1I1t! ill raet, most or Ihe womcil indicatcd onlVrittcn surveys Ih;i\ thc\' kltthc'Y ,,",'re abk to leavc Ihe bnllhel al any timc. Ivl;[n), of thc WOlllcn, L'spL'ci,tlly in the sm,IIler towns, come rrolll elsewherc ,lIlel arc eonlCll1 tl) rcside ;It th,' br"lhc! when Ihcy are oil, At the same time, m,IIlY brOlhe I olVners recogn il.cti t hl' (\ i I" riculiy or hiring workers under thcse conditions. One 1;lrgc bmthcl "\\lll'l will) allowed wOlllen to go home when not on shi rt did S() hCCIIISl' Ill' k IIC"" thai the)' could nOI kcep quality workL'rs ir they locked Ihem dU\\"1l in [hl' "Id­ fashioned way. They also told us Ih;1I thcy could get l110rC workers III thL' brothel it" Iheir roOIllS could bc uscd ror cnlcrtainillg 24 hours;1 (\;I\'" Lllllth,'1 prorilabilily and a perceived shortage or workers docs seelll 10 be l"wing ;1 slow liberali/,alioll or policies that rcstrict proslitutcs' IlHlVCmClli.

Health and Sal"ety Policies

/\llhough intcrpcrSoll,ll violencc was repealedly mcntioned ;1.\ ;, 111:'.\')[" safelY conccrn in brothels, Ihe singil' 1ll0S1 discussed risk IV;IS c(lIl1<1gi,"" dis, case. Civenlhal STls arc mostly itwisihlc allli oflell prokssit)lI~tlh lkhilil;l\' ing, ir 1101 lire Ihrealcning, this is;l gr;I\'c cOllcern ror pnlstillllCS ;1I1d hrllthl'i mVllcrs. Nevad,1 state law Illanlialcs tilat proslitlllcS he testcd ,lI111 \'niilnl ;1' hc,J!thy prior to bcginning work; IhL'y arc then tcsted l)ll "weekly \);1\1> '"llr somc STI sand 011 a 1ll011lhly basis rOI·lllilcrs. III ;Iddit ion, l"(lI11lol11 lise i, 11];111- c1atllr)' I'or all l'llrlllS or sexual encounters; this lal\' is poslcd IlIll.\Il1L- Iill' 8676

eX(1 .IOlIRi';\L OF INTERI'ERSON,\L VIUIJ,NCT / Hllch ~IIII,'

Clllr~lllCC of cach brothel 10 inform pOlenlial ClJSIUlllers 01" Ihis ruk "lid III advertise Ihe implieil pcrecplion of" s~II"C:ly il provicies, All 01" Ihc wOlllcn we inlc:rvicwcd werc p~lssionale ~Ib()lll C'\IJrc"ill,~ llil'ir ,lJpp0rl I"or Ihese law" For example, Ihe)' insisiecilhcli Ihcy ~t!II-""VS IN' l'{lIl' cioJllS, whelhcr Ihe clicill prcJ"crs 10 tlr not. This is Ie" ~I rcl"kl'Il<)/l (\lllkil sirici adhnencc 10 the leiter of" Ne\'~lda lall' ~I!ld morc ~I rdkcliull {)I" Ihl'lr

COlllllliltnClli 10 prOleeling lheir he~lllh, \vcll-bcing, and llLCIlJl~lli(l!1. A" {I Ill' pnlslillJle explained,

I ill\vtly~ lise (J condonJ. no exceptiolls Ill) cxccpti()l1~ al all, CTL'L I dUIl"1 Ctl\: ho'" mllch lllOtlCy you ol1"er me, my lili: is \\'onh morl' lhall lh;/l, ThaI', il

As anolher wmking wmnan lold liS,

TIKI'C isn"t to me a fuckcrthal walks ill here

had a single girl in the hisIOI")' of icg;lIi/.L'd prostitution \\'IH1I!l1; ill;1 IHlIl:--L' \)t" proslilution COIllC down Jll"iti\'c,

In shOrl, proslitulcS inlimalely lIncicrsland Ihe lire-Ihrealening n;ltIIlL' {ll SOllle STls; they ;t1so know Ihal ir Ihey conlr~let evcn a lninor STI. tile'\' \\'ili Icsl posilive during Iheir nexi exam and bc f"orbiddcnlo work unlil ;tilcr lil..:y al"<: curcd and hcalihy again, i'vlancblory condom policic" arc cnr"rn:ti :IS :1 means 01" personal hygiene and saki:, as wcll as insuranl'c Ih~11 11lL' \\'1l11"Jl'1l can eUlllinuc 10 work, Frolllihe perspcl'livc of" owner" Ihis :!I,o help, ;lltr~ll'l Ihe busincss of" hc;lilh-conscious cuslllmcrs who sce brtllilcl prtlslitllle's ~IS cleaner and sakr allcrn;i1ives 10 illeg;!I sex workers, The rhc[(lric "lhl';t!11t ris~ ,Ind Ihe prorilability of" proteclion is powcrl"ul lllld ubiquilous, Therc arc also in-house, inl"ormal praclices 10 l'nsUrt: glHld heallh 'Illd saki)" ProstilutCs arc required to do ~l click check (DC) inllllcdillll'ly ltiler each negolialion and Ix'rorc any sexu;t! ,ervin's arc nl"l"creel or exch;lngL'l1.

\\'11('11 cash isC'xchallgcd and an agrl'l'll1l'nl i~ madc.lhcn:":-. ~I.lIllL·lhill~ l";dkd;1 DC, which is 'I 'dick ch~ck,' Alld Ih;II";

During Ihe DC. the proslilule cXlnnincs Ihe clicnl\ ge'nillti ;lrl';1 10 Illllkl' sure there arc no sores or olher \'isiblc indicalions or STh, I I" IhlTL' llrL' ~lll\' probknls, proslilules will relurn 11lL' dietll', lllolley alld send IhcIII ,lui t{1 eilher negotialc wilh anolher woman ()t" ask lilcmlo il'aVl', I I" l'vLTYlilin~ I{)(lk, 1l0nl1,t!, Ihe exchange prllL'cccis, Learning how 10 do ~l DC lllHI Will'll III 8677

dcl'iinc service arc pari ur the inrurlll:1i Illcnturing th:il prmt i IUIL'\ prul'idl' Illlc' alllJlheL ;\s explainec\ by a more experienced proslilulc,

I pcr,on;lilv h;IVC newrhad a Illan Ihal I'\'e haulo IlIrn al\';II',I\.. " h;ld CI'e'llh ,,( ulher girls Ih"l Illc'y'\e asked Ille III COllIe in ;IIHI I'\,c had III ':'pl"in, 1,,,\\' ,lIle' girl":-. L"iiCIlI ;\Ild I ~aid s.\\,cctilcarl. Ihl'\l' ,Ire gl'llj!~d wans. I k :--aid IlII tlh':' I~· 11(}1 ;1Ilt! I ,aid oh yes the)' arc, YOII really ,when was Ihc' 1",sl lilllc' 11111'''\\ -,,"ur physician" You really nL'eu to have Ihc"(' chc'Ckcd oul. I kind" II'jet! III ,lc'CI' ,I.:!' aruund il in a polite WilY, Anu she said you kno\\', if he lI'as vour cliL'lli \I'o"l.! 1''''' party with hilll" And I s"it! no, 1'111 sorry, I WUllid l"I\'c' tll lle-dillC' 1'.1','11 (hotlgh you r(' going tn practice sak sex with the condo III c\)\'crjn~ it. whilt jf Ihe condolll breaks' You don't want til take Ihat chance, 1 knoll' 1'011 ""n'l

In sum, J'ormal and informal brothel policies :11'1: estahlisilcd, III 1:lr~c' p:1I1. 10 protcci all orthc intcn:stcd panics \\'ithintile brotilcl 'yslcill f"'llllhc- ['n· eeil'ed risks or violence anti disease. Imponantly, prorit., to OWIl,'r, :lIl' b:lSc'd unthc perccption oi'saret)', S;lkty is Ihl' pril11:lry r;ltion;tiL' 1'01 th" ulliquc' rl'~' ulatory system to persist.

TilE CUUliRE OF RISK: LECAL PROSTITUTES TALK ABOUT VI ()IX,'v'C1':

Is Prostitlltion Inhercnlly Violent ;lIle! Dangerolls'!

This i, a widely debated ljuestion, Feminists alllithemis\.s disd~rLl' :dhltll whether prOStillitioll, by its very nature. is violence ;lg;linsl 1I'(lIllCII. Uur i nteJ'\'icwecs reponed Ihat the)' wor~ in the brothcls bCl';IUSL' thcI kl'l s;II'c' there, OJ'lllorc th,lJl40prostitlllcs wc intervielVcd, rromi:lrge ;Ind slll;JiI, ,;ub· urban and rural brothels across Nel'aci:l, only one rcported ;111)' pcrs()n:ti C,\Jll'­ riencc with violence in thc brotheh,' The OIlC person who wid us ab()ut per· sonal expcricnee with violence saicilh;lt she !'cIt parties go bad IL-ss thall ,-:; 01' the time, although this did not ncceS\arily ,JiW;IYS rcsull ill vi()ic:IlCl', Williin thc brothels, 21 or 25 prostitute responcients to :1 SUIY"y ;lgrcc,tI 1\1111 tllc' phr:lsl' "my jub is sare," None or the owncrs or 1Il:11l;1~L'rS tuld liS ;iI)"1I1 :llly Inl'icicnts im'lJlving viole-ncc carried out ag:linsl thc' IVtllllcn ill till' hn'lllL'h. This said, the potcntial ror violcnce was discussed by 111:111)' ultllc' hr.'llll'l wmkL'J'\ :lIld m;1I1agcrs, i'rostitutcs thc'lllsclvc, t;lIkul ahoul ViUlL-IIl'l' ill WI­ cr:t! ways, Fear or violence is vcry much a part Dr the cuhllr': 01' proStlllllilll1. I3tll thc most l'I'cljuentcoll1Illent was Ihat brothcls ;IIT thL' s;tksl oj' Sl'\ lI'urk ;JilL'rll

number une reason they worked in thl' brothcb ;I~ opposed to olher I'l'lllll'~, For exalilple, one proslilute concluded her inlervicw wilh thi~.;:

Ijusl IhinK Ihal il' a kmak enjoy, scx ,lIld you kilO\\', nl:lbl\ rcT(J!lI' IllClld 10 " friend, I'd recommcnd il jU'1 bec,llIsc I like ii, ,lIlei I i'c:,'1 "ii',',

Another WOIllan told U~ how her Illother fcels ;Ji)out her work:

She was kind or worried aboul Ihc saki)' issuc, and she kno\\" ill,\! Ihi, i", 1,,1 ~(lrcr.

There arc two lVays kg.!I prostitutes lalk .lbOlil Ihl' s:liel), "I' Ihl' hr(lthc'l Olle IVas in discussing personal l'xpl'rience, in other P;II'h "I'thl' IIHlu,tl\"

I wnrkcd on the ,lrCCIS of l'lawaii, and Ihis is, t1llC,1I1 il \1',1> he:llili/lil ill 11:11\ "ii and the girl, werc' all be;luliful and it "'a, like nOlhing th:1I "OIl't!L'I"1l piclllrl' ill your hC,lcllikc or a strL'l'{ walker. But it \Va~ scary. II \\',1\ l'\yry ."l·L·t1Ihl YPU'(l' like scared, you knl)w, II's 10lally sak hcre, you kIHl"",'

For onc woman, even in comparison to indcpcndcnl work, sh,' "lid,

lis' belier J)lOlley onlhe oUlside, bUI ilS Sill'er herc and ics, hl"lk, -'" bll"'"

;\llllther woman wilo had worked ill adult rilm I'clllhl' brulhl'l\ Werl' lllucil sakI' Ihall Illilll)' expcl'1 or hclicve:

Wcll.lmakc more llIoney doing Ihi,s, and ii's a 101 Silkr, Li~e, il1lh" P,)rtll,h," 101 ol'limcs, yotl're working wilh a company thai dnesn'l ,din\\' YOtll" II,'" Clln' doms, And in herc, YOtiliSC condoms for anylhing , , , , No\\' thai I'w been hl'rc, if I go baLk into the porn industry. il \ gnnni.l llKan c\'cryillill~ is goolla he ulldLr Illy terms. I'm not gonna work lloJ)l'lHlliOIll ... . SiJll'(' I'n.. ' h... YIl 1h"ll~. ! k ..... 1 Illllch .)arc!' ... I dOll't have 10 worry ;lhoul gelling Pl\'::-llillll. I t!tll\'! 1\;1\\' III

\\'urry ahout a guy raking his test and Illl' clIl.:hing 1\ I DS 1"111 sc;!rl.:d. ! ~~t) t\1 the dOl'lDr "lllhe lilllL', 'C"IISC its jusl " sClrv Ihillg "ou kll<)\\")

The st?cond IV"), prostitutes discussed sarely inlile hrolhel \\,;IS ill ,lil'II',ll'l comparisons betwecn the brothel indu\try and othn rllrlll\ "I' 'c',\ WIlr!- .. \, ,I prostitule explaincd,

I \\'ould Illuch ralher ,ee girl> working ill here, and doing illhe hL',dlh" \\,,1\' ,tlld gelling dlL'ckcd cvcry week and using contioln\, rather 111;111 tk'illg ()Illhc :-.lrt'l'l. 8679

!lrc'IlI" Ila,,,bo,", I LH ;;\1.1/,1"'.1) IlW )"1"1-1 U, I'I{()STITI 'TIC)" -,:;oJ

ha"ing pimps, gelling beal-up, raped, ,Otne end up lic'ad, You kntlll, Ih,T"', ,I cet"l'lin proleclion, The whole heallh Ihing i" like '" impurI:1Il1 h,'LIII'"'' 1,'11)1 women Ih:1l work Ihe slreel don'l usc "'llidums,

So, is prostitution always violent :Inel inherently eI:lngerou,"' /\l'Ctlrtllll:C I,) our inrorillants in the brothcls, the d:lIlger is reid

Thinkillg Like a Victilll

Part 1)1' the 11':1)' brut hel pro't itulc, I ,dkcd :Ihout I'ioicne',' 11':1, hI' tll""1 jI"1 Pi Iheir nCl'cI to constantly think like a viclim, Thi:. is likl'ly IIIUl'h IIItH,' " 11:111 oi" streel pro:.t itltll' culture, For the one individual 11'" i nlerl' iewl'tI lI'htl tI Itl r"I" In :1 per:.onal experience with violencl', thinking like :1 pOI"nli,t! l'il'linl :Int! [X'ing eonstanlly 011 guard was noll' :1 p:lrt or her d:lily lik, Sh,' h,,,1 11I'1 recl'lltly turned out, or started working :IS a prostitutc, :Ind hacllkl'ilkcll(l ,'i:lrI working withollt her training partner. In her vicw, she took :1 l"lISlllIlll'r "he silould not have because he was lOll drunk, Oncc they 11:1" nl'goli:ltc'd Ih,' Ir:lnsaClion, hc cornl'rcd and choked her, rracturing her 1;11')'11.\, Sh,' ck:lriv bi

Ollce )'llu'rl' lurned loosc on tlie nOllr .lIltl ),l'U dlln 'I hal'l' )','ur !llldlh' willt '''II ;Im more, .1Ilti ynu have your I'irsl killer day, YOIl kllow willt ll11lllL'V ill I'tllI'­ h:mtl ;llld you C:ll1 'cc oh Imadc Ihis lllllCh all by myselr,I'lll;1 liookcr IlO\\", Alld S0 then you start 10 hecome careless, ~tarl to get a lillk wild bl'C;1l1~C YUli \'\,.' ~()l il goillg Oil, you kllOl\'"" This guy W.IS too drunk, I sholiid h'll'L' eoll'lIcd hilll quick_ walked him, 13111 I wenl ahead :Ind look il bl'c;lu,e il w;" IlIl)lI,'\',

Shl' credited her lire to anolhl'r pro,titutl' who h:ld :1 Sl'II\>' Ih:t! ,Il,' II':IS goillg ill with the \I'\"\)ng guy ,lilt I w,lited outsid" iler donr III 1I1;lk,' Sur,' ,he' II':IS :t1righl. When she heard sculTling she bmkl' ill III \i11'C hL'r cllJle'l~uc:

BUI hy Ihl' [lraCl' or (;od, anolher big Ill"lrlcd hOllkcr ' , , :.hc gill ;1 gUI k,'lill~, IllOI; her drink, lonK her ashlray :Ind sal outside Ill\' tlllO!" lI'illt hn "I~'" rell,' " ,[i" it wasll't ror her I'd be lk'ld, 8680

~'}II .IO['R"',\I. UF INTLI

Whal i~ IllnSI ckar rrolll ht:r lenglhy liiscllssinn wilh l" i, lil hC~lrl ,lilt! hegan to Irain olher wOlllcnl1l hc cOllstalltly vi:,;ildllL Shl' II'", h

Youhavc In lakc conlrol nl'lllL' pany Ihl' minule you "'"Ik inlhc rollill. I'\'l' been "s,cssing people vcry quickly IlW enlire lire, Iryou dnll'l. you'll di,', il" thill SilllPIc . ' . , Gel (lUI or your spill cvelc or the whorehou,c i'ur" IllinlllC "'HI jusl reel Ihe pcople "rollnd you, because ir you're Ihe Olll' ill Ih,'rc pillilCd, ytlll-rl..' god-dalllned going 10 wall I l11l'II110 r(,(,1 YUli.

Sare Johns: Fear is Cood and Bad I'llI' Business

T

cr~, Thl'y sec brolhels a" sakI' for their cuSIOlllers tl1;11l Sircet pr,)qilutllln Ill' l,vcnthan Ihe' daling scene, One proslilute explained it thus:

Yeah, ir I \I',h married, I IVlluld IclllllY husband il'you're Cl'cr ~"ill~ I() h"\".l1l allair Oil mc, I wanl YOUIO go Il.l a bWlhcl. I'm sl'riou" Ii', ,ak,!. Trill\' III 1111

heilrt I bl'li('\'C men af(" 1101 mOlll}g;'lIlH.lll~.l'VL·r. SOl1h.'\\"hl'rC dOWIIII1\.: lill'-', J .Il1:,,1 Ihillh Ihal's Iheir makcup, I really It.,, You dOIl'1 have 10 \\'1 1I n' :lbnlll .'>'1'1)" pn:~Jl,IJ1Cy, Slillkillg. community ridicule ifYlHI"rc J'ound (0 ht' h;l\'il1~~ ;\1\ ~dr;lll. all or Ihal.

This rhetoric or sarety 1'01' elienls is or critical ill1jJml~lllcl' til prllsllluiL'S and brolhel owner", On one h;lIld, !'car or violencc ,lIld disc

TilE CUJ:rUHE OF RISK: IIIWTIIEL OWNERS TALK ABOUT VIOLl,:i\U:

Whcn lalking will1 us ilS OLlisickrs, oWllcrs :lIlll Jll:1I1:lgcrS "!c:lrl)' kit liI:1I Ihc)" llcelkcl lO juslify Ihc exislence or brolhels, They did SO by ti,'sc"lihlll:C bJ"lllhels as I ypical busillcsscs cl)llcerned aboul Ihe saki \' oi" I hei r l'lllplll\ c'C'" ­ knce agOilnst WDlllelL vi()lcncl' to CllIlllllUllity nrdl'J', ami (i:Jllgel" :Js'i>,'i:JICd with disease, to cxplain Ihe benclits of Nel':lda's systell1 or kgalizatioll :JIlil regulatiun, f\S one m:lnager cxplaincd,

Ilhink Ih:\I I "'Gulli like 10 see i1. ul1l,le~alil.ed much more lih'T:tlly I" ,~,,[ [h,' girl;.. Ull thL~ :-;.1 1"1,.'\...'1 s nillill' ~Irccts and illt!) Ihe .saki)' Dr IL'gali/.cd hrolhd:--..:' k~;tI hrothel wiler\.' tlieir hcallh is taken care orand. and liley ~(,I ClllHI~h 1"!H)d :Jlld till )'OU kilO\\, ThL'I\''s Ilocolllparison bC'twL'L'J1 a hroilld prostllllll' ;1I1d (llll'lllllll\.' SlreCI. IllL'fe's no c()mpi.lri~OlI ill all. EVClllhollg.h sumC' nf thl':--'l' ~irL' d\111:~"l' pillll", Ihc'Y d01l'1 come here. III bcallh"lllUP, belie\'l' Ilk', Ihl'\' jl"l lill"'l. ()" Ihe sireellhcy're IlIll, Ihey'rl' in vcry b:ld sh'lpe. you ~nll\\' :tlllh:l1. S" Illiilli; I wOllld re:llly like 10 ,ee \llore brolhd~,

1\llothcr shared similar sCllIilllCIlIS:

We diln'l allow drug, here, You Kno\\', oillile Slreel cornu, YOll Ii:,,,' :tlllll:i1 And with Ihall)j"coUrsl' you're gUl)ll~1 ha\'e problems, di~c"I!-.('. \·ioiL'ncl'. rl1hb\.'r ies '" 1\lld if you have place;: like Ihis, you'd proil:Jbly ,q"P a 101 01' Ilw

SlIJ'prising I y, llnother brot hel owner favorably conlp:Jred prost i lUI i,II1 \\'111; marriage ,I, a s:li'cr institution ror womcn:

Wilh legalized proslitulion you don'l havc Ihl' problem 111<11 1'1 Ih'lll :lny l)lher prokssion in Ihe \\'orld, illl'llldlll~ m:lrriage, The ~irls Kecp lhcmsclws clean,lhe house kecJl~ Ihelll l'I,':llI, d, 'c'lll" keep Ihelll clean,

The question of pimps secmed ,In imporlantllne for O\\'llrr, :J11i1 \\'a, Oil,' topil' Ih;lt wOlild al\\'

brnu~hl up and talked about pimps, Scveral o\\'ncrs ,Ind 1ll,IIl,I~l'r, c'iI("I' I() t:dk ,Ibout pimps as aSllurcc or pOlential uanger ror wOlllcn and ~p(lkl' ()I' tilCl1l with ,Inger and derision, i\llanagcmellt secmed extr,1 proll'c,til'c' pi, IHII ,Ii", dllllll'olinded hy, women who work cd with pimps, Onc 1Il,III,Igl'l' 1,lIkcd '" I'ulloll's ,lbOUI a lI'on1:l1l:

IShl'll'alied 1l1e:Jclluplcdaysago, Gill bC'llupdoll'll ill'kx'I' ,hl',,,id,I,"litil

thoughl you gOl away froJ}l that pimp. 11 waSIl"1 a pimp . .\hc ~ilid . .ill:--I 'dlll)l' young glly. \Vhal('vL'T thai means.

[vIany ill managelllcnt argued thai brothels arc a placc where IVOll)c'll eu) bre,lk rree iroll) pilllps:

Till' 1L'~tll hrotl1L'! illdu.\lry ill Nevada Gill he all C'\l"ilPl' vaJvl' 1"llr \lltl .... t.· \\'Ol\lt'll wllu iJrc forced into lhe bLl~in('ss by II pinlp ill till illL'~al :-'l,ltin~. IkT~llhl.: h~·

l"(Jtni))~ inlo ,J k~ill hrothL'l tlnd \VC' han: hilt! \I cOllpk llr lhl';--l' l':I:-'C:--. ~Ill' I" III l\\ d{Jill~ .,olllC'liling which is kgal so he Cillnot 1I~t' lilal iI\ II rorcl' D\"cr II~'I" ;III\! II;.' i, Ihe Illlc' Ihal is illegal. So ira hldy wilh;1II abusive pimp COilll'S illl(llilc 11(>11"', ;llld ilc' siloll'S lip, he's I he olle lhal goe, In jai I. She's perkulv leg;11. Sill'" h:hi, ,,:illy ill Ihe ekar. So il i, a way 10 peel Ihal inllul'lH:c oil. ir ;111t! \I'ill'll Ii ' Ilccc-:-os;lry.

OWllcrs ~Ind managers also talked abollt the brolhels a, ;In ,II'L'Il,1 lit;1I prn­ ICCIS the public rrum disease and vioit:ncc:

The onlv impllrlanllhing is public saki)' and healih, alld:b lon~ :1' Illl' IHII'S," dll nol spread diseases. do nol encourage drUnKI...·llnl·s:-.. do nul dl';d ill dnt~:-. it ,I1Ollld he IrcilleLl like allY Oilier hminc'ss, ;\s Inll,'! ,I' Ihe puhlil' is 1"'\lc'c'll-d, Ihal's c\ScllIi:!1. The girls muSI be prolc'L'lcd ,lIId Ihl' publi" IlHisl be I,WIlIe'c'ln!.

IUlETORIC OF RISK ANI) SAFE SEX I'I{ACTICI':S: EVALUATINC NI':\,;\(),\ BROTHELS

The d(lIl1in;lIl1 i'llcloric or risk cvident in pmslitulioll pnlil'Y I'lli' Ih'll (II l'r ,I ccnlury is ~iI,() cmbedded in the Icg;ilil.ed syslcm ur bnllilL'1 !1j'()SIIIUI;(\ll 111 Nel'ad,\. From ,I,lle Sial utes 10 Ihe cullurc or brothe I I i Ie as L'.\ pl,llncd h\' pr",­ tilliles ;tllli 1ll;1Il'I~eIllCnl. variolls kin(l\ ur ri,sk~ ,1I1d VitliL'IlL'l' ,IrL' IIl\O!;l'ti III dcknd Ict'al, rL'glilalcd prostitution ,lIld tll cxplilinlhc ll,illIrl' tll'lltl' bUSlllc'", Inlm:sli 1lt'1)', Ihough, Ihe I i\'ed ex periences ur risk ;lJ)d saki y, or li"iL'nl'c' :llld ils ll1itit'atilJll, ~() beyond the Iraditiollal clOlllin,lIli rhetoric, TII() ulhl'r prllllll­ nenl disl'llllrSeS ,Iddress risk ;Ind thre,lts or violence withillihe slrlll'lur,' ,llld L'lillUre or Nc\'acla brolhels: Ih,l1 llr lllarkC'lplaec illlpl'r,llil'l's :I lid prolit:lhilil\ 8683

Ih,''''', Iiallshcc'k I LH ;,\U/,I;\) IlR()THU, 1'1( )STITI'TII)\ ,"I;

1'01' owners, and Ibal or relalivc risk n:rsus s;!I'ely aSSCSSnK'llls 1',,1' pl"slillllc' \v0I11CIL Whal bccomcs clear I'm III this brothel rcscarl'il is that Cl'Olllllllll'S i, 'I 1',)\\­ crrlll driving rorce behind v;lrious sysleills orkceping risk in Chlyk, S"kl:-' i, ;1 powcrrul ;Idvcrlising Illcchanism a III I a stralegic IV;IY to Iegil inl;liL" k",,: proslilution, As d

1,lmvever, risk relilains, Thc strul'lure or the legal PrJlSl il til ion Inti\l,'1 I.' ,\lId the culture or \Vork thcrein arc nOI illlmune 10 violence in '\II)" oi' ils Illrllh, 8684

Clearly, in ,I ,oL"i,1I world that is still characlerized by p;lIri;lIl'I!;1I S-"IL'llh "I sexism and gcnder-hascd oppression and that is markel driven ;lllll Upil;lli" lie. various rorms or social and ecollomic explllit,ltilln pnsiq rllr indi\lllu;ds

and within social inslitulions, In SUI11, this \l'or\; ch,illcngcs a"ulllplillll' 111;11 prusliluliun ,111<1 violcnce necessarily ,Inti incvitably CIlC,\I,1 in prL'diL'I;lhk ways, S;lkly, dangn, risk, and vioklH.T arc sysll'ms Ihalllper,llL' ill p;lrlll'lIl;11' I\'ays, to particular degrees, in particular socioccollomil' and culllll;ri l'lillilional conlexls. Only when our ;lI1alysls 01' villl,'ncl' becomes Illore sophisticated will wc have the toob in pl,ICL' 10 rel'i,il Ihe larger urgenl questions or whether proslilution itsclr is ,11\\',11', inhcll'llll\' oppressive and to lind a I1mdcl nrregulaling cOll1lllcrl'ial sex Ih;11 i, nll)sl,'I'!'i· cacillus 10 IllCl't our collective concerns, Furthl'!' work I() l'x;llnilll' til,' Id,,· tionship hCIIVcL'n violence alld pmslilLlllOIl generally alltil(l L'.\;llllilll' I lie' '1'," l'irlL' 1ll,lchination\ oj' S;trety, danger, risk, ;lllt! vllllenc,' \\'ithlll Ic'~;dllnl hrothcl~, illeg,d proslitulion, and lkcrilllinaiilcd ,Y'tl'l11'; i, <':'~"llIl;d 1,)1' thL'ory and praxis to pmgrcss.

NOTES

I. \VC ~aillcd ilCCC;-.:-; I() the hn>lhcl Industry thrnu~!J l'\lIlI:h.:IS with l"l.,"ll:\i 1\ ~;I!C\...\:l·P'r..... Il1t:lln[· mg thL' ih.:.uJ of thL' Nl'\',lda BrlHht.'\ i\~sDciillinn'lIld ;:lIIornl'y~ will) had \\ Ilr},l'd \\'11111)1"1 Iii il'b .. llld

Ihftlllghcl)ld cail:-. In brlllh('ls. ,\lso, (',II-lyon Wl' or~aJlizl'd;'1 puhlie fpI"IllIlll!llht.' :"'.:'\ ilhlw,:r:- :1])\1 shnn Iy ,tflt.'r had the- nppnflunily tn Il'St ify b~r\lrl' I hI..' SI;\lC k~i;·,;Jal hllll)1I ;1 JIl:Hh.'J" Ill:1l \\ Ill!!"! !U\~'

;dllTh:d Ih~' kg:d lHilCidl dance indwary. Till!' Il'!'limoIlY brought IHlf rL'sl':Il\'h Illh:r\::--I'" II' till' allClllil)!) oj till' media. which undouhtedly 1ll:It.k it l';lsi('r wl1(,11 \\\,.' CIIIII:ll"led Ilh'mht·l":' ,)1 Iht' hnHIlL'1 Cl)JllIlltlllll)'.

2. This is ntH Itlsay \-iok-net' neve-I" h:lPPL~lh. :lIId it is illlpnnalit (Il III II\.' tlnl \\ ~'Jll~1 d\ll\l)1 1:;1\ t' llll' t'YHkIlCt' ti> lkrlllilin.'ly statl.? the: t'.\'Kt illt·it.h:IlL't.' or \'inlL'llcL'. Nt'\\'~ :'lOt it'=' in ~U() ~ lligh· ligIHt.'d;1I1 ,tlk-gL'tl hallt'!"), ora i\'loonliglll Bunny pwslillllt' hy high-pwfli\.' singl..'!" \,illl.."l' !\l'il. \)1 i'vlolley erUl', HUI till' prosliltltL's WI..' inlcn'j('\\'l'd did not rept)rt any iUCld!..'llb Ili" \·I\lk'lll\:.

REFEHENCES

l\k.\;lI11!t'!, P. (ILJI)7), Fl'JlIilli:-.m. :-.t'x workns ;llld IHllliilll n~hb. In J. !":;I~k (1:d.l. Wi/l!'·'" ,jl/,; olllf'r 1;'lIIilli:'/."lpp. X.1-1)7), Nt'w York: Rnulkdgt.'. Ikll. S. (11)t),~). Ht'/lt/illg, HTirillg. (lilt! H'HTiflllg tilt' jJHJ.HilIfU' hlldy. Hlplllllillgltlll Illdl.l1l.1 I',H' \·I..'I"Slly Prc;...s. 8685

Br,'Ili>. Ilaushed, I LH;,\I.IZU) BROTII!'!. FI~()\TITI·T" 1.'\ :'1.'

BI..·~!. J. ( I ~)\)K l. Cf}lIfr(l/liJl~ I-itot'o NI',!..'If/lIIiJlg Ill"lJlhe/ }t/HSlillll/fJII ill SI. l'rlll!. 1,)1,5- J S,).;, ('11tlllll hus: TilL' Ohio St;lle Uni\\.'fsity I'rl's:-.. I3rri.: O,'\fllrd lJni,"\."r:-.ily Pr\.·s:-.

Brcll!:-. I~. C .. & j·laushc\.:l. ....:. t 200\). SlalL' ~;1l1L·li\}Ih..'d SL':\: ;\l'~\}!I;lIm~ 1lllllnl\~d ;11)(1 ["l! lli:ti rl'~lIl

Ch~lp"i;... \\" (1 1)1)7), I.in' .\('X oct.,: H'mllt'Il/)('/",ormillg 1'lilll'I"I,,"I}}: i"L'\\ \\)rk: 1~1I111kd~'I,'

Dpl'I.LlIlil. J. ( 11)I)l)). /.00.\1' I.-OIJlf'1/ or losr l\'OIlWJI:' rile l"t'lJJi'l"gt'lI("{' f~rllll' JIIrth I~r" \ I:hif,' Slr/l'·

t'ry"' ;1/ "Oll/cIJIJH'IHry tli.\ClJ//r.\f's (~r "Trc!/lid;.illg i1l \\·IJ/}/('J/.·' I~ClflL'\Td JtllIL" I). :?I)!)ll. 1"lIlll ill! p:/I \\" W\\". wa Inl:l.\)rgJcsisJ pn pe rsJ dol' I,L'llla-i oo:-;c, h 1111\ Fouc-aul!. 1\:1. (PJXX). TIl/' history Il/"SI'.UUlIiI." I hi L'd.). NL'\\' YprJ.: Vjll\:I~t" Cilrnyle, T. J. ( Il)<)~). Cityo{/:'(()s: Nell' Vork ClI.\", prnSfillilion. mullJ/{' /·tlJlIIJlI"n·I/IIi~.(/I:"" IIi ·,r·.I. 179fJ·IY']() { 1st l.'d.l. Nc\\' '{urk: NlH1tHl. j·liIlI:-.;hL'CK. K .. & Hll:llIs. B. G, !~O()O).lll:-.il.k Nevada's hrnlhd illduslry.ln R. \\\'1\1\:1'1 hl.,.,)/·.I Ii)]" SO/I'I pp. ~ 17-~JXl. Nl.'w Yorh.: ROlilled~l'. HI)hson. B. ivl. ( I ~)t)Lll, lilli'lOY \'irtlli': Th(, fJolilirs (~rl"'(J,\lIJllli{)lIl/1ltlll/l' ,'\IJwrinlll /"(:/;}/"fIII,rlri/·

li(lll. 11"1111 /I lIl'll' jJn~JltC·l'. Chicago: Uni\'ersity nr Chi\.·a~tl Pn.::':'. \V;\Ik,ll\vilz. J. R. I Il)C;O). }Jrps1ifllli(Hl {[lid lIi("/{JJ"iol/ socil'ty: l\'iJJ1If'1I. doss. (l/ld illI' .-;1(1/('. ( ':llll' hridge. UK: Cillllhndg\..' Uni\cr:--i{y Pn's:--.

\VL'llI.L'r. R.1Il)l)')1. PrnslillliitHll'olllrD!IJI :\Il\l',iea: l{~lhtnklll~ plIhlil' Pl)!ll'.\. ('1"11//('. i.till rlll,/ .)o("illl CI/(/II,t!,I'. 3l(1). :)3··IO~. \\\"l\/L'I". 1\. 1~I)I~Jl. Thl' politiL· .... "I' prn ..... lllllli!l11 in l\llk'rlca III It \\·\..'ill.l" ,Ld.l. S/" /111 ,,;i,'

!PP. l)l)_IX{)). i':L"\\ Yll!"h: I{t)lIlkd~l"

UllrhuJ"fI G. Urellls is (/J/ (ISS()('jtl1l' Ilr(~/"uf)r o/"S()l'i%gym 1/11' UJlil'cnilY tJf";\'e'l·(ltiu. 1.11.)

\I,!gll,\, lit,/" 1"L'.\·l'drch ;J1Il'rcSIS (/I"t' ;11 rh(' ,w.\" ;m/lIslr.\', lire hmrJll'1 1I1r111.\"{I:\· ill NI"!·,ir/l'-.

slIcio/ /I/(}\TI1I('llfS, U'J"lnri.\IlI. 1/11' IJolirics '~/lhl' Slfl/l'. (/1/(/ hll.,;m'.D· /lr:-:lIl/i~.il/.'-:.

KmhrYIi l/flIIShl'l-k is {Iii ({.\.w{-iel/I' pro/c's.'/I}" (!(So/'jfJ/ogy Illl/If' lJllil"l'nif.\ U(SI'l·rlrlrl. I.os \'f'g(ls. 1/f'1" l"I'sl'arch ;meres!s art' ill r/JI' .\C'X indusfry. Ihr' ImJ/hr'/ il/dllslry ill ,\'"r'l·ridll. hllJ1/Wf trt!/lid.illg, 11'011/1'11 ollli gnu/l''- IJ1 Clrilld, Ihi'(JI~\: (/luI ntl'l/n'. 8686

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8687

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Business Bulletin No. 71/2008: Friday 2 May 2008

Contents An A B C o E F G H

Section F - Motions and Amendments

Motions and amendments are normally only printed the day after the day on which they are lodged an then with the complete list of motions and amendments lodged the previous week which is published this section of the Bulletin every Monday. That list also contains any motions lodged for debate in the forthcoming week.

Where the text of a motion or amendment is altered, the motion or amendment is re-printed with the changes marked by asterisks in the text.

Where a motion or amendment attracts additional support after it is first published, that additional support is shown separately at the end of this section.

Motions eligible for consideration for debate as members' business in the Parliament are marked with hash symbol (#).

Motions submitted for members' business in the Parliament but which have not yet received the requisite cross-party support are marked with a diamond symbol (+).

Motions in which a member has indicated a declarable interest are marked with an "R".

An indication is also provided where motions and amendments have been withdrawn.

A full list of current motions is available to view each Monday in paper copy at the Chamber Desk or alternatively on the Scottish Parliament web site at Current Motions

(http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/business/motionsAndAmendments/motions.htm). A search facility also available on the Scottish Parliament web site at:

http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/business/motionsAndAmendments/index.htm

New and altered motions and amendments

*S3M-1833 Jackson Carlaw: Vintage Tractor Run on Behalf of Prostate Cancer-That the Parliament congratulates the four builders, Michael Clancy, Geoff Lamb, Ian Snape and Ross King of the Federation of Master Builders for leaving their JCBs behind to take part in a 850-mile vintage tractor run from John O'Groat Land's End to raise money for prostate cancer, a disease that 35,000 men in the United Kingdom are diagno: with each year and the second most common form of cancer found in men in Scotland; congratulates them 01 raising £4,000 for The Prostate Cancer Charity; notes that the team will today finish the Scottish part of its journey, and thanks the many companies, organisations, public figures, local farmers and communities for thE

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8688 support and generosity.

*S3M-1832 Robin Harper: Replacing GOP with Wellbeing Indicators-That the Parliament welcomes the recent research report, produced by Forward Scotland in partnership with the Scottish Council Foundation, entitled A wellbeing framework for Scotland.. A better way of measuring society's progress in the 21st Century notes that the report proposes a range of subjective indicators which could be used as an alternative to GDP; believes that GOP, the current measure of economic growth, makes no distinction between beneficial and harmful economic activity, ignores many socially beneficial and highly desirable practices and treats the depletion of natural capital as income and is therefore a very poor indicator of economic development; further notes that Greens and others across Europe have been calling for alternative indicators to economic growth f many years that focus on wellbeing, and so measure the health, happiness and aspirations of people instead merely the speed with which their money circulates around the economy, and calls on the Scottish Governme to consider alternatives to GOP with a view to adopting more suitable measures of national progress.

*S3M-1831+ Patricia Ferguson: 2014: A Year of Sport for Scotland-That the Parliament recognises that 2014 will be a significant year for Scottish sport; notes that, in addition to the annual sporting events taking pi; that year, Scotland will host the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow and the Ryder Cup in Gleneagles; acknowledges that each event will bring international athletes to this country and will focus worldwide attentio on Scotland; welcomes the variety of sporting opportunities that 2014 will present to Scotland, and believes tt 2014 should be designated "Scotland's Year of Sport" in order to highlight the benefits that sport and physical activity bring to the health and wellbeing of the people of Scotland.

Supported by: Bill Butler*, Jack McConnell*

*S3M-1830 Cathie Craigie: Deaf Awareness Week - 5 to 11 May 2008-That the Parliament notes Deaf Awareness Week which is taking place with events throughout Scotland to celebrate the diversity of the deaf community and to highlight the inequalities that deaf, deafblind and deafened people face on a day-to-day ba: and further notes that it will see the launch of the Scottish Council on Deafness' research paper, Making the Case for Specialist Mental Health Services for Deaf People in Scotland: with Recommendations for Action the will take place on Thursday 8 May 2008, and highlights the need for equality in the diagnosis, care and treatrr of deaf, deafblind, deafened and hard of hearing people with a mental illness in Scotland.

*S3M-1829 Cathie Craigie: Congratulations to Bank of Scotland Senior Shield Winners-That the Parliament congratulates Our Lady's High School, Cumbernauld, on its stunning football victory in the Bank a Scotland 105th Senior Shield Cup Final on Tuesday 29 April 2008; notes that this is the first time Our Lady's High has won the century-old trophy; congratulates the S5 and S6 pupils for an enthralling game played in a competitive yet sporting manner at Hampden Park, and thanks pupils, staff and supporters of Our Lady's Higl their hard work, enthusiasm and commitment to sport as well as to the local community.

*S3M-1828 Sandra White: World Lupus Day-That the Parliament notes that World Lupus Day will take pIa on 10 May 2008 and that this year the annual Lupus UK conference is being held in Glasgow on 11 May 2001 recognises that around 50,000 people in the United Kingdom and over five million people worldwide, of whorr around 90% are female, have lupus and that it is therefore likely that every MSP has a number of constituent! who may be affected by this condition; further recognises that, while lupus can be mild, it can also be disablin and sometimes fatal, has no known cure and causes many different symptoms including joint and muscle pail fatigue, depression and kidney, heart, lung and brain symptoms as well as recurrent miscarriages; acknowled that there is an urgent need to increase awareness in Scotland, the United Kingdom and worldwide of the debilitating impact of lupus and the difficulty that can arise in gaining a diagnosis, given that it mimics a numb of other diseases, and supports Lupus UK and other lupus organisations across the world in calling for increa in funding for medical research on lupus, targeted education programmes for health professionals and public worldwide recognition of lupus as a significant health issue.

Supported by: Michael Matheson*

*S3M-1827 Trish Godman: Inverclyde's Educational Achievements-That the Parliament recognises and congratulates the first-class efforts and ongoing achievements of Inverclyde school pupils, teachers and parei and Inverclyde Council's Education Department; notes that St Stephen's High School in Port Glasgow has

http://www .scottish .parli amen! .uklbusiness/businessB ull eli n/bb-08/bb-OS-02 fhlm SI20/2008 Scottlsh PariJament - Busmess BulletIn Yage j 01)

8689 qualified for the final stage of the Schools Question Time Challenge for 2008 for the second year in a row; no· that Inverclyde recently received its best ever primary school HM Inspectorate of Education report for Overtor Primary School and Nursery Class, and further notes that in Inverclyde pupil attainment levels regularly exceE the national average and that 50% of Inverclyde pupils go on to further or higher education after leaving schol

*S3M-1826 David McLetchie: A New War Memorial for Edinburgh-That the Parliament congratulates the City of Edinburgh Council on its unanimous decision to support the construction of a new memorial in Princes Street Gardens to commemorate all those from Edinburgh who have fallen in war; notes that the first dedicatE will be Corporal Mark Wright GC, who lost his life in Afghanistan in 2006; recognises the courage of our arme services in action today around the world, and believes in the importance of honouring those brave men and women who have made the ultimate sacrifice for our country.

*S3M-1825 Mike Pringle: National Trust Joins Fight against Plastic Waste-That the Parliament welcom! the news that the National Trust is set to join other national names, such as B&Q and Marks & Spencer, in deciding to charge 5p for disposable plastic bags in its 220 shops and plant centres; commends the fact that 1 money raised will go towards conservation work and research into tackling climate change; believes that charging for disposable plastic bags is an excellent way to reduce their use and the subsequent waste that th produce, and calls on other members of the business community to take action to reduce plastic waste.

*S3M-1824 Gil Paterson: Coinage for All Peoples-That the Parliament calls on the Royal Mint to think age with regard to its plans to issue coins using heraldic coats of arms that are exclusively English and condemns for not including all constituent parts of the UK: Wales, Northern Ireland, Scotland and England, on any new issue; draws the attention of the UK Government to the fact that, if these plans go ahead, all legal tender will represent only one nation in the United Kingdom for the first time in history, and therefore demands that the L Government intervenes to stop this insensitive decision.

*S3M~1823# Cathy Peattie: Local Newspaper Week-That the Parliament notes that 5 to 11 May 2008 is L Newspaper Week, which this year has the theme of Campaigning for Your Community, showcasing and exploring the campaigning work undertaken by local newspapers across the country; notes that 84% of adult~ read a local paper, and that local newspapers and their websites are a highly trusted source of news; believe! that local newspapers such as the best-selling Falkirk Herald, the Grangemouth Advertiser and the Bo'ness Journal are important focal points for their communities, providing a forum for debate on local issues and information and feedback about local events; congratulates the Fa/kirk Herald on being named Weekly Newspaper of the Year at the 29th Press Awards, organised by the Scottish Daily Newspaper Society; notes· local newspapers, through their editorial content and advertising, play an important role in the local economy; believes that local newspapers are an essential component of local democracy, facilitating the dialogue betwE elected representatives and their constituents, and applauds the hard work of newspaper staff whose dedicat underpins the success of the local newspaper industry.

Supported by: Roseanna Cunningham*, Jackie Baillie*, Cathie Craigie*, Mary Mulligan*, Gil Paterson*, Nanet Milne*, Trish Godman*, Liam McArthur*, Hugh O'Oonnell*, Bob Ooris*, Bill Butler*, Claire Baker*, Kenneth Gibson*, Mary Scanlon*, Shirley-Anne Somerville*, Ken Macintosh*, Karen Gillon*, John Park*, James Kelly*, Patrick Harvie*, Marlyn Glen*

S3M-1799# Sandra White: Challenging Man's Demand for Prostitution in Scotland-That the Parliamen welcomes the publication of the report, Challenging Man's Demand for Prostitution in Scot/and, a collaboratio between the Women's Support Project in Glasgow and US organisation, Prostitute Research and Education; notes with concern the evidence that men who use prostitutes regularly are more likely to regard other womel "objects" and the link between using prostitutes and sexual violence against women, and believes that the evidence presented in the report will serve to inform and shape the debate and future direction of prostitution Scotland.

Supported by: Gil Paterson*, Bill Kidd*, Pauline McNeill*

*S3M-1799.1 Margo MacDonald: Challenging Man's Demand for Prostitution in Scotland-As an amendment to motion (S3M-1799) in the name of Sandra White, leave out from "welcomes" to end and insert "deplores the publication of the report, Challenging Man's Demand for Prostitution in Scot/and, as it lacks any

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academic merit, is based on material gathered after payments to respondents, is guilty of bias leading to fooli conclusions and presents the public with a simplistic view of a highly complex subject; notes the outrage expressed by 16 distinguished academics who have joined Dr Jane Scoular, Reader in Law at the University Strathclyde, in utterly condemning the report, and notes that the academics believe that "this research violate fundamental principles of human research ethics in that there is no evidence of any benefit to the population studied ... It seems highly unlikely that the participants were ever informed of the true nature of the research, which could well have influenced their response. This sort of research is dangerous"."

Motions and amendments which have attracted additional support

S3M-1822 A Better Way to Work in Scotland - Unions into Schools Educational Pack (lodged on 30 Apr 2008) Jamie Hepburn*

S3M-1818 Roads in the Clydesdale Area (lodged on 30 April 2008) Jamie Hepburn*

S3M-1817 Paisley Beer Festival (lodged on 30 April 2008) Ken Macintosh*, John Lamont*, Elaine Smith*, Alasdair Allan*, Patrick Harvie*, Kenneth Gibson*, Robin Harper*, Sandra White*, Jamie Stone*, Bill Kidd*, Jc Hepburn*, Gil Paterson*, Hugh Henry*, Alasdair Morgan*

S3M-1816 International Dance Day (lodged on 30 April 2008) Jamie Hepburn*

S3M-1811# Glasgow Passport Office (lodged on 29 April 2008) Joe FitzPatrick*, Jamie Stone*, Gil Patersol

S3M-1809 Stop Bickering and Start Building (lodged on 29 April 2008) Mary Mulligan*, Ken Macintosh*, Tr Godman*

S3M-1802 Isle of Arran Wildlife Festival (lodged on 29 April 2008) Sandra White*, Joe FitzPatrick*, Gil Paterson*, John Wilson*, Willie Coffey*, Bill Kidd*, Patrick Harvie*, Rob Gibson*

S3M-1801# Towards an Inclusive Community (lodged on 29 April 2008) Bill Wilson*, Gil Paterson*, Christil McKelvie*

S3M-1800 Dutch Organic Foods Public Procurement Standards (lodged on 29 April 2008) Bill Kidd*

S3M-1798 Membership of Commission on Scottish Devolution (lodged on 28 April 2008) Sandra White*, Paterson*, Bill Kidd*

S3M-1796 Independent Funding Review of Free Personal and Nursing Care (lodged on 28 April 2008) Jc FitzPatrick*, Sandra White*, Gil Paterson*, Bill Kidd*

S3M-1795 The Ben Nevis Beyond Boundaries Challenges (lodged on 28 April 2008) Joe FitzPatrick*, San White*, Gil Paterson*, Bill Kidd*

S3M-1794 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child Should Protect All Children (lodged on 28 April 20( Joe FitzPatrick*, Sandra White*, Gil Paterson*, Bill Kidd*

S3M-1793# The Beijing Olympics and Chinese Human Rights Abuses (lodged on 28 April 2008) Sandra White*, Bill Kidd*

S3M-1792 Viva Madiba Viva! (lodged on 28 April 2008) Sandra While*, Gil Paterson*, Jack McConnell*, Bill Kidd*, Rob Gibson*

S3M-1791 The Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama (lodged on 28 April 2008) Alison Mclnnes*

http://www.scottish.parliamen!.uk/business/businessBulletin/bb-08/bb-05-02f.htm 5/20/2008 Scottish ParlIament - Husmess HLllJetm yage J or) 8691

S3M-1790 Youth Buzz in North Lanarkshire (lodged on 25 April 2008) Sandra White*, Gil Paterson*, Jack McConneli*, Tom McCabe*

S3M-1788 The Essentials for the Scottish Economy (lodged on 25 April 2008) Bill Kidd*

S3M-1787# Tackling Excess Packaging (lodged on 25 April 2008) Tom McCabe*, Roseanna Cunningham* Kenneth Gibson*, Bill Kidd*, Hugh O'Donneli*, Alison Mclnnes*

S3M-1785 Congratulations to Battling Bathgate (lodged on 24 April 2008) Sandra White*, Gil Paterson*

S3M-1783 The Importance of Environmental Education (lodged on 24 April 2008) Jack McConnell*

S3M-1781 Consultation on a Scottish Climate Change Bill (lodged on 24 April 2008) Bill Kidd*

S3M-1780 Child Fighting v Child Abuse (lodged on 24 April 2008) Tom McCabe*

S3M-1779 Congratulations to Junior Chamber International Scot/and (lodged on 24 April 2008) Jamie Stone*, Joe FitzPatrick*, Jack McConneli*, Gil Paterson*

S3M-1777 Progress on HPV Vaccination but Screening Still Matters (lodged on 23 April 2008) Tom McCabe*

S3M-1774 Safety for Taxi Drivers (lodged on 23 April 2008) Tom McCabe*, Dave Thompson*

S3M-1773 Support for Scotland's Pig Farmers (lodged on 23 April 2008) Nanette Milne*, Mary Scanlon*

S3M-1770 The SNP's Real 10p Tax (lodged on 23 April 2008) Ken Macintosh*

S3M-1761 Tigerfest '08 (lodged on 22 April 2008) Jim Hume*, Hugh O'DonneJl*, Roseanna Cunningham*, G Paterson*, Sandra White*, Stuart McMillan*, John Park*, Bill Kidd*, Claire Baker*, Alasdair Allan*, Kenneth Gibson*, Jamie Stone*, Patricia Ferguson*

S3M-1760# INEOS Reduction in Workforce Pensions (lodged on 22 April 2008) Tom McCabe*

S3M-1759 Congratulations to Scotland the What (lodged on 22 April 2008) Gil Paterson*, Bill Kidd*

S3M-1756 Supporting People with Autism (lodged on 22 April 2008) Dave Thompson*

S3M-1752 North Glasgow 5K (lodged on 21 April 2008) Bob Doris*

S3M-1750 Lewis Windfarm Proposal (lodged on 21 April 2008) Tom McCabe*

S3M-1743.1 Withdrawal of Modern Apprenticeship Funding (lodged on 23 April 2008) Tom McCabe*

S3M-1556 Hugh Brown (lodged on 12 March 2008) Hugh Henry*

Contents An A B C D E F G H

http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/business/businessBulJetin/bb-08/bb-05-02f.htl11 5/20/2008 8692

:li~~~~ ~~~-I~l~ .. ·:r?;t.t;J~~~W~i.f~~~. ~ .~~~~ SWORN BEFORE ME THIS DAY OF .. , .. A.D .... 2008 H--- /c..--.f, S /~ ~~~-~ ...... ~:~.-;:.,,, ...... 8693 Anolhrr tkc:1l1e of sori:tI srienlilic work on so work: A rl'yit,\\ of rl'st'arch I ... 1111..' \':J))\\c:'>l'lllk't:d.; .·IJlII/UI/ /If'I'if'\\" ,,(Sf·.1 /If'wl/n-lI: :'011 I: 12. 1(~'~Jr~h l.ihrJr~ p~. ~..12

Another Decade of Social Scientific Work on Sex Work: A Review of Research 1990-2000

Inc Vanwesenbeeck Nl'therlands Institute "CSocial Sexulogical Hesl'alTh Utrecht, TIl[> Netherlands

The inl"rn~tionnl, p~.\'ch()l()gical and ,,"ciological n'search lill'r"llfr,· ,,1\ pro,,­ litulioll from 1990 thmugh 2000 is revi('wl'ci. TIlt: ..;(ag,· " ,I'I by .'("'\lHlin~! topics ano pprspectivc:: in earlier \\ riling:.;, Thc-n the rl's~>S. and managing ri"k. wt)rk :IIHI itit'IHir..\·I: Itil research on c1il'nl~, nncl 1,,1 issu", relHled to "flcial ",HI Iq!al ""Ilb. TIl!' Iiteralllfl' is still milch more aboul 'l'X than il i, ah,)ut wLJrk. I" ;,dLlilifl". although an incrcnsillg numbl!r of lIl/thors hnH> criticizl'd till' d"fIIifl:IfI(,(' of" dC'vi.1llce pL'r:-;peC'li\,t~ o\"pr work ppr.speClivt:s un prll;;titut.iofl. thr· litf:f:lt.Uf!' still rt!\'t'ills Illany fpillure::; of stignHllizatioIl. For instance. thl' wrong.:' ;I:-;soci· HIed wilh sex work nre all tOf) "fLPn allrilJIIlf,d 10 the ,Hltl/ro' ur"" ,,",Irk it",·lf in:itend of t.o the stigma Httached to it or to speciJie IH~gali\·t· l'ircUIl):->t:1I1C'l':).

Likf·\\'isl~. thl~ association between pro:-llitution Hnd nr·gati\'l' ft~alllrl':- I ill par· licular HIV and early viclimization, is overwhC'lming, d">'pill' I'I-id .. ,,,·1' Ih:lI. for large groups urs('x workers, thest' issues Hrp of IiIl)l\pd rt·!p\';lnn·. (;vlll:r· aily. writers fail to ndCljualely diIT"n'nliate ilmong types "r 'l'X Wl)rkf,r,. In particular. in relation 10 i~sues of ht'~Jlh anu \\·p.II-I",in~, difrl'n'nllnlion ;1I11ong ~ex workers on the basis of ~pl'cirll' ft~(lture;-; of th(·ir wlJrking ~ilu;\tioll Ip_g., ronlt'xls, roulilll's, reillti[H)s, cl)f1diti"nsJ has h;lrdly b,'en sludi,·d ;",d i~ reCOfllllll'llued rur t1lP future.

Key \\'ol'ds: hc-nlth, HIV, prnslitutillll, SPX \vork, ViClillliz;!lillll, \\'orking ('on· clition:>.

Through the previous century, prostitution was all impllrtallt l~lrgl'l of' political, medical, nnd therapeutic intervention :-IS well .-IS of' scienLil-lc study. Presenlly, it unremitlingly rcmains allractiv(' to SIJCi;li Sc]C'IlC(, scholars. In this review, I have t:-lrgeted the intern;niofl

The allth"r is "Is" "rriliatpd with th(' D"parlllll'111 of WUl1ll'I1'S :)Ilfd,,·s. Till)"q! I J"i\'("r­ Sil.\', Till' )!clIH;r!ands. Corn':'q)fJndt'nct' COIH'(~rning lhis article should i>l' addl'l':-;",cd tl) JI)I' \':rI1\\"esenh,,(·ck. t\(>th(>r1[1nd~ Instilule uf Soci"l Sf'xfJlf)~i[';d I{,',p"rch. 1'.0. 1\"" ~llJ:'>:'>. :J;)(J(i C{\ l.' ln~Lht. Thp K f~t hprl:llHis. \ i. vQnwl'senhel'ckCt:inisso.nl. W '11.;I.\';I I)WPSt.'lllh!t,{'k<1'f'k II h.n!) 242

, ... fl2S 9 4

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work is, for this particular purpose, defined levant literature. The f(){"u,; \\';IS on the psychologicalliternture, leaning heavily on nJerellcl's in /';;Y('/iIJ/ugi­ col Ahslructs and, to a lesser extent, on tilosC' in Socil!l"l!im/ A/ls/J'(J('/s. Pu bl i ca tions before> 1990 are not ci ted. J 10w('vc r, ill ord (~r to Sl'l th e stagc for the recent literature, main topics ane! pl'rspl'l'tivl~'; in l'~lriil'r writings arc described first.

Earlier nesearch On Female Prostitutes and Their Clients

Appraising the earlier social science literature on ['emale prustitutes (for a more extensi ve overview see Vanwesen beeck, 1 ~)9:1), it seC'Ills t ha L feelings of abhorrence, astonishment, incomprehension, and f';lscinnlion

have motivated many of the authors. Pressing questions S('('111 to h;wc' bel'n: Who are prostitutes, and why do they enter prostitUllIJ!l') qUl'S­ tions about how prostitutes managed were asked much Jc,;s Unl'11 ;lnd,

ultimately, predominantly put in the context or AIDS )'('se;lJTh. III 1'0111- parison to prostitutes, clients were> studied much less extC'nsi\'l>/.\·, ;111l! the literature on male prostitutes and their clients publis11l.'d hdtln' 1990 is too scarce to even discuss under this heading.

Who Are ThI.'Y(

The first studies of "the problelll of prostitution" alll1lJ;;t l'xciusi\'I:ly took the prostitute as the unit of analysis and foc\Jso;cd on bioilJgicnl explanations f'or the presumed "evil characters" and "sick pl!l'slln;dities" 01' wOllwn in prostitution. This focus on pathology in the indivlrlllal prosti­ tul.l' was thoroughly cultivated within the psychoannlytic;d t r:ltiitioll of the 20th century. In most psychoanalytic work, lilllikd tJiJsl'I"\':lt.ion;; 'Ire gClleralized without problem, no distinctions an! lll:ll!t- Iwt \\I:I~11 prusti­ tute>S, ancl societal conditions are> not considered. Otl1L'r earl\- p;;\Tholfli:i­ cal research can also be qualified (IS an ongoing st:;!rch ['Ill' p:llhlllo!-:v in proslitutes in order to explain '\vho they are." HO\\'('\'('r, 1ll:111\, :IIlLlllJl'.-;

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eould not come up with unambib'llOtlS proof of patholog.v. Ull the cuntnll'Y, strung evidence was produced that the stereotypical images oC prnsr.illlle::; are simplistic and that, as in other professions, a widl' \·ariet." of l)L'rs(J­ nality types and traits existed among prostitutes. Pathology 11:1:' ollly been convincingly demonstrated in very specific groups of prostittlll;S. particularly when there wa;; at least. the suggestion of'lr:1UIll:l Fill' till' broader population, from the 1970,.; onward, the evidence floll! a Llrgl' body of resean.:h started to reveal associations between :'L'X\liIi lrillllllil and psychological or psychiatric disorders, For prostitutes 1\I)"'l'vel', the initial "discovery" of sexual trauma and its psychologict! illlJlilct, surprisingly, shifted the attention away from their montal he:'tlth. Sl'xual tnlllllHl in the context of prostitution came to be in\'l~stlg,ltl~cI as :111 explanatory factor for entrance into prostitution pel' st'.

\Vhy do they enteri

Dllring the second half of the 20t.h century, early victimiz;lllt)ll Ulll1L' to iJe put fonvard as an explanntory factor by Jll:tlly authors. The (early) research on physical and sexual ahuse 0(' \\'Ol11l'n rL'\'l~itl('d ,I re Ia Lively high percentage of prosti tu tes a J11ung ch iI dhooci :tillISl' \' ic­ time; and, in addition, evidence of a relatively high percenla~l' Ill' child­ hood abuse victims among prostitutes was pn'sl'nll~d. i{;ltL'S 0(' intrafamilial childhood sexual abuse among ju\'enile pr(lstitlltl':-> reported in American and Canadian studies in t}w I ~J7()s :1 nri I ~)I1():; vary between 31'7t-. and 730/,." Explanations ('or the ('ollneclit>I1 l)(>l\\,l~ell childhood abuse and prostitution arc orten psychodynamil', stressing sex work as a form of counterphobic behavior. Others argtll'd [hill "the drift into prostitution" of the abused child is a rcspono;e to informal labeling and subsequent stigmatization, enhanced by f'nctors :)llch :IS running away, institutionalizatil)n, acquaintance with pimps, drug abuse, the need for money, and the lack of ell1ploYl1wnt p,)s:-;ihilit Il~S. The evidence from several controlled studies empiriclllly suppllrted the suggestioll of a link betwecn childhood sexu;tl aouse ilIld pl'()Srilllt ion :liul thc relevunce of the facto!'s mentioned. 110"'('\'['1', lllost or Uli;; n.'­ search was done among specific, selecl samples Df prost itlltes; rill' example exclusively street prostitutes, women n!LTuiteli ill jilils, or exclusively ex-prostitutes recruitl~d through social agellci(!;:. Clearl)', these samples are not representative, and, thus, tlwsl' findIngs do not say anything about the population of sex workt~r,.; :IS :1 whldl'. On the conLrary, the literatllfl' until the J 990s often descriill'd il tr:lp of which we remained unaware as to how many prostitutes it \,'lIlIirl :lpph. In addition, evidence began to accumulate that, in p:lrticul:lr, thl' mil! or recruitlllent or force by pimps, ;Inc! the roll' u[' drug use :IS stepping

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stones tolvards a prostitution career, were much It~ss ill1p(}rLll1t tklll

WliS ortel1 expected. It was found that hard drug \lSI' \\';"1:' ["l'i:JtL,tI til entrance int.o prostitution for only a :;pecilic group of prosLituli·s. ;.;tl"l'l'L prostit.utes. Also, prcssun~ applied by pimps was fOllnd to ;lfh'ct onl\' relatively small percentages of prostitutes. Heliahlc figure:; on th(~ number of women being victims of inLern::nional \\'uml'n tracil'rs h;lrdh' l~xisted.

1fou' D() Thl'Y A11llloge?

i\S

ing (l prostitute, lh(~ reality and consequences of working ,IS n pnJ!-'t.it.lILl" were studied much less during most of the previous cent ur\·. Bilt h 111l'I\· tal hcnlth aspects and victimization had predominantly been s!lldi(,d in relntion tu the choice for prostitution, not in relation t.o SL'X \\'llrkl~rs" actual nnd present situation. But, or course, there wen' SOIlll' I:xt:l.'pti(}n:; to this ruk. 'Norking routines, for instance, Including OCClIP;llil)ll;tl skills, joh satisfaction, occupatiunal itieulugies, sl!xllal J"espOIl:'l' ;Jnd slIr· vival stratcgies, had been addressed by a number of schol~ll"s. ;11t.llllugh

i\ Iways in small sam pIes. I n this respcct, the autobiograph ica I Ii tcr;\ t llI"l~ and ot.her writings by sex workers themselves was mllch lI111rL' inrorma· tive. Victimization on the job and its consequences for pm:;titull'''' L'IIH)­ tional well-being hnd also been documented in some qutiies, 'Igain ror limit.ed samples, mostly consisting of street prost.itutes Frolll the beginning of the 1980s onward, the largl!r body of" lilL;I'n!u/"l' relating to occupational hazards concerned HIV risk. l\"lan.v IIIL'cllc;d'l'PI­ delliiological studies focused on prostitutes as a supposed I'I'Clllr I'or tlll' epidl'mic, but the oflen moralizing, categorizing, unifying, and ~tiglll,1tiz­ ing appronch to prostitutes in AIDS research was soon pro\'1'1l \I"l"l)ng bv the empirical cvidence. At the end of the 1980s it had iJ('l'IJll1l! rll~:lr t!1<1l. I'or the \-Veslern world, any notion that prostitutes would pLI)" ;1 dlTisil"l'

role in the spread of the disease could not bc substanti;ltl'd. CondoJll 1I:;(' was generally found to be high in cornrnerci;ll contacts, and IV drug liSt: ;Jnd unprotect.ed noncommercial sexual activity were iclentil'wd ;1:; thl' Jllost important risk factors for HIV in female! sex I\"orkl'rs. Ilo\\·L'\·l.'r. ill some l\frican clluntries Hnd Indin, the role of prostitutioll ill till' .~Jln~i1d of HI V appean~d to be more important. lL came to Iw llotl,d tlwt tlw inci· dence of HIV among prostitutes varied considerably nnd cOlild only IH' interpreted in relation to the broader features of the epidemic in ,\ par­ ticular area undto the wider org,mizntion ofsexllal activity ;lnd prll:;lltll' tion in tll;lt area. In additiun, although cundolll IJ:;l~ was Oneil pn~sL'lItl,d as an explanatory variable for infection rates, the IWI:d I"or COl1ll'Xtll;J!· i'l.ed, differentiated research into the reasons i()l" pm;.;t ilutL'S ;IIHI clil'nl";

t €3W jfUCp t@H,4m-··)4J%!i§MN8"MiiP

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t.() either use condoms or engage in unprotect.ed SL'X bl'l";IIlH' ('vidt'llt by the beginning of the 1990s,

Furlier Rf!se(Jrch Ol! Prostitutes' Clients

The scientific study of prostitutes' clients, although not ol!' extcl1si\'(~ and varied as the study ofprosti(ut.es themselves, chronologie,tll\' shows Illore or less the same development as that ofprostittJtc~s. Until af"ter till' first half of the century, n search for pathology ch;lr:lCLl'riZl~d the st ud­ ies, that revealed alcoholism, nonintegrated personality ,,,t.rll('tun:s, inability of emotional attachment, and masochism. Next, ,1 iJlldy of' writ­

ings appeared in which the absence of pnthology in t.hc lllt'll Iwillg st.tld­

i e cl was c I aim ed, a I tho ugh 5 (J 111 e 1'0 r III 0 f' pat h t) I() g y, sue h ; 1S ;1 "c 0 J1l P u lsi \' e nee d fo r va r i e t y," I\' ass 0 III ct i 1l11' sst i II P lit fo r Wit I'd . Hesearch on motives, as reported by the clients thclllsch'cs, is rclntively more prominent than in the case of prostitut.es. l\-l()tives ()flC~1l put for­ \\'Clrd in research before the 1990s included the dl~sirt: fOf' .~L'Xll:J! ;tt.:tiv­

it)', sexual variety, or certain specific acts. Tht' lack oi' ,'Jl1tlt ill Jl it I involvement in contacts with prostitutes sl'emed particularh' ilt trilcliV('

for nwny men as well. Others motives put forward \\'('J'!' le~s ShilllW illld anxiety, less fear of pregnancy, less risk or refusal than is the Cil";C in nOllcommercial sexual contacts, mystery and excitclnenl, ,Inc! \'isiting prostitutes being an "ego-boosting activity," Practical motiv,~s, like being away Oil business trips, army service, or unavailability of"tlw wife dut' t.o prq~nancy were also mentioned. Others brought lip nlllJ"l' s()ciiri Jl)oti\'es, like the search for companionship, the desire for intim:1C\', ;-Inc! the thl'rapy-like quality of visiting prostitutes, In l:Ulllpilrisoll til Pl"llStitIlU'S, clients ,lppeared much more as individuals with collscious :\I](! r;ttiol1al moLives, and as trustworthy respondents whos(~ ,lllSWt'rs Il(,t'd no dOllbt, Hcsearchers seemed to identify more casily with clients th;tn wilh pros­ titlltes :lnd to have less difficulty with their pel'sp('ctin:. It sel'ms to be true when Pheterson (1986) stated, "\Vhores are being redut:(!d to one image, that neither encompasses mother nor wife, while clients are S\lp­ J)()sed Lo represent 'the secret side' of every mHn. Whik pr{)"titull~s :lrt: being reduced to 'whores', the 'john' is being seen as iln illdi\·idllii! with ;1 certain identity, who also visits prostitutes" (p, :381,

Introduction to Rescfll'eh 1 H!)()·:2000

Despite the fact that researclwrs in the lntl' 1~JKOs llild :dn'ady CtJIl­ vincingly shown that prostitution is, generally speaking, nllt it Vt'ctor in the spread of HIV and despite tilt' criticism on till' l'Ol'us Oil l"t'm:i1t' pros­ tit.ut.es in the context of HIV, the larger P;-Irt or tl1l' !itl'r:rtul't.' Ufl Sl'X workicrs) in the 19905 still is HIV related Of ,12:1 re!n'ant cit;ltl()f)S in

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PsychLit for the period 1990-2000, half (21'LJ carry the \VIm!:; STU, AIDS, IlIV, safe(r) sex, or condom use even in their litle~, ~Ind Jll;II1\' Illore refer to HIV related issues in their texts, Clearh', I\lany "l'X \\'ork researchers (myself not excluded) have jumped on till' II IV balld\\,~lg(lI1, wlwrens others hnve become interes\{~d in sex work only becall.~l' or II J V, A second major theme in the literature still pertaine; to tl1\' q\l{~e;ti(lll, "Why do prostitutes enter prostitution?" and early sexunl aiJusI' is still ;1 major area of interest in this context, as will be discusseci below, .'\ third theme that Iws been addressed, in this C:'lse increasingly, ill the \;Ist decade concerns prostitutes working routines, stre:'>;;l':'>, risks (()tlll'1" than HIVJ, and ways of dealing with them, In particular the ~()ci()l()gic;t1 liter'ature now contains a reasonahle number of c1esnipti\'t.' studic's about the ri3ily lives of women and men in sex work, Next, cliellts of prostitutes have again been the object of study (aILllO\lgh still ll) :\ lim, ited extent) and will be discllssed as a fourth thell1l~, l.'in:t1ly, Lilt: ong()­ ing feminist discussion and publications relat.ed to legal 1.'~lIe~ II hat ;trt' also relatively strongly present fn the sociological as C()fI1jl:trt:d t() till' psychologicnl liternturc) will be discussed,

HIV Rclatcd Research

Although, generally speaking, aspects of individu:d, org:llllz;lliorwl, and societal relations shape the potential for HI\, tranSlllisi'llln. resenrch among sex workers has been focused mostly on illdi\'idll;tl rt'l.l­ tions and, in particular, sexual relations between sex workers and tlwir clients, Iviost of the studies are now fucused on condom liSt' and Lhe fac­ tors determining it, but still some are purely epiderniologic:ll. j\10SL of these rlddress HIV infection raks, but some (also) look at other' STDs, A couple of remarks need to be rnnde concerning tlw POPlIlnlions null' sLudied in HIV related resenrch on p)'()stitution, First, it is sacilh;lt IIIV i~ ba:-;ically (still) the only theme under which non, Westl'l'll pDJlII LtLi()rl;-; are addressed to a relatively lnrge degree (although kn()wlvdgl~ on the forIller Soviet Union and Eastern Europe is still rCIl1,ll'kahh' ;-;l';JrT(~I, Clc,1rly, the spread of the virw; in the non-Western world ;tIld the I'ldl~ prostitution has played in transmission patterns in sOllle cI)Ul1lri(':; must be seen as major reasons for this, Ncvcrtlwll'ss, the stf'IJllg rOl'lI" on dis()ase and infection when sex workers in the deYl'lopillg world an' studil:d must be criticized for the same reasons as has iJl'l'll done ror' lltl: Western world, The body of literature creates a discourse th;ll i;-; Ill'lt'\l mo(':liizing, categorizing, unifying, and stigrnati,.ing, Secondly, whereas the earlier literature focusee! :tillloSt vXl:IIJ.~i\'ldy on the female sex worker, male sex workers and tran:-;su:ual ;lnd tr~'IlS­ \'estitl' sex workers are now represented to an incn~;lsillg cie!.:J'I'l', :\"

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\\'l~ll as female sex workers, these groups hUH' Dl first hl'l'll "t lldil,d pri­

Illarily ao=; \'(~ctors of HIV transmission_ Surprisingly, hUlI'l','vr, t Itl'\'

If IV Pn'vo!ellce Studies

The results of HI\, pn~valence studies in much or l\orth ;\lllLTil';1 ;Inc! Europe indicate that those prostitutes whu nrc H IV inf'cetl'd ;!n' prim;\r· il,v injection drug·using prostituLL,S (Des ,jarlais, FI·il.,dm;lll, (;llldC:1l1iLh, 8: Hopkins, 1990; .Jackson & Highcrest, 1996; :\1cEc'ganc\', ]l)lH;\; I'YI!ll, Ilaste, & Snow, 199(); Spinn, Mancllso, Sinicco, S.: ValTher, I ~J~r71. Tlwn'

is substantial evidence that it is the injecting, not tlw U~I' "I" dnlg" Ill' the sex work itself. that puts this group at ri;;k, 1{llilcil':-', fJllllflghlll!, Hunter, ;llHl Stimson (1994) did not find higher len·ls of IIIV !ll"c";llc'lll'C' ;lnlOng drug-injecting prostitutes thnn among olhl'r fl'I11;1I,· dnli~ injec­ tors in London, Darrow, Boles, Cohen, el nl. (1991) reportl,d th;\! :!';; Ill' nOllinjecting sex workers tested ill San Francisco \\'PIT IIIV jlllc:ilin'. compared to 15'lr or injecting drug users (IUDs). In Thl' '\l'lIH'r\;Jnds, none of noninjccting drug-using :)ex workers, ('olllp;lrL'd to :)(J':; Ilf'drug­ lIsing prostitutes with a history of'injccting.te,.;tl·cJ PIlSlti\'I'!iJl III\' 1'-al1 All1l'ijcil,n, van den Hoek, van l-In;)strL~cht, &: COlltil1htl. 1 ~Jq,ll, III SP;IJI1,

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4';; of Iloninjecting and .');=)'/1. of inj(:cting prostitutes tested P()",lt I\'ely r(lr HI\' (Estebanez et aI., 1998), In Italy, 39l if of IDUs as comp;ll'l:d t() ()f:; Dr "professional prostitutes" were HIV p()sitive (Spina et nl., 1997) Other researchers have shown thaI an "unprofessiollal" selling, in :1 more general scnse, is a risk factor, Eo)' et a1. (:2000), [()r insl:llll't:, rOllnd having cngaged in prostitution to be a risk factor for HI\-, inrt'l'llllil llll'xl to having injected drugs and being born outside Cnllnda) amollg "l rt:l!l Y()lIth in j\'lontre(l1. Logan and Leukef'eld (2000) found th,ll, aIlHm~~ I'!'m;lil' rr;lrk users in Kentucky, those who exchanged sex lwei higlwr ril!t:s of STD;:; than those who did not, atlribuwble to higher numbers (If St:xII;11 partners, higher frequency of sex, and more drug use before and during ;:;ex, ;\ link between "sex for crack exch(lnges" alld HIV risk hih rurtlwr been illustrated by FCITi and Gossop (1999) in S(lO P(lulo, Hr,lzl!. lJ,\' IIIL'i,l' rdi (19%.1 ill Newark, ilnd by Weatherby et (II. (1999) in southern FI()rid;\. There is some evidence that migrant prostitutes ill Europe ,;lww l'l'I,I­ lively high levels of HIV and other STDs. In the stud)' by Spill:1 el ,II. (1997) in Italy, (I subs(lmple ofmigr,ll1t profes:;ional prostitute,,, si1ol\'ed

prost.itutes are due to (Ill increasing entry of sex worker;: Cro/ll ""ort:lgll countries." In (IS Car as lhis pertains to supposedly highl'r III\, Jlrt~\,;I' lence rales in these counlries of origin, clearly it dl'p!:nd,; (Ill which country or specific region we are talking ilboul. Fur the Ilon-\Vestern world, the more recent clOCUllll'lltatioll Ilil Ill\' prevalence ['(ltes is extremely diverse, which is ill fact not slll'prisl!1g realizing that this encompasses the whole of i~fril'a, ;\sin, ;Illd l.alln America, Prevalence rates are notably high in soml' :\fricnll l:olilltries (e,g" 58% alllong female sex workers in Burkin(l Faso; Lankoallril' (:1 :II ..

19911). In South Africa, HIV infeclion rates among ].15 femilie ."C'\ work·

l'rs recruiteci from truck stops wpre found to he 61 fJ; among thoO'(' 1I'1j() rcported to have (lnal sex with their clienls and i13r;;, alllOJlg 111lJse who did !lot have anal sex (Abdool, Salim, & Rnmjee, 19981. Civic sexual networking of commercial sex worker;: in i\igl'ria ;111(\ Pick· ering, Okongo, N n(ll usiba, Bwanik(l, and Whi t wort h, t 1 ~)CJ7 1 h ;1\'C' c!()!ll' the same for scx workef's along the Trans-Afric:l highll';l,\' in t:g:lllc!(I, Findings in Asia (IS well as in Latin America shu\I' ga':!! din'rsl!\' also. In some stuciies, rather positi\'e outcomes hal'(: IlI:('n "IJL;lilwd, None of' 1,873 female S!'X workers in Surabaya, Inclt)]1I'si;I, \,,'en' H IV

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positive (Joesoef et aI., 1997l. In southern Vietnam, HIV-1 o:ero-preva­ lence was found to be 1)7(, among 9G8 female sex workers (Thuy, \'hung. Van Thuc, Lien, & Khiem, 1998). Also for female sex workers in jvl(!xico.

a rebtively low HIV prevalence rate (J%) has been repuned t. Uribe Salas lOt aI., 1997). On the other hand, Bhave et al. (199,)) round a prevalence rate of 47'k among sex workers in brothels in 80mba),. In Thailand, rates found were 20';Yr.· among Jl1nle sex workers (Kunawararak et aI., 1995) and 22'1f- among female sex workl'rs (van Griensven, Limanonda, Chongwatana, Tirasnwnl, & COlltinho. 1995). !v]ost recently, still relatively high rates of STD infections and low rntes of condom use have, for inslance, been documented among (,!)lllmeITial sex workers in Cambodia (Morio, Soda, Tajimn, & Leng. 1999). in Madras, India (Asthana & Oostvogels, 1996), and in Surnbaya, Indonc­ sin (Joesoef et aI., 1997). In terms of infection with STDs olher tlwn HIV, unprotected oral sex seems to be a risk fnctor. Wong and Chan (1999) found that the 309iJ of sex workers in Singapore who did nol use condoms consistently when performing oral sex wcrc 17 Limcs lllore likely thon others to contract pharyngeal gonorrhen over n period of' G months, irrespective of ethnieity, clnss, or number of clients. For male sex worker samples, HIV rates do noL differ signir-Icanlly from rntes of' HIV infection among men with homosexual conlacLs in general (Browne & I'v1inichielJo, 1996a; Weinberg, Worth, & Williams,

2001l. Weinberg et a!. explained the similar infection rate I in spite of relatively risky sexual practices of male sex workers) by the fact thaL. at least for New Zealand, the "pool of infedion" for the "ex worker popula­ tion is relatively small (p. 283). The same may be true [or transsexual sex workers and the transgenderlLranssexual community In general. However, HIV-risk behaviors (in particular, receptive annl ,,(~X), injccL­ ing behavior (in particular, hormones), and connected HIV pn'v;llence rates seem to be extremely high in this group (e.g., Vennix (-t

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lence of syphilis being remarkably high among this group maCI', Shi1h, Baig, f\'\ujeeb, & Memon, 1999). In addition, there is some evidence that integration into the male sex worker scene might be n protectiVl' Cactor for transsexual sex workers. A study by Boles and Elifson i 19~)·lbl in Atlanta, Georgia, found that transvestites integ-rated into the 1101l1.r

Factors ill COlldom lise in Comnwrcial Sex

Although condom usc is often and still found to be high ill CllJlllllCr­ cial se:.: in Europe and the U.S. (for an overview sec McKcgalll'Y. 1:):)·1 a I, it seems invariably low in various African sites. Campbell (20001 foulld prostitutes working in a South African squatter camp neHr a gulcl lllil1l' to use condoms in fewer than ]0',1, of their comlllercial Cllnt:lL\s Cameron, Witte, Lapinski, and Nzyuko (1998-1999) obscl-vcd high I,,\,­ els of HIV related knowledge and threat, but low le\,I~ls or prllt.ccLi\'l~

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efficacy amung sex workers and their clients in Keny;!, Likt'wisL', Varga (:2001) found high HIV awareness but high-risk behavior :\!l10ng Sl'X workers in Durban, South Africa. However. also most rt~cl'ntly. both Outwater et al. (2000) and Gysels, Poul, and f31\': w()rk­

(!f"S in Tanzania and clients and "ex wurkl'rs in Uganda. Findings C(lr r\sia are, again and as well, diverse. For Thailand, for insl;mce. Hoi)in­ son and Hanenberg (1997) reviewed eyidl!ncl' stuclies sho\\'ll\g th,lt t.he proportion uf" commercial sex acts prutected hy condoms in(Tca;;ed from 1<1 ,!, to 94(j( between 1989 and 19D:3. However, I\'\orris, Jlodh i.su\, W:\I\'('r, and Handcock (1996) reported for the same country thal 7:Vk of 2:39 men who had commercial and nuncommercial sex in the pa:=;l 6 months used t()ndoJl)s inconsistently with bot.h types of partntrs. Traditional health behavior models, such as the Theory of Reasoned Action, have often been used when studying factor", in condoll1 usc ;tnd hnvc indeed been shown to explain condom use nl1long sex workt'rs to ;) certain extent in some recent st.udies (e.g. Sneed l~ l\-lorisk\'. 1~)9S). Howcver, notions on the limited usefulness of' these lllodl!l~. in p:lrticu­ lnr in the context of sex work, have now almost beclJme a tr:lclil ion in their own right (e.g., Bloor, McJ\eganey, Finluy, & Barll:lrd, 1992; Browne & Minichiello, 1995; Vanwesenbeeck, van Zessl'n, de Craaf. & SU'aver, 1994). Notably, aspects such as subjective meanings, issues of power, actual control over the interaction, and contextual Lldors lw\"e been insufficienLly considered in traditional individualist.ic, r:lllllnal models and are now often stressed as important. Recent studies on reasons fur condom use or nonuse musLh' ('onfirlll what started to become clear in the 1980s. One conlextual helDr fIrst and foremost determining cundom use in commercinl sex worldwide relates to the economic situation of the sex workers involvl'c1. In the Western world, economic incentives may sometimcs pIny n roll' fi)r both f"emale (e.g., Jackson & Highcrest. 1996) and for mnle sex workers le.g .. Simon, Morse, Balson, Osofsky, & Gaumer, 1993), ,1 Ill.! rcl:ltin'ly strongly so during periods of economic recession. In tlw i1{)Il-WI'stl'rl1 world, however, economic hardship is a much more slr\lcl.\lI·:1I m;!lt.t'r ()f" fact for many sex workers and accordingly associated wil h l hci r l1

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tion risk (van Griensven et aI., 1995). Wojcicki and I\'1aI;da (20())) docu­ mented for ,Johannesburg that economic hardship and conseq\Jcnt com­ petition between women for clients contributes til ullsnCe .-;cx. Another contextual fador playing a crucial role ill condoJll \lSC per­ tains to working sites and connected v.:orking conditions. Ilue. there are interesting differences between the Western and the nOll-Western world. Condom usc in the Western world seems to be higher in ind()or. organized prostitution (brothl,ls. clubs, windows) than in outdoor lind unorg;lI1ized Corms (street, home) (e.g .. Deren, Shedlin, ]);lvis. S: CI;lltS. 1997 for New York City; de GraLlt: van Zessen. Vanwcs(~I)be('ck. Str;IV(?r. & Visser, 1996 for The Netherlands; Pyett & WalT, 1997 for ,\uslrali;li. lndoor workers may sometimes be subjected to press\l re from brothel oWlwrs to accept certain acts and norm violations, but street \\'()rkl~rS arc 1110re at risk because of their relatively quick working routine, a lack of" negotiation time as a consequence of police control, :tnd relaLiVl' high levels of violence in the streets. In the non-Western world, in jJar­ ticular Asia, however, women workin~ in brothels and nightclubs are founel to be more infrequent condom users than so-call eel cOllll1lt1l1ity­ based women. This has been documented for Indonesia by .JOl·,;oef el ;d. (2000), for Thailand by van Griensvcn et al. (1995) and by l~illll;ll'X d al. (1998). for Cambodia by Pryhylski and Alto (1999). ;lnc! for SIJuLhern Vietnam by Thuy et al. (1998). The authors expbined this by the raet that brothel-based sex workers, often originally from rural nn~as and also living in these brothels, remain in a situation of relalive isu\;JtioIl and relatively little freedom in decision making in comp,nisol1 to women working from their own houses. In ;l(lelition (;II1e1 in conlwuiol1 to thall, brothel-based women are oflen younger, from lower O'()cial-('cll­ Tlomic strata, less experienced than their communily-based clllleagu(!,;, and living in the bigger cities relatively fihorlly. Control over interaction and negot.iation with client::; aPIl":lr,; to be crucial. Wong and colleagues ('Nong, Archibald, Chan, Tall, &. Coh, 1994, Wong, Chan, Koh, & Wong, 19%) identified low selr-cfflc:lc.\·, lilck of condom negotiation skills, and harriers such ns fenr Ilf annilying cl ien ts as reasons for nnncondol1l 1I.-;e among fema Ie brothel· based sex workers in Singapore. In addition, some sex workers were misinr'ol"ll1l!d, believing that regular clients arc safe. Others were Cully p

if \ 'MRNU. 'WiN

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91'1;, of contacts with the first client and declined to unly ~~7{;:; with the 10th or later clients, For male sex workers as well, client control. [IS OpptlSl'1' the male prostitute depends OIl factors such as their position III till' trade, length of time as a sex worker, age, financial and eciUC

Likewise, regularity and attractivity of t:lienls Il1n.\' bring SOIllC female sex workers to sometimes nbstain from the condonl Il'.g., ?lloITis. Pramualratana, Podhisita, & W;1\ver, 199:,). In ollr own study (Vallwc­ scnbeeck, cll~ Graat', van Zessen, Straver, & Visser, 1993:1: \'ClIl\\'cSl'n­ beeck, 1994; Vanwesenbeeck, de Graaf, van Zessell, StraH'r. S: ViSSl~I·, 199f)), consistent condom use WilS most likely whcll womell hold ;'1 Jllod­ erately positive but definitely bllsinesslike working attitud(·. When pro­ fe:;sionality entailed an all too client-friendly ;Itlitude. sckcti\T risk taking was likely. Relatively unselective risk-Laking and, thus, higher risk was associated with more negative working attitudcs and less idell· tification with thc professional group, less favorable workin)~ conciit.ions, higher financial need, lower levels of well-being and job s;ltisfactio)), and higher rates of victimization, both off and on t.he job. ,.1,legria l!t ;t1. (1994) and Burgos et a1. (1999) found an associati()Jllwlw(!I~n depressive'

symptoms, drug usc, and HIV infection risk lwh;lvior :I1l)()f)g PLJl~rt.o HicuJl sex workers. Drug-using prostitutes, in gClln:li. Ill:l\, Iw mllrt: subjected to economic incentive;.; for JlonconuoIl1 lise. (;1)o':SOP, I'owis, Crif1iths, and Strang (1995), how(,ver, for G1 sex II'nrkt~rs in Lundoll, did not find an overall association between drug lIS(' and thl' likl'lih()od oi'

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unprotected sex. On the other hane!. they did find unproleclL'd ;;l'X lo hI' linked to alcohol consumption. Attitudinal, interactional, and contextual rHctO!";; have lll'cl1 COIl­ nected to clients' protective behavior as well. In a stlldy or ;l:-l~) clil'lil:.: we (ele Graaf, van Zessen, VnnwC';;enbeeck, Stnwer. S: Vis~L'r. l~)~Jli round that inconsistent condom use was more likel.\' allHlllg ciil:llt.s who were less highly educated, had a higher number or cOIl1IlH:rci;ti l"Ollt;lc[S, and mOre contacts with "steady" prostitutes. 1nconsistent condom USI:r·,; wert' either more emotionally moti\·ated to visit pro;;titutes (han \\"['fl' consistent condom users, or they exhibited n stronger need I·or sexlInl vnrialion_ They were notably men v.;ho were caught between compulsive attitudes towards visiting prostitutes whill' having a TwgatiVl' ;l\litllde towards prostitution and towards prostitutes ill general. i\n (';Irlier study among a smaller sample of Dutch clients hnd

play by the rules because they do not accept the game I Van\\'l~senbel!ck et aI., 1994). These clients seem to visit almost exclusivdy the IllOrt' nd­ nerable women. In connection to this, we found that the rorm;ltio!l or sexual networks between different sorts of prostitution. through 1II1s;lf·(, sexual contacts in two or more different sorts, involved only :3':, or the

Illen interviewed. Prostitution in Tlw Netherlands is thus !lot

Pr('(;(!lltiOTl Progra!ll Eunlllntioll

j\·lany investigat.ors have report(!d on the tdTects 01· STD/I-lIV pn:n:ll­

tion programs aimed at sex workers and tlwir clients. S()IlH,tiIllC;'; SIIC­ cess is reported. Examples nrc the following. Ll'villl' el nl. II'l~)8) showed that the implementation of an out.rEach intervelltioll pr()grnll1

in Bolivia in the first half of the 1990s, in which f(~TllCllc SI.'X w()rkns were counseled, resulted in a strong decline in t.he prevalellC<~ ()r STl1s and a doubling of condom USl~ among the [nrgl;[ grollp. W'JI)g. Chan, and Koh (998) developed and evaluatecl tlll' sustainabilitv 1)[" :lll int,'r­ Vf:ntioll focllsing on developing sex workers' m~g()Lintion skilb. L'c!lIC:lt­ ing clients, and mobilizing support from peers, brothl:1 {)WllnO'. ;lrlc!

henlth stnrr in promot.ing condom lIse among brocht'l ;';I'X w(nkl'r,; in

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Sing;lpore. Negoti8.ting skills improved in c()tllpari::;ull t.o tl1<):;(> IJI" a clln­ trol group. Con:;istent refusals of unprotected sex in tlw Il1tlT\'('ntion

1 gruup inl:reasl~d from 'l4'li at IJ(lse line to GGlj; aL :) montl;::;, .,.1 :; :H 1 yl!:lr and 91'ii: at 2 years follow-uJl with a corresponding clvdinl' in gun­ orrhea. Singh and MalaviYfl (1 Y94} found increased Cl)ndOIll lISL' ,Inri IlO increase in HIV prevalence bet\\'(~(~n 1988 and ]990 among femalc sc'x wOI·kers in Delhi, India, after all intervention including gro1li) discus­ sion, posLt:r distribution, peer counseling, and video jlr'.'S(~nl:lllollS regarding safe sex. In Thailand, effective governmellt:tl ill!I'n'('IlLilln,; encouraging the \l:;e of condoms in commercial sex are chimed l!l h,IVL' increased the proportion of commercial sex acts prr)ll~Cled by conclollls (H

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:)carel' resourees, such as The Gambia. il;lany [I(l\'i~l' casy ;IJid CIH~iIP availability DC STD elinies. Howcver, as Evans and Lambert 1.1997) noted froll) their IJitl~ITSljJi~ qualitative elata gathered among sex workers in Calctltt:I, In

s Lru cl u res LIl a t lead to d i scm powe rl1l en tin Llil' fi rs t p Lt t:I~. 'j' h ('0,;1: 1iuthors have fully experienced the many difficulties of' i11lJbilizing ;1 comlllunity of women who are isolated, scattered, and highly :)1~crl'liVl! about their profession and of passing by Lhe control of' brot.lwl·()\\·i\crs, procurers. and pimps. In addition, too smnll all honor,lriull1 1·llr illllrt';lch workers resulted in them selling tlll' condoms they wcre given. o\ltrc;lch thus becoming just another way of making mOllcy rather tklll hl'ing ,In instrument for community empowerment. "Integrated" programs are called for in the WesLern w(}rld :15 wl~11. Brllssa (1996) has argued {'or the illtegration of IIIV PITVCt1lllln pnl­

g r a Ill'; i n 111 0 reg l' n er a I he a I t h s l' r \' ices fo r III i g r;J n t Jl r (l :i l i 1 \I ll' ,; i 11 Europe, as well as the need ('or culturnl medi,ltioll, for insl.illll'C thr(}lI~h peer educators, showing that this approach can he very I'ITecliYl'. ll,ml- 111,111 (1997) has shown the crfectiveness of an intcgr;!lCd progr:llll. addressing benefits (welfare), pan!!1ling skills, heillth C;\JT, ilullsing, counseling and therapy resources, :lnd eciucatioll for pro,;tilllll' W(}lllt~n with children in the C.!\.. in the senO'l' thaL it changed W0I111'I)'" ,\I l illldl'S and increased emotional and practical support aillong tIl(' IlIl'mlll'rs Id· the group. On the other hand, Overs and Longo (1997). of tilL' 0.;Cll':lll·k or Sex Work Proj('cts in London, have made ;1 pka ror O'pl!cii"IL' inll'nTIl· lions ;lncl, more generally spenking. "Si\lART" int('r\"l'ntiot) Oil.!l·,"1 i\'l';;: Spl!cirlC, IVleasurable, Achievable, RelevilTlt, and Tillw-lill\itecllp. H,I) For the \Vestern a" well as the developing world, it ha.~ IWI:il noled

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Lhnl, in contrast to the effort pJaced on changing tIll' behuvior lJr jJrtI:-;Li­ Lute;;, clients arc still largely ig-nored by educaLion ,mel pre\'(~nl illil P!"Il­ jects (e.g., Crane & Carswell, 1992). Faugier and Cranfield 11 ~)(J:l) suggested that thc media could well be used as an C'ITectivv nwlhlld Ii)!'

rea cll i ng th(~ d iell t popul a t ion. \Vi Is(]n, Man u n I, and L;I \'1:1 I I' I 1~)~)~) advised, for Zimbabwe, that eduLiltiol1ul messagl~;; tow;lrrb clienls should str'css the hedonistic and exhibitionistic dimension:; of COndl)1ll usC' ,md should avoid arousing the ,:;uspiLion or inscLlIrily Ill' clients. 1:01- lowing our findings alllong client;; in The Netherlands, Wl' SLlggl~sll~d mess;)ge;; aimed ;)t cli(~nts should promote a positivI' attilude t.1)1I';m]s cOlllmercial sex, such as "be welellrne to the game and play it s;lkly" I V;l!)wesenbl'eck, de Graar, van Zessen, Straver, & Viss(T, 199:l!lL Preventive health roles for prosLitutes have pr()v(~n StlcCl's,;f't!l, hnLh as ,we!' eduLators and as educators of clients (e.g .. C,llllpllC'I], I~)~) 1l. There is no "ihm yet, however, that prostitutes are widtdy credited for their Lontribution to public health protection. It has also hl'en nllit'd that, unfortunately. few programs have taken inLIl considerut inl) Litl' need for prostitute behavior change with their regular partners (e.g.,

Crane & Carswell, 1992). In general, sex workers themselvc.,; 11;1\'(' had Loo little say regarding the design ,md implelllent[)tioll Df progr;lllls, ;11lc! both their needs and their l:apacities are lInclerv;liuccL It Sl"'II1." loglCI] that future projeds should also ue targcLl~cl at clients, pnrllll!rs. and rn;lll

Sex Workers' Background and Motivational IsslIes

Bnckground and motivational issues continllC to attract a luI. of' ;Ill.l'n·

lion where sex work is l:oncerned, surely more than i;; the en~l' with ;111.), other occupation. Fewer authors during this dec;Hle h;I\'[: tril'd to explain sex work as a psychological LOnditioll, nlthough SOIlll' still tio. j\']ost recently, for example, Hutto and Faulk (2000) desLribcd. I'rorll il psychoallalyticnl framework, the "numerous hidden gr~llific:tt !I)l1s" pros· titution o/Ji"red one single prostitule. AI,lo, Yolll's, and Husl,llltil:r (J~)~)!J:i iden t ified poly-p

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tion in the Western world, explores child sexual abuse and, l.() ,1 le;;scr exLent., voluntary and involuntary running awny <11H1 hllllll'lessnc::;s (Shuw & Buller, 1998). Childhood sexual ubuse and the ::;illWli'Jn ill t.iH~ family of origin arc much less focused on when n()Tl- Western WIJJllCIl are iiludiecl, and there is evidence that their illlport:lnce is minilll;t\ in l'unl­ parislln to economic motives. LaLcr, the recent reports pertaining to early victimizatJ(Ji) ,\Ile! t.o 1:('0- nomic factors will be discussed separately. Before doing so, it ;:hould he noted that motivations for sex work, whether in the dl'velopt'd Dr Lhe developing world, are rather hard to establish adequately in '_'Illpiric,d resenrch. Pickering (1994) has made this point by warning ag,linsL all too easy reliance on questionnaire data and stressing the nCL,e! rill' ;Iddi­ tional "anthropological looking." Hegarding her OWJl research ilmong prustitutes in the Gambia, she wrote: "The prostitutes themscivc;; Indenlll

Early Victimiza liol1 C/ lId COil neclcd FlJclol's

l\,;; in earlier research, recent researchers havc j(JlIJlcl cvide!)Cl' lhill prustitution in the Western world is related to a history or sexual vic­ timization (e.g., Farley, Baral, Kiremire, & Sezgin, 1998: l\bllo/'y, 199~): NlcClanahan, McClelland, Abram, &. Teplin, 1999; Molitnr. l\uiz. ](1;I\1s­ ner, & McFnrland, 2000; PoLter, l\'\,lftin, & l~onlHn", 1999: Sanders. 2()Ul; Schissel & Fedec, 1999; SimmDns, 2000; Widolll cl:: I\uhns. 1~)%1. But the evidence is often methodol()gically Oawed (d. Nadt)n, 1\1l\'l'i'lJb, 8.: Schludcrlllann, 199B) and, moreover, contradictory tlIld inC'(}nsisl.!'lll. Ren18rkably, Fiorentine, PilaLi, and HillhC)usl~ (1999) found n hi;;torv o!' sex Uil I abuse to be associated with prosti tution among Illn les n U end i ng outpatient drug treatment programs but not among WOlllen ill the snme population. Akahori et al. (1999) reported that, in .lapan, it i;; curiosity about sex that is lhe most importnnt motivation (and mtJl\I'lilry pllr­ pose';; Lhe next most important) for "juvenile sexual c!t>linl\11l'n1·Y." :\\so in

Scandinavia, girls seem to predominantly enLl'r proslitut.it)1l (11\ ,I p

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experienCl~s of 45 adolescent prostitutes wiLh LhllSl' of nIl ;lppr()pri;ILc' comparison sample of:37 adolescents who were not pr():-'litull';: ;l!lel fOllnd that factors such as sexual abuse, witnessing interp;lrclltal vio­ lellce, poor self-esteem, and alcohol and drug use failed t() discrimin,ltC' between the prostitute and nonprostitute group, Also 13nlllJlig;ll1 and Vall Brunschot (1997), in a review of' research (frol11 ll1:tinly thv l!ighlil!s and c~arlier, for that matter), "failed to establish that incl~sl. wlltril>ulCs uniquely to the onset of prostitution" (p, :14H). These authors ;Irglll'c! that a host of conditions appear to be associ;lted with l~ntry Illlo prusti­ tlltion, including physical and sexual abuse, dysfllnction;Ji j'aillilit's, parental substance abuse, and sexual precocity, l\ddilional ,lIlnlyse;; oj' their own data, comparing 42 street prostitutes with :'17 junior colll'go students, revealed that both group membership and running "\Va,\' were predicted significantly only by a l1l'gative home life nile! sexu,d precocity. The authors concluded that, for adolescent fernaks, "breach of fnillily attachments appears to heighten thc risk of' earl,\' :il'XlI;11 ill \'{)IVL'llll'nL.~ th,lL, in the context of gender difl'erences in sexual clc\'l~l()pl1ll'llt, l'\pOSe them to partners significantly old(~r than themselve::" and ill signifi­ cantly larger numbers than would otherwise be the c;t:;c, Th(~Sl' factors help explain the role of dysfunctional backgrounds in entry Lo prosLitu­ tion without presupposing a role for unobservable traumas ;Inrl jl::i,\'Chi­ atric disturbances" (Brannigan & Van Brunschot, 1997, p, 3:) I) Although they clearly only pertain to a certain grollp of Iyllllng) pro:;­ titul.es, running away and hornelessness have often been dl~scl'ill<.'d as concurring with prostitution, Biehal and Wade (1999) illVt;;;t.q.';;lLeri run­ ning away from residential and foster care alld found il Lo Ill' ;ls:;{j(,j;tLcd with the risk of sexual exploitation, including prostitution, \V,illl'J'S (J999) found an association between homclessness, street survi\'al. and prDstitution in the U.S, homeless adolescent populat.ion, as did Christ­ ian and Gilvarry (1999) for the U,K. and Deivlattl'O et

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(]998) showed that injectable drug use commonly prt?cedes wllrklIig in prostitution: 7fir;;· of' the American sex workers in their ;-;tlldv \\'Ilil injected drugs reported doing so before beginning prostit\ltion Shaw and Butler (1998) stressed the fact that. although the \\pight of' evidence in the literature points to the overwhelming pre\'alellt.:e of dis­ ruption and discord in the lives of young peop\[' involved in pro;-;ti(Ulillll, it is I1lllch less clear whether these prublems directly C;llbl' Ilr illtiin:dl,\' prl'cipit;ite prostitution, They concluded thilt er­ tion. Carzon Ortiz, !'v'lella Perl!z, and Ivanovic Zu\'i<: lIalllin'z [1 ~)9(iJ found street workers in Chile, in cOlllparison to workers in fncndl'-pr()\'icl­ ing settings to be, among others, less l~ducated, o['lo\\'er SES, llllll'l! likl'ly to report behavior disorders in childhood and ndolescencc'. 1l1Orl' Ilkcly t() haH: received psychiatric assistance, Ic:-;s snlisficd with family J'l'i;lliulls. haVl' earlier, wider sexual cxperiencl'. and to report lllDl'l' ,,(,XII,I! abu;-;v, pregn;lJ1Cies, nnd ilbortions, The on ly ;l(lvan Lageolls poi n t jill' 5t I'l?ct wlll·k­ ers in lhis study \v

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It seems that early victimization, homelessncss, and drug ahusl' l:;1ll be showll to be fnetors in the choicl' for sex work for StJllH' g-r/lUps of :'>ex workers but not for others. Considering the fact that thi::; j" nol ;1 I)(~\\' observation, the question arises as to why so many resl':ln:hl~rs kl'l'P focusing on these aspects. As a maiLer orfact, ifit were in till: illLCrL'sl of t1wse researchers to "save" prostit.utes frolll entering t.hl' prufe:;sioll, L111')' would beller be advised to investigate why so man.'> \'iclims uf early victimization do !lot enter the field. In this mllLCxt, prlll.l'CLivc I'ac­

tors could be identified that lead these individuab [I) resist s('); work as a form of counter-phobic behavior, head uff stigma as a c()n.~L'qllenCt: of abuse, or prevent victims from drift into prostitution.

Ecollumic Moliues alld Connected Fnc:tors

Cenerally speaking, when prostitutes in the non-\VL'sLCril world :lrC' studied for their motives to work sex, the 1110:;1 COIllnlllll and ()I)\'i(JlI~ J'ac­ tor emerging is economic necessity and not early ~lbuse. :\Il.h()ugh spc­ ciflc studies in which those factors are compared are scarc{~, lIH~re art: some exceptions. 1\'1cCaghy and Hall (1994) studied 89 Taiw;tllVSl' female prostitutes and showed that the majority of these WUJllen h;ld I'cr)' gl)od relationships with their parents before and aft.er t.hey Idt Iwnw (111)' 109; indicated negative family experiences as prccipil;l[ing Lll:t()r,~ in the decision to enter prostitution. However, apprnxilllall'h' IJIW Lhird enLered prostitution out of a sense of' filial obligation t()w;lrd.~ their f;lJll­ dies or origin. Other fnctors included paying off t.heir ()Wll or their hus­ bands' debts, improving their financial situation, clL'ri\'ing otller saLisfactions from the lifestyle, escaping from dirlicultie,; \,il.h p;trI~llls

or husbands, and being vjctill1iz(~d by force or fraud. FunT I)]' fl-:lud played a role for 60/,· of the sample. Drawing on evidellce froll1 Br;lzil, Penna Finne, Grinder, and Linhares Barrell) (1991) .~ugge,.;tl,cl th;lI ill

Thi rd World coun tries both econOll1 ic cOl1sidera t i()n~ ;111<1 ad vvn t \I rou~­ ness might be of greater significance than Lho,;e of social stn,s'; :tlld abu­ sive socialization in explaining the ontology of femalL, prOsl.itllt i()ll. Migration often comes up in connection to economic nlOl.ivatilJlls. ll;lensendick (1997), for instance, has illustrated htl\\' soci;ti, eC()llIIlllic, political, and enviroI1mentnJ factor:; have cOlltributed to llw migr;lt iOll of women from rural nrl'HS of Thailand into t.he cities, ()lh~11 illtlJ pr()~tltll­ Linn. Besides the obvious economic reasons, she h;ls drawil :lltl~llli()n t.o sociocultural factors, including the matrilineal family sl rtlrttln~ al1(1 \\Oill­ en's responsibilities, the religious belief syst(~I1l, and the

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ginaliz:1t.ion of women, Particularly in the popular literaturl' ~lllli tlH' media, it is often stated that. migration for prostitution lin,; imL:n,;i\-wd during the last decades, However, as J\cmpadoo and Doczt:m:l (1~lqS) h;IVI~ arglwd. sex work across national boundaries i,; not new to llH~ wodd, They observed that Uit is virtually impossible to stall~ with cerwinlv th;lt numbers hnve increased, given the hck of figures and dOCUIl1I'lll;llioll oj' wl):)t in mo,;t countries is an outlawed and underground lll:ti\'it,Y, ;In(\ t hl' multiplicity of' activities world-wide thilt constitute sex work" (I\l'mpacioo & Doezenw, 1998, p, IS), The huge discrepancies between blill1flled nllmbers of prostitutes working in, for example, il city like l3omb;I',' (\'ill-,\'­ ing between 100,000 and 600,(00) should, in their and my opinion. (It least be cause for extreme suspicion oj't.he reliability ofllw resei1rch, Il I;; vcr,\' well possible that certain patterns of migration (e,g .. from the \1011- Wl!stl'rn into t,he Western world) ha\'C' become more \'isiblL> latelv, rl'sult­ ing in an exaggeration of its increasing magnitllde I\'orld\\'idl:. Nevertheless, the link of prostitution with women's migratio\1 ill gl'IH:I',Ji, as well as with (increasing) internntional tourism, sllgge:;t~ l h:lt SI'X workers' travel patterns must be changing, j-1 owe\'(' r, when it CtlIIlC;; to proper insight into changing patterns Ilftravel and migr:ltiUIl "or t Ill' pur­ pose of' prostitution, we have not comc vcr," far. AlLholl;..:h mort: researchers are addressing sex tourism boY client::;, tr;l\'l,1 paltl'J'Il:' of' :'l'X workers themselves have hardly been properly doculllenlcd as Yl'l, For sex workers from the \Veslerll world, economic Jl\oti\'al.ion ill :1 context of'limited posRibilitieR, however undersLressed ill LI1l' litl'I-;llUIT, cannot be denied as a major factor in the choice Cor prostitutioll ['it her, O'Connell Davidson's (1998) argument, that "wealthy, powerf\ll individ­ uals clo not typically elect to prostitute themselves" (p, :3) sCl'ms (lde­ quat.e, Basically, as Browne and I\'linichiello 1199Gn) put it f()!' Illall' sex workers, "ent.ering into sex work as t.he outcollle of <1 dignificd r;ltitln:tl choice for finnncial gain is the only re<1son cited \\'ithlll tIll' litl?l'illllJ'L' t.h~lt provides un account of the sex worker as a worker who i;; ~llbjl'cl tl) the sa me socioeconol1l ic forces as any other person" t p, :l81, (:;11110\1 n :I ntl Wl~"vcr (1996) studied 18 male street prostitutes from ;1 r

(1~J9:3) assl.!rLed that women in many ,;ocietics, nUI1-\\\'stCJ'!1IJH:llllkd, nil longer :lppe<1r to enter prostitution exclusivl?ly olll 1,(' din' l'cl)lWll1il'

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nevc!. "Instead," Davis wrote, "mulliple entrance points ('XI,,!. :\ Llrgt' mnjority apppar to drift into devi,lJ)ce as sexually acti\'(' tCl'n,lger" wh() receive little monetary or emotional support from their fa III iI it,,,, ()tht~r,; Ill,)), bc attracted by easy money, adven ture, coen:ion by pi III ps, p;lrt: n t;J1 rejection or expectation (economic support of family membl'r,;l, ;\I1t! t~C()­ nomic opporlunities generated by tourism" (199:3, p, 2), Jnclet:d a \'Ilricty or reasons fllay rnotiva le women (and nwn) to work ;-;l:X, \; ('\'(Tllw It',;S, economir gain (be it for the sex wIJrker and/or for other p;lj'lit's! fl»)"l11s an importnnt part of all of the reasons mentioned, Economic motives and (earlierl victimizatiIJJl call be intl'j'twiJlt'd In various ways, Castillo, Rangel Gornoez, and Delg;I(!IJ (199~)1 h:Wl', ror instance, pointed to the many stories of sex\lal har;l;-;SIlH!Jlt III till' \\'ork­ pbce among their subjects in Tijuana, I\-Iexico, when' a "m;lt:hi"ta S[l'rL'O­ type that unattnclwd women are fair prey for sexual 11c!\';lJlL'('~'" is widespread, These experiences then become a fact()r ill cilo(,,.;ing rlJ!' ";l'X work, because "the options-to I18ve sex with coworkers or to d1,lIlge .lob,.; constanLly-are seen as increasingly unviabk and Iln;;t.ahlc" I Casl illo el aI., 1999, p, 404), Another backgrollnd factor "tn'sst~d I).\' till',;e ;lllLilOrs i::; that sex work provides the opportunity to live ,1I1 ;IUttlll(lIIlIJUS life, in which they are no longer dependent on an ai>u,.;i"e, UIHl'li;J!)]I~, or unl';lithflll partner, Popular image;; that sex workt'rs or Idl jll;Op](' are most vulnerable to partner violence (or on the job becall~l' of' f'orn: by t.hird parties) have not been substantiated for sex workcr,: ,1'; II grtiUP, Shaver (1994) argued that partner viIJlencc is gCJlcil-r hasl'c1 r;ilhn thall work based Llncl that the potential for abuse by part.ners I'; litH 11l:1:1~,;sar­ ilv hig)lt~r than in noncommercial relationships, consicil'J'iI1t-: lh'll I)IW in ]0 women in Canada are battered by the men with ",hOIlI tlll:Y li\'v, ?\L'\" l'rtheless, a context of economic Iwcessity and illegnlitv of' Sl::; \','or!; ren­ ders (migr;lting) sex workers extremely vllinernb]e l.Ll tr;dTlckns ;lnd other prufiteers that exploit and harass them and "iolale hUlllall l'lght:; in numbers of ways and to various extents, As with migTalllln ]JaILt'rll,~, patterns of trafficking and force ;md the amounl of vioLllilJn c()llcerilcd wi til them, still remain scarcely and very bndly dIJcll JlH'n ll'd in till: iJlLl~r­ national scientific literature, Nevvrthelcss, many gO\'l'rIlJ1lL'nl.--; PUl huge emphasis un stopping "furced prostitutioll," something I \\'ill COIllt' \)11C\; 10 when discussing the literature on legal issues,

Work-Related Issues

Sex work is characterized by a "complex organizlltioJl;ti SUIlclulT (Davis, 199,1, p, 5). However, empirical analyses or (1)(> ()I'g~lJ1i?;lti()n;]1 a;;pecls, hierarchical structures, or working rl'Lttiolls ill ~('X wIJrk ItJ'(' limited, \\'hen work-related issue:; [Ire adcln's,wtl, Iltlli1oro' rl'('lI,~ J1l

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on l.lw daily realit.ies, routines, anc! consequenl'I!S ill' working sC:\, although the studies do not reach th(> number or H1V relat.ed :,LtJdil~S 1>\' far, and they are often applied to sex workers in the Wcs\CrIl \\'ilrld ()nh', I wi II discuss these studies under two head i ngs herl" one ,HId n',ssi ng Ilw recent literature on working routil1L!:', stn!sses, and risk, and anotlwr acldn:ssing writings aboullhe managl!1l1ent of work, risk, and iricl1lil\',

\Vor/!lllg [(oul/lIes, Ri.<;/is, and Strcs:,;c>s

Weinberg et id, (1999) recently compared working rO\ltinf's (II rl~lll;t1I', male, and transsexual sex workers in the streets or S:IJ) Fr:lllcist:ll, Among the findings were that \\iOl1wn were more likely than nlL~ll ;Intl tr,lnssexuals to have a regular work ;;chedule, wlJrk more lbys jwr \\,1'C'k,

set' more clients, spend less time with their clients, and l~arn 111 Ilr(', On the other hand, wumen were less likely to report other S()llrCeS lIr illCIJlllV_ They ,1150 found significant gender differences in tYPl' of' sen-in's pro­ vided, IZegnrclll'ss of the years worked, fewer wOlllen than Ilwn pf'{)vitied "hnnd jobs," whereas women were more likely thnll 1lll'J1 to !lm\'ide "h:lif', nnd-hal!''' (a combination of oral sex and inLerTour'scl. Tr;\Ils,-';I'.\u:t!s Slootl out more often as providing oral sex and receptive ,\11<11 il111:1TollrSI' l.h;111 nontr,ll1ssexuals, They also found striking gender dilTl'rL'nl'CS 111 Sl'XlI:d 1-!lljOYIlH!l1t with a clir:nt. noth in comparison tu mall' ,md to lr;lnssc':\u"i Sl'X workers, women lllllch more uften never enjoyed their c()Jl111)(~rci;'d sex and were much less likely tu experience orgasm, Thcse dill'erencl!s did not show in enjoyment uf privatl: sex, A recreational elemellt i:s II!S:" likely to he part of women's sex wurk than or men's, till' ilutllOrs COil' eluded, In reccnt work among 105 female indoor sex wOf'kl'l':' in 'I'11l' Nl'LhL~rlands, Vl'nicz and Vanwcsenbl'l'ck (200m found largl' v;1!'i;ltiol1 in \\'orking huurs, but, overall, an average wurking day of almo';l 9 hUll!''; WilS found, r->lorc than a Lhird worked more than 40 hours per \,;I:ok, Almost half hac! not taken any holidays during the last year, On ;I\'(~r:q~(~, only hnlf or what clients pay is for t.he women thl'lllSEh'(~s, CII.':lrly, notions that sex work is an easy way of earning quick JllOnl?"" :lrl' not supported by these data. Brewis and Linstead (20001 havt: drawJl alll?n­ tion to the fact thaL, even ifsex workl'rs may spend mallY working IllJuJ's just wailing for clients, it is, amongst others, the inability to prl'dici or lO cun trol the pace uf wurk \ hat causes !itrt:S!i, Despi l.l' boredom;) nd II n PI'\:' dictability, the situation demands full attention alw,IYs, not only II) prll­ ll!ct l)]leself ,lgainst possible danger b\lt also to maintain the prul'l':,silmai lIlask ilnd to prevl,nt it from slipping, Sex workl?!'s m\lst he vigii:lnl; tlwv can never tulally switch ofT ancl dayclrt:nm (Brewis 8:. Linstcad L rvlnny authors havc pointed tu tlll' fact that, :Wl'n fmlll tlll' PI')'~Jlt:C' tive of sex workers themselv('s, their working routine,~ and r'l~alilil':-'

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often carry more risks and more troubling risks than lh;ll or' HIV Infcc­

tion. Experiences with various forms of violence

those. Homero Daza, Weeks, and Singer (1998-1 UU~) I, fllr 11lC;1;IIlCI', mL'n­ tioned emotional and physical \'illience, illcluding I'. ;Ind murdcr, to figure prominently in the lives of Latin;1 nnd BI;lck drug­ nddictccl women in Connecticut. r.Tiller and Schwartz (I~)~):)I f"lIuncilh;)l all but (JIll' of' 16 street prostitutes in Los Angeles hmll'XpL'rll:nccd "IlIlW f"orlll of sexual assault on the job. Dalln (2000) c1llclIllwnted C()J11Jlllln experiences of abandonment, abuse, loss, and exploitation 1'111' '1:3 female st reet.wa Ikers in Nebraska. Lalor 12(00) fou nd 9:3(J" of" a sa III pit, of" :·lO ]o.l to lB-year-old prostitutes in Ethiopia to be beaten while working Lhl' streets. Thn'l' (Jut of' fimr bad becn raped at least IJnc(~, nnd one in threL' hnd become pregnant at an avernge age 0[' not evell ]:-1. \V(~lnherg c't

by clients than was the city, drug lise, duration of drug l\:,:('. or ;tg(~ that women began prostitution. Nevcrtheless, in our study illllllng i"t:ll1al(, indoor sex workers in The Netherlands (Venicz & Vanwl'senilcct'k, :.!O()()l. one in four of our respondents had experienced one lJr mort: f"orm;; I)f" \'il)­ lence (treats, physical, sexual) on tbeir working sites during till: pilst YL'ar. Almost half of the women interviewed hael eXllL:riL'IILTti \·jo!t:nt episodes with colleagues close to them. fllore th,m a qUl\rtl'r of" thl):-;t, who had experienced violence, either directly or indin'elly, reported S)'mp­ toms of posttraumatic stress (VI'S) at the time of tIlL' intl'rvit~\\·. Farley et a!. (]99B), in an extensive study, investigated till' jncitiL'ncl' of victimization and the prevalence of PTSJ) C1Jl1ong 1,17:)) pm;;t iLtltl.'''; in liVl' countries (South Africa, Thailand, Turko.v, USI\, ;Inrl /"llll!Ji:I). Their participants (mainly women) rcvL'aled a high incidrncl' or l':'lw,.il'J1cc'.~ with violence in childhood (5B'; of the overall s

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ass;ltllted when a child) and during their working li\'l's 17:)',:; rl'l)I)rll~d physical assault and 62 Llr. rape in prostitution). In additi()Jl, l'1I1Tl'nt or past homeh!ssness was reported by 72'7< and u prublclll with cirllg ;]ddic­ tion by tl5'i;, Overall, two thirds of their sample mel tIll' di

often sec prostitutes as unrapeable, l)('ople believe that nl) hil/'ll! IS dOJ1l' to prostitutes, prostitutes deserve to he raped, ,lIld ,111 pro;;titutl'S ,II'!: tl1l' sam(:, In flJlllther study, El-Bassel, Sl'hilling, Irwin, FnruCille, CilhcrL, VOIl, Bargen, et a1. (1997) compared 176 street recruited, dJ'lIg-lisill~.~ fl'lll:ill' sex traders with 170 slreet recruited, nonsex trncling femall' drug U:';l'I'O' in Harlem, It was foundlhat, after adjustment for clifTerel1l'es in age, ecl1llil"

it)', pregnancy, perceived AIDS risk, rape, and crack and :lIcol1ol U:';(:, :;l~'\ traders were more likely to exhibit psychological distress as n1L::L~ 11 rr:d by the Ceneral Severity Index. Sex traders also had si).,'l1ifJl'ant highrr .~l'IJf'l:O' Oil eight of nille subscales or the Brier Symptom Inventory, C1Ill0Il!; \\'hil'i] an: suhscales Illeasuring interpersonal sensitivity, dl'pressilJn, :ll]:-;il:tv, and hostility, These authors suggestc,d that. the feeling or beill~; stigma,

tizecl because of the nature and illegality of their work is lil

hopeless, lonely, and isolated, Additional field OhSI~I,\,;llilJns ;]1](1 ('Iillil::ti

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impressions led the authors to suppose that these sympt[)ms :In' nO' IIKl'ly to be attributable to sex workers' interaction with their cnVinlllJl1I'nt :-l.~ to some innate psychological condition. Stigma, as evidenced in recent concrete experiences with pV:iLI:r·ing

;l nel other nega ti ve social reactions in thei r priva te ! ives, t u mcd 1I p for more than half of the indoor sex workers in Ollr study in TIll' ?\dlwr­ lands (Venicz & Vanwesenbeeck, ~WOOl. As H consequence. h;lrdly ;11lV prostitute reported being completely open about heT work_ Olll' ill f"IH" s;licl they did not tell anyone (besides their p;ntne'r if till'.\" h;ld Illle)_ Thus, stigma puts an enormous burden onto thl' s[)cial li"l's Iii· sex workers (ancl on their relationships with private partners if they h;lvt: themj. The management of "double li"es" is strl'sO'ClIl anci h;lziln!ous for social support structures, buth within and outside tlw \\()I-king COIl­ text. It may not only be stigma that puts social liVl~c; undn pres:-::url'. Eidge, IVlinichiello, and Plummer (1997), for instance, round thaI. ror 24 young mall! workers on the ··scene" in i\·]elbourlll' their sociill net­ works arc much more fragmented than one might exp(!ct \\hcn t;llkinl: about a "community." According to the authors. J\etworK l'h;lr"('tl~ris­ lics anc! dynamics, such as commercial pressures, sl'xu;diz:ltioll, ;lild gender negotiations, tend to work against the l~SLahlishl\1eilL Dr clost' nnd supportive friendships. Snell (1995), on the other hHIHI. docu­ mented high levels or emotional support rrom ramily and l·ril~llclO' for the majority of young male sex workers in the U.S_ It has hel'll sug­ gested that the stigma on sex work may work c!ifTcrcntly rIll· t1l(lI(~s thnn it does for females_ BrOWI1l' and fl'linichicllo (1~)9f)bl shll\':cd I·llr male sex workers that they succeed well in avoiding lll'ing tJiljl'cLil-led

as c;ex objects and in deOecting the stigma oj" SI~X work ; I\\' ll\· from themselves by using an occupfltional perspective that ass[)ci;ltl:;; Sl'X work with masculinity, work, career, and enlrl'prencllr,;ilip The CUIl­ trast with female sex workers may be in the possilJk aSStlCi;llioll with biological models of masculinity. viewing sexual activity for Illen a~ normal in ways that female sex work can never be a"soci;lIl~d with bio­ logical models of femininity and female sexualit_y. Thus, fl'lll;til' prosti­ lutes are bothered more than male sex wllrkers by stigll\;1 :ll\(1 I;JiJlds of "deviance" and, as a consequence, hnvl' to put marl' elTon in 1\\;1n,lg­ ing their identities.

:\Jullaging Work Rish, and Identity

}\ relatively high number of authors have addressed llw l'ogllili"l' and behavioral strategies by which women (and lllCl1) acl;lpt Lo sex \\Ilrk. cope wilh tlw often stressful demands, ann manage tl1l'ir Slig1\\:ll ized identities (c.g., Brewis & Linste;lll. 2000; Castillo el aI., I !)q!J; ill:dlo1\',

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ID~)~Jl. Some auLhors have addressed drug use

sex lIal distress), but more often sLra Legies destri bed a rc of' ;1 cogn i t i \'l' nature. Browne and ;vlinichiello (1 ~)~)5) descrilwd "sldf'·progT:llllllling" inLo a work personality, involving "switthing ofT the trlle self' ;Ind going into remote cuntrol mode or adopting a rok" (p. GlI J. Castillo d :11. 119~)9) stressed lhaL thl~ altitude of looking at till' positive :ildl' 0[' iln experience, that is otherwise unpll' client 1'lll'O\ll1ler (enabling the maintenance of self~identity beneath the public, pJ'l)I'I~S' sionalmask); drug use (or, on the other hand, staying abslilutl'ly s[)lwri; self-programming (like running through preparatory roulilll:S thr()ugh which the role-playing becomes automatic) and intprnal

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tive "proficiency" seems, in the eyes of many, tu be called for to be able to work sex professionally or at all. Sex wurk can lw seen ,IS a Crlrll1 of "emotion work" as referred tu by Hochschild (1979, 1!)'s:3) li.t· .. n kind of work where one has to act in a way that is known til hl' faist' or Lh,lt actually transforms one's feelings!. Prostitution work is to ;1 ccrLlin extent built up frum fake behavior and untrue emotions on tIlt: p;H·t (Jf prostitutes: they play the whore, they are Oil Ihl' ),;!lII1I'. llowl!\'el', ;IS Shaver (1994), amongst others, has pointed ouL, distancing strategics arc not unique to sex work. Professional distancing is oftcn J'l!qllIITd ;IS a form of emotional protection whilc on the job or is intq,-;raltu ,I cmll! ur professional ethics in other jobs ns well. Particularly in ll1l' caring pro­ fessions, the consequences uf thi,; distancing nrc now inCl'l',1singly dcscribed in terms of "cieper:;onaJiwtion," one I1spect of' wh:IL h,l:' curne La be known as burnout and that refers to n culd. inclifTl~rellt, ,lI1d cyni. cal a tti tude tuwards one's clients. I n our last study in The N L'llwrl (\ nels (Venicz & Vanwesenbceck, 2000), burnout was Il1cnslIrpd ,llllllllg fCIll:lll! indoor sex wurkers. It was found that sex workers did l'xlwril!llcl' S(lIlll!­ what more "depersonalization" than a comparison sample of'hcalth c:lre workers did (while having similar scores on the other aspl·n:z of' burnout). Although this might bring one to conclude that sex work is indeed a form of labor thnt enhances emotional distancing ,Inri con· nl~cted feelings of depersonalization, it has to be noted that brgt: diff'n­ ences showed between sex worker;; in this respect. Among tiw L,ctor;:; associated with depersonalization were negatiyc Illotives to work "ex, n lack of social support. and more experiences with violenc(' ;Inc! IlCg;ILi\'c sllci,d reactions to being a sex work{~r. Likewise, in nn l!i1rlier .~tud\' Van­ wesl'nbl'eck (1994) revealed that dissucintive symptoills

bu t with sex work under certain conditions. C:ertai n [;J'OU ps (l r Sl!X \I'll rk­ ers may not show elevated levels ur psychological distress, E\'idencl' In support of this. gathered amung groups less vulnrrablp Ih:111 o;treet workers, is now becoming available. For example, ROIll,\IlO;, P'lltl'l'. \LIr­ tin, and Herbison (2001) compared 29 female sex wurkers \\'Ith il CUIll­ Illunity sample of age-matched women in ,\ustr,Ilia and found no differences in mental health on the General Health QuesLinnn,lirl' or in sel f~esLcem between the two groups. N ei ther were thl're nlly tl i ITl!l'l'nCCS in their assessment of their physical health or the qu,I!ity or t hl'ir s{)(:i,d networks, and this was the case even while sex \\'orkl'I's h,lri iH:l'n exposed to mure adult physical and sexual abuse L11:111 the c01l1p:lrisol1 group. Which factors are actually critical in distancing, as \\'l,11 :IS oliH'1' measures ofpsychulogicnl well-being, still needs to be studied i'urtiwr.

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The work-related literature ;llso :lr!uresses strntegil'" tll :I\",id ""l!'k· related risks, \Veeks, Grier, Romero Daw, Puglisi Vasqul'/" ,li,d Sing!.'!'

(1998), for instance, documented how addicted strept \\'11I'kL'!':; illT "street savvy" in the ways they lookl!d for CUl'S f'rom ;1 juhn tll ;1:i:';l:,S:-; tl1l' kinds and degree of physical and other risks he presentlld, TIll'\' r('lied on a combination of inluitive sense, based on signiiic;tnt IlxjJl:ril'!1L'p, :Ind planned preparation, whenever rl~nsiblc ,lnd not illlpI'lh,cI by the streSSeS of addiction, to ensure the lilast risky ('nvironnll!nt ill which til conduct sexual transactions, These :;trategies undoubtedly !'I'dul'l' I'isk,"", including that of HIV transmission, although thl'.\' do not "Iimin:llc' them, Browne and Minichiello (199;») identified six safer-sex sLr:t\cgil!s. which male sex workers in Australia use to achien! (\ ",If'llr Sl'X encounter. These include the natural mode (treating safl' sex ;1::' natural and expected), the (client) teaching mode. the altcrn;ltive :-;I'X mode tproposing safer forms of sex), the challenge mode (c:ollllterillg cli('IlL-;' arguments for unsafe sex by challcnging cvidence), tIll' trick SI'X 1l1Odl' (using Lricks of the traclc without the client noticing). ,IIH\ llit' \\':ilk'llllt mode (simply leaving if the client persists in unsafe Sl'XI \lariilll. Browne, and ;Vlinichiello (2000) managed to adeq\laLpl.\' op'-'r~lt Illn:t1izl' rour of these in a questionnaire: thl' natural, aiternativil SIIX. trick SI:\:. and walkout modes, These authors found that contnl'l with ,,1.',,\ hc;ill.h clinics was positively correlated with the use of the aterllati\'l! sr:x st rill.· egy. They also found that the length of time as a sex workl'!' pllsitiv('ly correlated with the use of the trick Sl~X mock. and cOlltnrl with "ex workers' organizations positively correlated with the \lSI' of till' lliltllr,,1

mode, Self-organization is, oj' course, all import:lnl Sl.r;tll'~:\ ['01' ,;n: workers in general to cll~al with their situation During the l:t;;l dl'l·:l

Research on Clients

Besicles clients' reasons for condom \lSI.', as disclissed previCllI,;l\', ill till' recent international literature on clients of sex wor!wrs their 1l1l11lbvr:'. their psychology, anti their motives have been nddn~ssed, Sllllll' :lllthlll'S have come up with typologies. Their numb!!r appl'ars to be hard til l':;t:lh· lish, In The Netherlands, only :1(7c or 18· to i)O·year·old hetel'l),""c\:II:t1nll'1l admitted to have visited a sex workl'l' in the previous .\'e:lr, llllwl'\'l'i'. l';d· cubtillns on the basis of an estimntl'd nUJl1lw)' llf ;;('X workl'I'';, ,l\'l'r:lgl'

numbers of' clients served, and a\,er:ll;(' frequcncy of' visiting. rl':,ull ill ;11) estimilte of Hit¥" or the Dutch mall' pllpulation \'isiting )"t':lI'ly I V:II)\\'I'SI'I\'

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1)(,I~ck 8: de Cranr, 199H). In the U.K. 1r.!cl-(cg'IIll'V, 19~).1;,i :tnt! 1\1'\\' Zl':dancll P[1U1 ct nl., 1995), about y,; of men art' estIJJl:11l'd III h:I\'I' p:lid for sex nt some Linw. For NorwHY the estimate is J:ll;; (1Ioi;~:lrd 8: Fill' s[;I(I, 1992J. Not mllch has been r('ported about their d(~llI()gr;lphil' char, aCleristic;:, l'xcept that they constitute a very divcrse group, O'Connell D:tvidson (1998), for instance, dcmonstrated that Brit.ish SI'X lill/rist;.; ill Tkliland are not n homogeneous group, vnrying ill terllls or agt' ;Ind slll'ial class. They rllso varied in willingness to Sl'l' th('ll1sL'kl~:' :\.-': 11l1l!l1'J':" bill they all have in COTllJllun that they find SI~X tOliriSll1 IIltilll:llld,I' :tlflr, Illative of 11 particular racialized and sexualizcd 1ll,ISl'lI1illL' idl'lIltly, aCLOrding to the author, Ncvcrtheless, diversity still SCl'lIl;: 10 Iw /lltlfl' rp,ldily al'knolVledged and stresscd for client,; than it is fill' pnh( illlll~.~ I h,l\'I' not cume across any studies focusing on fell1ak ('Iil'nt;-, Sun'lv, ill conlrast La men, lllost women do not buy sex. An inll'reSlillg tliJ:'l'I'\'atiun ill this context is that women are, on the othe!' Iwnd, Jl1l1ch !llClI'l' willing l.h'lJ) men til pay for intimacy in the forlll of psychotherap,l', which IS, nCL'ording to Russell (1996) one or lhe reasons why this is bl'cllmillg an incn~asingly success(uI business in the U.S. !\Jl10Jlg reccnt findings related \0 clients' Illoti\'es fill' \'isil illg pl'osli, III tl~S an' thc 1'0 II o \I' i ng, Va nland i ngham, l(nod(> I, Sn t'ngll('I1(' h ~I i. :1 Jlel PraJl1l1,llraLaIl:t 11998) documented a substantial iJlnllenCl~ tli' 1)('I'rs in Thai men's choicl' for commercial sex, J\'lcl{egnlley (19~nb) fllund iI ciC',.:irl' for specific sexual acts, the limited nature of the l'onUlcl, (lnd tlH' clan­ destine and illicit nature of the cOlllad ns the main motives Ill' 70 Brilish meJl \\'ho visited sex workers, Kleiber, Velten, nnci Wilkc t J ()~);n intcT­ I'il:\\'ed 210 German clients in wrilten I'OITC'spnndencI' ,\11(: :3,'10 Illl till' ph()ne, and they concluded that s('xual Illotil'cs by far ()\Il\\'l'iglH'd llw social motil'es, Differentiating bL'tween Liwir sub.il'l'l~, thL'\ Idl~Jl\irt(:d "the plnyboy," "the loser," and "the family father." He:;pllllsl~": til tilt'C(' scalcs of' n standardized personalil\' test rC\'l'alec! tll

Zimbabwc, men who visit prostitutes appear to han' ;t 11)\\'lT <1chil.'Vl'­ \\ll'llt orientation and desire fllr detailed knowlcdgc thiln coni I'llis :11111 to SCllrl' higl1l'r on impulsivity, ple:lslIre secking. l'xhihitionislll, :11lt! l'gO' dld'I'Jlsivl'lH'sS t\Vilson et al.. 19~)2j, In Aust!',tiia, :\,1I1tidi~ ;t:ltl \!t-(':Iill'

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(~OllO) found (brothel visiling) clients to difler f'rom nOJ)clit'llt:< ill II~rll1" of sex role orientation, social-sexual effectivcl1l'ss, ;11lc! ~l'Il:':llil)1l :'I'I,k­ ing_ Clients were more likely lo adopt undiITl!renti;I!.I~d S('X l'Illl':-' ;llld less likely to be classified as nndrilgynous. Tlll'v scort,d IO\I'!'1 ill :'Ilei;l!­ l!lfectivl'ness (pnrticlJlarly associated with romnnCl' ,Inc! I"ril!lld:,hip sl'I,k­ i ng mot ives Ii.)r visi ling sex workers) nnd higher Illl Sl'n,,;t l il'll :'l'd; illg (nlJtably present. in the business-like type of' elicnl, I!Xl)('ril'III'ing his brllthel visits as a fully legitimate Il'isure pursuit I. In 'I'hl' I\vl hl'rl:-Incis, Vennix et al. (2000) found that sexual "ensntion sel'killg W:IC' nOl:lhl.\· high among clients of transsexual ancllransvcstite pro:'Lililtl' ..; ;Inc! ,;l'X­ ual networks, both commercial and noncommercinl, appc:II'Vt! III ill' large. In New Zealnnd, Plumridgc, Chetwyncl, Heed, alld Ciflllrd ( I !J~ri! examined how t.he bendlt,:; of prost.itution an' underst(lod, "xpt'l-il!IIl'l~d, jusLilied, and ('xplnined by '24 clients mninly p;llronil.ing m;I.-;.~;lgl' p:lr­ lors. They ,Ill explnineci their moti\'ation in paying I'DI' sex ill ll?rms of pleasure, mosL commonly using till: adjecLive "relax;llion.'· Heslrnints from which these Illen liked to relnx wel-e, obviously, physic;l!. but tlwy also referred to the game playing nl~cessary in nonCDl1lllwn·i;t! S('X ;lIlt! to ;lIlY further relational obligations from which the ('xch:lngl' 01' IllUIll'\' absulvec! them. At the same time, rt!sponcient" wen- c(lnvinCl~t! IIi'1'11I(I­ tional mutualit.y and oj'depth and fril~ndship in their (,DIlLlel.'; wllh prostitutes, this myth of mutuality il{;ing ;tn nxiolll 01" t\leir ()wn pl'-;I­ sun!. These clients strategically construcl{~d agentic. de;;iring ":,(~I\'{~"," or pro"lit.utes in a wn)' that enhanced their (lWn pleasure ;lIld l!xhibiLl'ci no eras;; enjoyment of "force and violence." Lib-wise, f\·lontu ,llld I illl:lling I :2 001 ) 1'0 II n cl 10 IV Ie\' e Iso fat tit u des sup po rL i v t' 0 I' sex u ;II vi () I e Ill'l! against women (in pnrticular nap!' lvlyth :\cceptanc(!1 in Illl'll ;IITvSll'c\ ror attempting tu hire street prostitutes, although the slll:,]1 Illllllhcl' l!xpn!ssing higher-levels visited pro"litutes more regllbrly. Browne and l\·linichiello (1995) presented a lyp()log.1' oj' ('I ir.'11 [" lkll Australian male sex workers themselves liSP. The)' distinglll,;lll'd 111;11'­ ri{~ds, easy trnde (who nre clean, businesslike, come quil·kl." or only W;lllt nonpenelrative sex and go), undesirahles (UWSf' wlJrk(!rs would prd'er not to service, including violl'nl, dirty, ()r tlhe~e typl?s. and th()se wilt! lry to break safer-sex rules), sugnr daddies, and h(';I\'I!1l ti':Hle (clicnls whom the worker finds irTl!"istibly atlrm:tiq'l. I)r('lI'i."; :tlld Lin­ st.I.':lll (2000) added "romantics" to this t_vpology, reh'rring to 1·lil'I1l...; \I'hl) claim to have romantic feelings lowards till' pro;.;citlill'. In IlIl1' Il\\'n re~(!arch (\'f\Jl\vesenbecck et aI., 1993bl, men who ha\'{' "11{'ial :Inri romantic motives and who "want :) bit of warmth or 1I11

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tics" bothersome (no "easy trades··I. 1...loreo\'cr, "the romnntic SCI-J\;lrlo" may put n pressun~ on condom usp in cOlTlnwrci:Ji .sex. But l!Jes{~ Illen llHlSl, at least, be credited for their rplativl- positive ;lppreci;ll ion of IJoth sex work and sex worker~, something still relatively ra!'(~ ;IJllllng till' gl'n{~ral public.

Social and Legal Status

Several recent writings reveill notably negative public opinions regnrding sex work ;.Jnd sex workers. Earlier, our own findings n:garcl­ ing negative reaction~ sex workers have to deal with wen' 1lJ(~flti()ned as one of tlw main hazards of the job. Ivlay (1999) hn;; doculllented that only 1 B~'; of Americans would favor 1egaliza tion or prost i tu tit ,n. Tlwse in r~wor are relatively more often mell, Catholics, re;;idt!llls frolll the \Vl:st­ erll slates, \Vhites, and those mure tolerant tow;lrds "cievi:ll)t" behow­ iors. such a~ gambling. Canadian Californian slllc!cnt< ;Ittitudcs towards prustitutes appear to be Jl\ore negative than t!JOSl' towards women in general, movie stars, and pornoh"'aphy stnrs (l'olk 8: Cow;!n. 1996>. Castanedn, Ortiz, Allen, Can.:ia, and Hernandez·.'\\·iln 1199()) l1;1ve documented how 1\'lexican sex workers h:1\'e til live in a l'Onsl:lllt double bind, cOllling into daily contact with society's double st:lnd:1rd f'or women. Peracca, Knodel, and S:1l'nglicnchai (1 ~)9Rl, howl'\·,'r. n,;sl'rtcd that a rehtive lack or seven~ or lasting social stigma 1'01' Sl':\ workers is :111 important part of'culture in Thailand. But they n-li{!d 011 th{' limi[('d.

lo .say thc le;lst, observation of the- general puhlic\.; perceplioll or (l pl'OS­ tillite's ability to marri Also, for Thailand, Lytlietoll (1 ~)~),; I l'1;'liIlH~c1 that the HIV/AIDS campaign by the governmcllt, ellc()urnging the- llSl~ or clllldoms in commercial sex, has induced a pervasive Sl'IlSP of fear, f(~sulling in denial and stigma for so-called "threatl'lling :lg(!llts of' infec­ tioll." The public discourse Oil prostitution shows widl- '·;lri;ll.ion bd Wel~1l coun tries. DH\'is ( 1993) suggested Lha t "cert a i 11 Llworct ica I rOIl­ Cl:pts, such as power difTercntials or sexual inequality. (lrticui;Jtl,d by \Vl'st.crn feminists, lIlay be virtually unheard or in IlOJl-\\'l'.-.;tcrn COUIl­ tries, where lay concerns about public dl~CeJH·.Y and Illoralit\· t\()lllin:ltt' the discourse" (p. x). Nevertheless, n depreciative and stigmatizing aLtitude tlJl\'ilJ'ds sex work is still voiced in many Western feminist writings as 11'('11. :\Ithollgh til!' number of publications from :1 "pro-sex work f"l!Jl1inist f'r;lllll'" (d. Dank & Hl'fenctti, 1999) is increasing, prostitution remaills ;1 det'ply paradoxical issue for feminism. Even if pmstit.lltio/J is Sl.'1'1l ;IS work, SOJl1l' authors stress that it is fundamentally different froJ1l ,)tht:r tYPl!S or work. O'Collnell Davidson (19981. for instcillce, asscrLl'd I.h:lt tllt'Y an: not selling regular service~ of sex workers, but tlwy are selling LllL! pos-

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sibility of exerting power over thelll. Sex workers' o\\"n repun:; or their i'eelings or power, as well as other evidence fe.g., Vanwesenl;I:l'ck, 19:H; Wojcicki & l\'lalala, 2001), however, suggest tha t comIllercia I sex i Illl'rac­ tions between clients and prostitutes cannot be simplistic;t11y under­ stooe! as men having power and women being powerless and tll;ll ,I Luge variety of interactions exists with respect to the power iSSlIl'. E\Tn :'(), feminist debate about whether prostitution is \Vurk or vio1clllT IS still going strong. Mary JvlcIntosh expl:tined this by the ract t!l;lI "pro:-;titu­ tioll implies at once a challenge and an aCCl'pUllll'l' Id' lhe dlJ\lhl(: ~l;ln­ c1,lI'd of thl~ status quo. As such it can ncithl'r Ill' cOndl'Il1f)(:d nur ernbrat.:ed wholeheartedly" (1996, p. 201). Interesting in this context, Browne and Minichiello (1996a, 1~)96b), noting thaI nwk pmstittltion has long been peripheral to academic interest, explaiIwd lhi:;, ill1long others, by the fact that male homosexual prostitution contradicts the belief thilt it is a rehearsal of gender inequity. TIll'Y argul'd that Illall: commercial sex may well be understood within trnclitioll;ll pt:rspeni\'l~s or mnle sexuality, which may contrast sharply with way ..; III which remale sex work contradicts traditional perspective." of femininity f\t the same time, Doezema (1998) argued that "because feminists ;Ire undecided whether or not 'voluntary' prostitution exist~ or hilI" it should be dealt with, their analysis of forced prostitution (or of' pro:;tiLu­ tion as violence) reinforces rather than challenges stl:relJtypil'al views of female sexuality" (p. 45). l1ecause only the validation and apprecialion of "voluntary" prosl.ilU­ tion truly challenges traditional perspectives on feInnll; sexlialil.'·, '\'01- unt"r)''' prostitution is still not much apprecinted ancJ i:; nll:t with criminalization and social stigma. Women who ChO()Sl' 10 lw pr()."til.lIl.l:s and rcfu;;e victim status are most likely to be treated with dlScl;lili ;Inc! loathing (e.g., Shaver, 1994). Doewma (19~)8) hilS argued that thl' di:-;­ tinction between "forced" and "voluntary" prosLitution h:ls repnldul'ed tIl(' whore/madonna division within the category ··proslitll\.I!." "Thu')," Doewma writes, "the madonna is the 'forced prostitutc'-thl: child. the vldim of' tranicking; she who, by \'irtue of' hcr victim st:ltu~, i~ 1~:\OI1I'r­ all!d rrom sexual wrong-doing. ']'111'. 'whorl" is tlw voluntary Pl'llSl.ilUlC: because of her transgression, she deserves ",hall'vcr SIll; geL.;" i 19~)0. p. 47). Doezema's main and revealing argument is, that the distinctioII between "\'oluntary~ and "forced" prostitution h;l:; largely l'(~pl<1Cl~d the nbolitionist model of prostitution in international discoursl.'. Although the international community hns implicitly rC(llgnii.ul the voluntary/forced dichotomy, "no international ;igl'l~eIllenl CIlIldcII1I1S till' nbuse of human rights of sex workers who were nol foruce!" I 1~)~)S, p.

41 l. 1I'[oreover, what are clearly abuses of ')l'X \\'o!'kl'rs' right,.: ;If'(' tllO

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easily condpillned as examples of f()rced prostitutioIl. The c!:liI)) til Cl>11l' bnt ~LrafTicking" is thus used by stntes to initiate and to justif:v IT::'tric' live jlolicies against sex workers in general, Doezema assertl·d.

Prohibitive and restrictive policies are common \\'Drldwicle, ilnd (l growing body of evidence shows that they violate sex wurkers' ci\'il nne! workers' rights, enhance the power Df third parties Iclil?llts, 1lliIlWgl?I·S. pimps, traders, traffickers), and undermine sex workl~rs' ::;Dcinl :lllti IJccupational status, as well as lheir health nn

dellce comes from Gil and Anderson (1998), who hil\'(' dOl'Ullll'nled ;t resurgence of prostitution, trafficking in women. and rel,ltL'r1 sl!xual offenses in China despite the government's kgal efforts to mlltrol it, efTorts that appear to be often accompanied h.Y aggrt'sc;jq' ;1nti. IlIlt ullcommonly, violent, punitive behavior by "the StilLe." IIi!) (1 ~)~) I) reviewed studies surrounding issues of legalization ,1Ilel conciudl'd t hill. 110111' of' the traditional goals Ilr imposing crilllin;!1 ,;andiol1s. ~lIl'lt ;IS deterrence ancl rehabilitation, ;]re furthered by prohibition. ]),l\'is (199:3) referred to coercive control as a "revolving door fi;lsco": "['(,llHliz· ing prostitutes costs the state huge sums of money for little more t.han ;, 'revolving door' situation, whereby oflendl!rs arlO Illl'rel .... recycll!d through the system and arc out on the streets within hours" (p. :l). Forms of (restrictive) rCl-,rulation or leg;]lization. ho\\,pvL'r, h;!\'I' ;tiso bl'L'n shown to have their disadv;lIltages, becnuse they ah",IY'; l':lrry morp or Hn clement of control than of worker's pmilncip:llion. For' instance, the legalization of "the chicken ranch" in !\'evcld" hilS Iwcll criticized for its mandatory controls, the lack of frl'edolll ofTI'n~d lU the working women, and the costs irwolved ror WOlllen cOl1lbinl'd wilh im absence of benefits, such as sick le;}\'e, henlth insurance, s(}ci;il ;wL'\Irity, disnbility insurance, or worker's compensation (C(llllpbeli. 199) I. TI1l' Net.herlands, where prostitution has been formally legnliZL'd since Octo· bel' 2000 and where sex work is no\\' regulall~d by Illtillicipni ';yStl'll1~ of conditioned licensing, is often prai;;ed for it;.; policy (P.g., \\-'t:,-;l, :W{)()J. !!owevl'r, being a Dutch sex work researcher myself, I lllust ,l(llllil I ;llll not vcry optimistic as to what advantages thi;; legal rl'i()rlll \\'ill :lL'l\\:illy bring for sex workers, at least in short term. First, immigrallt workL~rs \"ith illegal status have become more vulner;lble lJl>cau,;e the·,v :ln~ now

fOrlllally excluded from the regulated, legal circuit. /\s for Sl"X \\,orh'rs with legal status, many advantages of a legal status have nllt hl'cn n'nl·

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iwd yet. So far no labor-emancipator)' policies or policie~ againsl soci;\1

exclusion or stigrnn have been proposed. :--lo norms or guidelinl.':; CIlI1- cerning working conditions or relations, social security, (lr lal)llr in:iur­ ance have been agreed upon, In fact, sex workers 11;1\'(' hardly I)('t~ll informed about their new rights and the npJl()rtunitil~" a II,galiwd :il;)­ tus could bring them. As always, till' only auLhorilit~s :lcti\'l'ly dl~:liillg with s(~x work nre the lax office, the police, and the illlllligr:.II.ioll ;lullwr­ ities. Indeed, tlwre is no national lor international) agret?lliellt Wil:1LStl­ l'\'(~r yel on how lo deal with the many aspects ofvolllntary proHillllitln, even when it is rormally legalized. All illustration is the obSenalion bv Willl' anc! Ilans(~n (2000) that, in G l'I'lllrl ny, wlwn' prll:;tiLuLiol1 i.~ Iq;:d in parLs of tlll' country and where social sl~curity and hpall.h a;;Sllr:lnCI' are, generally speaking, well arranged, 20'1r of prostitules han' Illl health insurance, 72'7t have no pension plan, anc! GO'.:; 11;1\'1.' no lil't' insurance coverage, A legalized statll~ of sex work is prerequisite I'llI' :l better social position and improved working cOllditiolls of sex worker::, but certainly cloes not guarantee tfwm. A business thai has Ill'L'n illl'gal for centuries docs not "normalize" overnight. The discLlssion aJ'llllncl lhe many issues involved proves difflcult and is evoh'ing only very slowly. Clearly, sex workers' organizations and activist groups hn\'(' pl:l.\'t~d and llluSt play an important part in these ciiscussions. I3Ul Lhl'.\' h1l\'(, relatively little social or political power. Some authors hi1\'l' alrcaclv even stated their "failure" (e.g., Weitzel', ]99]) or their fUlldallll'IlL:t\ incapacity to achieve effective changl' le.g., O'Connell [);lvidson, 1 ~)DR). Princi pa I reasons, sllch as the lack of interest on thl' j)a rt or tIll' st;lic concerning the conditions under which the cOllllllodification or .~t~X opel" ates, have been mentioned in this context. Anollwr reason is ell" notioJl that Sl'X work as a business is fundamentally based upon struclur;1i t'Co­ nomic inequnlities nne! gendered and racial power difT(~n'nl.i;d~, Sll lh;\l efTeCli\'e change will al\\'nys be limited, Other re:1SIJIl'; IlH'ntioIH·d I'llr the "failure" of the sex workers' rights mO\'cment are ll'sS flllld;IIllCIlI:ti. The.y refer to thc growth of moral majority opinion, the recent Ilced ttl sh i n

it~ own constituency, and (connected I conflict of intl~rpst Iwt \\'\~l'll \'an· OllS grou ps of" sex workers. True as these arguments lIlay be, these authors llllJ,;tl\· do 1101 acknowledge enough that it is predominantly tIll' social .~tigm;1 :It t;lchcd to sex work that fundamentally hampers self·urg:lnif.:ll iOIl. Stl/CllIaLized. Illany sex workers nre be reluctant to identify as proressional \\'orker:", ;\,; has been noted by ;;evernl authors. Ratlirr (1009), for ins(:llll'C, !l;l:i described how female go-go dancers in the Philippines disl;llll'l' LIll'Tll-

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selves from their stigmatiwd sex-worker identity by c1esrribing t Iwir clients as "boy-friends." The author discussed the l1eg<1livc health Illlpli­ ciltions of such a strategy, such as the women being les.'; likely to ITljUcsl condolll use when the relationship with their r.:Iients is sociilllv nnci l'mo­ tionally ambiguous. Castillo et a1. (1999) wrote the following :t!lOUl :\Il'XI­ C,1I1 sex workers: "While they frequently insist lhill JlrDSLitllliul1 I'; 'lin trabnjo como qualquier otro' (a job like any othcr), and whilt· Lht:.\' L1llckr­ line their professionalism, they also move in nne! oLitof prustitulitJll with great !1uiclity and with little sens(! of themselves as a potl'nLial ("lllkctiv(' of workers. Strikingly then, the typical research Crnlllings Dr prostituLion as either a social problem or as a labor lllovement Cidl drastically ,;llIJrt DC the women's narrative realityn (p. 418). I>1aher ( 199G) has flou'd ;t "hck of attention to shared cultural practices and occupntiolwl ntlrillS" (and thus "the erasure of agency from representations ()f th(:s(~ \\'()lll(~n'S lin's") aJllong crack using street-level sex workers in New York Cit\". for The Netherlands, we have noted difTiculties for many prosLitute:' t.() rt'llt~ct on their position in terms of workers' rights and adequatc wtJrking condi­ tions. This is understandable considering the traditional absence or that type ofrellection in what has long been (and ill Jllany place.~ still is) ille­ gal business. The attitude of bosses and managers has tradit.ion[1lly been one or"take it or leave it" and illegality b'Tantt'd Ull'ill the opportunilY to bilsically demand as they pleascd. Illegality nncl soc-inl c'[iglllil has brought sex workers t.o often accept whatever they wen' prt)\'irled with. Emancipation and self-organizatioIl from slich [1 sitllilt.ioIl an: dilfl(:lIlt and long-term processes, even if the legal situation principall\' lifTer::; po,;­ sibilities. In addition, it has to be remembered that pr()O'titlitioll i;; n dl~pendent institut.ion and is part of the larger picture of gender illle! eco­ nomic relations. Despite well intentions and efforts by sOllie policymak­ ers, advocates, and sex workers themselves, there may Ill' truth in Davie;' statelllentthat. "there is no rational policy for prostitutioll a,; long a~ gt'fl­ der discrimination exists" (1993, p. 91.

Conclusion

Evaluating the recent literature in light of whilt hilel bl'I'n d()lle before the 1990s, our understanding of sex work ;lfld Sl'X w()rkers has increased in some ways, but not in others. Wh:lt WI~ have I!ailwri is ~\Ib­ stantially more insight into the factors eletl'r111ining condo!ll lise or nonuse in cOlllIllercial sex. In addition, we have gnilll'd ulldl'r;;l;lnding I)f why STD/HIV prevention programs aimed at Sl'X worker,;

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become clear (as had already been suggested by carlier L'\'iclL'I1CC' as well), that self-determination, autonomy. and control :Ire- ('ruclnlly important when it comes to HIV risk. as well as to gC'!lcral 1l!::i1th ,Inc! wdl-ol!ing. It has additionally become clcar that these nrc l'Xill'tly Lilt' properties that sex workers Ja<.:k under repressive regimes. dl(:galily, and social stigma. However, prostitution apparl'ntly still rt:Ill;lin" IIHI controversial for many authors to explicitly ddclld Sl'X worker,,' rights or document the many ways in which these arc abused and vioi:ltt,d. On the contrary, the literature about prostitutioll is still Illuch mon' about sex, notably sexual victimizatitll1 and risk, than it is :Ib'liit wllrk. The groups mu::;t resean:hed are the ones that are also the mo,;t vulnl'r­ able alld to whom a victim status most applies (i.e., groups who do not only work sex but for whom additional problems, Silch ilS I.:conomil' hanbhip, victimization, homelessne;:;s, and drug abuse sh;lJH' th!,lr l];lily realities). l\-l<.l!l)' researchers still study or feature onl.\' ;;treet \\·Ilrkcrs. Negative filldings among these groups, in terms of victimizatioJl, risk, and unwell-being are, ncvertheless, often presented as ;! r{';!turL' or st:x work per se. Thus, the a::;sociatiun between prostitution ,Illd IllISt'ry pn:­ Vii ils. Questions regarding di m~ren tia ted worki ng concl i lions :IJI d t hl'i I' association with victimization, risk, and unwell-being are in\'L~slig'lted only to a vcry limited extent still. Thus. I feel thilt Bullough ;IIH! nul­ lough were overly optimistic when they concluded in their rl'vit,\\, in this same: journal in 1996, that studies in which pro;:;titutio!l is lookt:d UpOil a;; any other occupation "have found favor." Although tIll' image of tIlt'

prostitute as pathological deviant seems to in(iL'ed gnl(hlally h;I\'I' \';111' ished from the stage, the image of prostitute as victim is st til highly prevalent. Respectful acknowledgement of the survivor skills of milily sex workers is increasi ngly voiced. 13u t an i mage of prost i t.u tcs ;IS \\'()rk­ ers a ncl en t.repreneurs is surely sti II II nderreprcsen ted. Overall, the scientific literature (as well as la.v and political dl;;cours(~s) still reveals many features reOectivc of stigmatization. l\lt'('!Jilnisl1ls involved in stigmatization, such as generalizing, stereotyping, thillking "they" are "all alike," interpreting all behm'ior in terms of' lh,' dt'\'i:\nt chnractcristic, and attribution of nt'gative characteristic:" tttril lip in many recent publications. Easily attriiJuting the wrongs :lnd ahlISI~S ,ISSI)­ ciated with sex work to the nature of' the work t instead of to tilt: st iglll:1 atLached to it or to specific negative circlllllstances), is llile ;;uch rc~ltllre. Persistence of associating sex work with II IV risk (despite e\'idt~J)cP 1.0 the contr,lry filr many groups) is another. The failure to adequately dill"t:rl'nti­ ate between sex wurkers is yet another. Sex worker;; :Irt: IlIlL "tht: l':ILl'­ gory" they are onen taken to be (er Pheterson. 1:1:)0). Futllf'(' n:.";(~;IITIlL'rs should, in my opinion. make serious work of ;tdL~qu'ltv difl"cn:nt i:lt ion.

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Depending on the topic ofinvcstig;ltion, this could Ill" dunl' Illl llw b;l,;i, or gl'nder, sexual preference, drug Uo;l', bnckI,TTOllIJ(I, moli\·nt.ioll. prnk'.",;ioll:tl

;ll.litude, or specific conditions of'work. In pnrlicllinr, llll' ];llll'r h:1'; h;lrdly ber:n done yet. What we need to know is how spl~cirlC 11l').;;II. l'lIllur;d, organizational) contexts, conditions, features, routilles. and n>inlions in sex work associate with various aspects of hl~;!llh ilnd wtdl-heing {)r SPl'­ ciJie groups orsex workers. Ifsuch insights would be dl'Vl'lop,·d dllring lhl' next decade, I might have the opportunity 10 preSt'lll Ill\' IlI'Xl J'i!\'ll'\\' ill 2010 in Thl! Journal of Vocational l3ehaviur.

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;\1>11,,01. 1\ .. Salim, S .. 8: Hamjc'e, U. (19!181. Anal Se~ ;I(HI 111\' lr"noll)J~.,il)n in \\\lIlll'n. AfII<'f'irtlll ./OIlTIIII/ of Pllh/i(' lie(J/lh, 1i8. 12GS-12Iili. /\kahori. S .. Sakaue. :-,.1., :-'liyakoshi, :'.1., Ishii, 1'., Tsukada. :-\., r"k"dil. T. ,'1 ;d. II!)!)!)'. Social palhology unu sL'xual uelinqucllc)' in Japan. 11I1,'rnllli''''(I/ :I/,·,{/[',,/ ./"111'''(1/. Ii. :!:l·~j/ . .-\1:10, A. 0., Ynllps, ,J. C .. 8.: lIusland"r. W.' 19991. ]-'"nl"l" gt'Il;lal "·lr·lIllll;I,,I;IJI\. I'sy.. }" ulric Sf'ruiet''''', SUo 971. ,\II>L'rt, A. 1:: .. Warner, I). L .. & Hntch('r. H. A. (ID~.HJI. Facilil;lIing ('nndnm tlo" "',Ill ('lil'nls during COJlHllt!rcini St~X in ):evadll's Icgall.}follll"lls. Al1ll'ricuft ./lJllrlJlI/IJ,'·,llJh{j(, Ifl.-uf/h. !i8, G·t:J.("t6. ,\iL'J,(ria, .\1.. V('rn, \1 .. Freclllan, n. H., Hol,Jl's, H.. d,'! C. Sanlos.:'d . ,\, Hi,·,·r;!. I:. I..' I!)!)·tl IlIV inft!Clion. risk behaviors, and deprl'~.si\'c symplullls among [lul'nll Hie:l/) :-:1':\ wllrk­ prs. Am",.;coll .]Illlrl/(J/ of ?llillir 11~11/lh. 8·1, 2000-2002. ,\1l1l'ijdell. E. ,J. vun, van den Hock, A. ,J. A. n., \'an l!aastrechl. II. J .. '" I;Otllinlw. H. t\. IID9·1J. Trends in 5l'XUlll behaviour lind the illCidellcl' or ''''''tlally lralloJllill(·.! dis(:a.>p.­ and III\' alllong drug'llsing prostitutl'''. ;\mst~rdaJll I~JS6·19~':? ,\I/)S. ,". ·ll:!·:!ll ,\.,o\\'a Olll"rodion, F. I. 120001. Sexual and hl'alth beh;\\'i"tlr "I' 1'[)lIl111"IT,,,1 s," ",,"k"rs III Ilenin Cit)'. Ed" Statl', :-ligeria. ileullh Cur" fiJi' \\-'1J1lI,·" Inl"III{lI',,,,,,,'. :Ii. :1:V,:l·I:·1. ;\3thana, S., 8:. Oostvllge1s, ll.. (199G). ComlJ\unity partil'ipatioll in J!I\' P""""nll"tl l'rol>kJlls :md p"',SP(,cl.' ror eommunily-Imn'!{! stral"g-i"s. Soci(}1 Sci"IIc'" CCICC/ ,11('(lin{;,·. ·1:1. I :u· 1·\';. Bac.p, S., Shah, S. A., Baig, :-'1. A .. j\·llIjet'iJ. S. ;\ .. ,,\: 1\1 "C\\C1n , /\. I I I)!)r)'. S")C1IJ1''''';!I''C1l'" "I' I I I V, H UV and syphilis and associ(l tpel I'isk I)p)w\'inll rs ill 1\",1" I rilllS,"',1 i 1"0 : I Iij riC'.I in I\.'lfuchi, l'akistan.Iflll'mali,,",,/ JOllrnIJ/ "fSTD nncl A/OS. fIJ, :]IlIl·:l11.j !l,~II, (; .. & Brady, V. 12000). Monetary inr"l1tivcs ror St', wnrk"". /III"I'IlClI;,)J/CI/ '/""f'II,,1 til' ST f) 1111 d Al DS, I!. ,183-48-1. Bl'llis, O.. J. (1993). Heductioll nr AIDS risk III1WIlJ,( ·11 11I'ruin addicll,d rt·,,!:'.!,: .,1 r",:l Pl'lbl i· lutes: )-~ITects orrrce methadon!' mainl,'nllnc". ,!C>JITfl"! I1{Acldieli!'" /)i3'·I1.,,·.,. fl, ~-'-':J. I>h:1"e. C .. Linuan, C. p', Hlldes, S. S .. Ih',;"i, S., Waglt>. L, Tnp;lIhi. S I' .. "I,d. 'l<'~);)'

Impact uf an inlervention on HI\', $t·xunlly trnflSllliucd di:i.!';I~":', :If'ld nUl/JIlIII lh(' amUlll! """ workers in Bumbay. India . .·l/ns, 9lS"ppl 1" S'L I·S:HJ. BiPill1l, :-I .. & Wark.J. 11999). Taking a chalice') The risk" :1.<""Ci:lI .. d ,·;ille. I~"i,,).! IlI;'''O;lll.! rrom substitute cart'. Child AIHlol' Rel'It'It'. H, :JGG';J~G Illllnr, I\\. .J., :Vlcl'egarwy,~. 1'.. finlay. A .. & Barnard,)'1 :\. 11!l~):!I. Th" in;'1'prnpn:rI"I1"':, ur psydw':illcilll mudel:; ur risk behaviour ror undcrst:lndinJ,( I I I \-'·!'t,I;I",d ri."k pr:tnic," among Clasguw III II Ie prostitutcti. A/lJS Cart', ·1. l:n·I:!7. lIllgg>" V. W. 11991). Prutitilutc's occupational conlinuul1l: ,\ 1t!1l'~P!'l"1 rill' rt'o";Ill'1l. :\'ord i.

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Boll'';, ,J.,":: l~]ir,;()n, K w. 1199,lbl. TIll' social {) .. ~aniznli"n "flranS\''',III,' pr,),;!i!lIli"n "1ll1 t\ IllS. S"cill( Sci/'Ill:/' and ,\{I,dici,li', '?Y, f.\5·~J:l. Brannigan, 1\., ,r;:" Van Ilrllnschol, F:. G., (199~1. Youthrul pru:;lil!lIIOIl '"1I1 "Lilli .",."",] tr:ltlllla. IIII"T/wlilJllol Juurna( o{ I.all' olld J'wchilllr)" :!(J, :J:J~·3;>4.

nfl'wi.' .. 1.. l~' I.in:,tead. S. t LOOD). "'rhl' worst t hin~ is lh(· StTl'win:( I}': (:1ll\:-'1I1l1 pI \t)f] ;1 lid Ihp mao:1gf'ment ofidl)ntilY in SC"X work. Gt'nder. \\'"urA' unci Or;;{]/It~~{Jfll)n. ~ .....:·;·~n). Brown. ,J. E., ,\yowa, O. B., & Hrown, H. C. ,1~J9:JI. Dry alld tight: Sl'xllal I'r;ocII("," '!lId Pllll'lltiai risb in Zaire. 8/)('/0/ Scicllce alld ,1I,'din'"I', .:Ii', 9i:l~1·9~14 Bmw))", ,J., & 1'>li))ichipllo, \'. 11995>. Thl' sociaililcaning" behind lllak :;t'X "",,rY.: 11I!J>I>c:I· I io)).' ror s,,,,,, aI intl'ractio))s, /lritish ,101lr/1I11 ,,{S,.II'iolug\". ·/6, '-'!)"·ii'2:!. 13row))I', ,I., & ~lini('hiplIll, V. '19(1)011. Hl's!'arch dirpclions in malt, '''x work .Iul/rtllli ..,t" JIOIlIl>.,,'xulJ/,ly, :J /(.}), 29·:iG. Brf)"'III', ,I., ,\: ~'!inil'hieil(l, V. I E)9f5bi. TI1l' socia] and work conl"xl or l'IlIIlIl"'ITI:t! ,,,', bl~twl' .. n Illf'n: :\ f(,5cilrch note. Allstrollo" (I/Jd lVCll' Zeo/uncl JO/Jrnal oj" Sf1j iIJ/fJgy. :l:!. HI;·'):!. Rrus"", I.. i199Gl. Trnnsnational AIDS/STU prl'l'pntion ,,"WIlI-: migr:lnl pr",lil!!I'" if) Ellr!>p". In \1. Ilao!!r Kllipe & H. Hector IEds.), C"'S";IlJi hurd,'r.,.- ,If;Ji,.,,I;,,,,. ,r/UiJCu'" ,,,,,1 !1//)'<"ISucial aspects ufAIDS spri!'s, PI'. 19,1·'2061. l.,n))don: Tavlnr 8: I-'r;"\<'I,; llullough. I:l., & lllliiough, V. L.' 1996). F"mnll' prostitulion: Cllrrl'nl rI',;,'ar"h ;;nd chane· ing Inlerprl'lalions. AIlll,ml Hl'ui"".' ,,(Sn H,'seurch, 7, 1:.1'>·11'>0. Hllrgu~, ill., !lichter, D. L., Heininger, 13., Cok.,.., A. L., Saunders, H., ,\I('gri;1. t\i. t'l al. ! 19'J9,. Strel't oased fLolllUle adolescent Pu,'rtu Hielll) Sf" workl'h: COIlI",III;)i I";.' I It." and h('nllh n(!l'lb. Fumily ulld ('ulllllllw;ly IIi'll/lit, 22, ;)9·~1. 13UI ehr' r, K. I 199-1 I. Feminist:;, prostilUtes und III V. III L. Dlll',,1 & ,J. !\" idOl) , 1-:,]".', .. \ lOS

,')"l'1l1"1lJ.-: {J li·minisf U){t'lIdlJ. r;'flIillist jJPTsjJ(·crin'.., 1)/1 (he I)(IS( flllti prt' .... I'lI( Ipp l:-)l-I;-),~;. I.ondon: Tnylor '" Francis. Calhoun, T C, '" Wenl'er, (;. tl!J9Gl. Hational decisioll ill"kill~ '"If"''': Ilfai,' ,1"'0'11',,>.'1;, Itttl'''. /)"[:;IIIfILJ"huvi",; 17,209·227. Call1L'roll, 1\. :\., \V;tt", K, Lapinski. :... 1. K.. 8.. Nzyuko, S.' i')!)!"·!!)!)!),. Prl'vt'lliing Ill\' lran:iHlis:-;ioo along the trnn:;:-Africa hiJ.!h\"'·~ty in Kt'n,yn: U:-;ing' ppr.,;;u;L~i\·l· Illl·."':i~;lj;t' till" (Jry in rllrrn;llivl' t.'riuralion. JlItl~r"nti()"nl OIJ(lrkr/y nr CUI1JI1I fiJI ir.\ 1Il'nltlt !·:cllJt'uf/lll/. 18, :l:J !·:l5G C"llllpht'I1, C. iI.ll!)!)J). Prostilution, AIDS, and prpl'l'llliVt' Iwnlth bl'h;l\'ior. .),,,',u[ S""'If(",' IJlld .IIpr/ifilfJ', :12, l:lfi7·1:17H. Campht'Il, r:. I 20(H) I. SpIIing SPX in th!' timp of ,\IDS: Till' psl'(ho;;o('i,,1 (Ill)! !," I or mll'Io,," t I." I} hy ~f'X \I,'orkl!rs on rl southern African mine. Socio! SCIl'/lf,' (llId ,\!l'IiiClllt', :jU, ·li!)·'I!),I. r:"stalll,da, :\., Ortiz, V., AlIl'n, B., Garcia, r:., ," I Iprn:lJldp/,·'\vila, ~I II!J!if;, S,', 1)l;].,Il,,: TIlt' doubl,. lif" of fpmal,' (,lllDlllPrcinl "'x work .. rs in ~I .. xico Cil\,. ('II (r II 10' ,1/ .. d,J"tIf,' IIlfd 1'8.1'.-h;l/rry, :!(), 229·2,17. en,li!!o, D. A., Rang,,1 Comol'7., til. G., & D,'lgado, II. 11')!1!) •. Bonit'r Ii",,:,. I'r('s!illll,' ,,"OIllI'1f in Tijuana. ,c,';;":!1", 2·1, :lH7 .. 12'2. Chrisli'I!\, .J., '" Gil\,arry, E.' I!J!)9J. Specialist s"r\'ices: The Iwed ror flllllti·:lgt.'lw\· jl;Jrtll('r· ;;hip. {)rllg (IlItI A/coh,,/ [)"p"lId"f)('/', [,5, 2(i:>·17-1. Churl'h. S., ]'Ipndl'rson, til.. Ihrnard, 111.. & 11M!. G. 11001 I. Violl'I),",.' hI' ('lit'1l1S l"w;Jnb r,'mal(' proslilulP8 in diO'prent work ~elti))g,;: QUl'slionll:lirt' SllrIPY. lil"lIl.'h :\/,'d,.-.t! .jUllrIIll/, :12:!, 51,1·525. Civ'i,', fl .. & Wi"'o)). D. 1!9D;;I. Dry SP~ in Zimilailw[' "nil illlpii'-;Jllo"'" Ii.,. ,·"n!l"m "" . .'),,,'/111 S,.i"III'" nnd ;\J",lil';nl', .J:!, 91·9H. eral1l', S. F.. & Cars\vl'll, ,J. \\'. i 1992>. i\ n· .... ie"· and as;-;esslIH'nl uf fWllgu\'l'rlllll.·tlt:d oq. .::\­ niz"tio))·IJlbL,d STD/AIDS educatiun alld pet'v'eilliull proj"l'!s rur lII"q~in"III\·d ~nl!ll". ""l1llh r_'dl/l'fll;"/l l!('s('urch, 7,175-193. CU:-iick. L. \19981. fClllaie prostitution in GI:I:.::gov.;: Urug ll~t' ;lI)d l)l'rllp;I(\IIJl;il :-:,'(1."­ "'''tI'''I;1)1I /I,·s"I1I"('h. 6, 1!"·130.

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]),1Ila, H. I.. 12(){)O). E:xp()sillg the "Prelly Woman" myth: ,-\ qual;l:ltl ..... ,'XiJlIl;":JI;"" "f I Ill' I;ve~ of fl'IIlalp streetwalking prostitutl's. The J()ur",,1 of 81'x H,'sl'urch. :i~. :1·t·I-:l:-I:i. Dank, Il_ M., &. [{ef('nelli, R. (Eds.). 119991. Sex work and SJ'X wurke'·5. S,'",,,dilr fillil ('III· lurt' ISpec;al i~suel, 2. :--I£'w Brunswick/Lond()lJ: Trallsaction 1'1Ibli.siwr, IJ"rrow, W., Boles, J., Cohpn, ,J. B., et "I. (1')!)1 J. 1/11' St'TrI/JrtTClII'/in' Irl'lIds 'II i;'/illll" I'n,.'· lilllit's. Uniled SlllleS: 1981j·/!I.'IO. Papl'r presented at Ihl' VII Intl'rlJatiolJ:ti Cunf.. r·

I'ncl' Oil AIUS, Flurence, Italy. J),I\'is, 1\ ..J. lEd.!. 119931. /'ruslilulioll. All 11I1f'rnalioll{)/ ilfllldl>"lJl, "" Ir,·"ds. /)/,,,1>1,·,,,,;. ()lId I'o/ici"s. WestportfLondon: Greenwl)od Prp". nl·~lalleo. n.. 1'.1 ,,)or. C. Ulock, B., Cuall·';. H .. Fparon, :-'1. Coldl>"r~. 1-: .. "1 ,iI i I~I<)~II. TomntlJ st.reel youth and HIV/AIOS: Pre'valence. delllograpl"," and risks. ·J""OI," 1)( Ad"lesl'J'lll /I""lIh. 25, 358-366. Dl'rl'n, S .. Shedlin, iv\" Dn,-is, W. H., & (~Inll', \\.c. f 19971. Dlllni"i,'''''_ .\I",i",,,,. ""d Puerto Hiean pruslilutl's: Drug use nnd ';I,xllal Ill,hm·inrs. lIisi'oni,' .J"f,rnul '.Ii' /i.·i/{,,·­ fIlml Sril'm:"s, 19, 202-21J. D"s ,Jarlais, D. D .. Friedmnn. S. H .. Goldsmith. D .. & Illlpkills. W 'I~)~!(); I "'11'r'ls,':«I,,1 lransJnission ofhun)an inllll111l0cieficir'llcy virus fTOlli illtfil\'I>llIH1~ drug U:-i!'r:''':: HI·gular partnerships and prostitution. In B. H. Voeller & ,J. !II. Heinis"h I l::tk, ... IJ/)S filii! so: .-Ill illll-,,"fll,''/ /)i"",,.di('u/ ulld bi"b,.hllr",nd 0J'pTI)och I Ki"s('.'· I "sl illill' .',·ri,·s. \·"i ..l.. PI'. 2,tS-:2f)0). :.Iew York: Oxford Cniversity Pres,;. Doezl'llla. ,J. I 1995). Forcl'd to choose: Beyond the ."olunlary ,·S. r'H ... ·" Jlm'llllIlill" dichotomy. In K. Kempacioo & J. DOl'zl'llln (I';ds.J. (;/0/>01 s,'" /I:f)")"'''s' Nlghl.,. r,'.".'· 10111'''. lJllri redefinili,," (pp. :14-.',0). :--lew York: HouLledge. EI llnssel. N., Schilling, H. P_, Irwin, l\. L.. Faruque. S., GillH'rl, L.. Von Bal·g,," .. 1.. ('I al. 11997>. Sex trading anel p~yehologieal distress among \\'11111'''' n'ullil"d fnllil lill' slreel.'; of Ilarll'lll. Americall .lollT/wl oi' I'llblic fi,'o/Ih, li7. l.ili-'II. Uins, J. E., [\ullougil. V. L., Elias. V., 8: Brewer. C. i Eel.- ). II ~IDS). "iI'Sli{"{,,,,, ()II fl'ho/'l',\ h"sller.,. Ilflclj,,!Jno. New York: l'rometlll'lIs no()k.'. F.lifson, 1\. w.. Boies, ,J., Pusey, 1::., SW'-"il, 1.'1., Darrow, W .. & 1-:1",,1. 1\ 11~I~J:ll. \1:IiL­ transvestite prl)~lilllt"s und Ill\' ri"k. t\lIIt'1'ic(JfI ,journul Ii! I'uhli,' 1I1'II11h. 8:1, :!(j()-:!G:!. Elii'son, !\. W., !Jllle,s. J .. & Sweat..\1. {1!)~)JI. Risk fartors a,,,ocial,,d \\·ill! III\, 1111"'clilln among male proslilull!s. Alllerinlfl .icJlJma/ vf Puillie IIt'allh, 8.7. 79-I):l. E~lebnnez, P.. Zunzu!lt'gui, M. V., Aguilar, \1. D., Coloma, C., HlI;J-Vip,er":J. 1\1., Filch, 1\ .. el ,d. (199lJ). ,\ demographic and health ~urvcy of Spanish femall' s',x work,'rs: III\-' prevalence and associated risk fartof>'_ ./f)lIrlini ()r Hi"s,wiul .)CiI'fICI'. :10. :l£;:'-:17!1. F:\':Jns. C .. & Lambert, H. {19971. Healt.h·seeking stralegies and s('xlI,d h"allit all)lJn~ fernnle seX workers in urban Int1in: Itnplicntillll:-i for ft'sl:arrh and ;:,pn-Il'I' I'fll\·i:·... it>ll S"cilll Science and ,\/c'diciIlC, ,14,1791- 180:1. F"r\,'y, :\1., Baral, 1., l\iremire, !II., & Se7.gin, lJ. {19!:l8i I'rostitlilinn In li,'f' ,·lJlIllll·i", \'ilJ­ iL'flCL' and postlrauJ1l0tic slrcs~ disurd"r. Frfllilli::;111 ulld 1'::;yrhn/tlJ).\'. 8 .. ll);-)··l'lli. F""~ier, .J .. 8< Cranfipld, S. (1!l9f1i. neaching mal(' clients of ""n1:,I .. pl'll~tlllJl,": Tit,· l·h,d· k'ng" fur 111\' prl'''l'ntion. AIDS Carl', 7. S:!I-S3~. Ferri, C. 1' .. ,~ Go"sJ)P. M. (1999). Houtl' uf cocaine adlllinistrnti'''l: l'alh'rJl> Ill' ,,,,' :Jnti problems ~Illong a llrnzilian sample. A.!"icliu,' lJ"hrll·inrs. 2·1. in :,·1"21 FiorentillL" H .. i'ilali,t.'1. L., & Hillhouse. ,\1. I'. t n)~HJI. Drug lfl,alllll'ni O\lIl'lllnl'!: In·'I"'li gating the long-term ,,fTeets uf sexual nnd physical abllst' ]'"lllril's . . J""r,,"1 or l's," ch,welil'" Drugs. :1 I, :JG3-:172. 1·'rilZ. H. B. i 1~)~81. .AIDS knowiedge, selr-l'sl('ern, perceivcd ,\IJ)S risk. ;t".! ,'UIIIII>"1 "SI' alllung female comnwrcial Hex workl'r,;. JOlln",/ lIr :11'1,111'''; S" .. illl )'.,.· .. .-11111,,):.\. :'S. ilRS-911. (;arzon Ortiz. 1\1.. lIlelia Pere,-, C., & I\,allu\·ie Zuvir Hamirl'z. r.' \~);I(il l'l·h,,,,,,lil.\· Ir;]ilS and psychopathology indicators UIllOIlg pro:-;titul,·;.. HrTis(o d/' /\(t,uu:{n"u (.'lJlI/((J. a:f' 1-2), :,1 -(io.

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Callari. P.. Spizzichinu. L.. Val"llzi. C .. Zaccart·lli. _\1.. et ;Ii. 119~)1). B,·Il'l\·iutlr,J! p:>ll<:rll.< :lnd HIV infectiun ;UTlong drug using trllnS\·l·slile~ practicing prnSlitlltiol} III HOlll,' . .. \I f),'; C{Jfe. -I, S:I-S7. Gil. \'. I·: .. & Anderson, .-\.1". 1 1~)9HI. Stall'-sallclioIlPd aggression and Ih,· Clllltnd "rprosli· lulion in thl' I'~opl,,'s H{'puiJJic of Chinn: A n:\·ipw. .-1"""'5.'";"" ulIci b"/!'1l1 IJ.-}",,·,u,.. :i. 1~9·1·1:!. COSSllp. ~1.. Powis. B., Criffiths, P.. & Strang, ,J.' 19(J51. Fl'llwle proslllull'S in so"lh \."n· don: Cse of lll'rnin. cocainl' and alcohol. and their rt'latiolbhip t" h,·;illh ri

Gra"i'. H. d ... \'anw('sl'nbceck. I., "an Z""sen, G .. Stravcr, C .•J .. & Viss)'r. ,J.)1. I I!'!)·I '. ~1;i1,· p,","lillJll'S alld safl' sex: DirkrcDt ,pilings. din-erelll risks. ,\/1),'; ('{J"". Ii. ',!-;·:·:!,-;S. Graar. K de. van Zesscll. G .. VUllwl>seniJ"pck. I.. Straver. C. .J., .'(: Vissl'r. ,I. II. 1 I ~)~II;). Sq~­ Ill/'Ill"tilln of 1ll'lcro;;exual prtlHtilution into ,'ariou, rorms: .. \ harril'r In Iill' p"I,'nii;i1 transmission of HI\'. AIDS Ca,e, 8, ,117-4:1 I. Gra"r, H. de, v~n Zessl'll, t;" Vanwptienbepck, I.. Stnn-cr. C. .J .. '" \'i~,,'r. ,J. ) I. : I ~)~)7 ,. Cundolll US" by Dutch men with comfllPrcinl heterosexual ClJnlncLs: f),·ll'rmi"a"l.< '''It I cunoideraLions . .-1/1)'<; E"liCUI;IJlllllld l'f,'UVIlIIOII. Y. ,111-·123. Grandi. ,J. 1... (;oihman. S., CC'ua, M., & Hlltherfurd, C_ \1'. (20001.111\' inft-rlloll. :,\·phil ..-, and I"dln"ioral risks in Brazilian fllnl~ 5l'X workers. AIDS r1lld 1J,')'rll';"", ·1, I :.'~). 1;1'). t;rienS\'pn, C .• J. P. vnn, Lim;i1lOndll. 13., Chongwatana, 1\ .. Tiras,,\\'''I, 1'.. ," l',,"lillhll. Ii. :\. r I')!!!)). SDcio-('cunolilic and d.'mographic charncteri~lics andlll"-1 inf"I'li"" all'''"g f"m,d(' commercial sex worhrs in Thailnnd . .-l/lJS C{JfI\ 7,5;'1-"(;"'- Gys,'''', 1\1., Pool, It, & B\\,ilnika, I\. t:2001L Truck dri"l'rs, l1liddll'mcn and l·IIIIIII"-'-':;'.1 .,'~x workers: AIDS ilnd the mediation of ,,'x in south W('.'I U~alld". :1/1),';'('(1)'1'. /:1, ;\7:1<18G. !-Ianenbl'rg. 1(, & /(ojnnapitha.vnkom, W. (1998). Challges in proslitutilln alldlh" :\lI)S epidL'llIic in Thnilnnd. :lIDS Cn)'t'. JO.69-79. Hnrdllliin. K. 1.. ,J. 11997). ;\ -,ex, and HI\, risk.,I",·hi",·" ,,(8,'.1'1101 1I.'h ill "",.. 2,/. :!·ID-26!!. .Jilck,,,n, I.. :\ .. ," Higher",;I. 1\. '19~H)l. Femnlp prostitutes ill \'ort/) .. \Il!l·ri":L \\'/);)1 :'1',' tlli'i, ri~ks of I I IV inrl'rlion') In L. Sh ... rr & C. Hankins 1 Ed';.I. ,I/I).\' 0 ... 0 );.,,,./,,,. '-'.'111" J'''Y''),IIso(iul /)('1'''1)('(-1;".:.'" ISucial USpl~Ct.S of :\1 ns series, pp. I ,t9- Iii:!). j,lIlld"iI: '1',,:;1,,( S,,: Fr;lJ)ci:-;. JOl'Sl)I'f. ;\1. H., i.illnan. ~l.. flnrakbah, Y.. Idajildi. A., I\;tmhodji, :\ .. ,", Srlll",.. 1\. : J !)l); '. PaUl'flls or st:x\lilily transmitted dist'n~es ill rt:Illillp sex \\'lIrkl'r;o; in SlIr;dJ;IY;I. Illd()IH' s;a.IIII,·"lI1lioll{/1 ,Jourllol u(STlJ olltl AIDS. 8, !i7G-f),sn. JUl'sl)d. ,\1. H .. Kio, D .. Linnnn, ;\1.. KOllluuji. i\ .. lJarllkbah. Y.. 8: Idajlldi, :\. i:!OUI)). D"(t'rtninanls or condom U8~ in female sex work .. rs in Surabaya. Indon"~i" /1/11'1'11'" 1'011111 .j(m!'I1I1/,,( STn alld Al US, II, 2G2-2f);, JolT.. , II., .'(: Dock ... ·JI, ,J. E. I I!)!) !i) Sater sex: LI',S\)f)S rrllm IllI' mal" s,', illd"sln .;""1111,1 ,,(C'"I1JJ1l1l1ily alld Appl;ed SociaIPsyc),o/og)',:;, 3.1:1-:1·\(;.

Kt~JllPild\)(J> K., I..~ Dot..'" lL'Ill a , J. tEels.) 1199BI, (;/uhn/ .'I'ex llJ(J,-J.'t''-:{: /{l):hfS, rt'.-';I:-i/l:fJr't', CJllt! r"·,,,'//lIil;.III. 1\ .. ", York: HOlltlL-dge. f\illlllln. I'. II. l.i,"pnkarnjallllrLll. K., ~tllsl'·II. T. D .. S"i~"rn, S., 1';Il'wklllJ;:n,d .. J

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KtH-'lttan:l. S.. pt al. \ HJ9BI. HI\'·l sC"rt)convl"r:;ion in II prl)~pl'cll\"l' ::;tud,\' Ill' f,'!l);II.' :';'i~X workl'rs in nonhprn Thailand: Continued high incidl'nn' :tfllOJlg hnJttH'!'\';I:->l,d \\"01111'11. :\1 [)S. I:!. 1hlJ~- I H!iH. l\kiber. D., Velten, n., & Wilke, :'II. 119\1:j,. Kunoen wl!ihlicl"" I'm:;tillli,"'I.:r \Jilcl .. \IIIS lFernnle pro.,' ttblOllll!fS Llno A IllS]. Zrllschrili lill'" S('.rIl"l/i,,.-,t1/11"~. Ii, .~ I ,c,. '!'!'i J\unilw~rnr"k, 1'., neyrer, C. :--:"tpratan. C., Fellg, W .. CeI"lltanu, I). I.l .. 1>--1"",1'. \1 .• 't al. 1199:)1. Thl' epidemiology III' HI\' and syphilis anlllilg mall' r""II11erl'i,d >"'X \V,)rb'r" ill northern Thailand. AIDS, Y, f>l7-5~1. LdlJr, 1(. ,J. 1~()OnJ. Th., \'inilllizatilln of juv('nill' prll-,tillJil'S ill Ethi')pi:.. !1/1,'r"(J:""I(J! Soc;ulll'"ri:. -1:i. ~'27-2·1:!. Lallkoandc-, S., :'I!I~dll. :--I., LJlssann, S., Compaort'. I. I'., Ciltra.l'l' ..J.. Sal""I. I'. T.. ,-I al. \ 19901. I're\,alcncp and risk or HIV illfl'ction nllllln~ fl'lllal., St·, ","rL,:r, ill Illirkill:l Vasil. /lIlI'm(1lioIlOI .j{J/lrllol 4 STD 1111" A/US, !J, Hli·1 ;,11. I.!'vine. W. C .. Hev"llo, R.. K'1On.." V.. \'l'~a, J .. Tinaj('ros. F.. (;arnica. 1'.1. 0.'1 ,d. : I~)~)b'. Declill" in -,exu;)lly trnnsmiued dis,';)"" preval,'net: in r('mal.> Illlli\'i,\J) ,." ","rKef'. Impacl uf iJlI I tlV prcvention projp.ct. AIDS. 12. lil99-1~I()G. 1.(lI;"n, 1'. K .. "" Leukl,r.. lrl, C. 1~()()Ol. Sl'xual and dru~ 115(' hl'ha\'iors "1ll1l1lC: 1'",":"" crack liS"": J\ mulli·sile sample. Dr"" alld !\I"IJ/W! D('p('"d"I1"". ciS. :Z:li-:2-I:1. i.ufil', P., Eugenia. :'II., Fcrnnntips, L.. Huhh!!s, \'., :\re\'nln, E. I., lIuci.,,,. I':. ~ .. ,'1 al. I I !)~;,i. Sociot~e{)noJllic statu:::: and ri,:.;k or HI\'-l. ~yphili;::. :1nd ht'P:ltilis H IlIft-I-li'HI ;llllllflg :i!-X ","rker, ill S"O Paulo State, Brazil. AIf)S. 91Suppl. 1 I. S:II·S:17. I.vltll'lon. C. 11~~·1). ~ll'ssag"s of distinction: The 111\'/,\ I I)S Il",ili" "'IIIlI"II):11 In Th:lii:I"iI. :\It'dll'lll Alllhropo/ogy, }/i, :lG3-389. \Iadrigal, ,J.. Schirt,>r, ,J., "" F,>ldblulll. P. ,J. I. 19981. Fl'l1laie Clllldlllll :lIT"pt:thilit\ :JIJllJng -"'X wurker-, in CosIn Rica. AIDS t.'Jllmllul/ unci 1',..'1,,'1111011, JIJ, IO;)·II:l. 1I1aher. L. 1199GJ. Hiddf'n in LIlt' light: Occupational norms :\Il\tlng lTack-tlsill): otr",>I.·I(,\'(·1 s,,, work"rs. JIJUI'IIU/ {lr j)rug Iss"es, 2il, H3-lla. 1I1:ll!ory, C. 1'.1. 119991. \Voll\cn on tlw olllsiil.,: Thl' thn'''l of HI\' and lI\ar:;in:d0.• ,t! \\'UlIlt'l\ Oisonioliull Ailslrods illlt'rlllllirl1lai: Till' SC-i"lll'(->' 1111<1 t;lI(.1illt'.'rill/Z, ,~!}. ·lil')I\. i\l:lrino. R.. Bruwnl~, J .. & Minichiello, V. (20001. ,\1\ inSIrUIlll'nt to l\\I·;tSJ)ro· s:lr'"r SlOX stratPgif's 1I"'0 by Illul,' sex workf'rs. Arc'hll·!'., "r S".wal IJd"({,i,,,.. :!!I. :! 17 ·:!:!S :-iay. D. C. tIB9!l1. Tulernnce uf noncollrorillily and it~ l'1!,pct 011 :tttillld,·s tllWilltiliI,' It.'gal­ iZllliull IIf prostitution: /\ 1ll1litivarillW analysis. lJt'l'illlll n.'h,u·u,'. :'11, :!:!',·:!:)·S. \IcCaghy, C. 11.,8.: llou, C. (1~941. Family nITiliatio1\;' alit! prn'titiltilll\ ill 11 ",dlllr,t1 (,1Il\­ ll~Xl: Cit rt~pr on;-;pts of Tnlwant~se protit it utes. Arch it:I's of SI'X/JU/ 1l,'''UI',!'': 'lJ. "2:-) 1 . ·~(j:l.

i\!cClanlihaii. S. r.o ~·lcClelland. G. 1\1.. /\l>n1l11 , K. 1',1., & T'!plin, 1.. :\. t I!)~)~l). }l;lli!wa:·;;-; into proo'liluLion among f('rnal" jail detaincl's and their implications C"r 1I\1'nt:d h(':>lth s('rein,. Psychiutric S('/'1I1el", 50, 1606-lfi 13. ;lldntosh, 1\1. I I 991iJ. FeminisI d,d,atl'H Ill\ proslitution. In L. ,\dkins "" \'. :-1.'rchal\I I Eds.l, 8exu(J/iziJJt: Ihe social: Puwer ulld IllI' orJ..!(llliznt£oll o{St'Xliolily (pp. 1:)1-'20~)J. I.llndon" I\!acmillnn Pre,;s. \IrKegalll'Y, :---J. P. i 199-lal. Prostilution and 1-1 IV: Whal dll "'l' knIJ'" :I ,,,I ",iI"fI' 1l\I~ht n'senrl'h I", target"d ill the future? A/]),''-, 8, 12If)-1:!:2G. ,\lcKegnlll'Y. :--:. I 19~)'lhJ. Why dn mell buy tiI'X and whnt :In' th.·ir a~St"'III"nl' of' tIll' IIIV·relntl'd risks wlll'n they do" A/DS Con'. Ii, ~89-:l()1. ,\ll'nsendif'k, ~1. II~H17I. Women, migratioll nnd pruslitulil)ll ill Thail:lllti !III,.,.""U,,""! S{wi,,1 Wllrk, ,IV, 16:)-176. \Iiller, J .. & Sl'h"':lrtz,:'I1. D. t19951. Hap,· mYlhs and \'inlellt'<' agilillsi Sln','1 pc,,-;lil'lkS. 0J'1'1(1I11 iJchuuiuT. IG. 1-2:l. ~liller, 1(, L., Klol7., ll., "" Eckholdt. H. ~1. (199ill. IIIV prl'\'l'llti<'>1l ",iil) III:Il,· pr,,>'tltult-s and pntrons of h\Jstlt~r bars: Hl'plicnl inn of an II!\' prl'v'>l\t iv,> intJ'IY"111 illll. ,,\I/I"'IC"" JU"TIIIJ/IJ/ Coml/lunl/y l'syciJn/og)'. :!/i, !)/- 1:J I. ~1\Jlilor. F., Huiz,.L D., Klausner.. J. D., ,,\: I\lcFariund, \\'. 1:!()III1!. Ili,tl)'" "I rllrcc,d s,', "' a,,;uriation with drll~ \lSI' and s<,xual IIIV risk 1)t'Il;Jviucs. infl'I'II'"1 "'Itll "'I'IJo. :11,,1

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dia~nostic nwdicnl cnrl': Hesults from till' Young \Volllt'n SUr\'I'Y .J"fll'Illil '):' IJII,'!'!)"!' sOJlol Violl'lIcl'. I5.2fi2·27R. 1>!OIlt.U. 1>1. A .. &: I!otaling. ]\.12001). Prediclor" of rapl' myth acceptan(,l' alll"ng 1l,,1I,' clients or female street prostitutes. I'i"/I'IIJ'" ,'\!{oill st 11'0'''''11, 7, :!I,-)·:!~n 1>!oriu. S" Soda. K., Tnjima. K" & Ll'ng. II. B. '. 19!1H!. Sl'xual beh:l\·io]':d Sllllh' ')1' colllllll']" eial sex worh.l's and their clients in CHlllbodia. AIDS, 1:/, 15!JD-)j)()) 1'>!orisky. D. E .. Tiglao, T. V" Sneed, C. D., Telllpollgkll, S. B .. ll:dl;Il.:lr. ,J. C.. Ih'I'·[~. [C. l'1 al. I [!)!)8J. The effccts of establishment prilnires, kllowl"dge and altitud", on t'onduill \lSI' alllong Filipina sex workers. AIDS C{Jr,'. ]0, 2 1:1-:~20. i\!orri" 1\-1., Podhist", C, Wawcr, M. J., & I!and('()ck, i\! S.' 19!)f;). IlridJ.:l' Jlo)"d~'li,,,,, ill thl' :;pread ofHIV/AJlJS in Thailand. AiDS. /0, 126[,-1271. i\!orris, \\., Pramualratanll, A., l'odhisita, C,.':: Waw"r, 1>1. J. I 19!)5!. Thl' ]'elatJUllal d"I,']" Illinants of L'llntioJ)l ww with commercial M,X Jlllrtnpr~ in Thailand. AI US. Y. ;-)()~ ·rl I ". ~l()f:;". I::. V.. Simoll. l'. 1'>1. Osol'sky, H .•J., Baj,;on, P. 111., & CaullH'r. II. H. i 19~)[ '. 'I'll,' Ill'.!" Sln,,,t prostitllll': :\ v"rtor rllr tran~l1liHSi()1l of HI\, infcction inl') lit,· [lI'l"Clb"""t! world. Siwia/ Scil'n,,' ond :\f"dirifll', :12, 53:-1·;)39. Nadon, S. 1\'1.. KO\'l·mla, r., & Schludermann. E. H. (1998!. AnIl:Ci.'d"nl~ III pJ'tJslil)]li»ll: Chi [t! hoot! \'ietimiza tion . . /oun",1 or InterpersOflal ViO/t'fI{,(', 13. 201i-:.'2 1. ()'CllIlilld! Du\'itison, ,L (199RJ. l'rostilutiofl, power ont! (n·cd",,!. CailllJrit!!;I': I'lllil." I'r,·.'~. ()'Slll[i\'an, D. \1., Zuckerman. \1., & Krart, \1 1 19~)fiJ. TIlt' Iwrsonality Ilr pnl;;:illlib. 1','1" """"Iily lIfid /ndiui·t Overs, C., & I~lIlJ,!o, P. (I':cis.). 11997). :\fokinl! sex IFori! sof<'. London: :\ l'1 wflrk "!' S''"' \V" .. k I'rojl'c1__ ' f1\SWPI. Paul, C, Dicksoll, 1\., Di\vi,;, P., Yel!, H. 1.., Clll'lw),nd, .J., .I:: IIk.\lill:Jll. 'Z. ,[!J~I'II. 1I,,1"rll' S'''UIl[ behaviour and 111\' risk in :-.II'W l.l'aland: Data from" 11111 illll,,1 .-<,"",',·v ,·;U.'­ tm/i"f} ,Jollrnal oj'PIli>lic lIra/th, 19, 13·17. Pl'nll:t Finne, T., Grindl'r, H. E., & Linharcs Barreto. M. S. (1991 i. :\d"l"sCt'1l1 (""1"[" P'-''''­ titlltes on the: strects of Brazil: All exploratury ill\'l'stigatioll of Ollt,illlgil',,1 i".-;("·'; . ./()ur­ filii or Adolesceflt Hest'Clrch. 6, 493-504. I'cracca. S., Knodel. J., &. Sacngticnchai, C. 11998). Can proslil\ll"~ IIlarr.\··) Til,,, all.il"d,·" toward female sex workers. SociClI Scil'f!l't· lind .lft'Jicinl·, ·17. 2:1:)-'2(i, Phett>r..:;on, C. 1.198GI 'V"ouwl'llt'er t'll 1\fulIllt'/lCIlIl'f. OVt'r ht'l ~(iJ-:IJIlJ l/Ol'f !\VOIlIt'II":-; iUlllLJr and men's nobility. 011 the whore stigmal. Dl'n Haag: l'I\inist,'ril' vall SlIci;.!,· I."k"ll "ll \\'1' r kgelcgen heid. I'hel,'rson, C. I 1990). Th,' category -prostitut,," in scil'lltirlt· in<)uin·. '!'Ill' '/,,"1'1/,,/ ,,!' S,·). lIeseIJTch, 27, 397 -,107. Pickering, H. 119941. Social SL'll'IlCC methods u~,'d ill n study Ill' I'rustilllib ill lh,· Call1bi:J. [ll M. Boulton (Ed.). Chnl{"f!if" (Inti iflf!ojJalion: ,lJt'l/J/)tI"I()~i('(J1 "ill""""'s ill s'X""/ ro'."'"r('h "f! lflVIAiLJS (Social aspects ofAJDS series, pp. 1·19-J[,81. Londoll: Tay[or & Fr:lJlci,; Pickering, H .. Okongo, :VI" Nnalusibll, B., B\\'anika, 1\" "" WhilW»rth ..J. i[!I!)71. S"X()I1[

netv.:orks in Uganda: Cusual and l"OIllfllCrcial ::.ex in il trading \O\\'IL :\I/).~' (:or,·, ,t), 199-:!07. Pickerillg. II .. quigley, ~1.. Ibyl's, IL J., Todd. J., S, Wilkin~, ,\. (I~)!J:!'. D"t,"'Jlll",,"I'; III cOlldoill liSt' ill ~·I,OOO prostitutelclicnt COnlal'ts in TIll' (;alllbia. A I f).'), I IIJ'J:!-IO(I~. Pickr,ring, II" t/ui[:le.\'. ~!.. Pepin, .J" Todd, J., "" Wilkins. r\. I 19~1:JJ. Tlll·dr,'(·I, II[ 1'",;I-Ic,1 coullselling Oll condom USl' alllong pro~tit\lleS in Thp C:unbi:l, A/f)S. 7. '2-: I .!-;:L I'ltllllridJ,!c, I·:. W .. Cllel\\'ynd, S ..J" Rt'"d, A" (~ Gifford. S. ,1. II~)!)(;'" 1':<1]'11'" IIi' lh,· "'X inrlllstry: P,'rc"ptitlns llrriHk. A/DS (,'orp, .'I, 'IO:;-'11G PllIillridJ,!c. E. \\'" CIlt.'twynd. S J., !Iced, A., So: CifTord. S .•1.; 1!l9~J. 1JiS(,llllr'<', IIf "Ill,)(i'I)" alilY in l'uInlnerl"ial ~ex: The nlissing tlll'lll voicl', Fl'Jllillisur (Inri !l .... yC·),u/l)gl". ~·'2j. 1(;:)·181.

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Polk. H. 1\ .. & CO\'w'nll. G. IIBU6.1. P(>rceptio!\s of fpIl1:dp plJrJlog-raphy slnrs. '.'UI/(/(//(111 ./lJur· lIul or lIl/lIIUIl Snualily. 5. 221-229. Polll·r. K. :'-.lanin ..J.. 8, l{ull13ns. S. (19991 Carly dp\·"loplll,"lal,'xpl'ril'nc,'; III' ft'm:d" ~"x \\,urkl'r:-;: :\ L"OIllparativt' study_ :\lIs/roliUf! lind jVt·Il·1."(lI(1"cI,Jl)lJrn(lII1!·/)syc·hi(Jf/~\, . ."/.'1. '1:1:,-9·)ll I'lluerat ..J. ,J_. Hotlwnlwrg, R. B_, Muth. S.Q .. Darro\\,. W. \\' .. ,\: f'hillil" I'lulIlIllt'r. l. ; I ~J~)flJ. Pathway,- to prostitutiun: TIn' l'hrUllJllugy of sl'xu;)1 and drug :t1lJl~t' mill·;lt"le". Th,. .jolJr/wl o( S,.x R"xI'Ilrc:h, :IS .:1:1:1-:\·)0. I'rvhylski. D .. & Alto. W. A. 11()9f) •. Knllwlt:d"". attitudl':' allti prartic,-,' """ct.-rlling I I I "/'\l!lS amon~ ,ex workers in PhllOIll Penh, Cambodia. :\/1),',' Cun·. I I. ~;,CJ··:~:!. I'Vl'lI, l' ~l .. Haste, B. R .. & Snow. ,I. 119~)(}1. Ilisk prartin's I-or 111\' illi'c":litJlI :tnti lither STD~ :llllonlo!st f"mal" prostitutes wurking in I,·galiz,·d bruthd". :\I!)S Cur.·. 8. 11',-!I·!. I'yett. P. ~L. & Warr. D. ,I. 119971. Vulnl'rahility on thl' strc·,·t,;: I-'<'Illale ~,., wurker, anrl I IIV ri"k. AIDS Cart'. 9. :;:19-:;,17. Hatliff. E . .-\. 11DD~r,. Wtl lll"ll as 'sex \\'urkl'rs,' men as 'bO,l'f'ril!llck: ShiCti,,,: Id'·ll,i';t·s ill I'hilippinl' go-gtl bllr:' and their si~nirlt'anc(' in STDI:\ILlS rtmlr..,!. '-\III"""f,"i(!I~\' nnd ,l/c,r/irJllc', (i, 79-101. Hh"d"s. '1'.. DnJ)oghcw, III., Ilulltl'r. t; .. 8.: SI imsJ)Jl. C. V. 1199·) J. 111\' pr"\'''II'nl'>' no high>.'r among fl~lnnlf: drug injectors also iu\'oh"t.·d ill pro::'lillilion. ,-\/US Curt', /;. '2{i9-:~7(j Ridge. D .. \linirhiello. \-' .. &: Plummer, D (1997'1. Q'lJ'l'!' l'unl1L'l'li()Il~: COllllllunill·. ·th,· scene,' and nn epidemic. ,jourlw/o!' COli ("IIII)c)TCll)' ElhIICJJ-:f'IIf1iIy. :!Ii. 1·1f)· I S I. Hiu. L. :VI. '1~~1 J. Psychologic,-,I and sociological ",,,('arch alld the ,it'cricnill:ilizali"ll or legalization of prostitution. Archil'''s ,,!,S/'IlIol n,·itlH:ior. 20. 2o;,-~ IS.

Hobinsoll. _'l. J .. & Hnnenberg. H. ,19971. Condoms u",·t! doring Illosl rOllllllJ'rci;t1 .';1" 'Il'!S in Thailand. AlliS. II. lU64-IOf);',. Ht>lnans. S L. I'ottl'r. K_. Mnrtin. J_ .•~ IIf'rbison. P. 12001 I. Thl' llH.·II[;,1 :Olltl pll\~Il·,t1 h('~alth of 1'('rn:1l[> SPX workers: A CIHllpjlrati\,p sludy. Alis/rU/llJJI (ltI" ,Vl'Il" /.(,O/lIlIl/·J'll/r· 1101 u( Psychialry. ,'/:', 7:'i-flO. l{uJl1('ro flaz:1, 1\ .. \\,p,'ks. ~I., & Singer. Ill., 1998-1999,. illuch cn,,,',' Ihall fl I\" 'I'll,· r,':tlil\' of I1f(· on tl)(~ slrel~t~ for drug-using :->I.'x-\vorkers ill inner cit:' tiartrorti. /1I/('rfllllUHlU{ ({IIOrlc'rly ,,/CllllllJlllnily 1f""llh Etlu('{Jlion, 18, 107-119. HIIY. E .. lIalcy. 1\ .. Leclerc, P., Lemire. :\ .. Huivin. ,J. I'.. Frappier. ,J. Y.. ," Clac·o'sc·"o. c:. (~OOOJ. I'revah-ncp or HIV infection alld risk uehnviulJr.' amung :\Ionln·;.! str"l·t -"oot h. Inlernul ionnl ,jollrnal o( STD rJlld AII),'i, I I, 241-2,17 Hlissell. D. r:. II. tl!l961. lntimary for sal.,. I\'ollll'n and ,/,ltc·fCll'Y. 1.'Jf./i. 1;'-:2;-J. HlI~l()mje',. H .. Klifim. Q_ A.. Karim, S. S ..'\' .. I.aga, ~L ,\: Stein. Z.' 199:11. I'h:l ..;" ,n;t1 "I' nonuxynul 9 Iii JlI U mung sex workers in South Africa. AllJS. 1:1. I:', I 1- I~, 1;,. S"kondllll\·tll. C, Wcrtlwatanakul. '1' .. HenlJett. A .. I(ll('h:lisil. c.. 8.: SUlllh"raplI. S. ,1'1'171. I'rolllulilig condom-only brothels through solidarity ;Inri "lIJljl(lrl 1'''1' br .. t1lt:1 IlLIIl:I};I·"'. Inlan()lional ./1l1lT)J,Ji urSTIJ ond AlliS. 8. ·1O--1:!. Santiprs. T (2001 I. FCnl:1h· street workt~rs. st'xual violL'nce. and pn}lP('litH} ~lr.llt:gil·s .jullr· flul u/.)c.\'I/{{1 A.gW·C!ssillll. 7. ;',-18. Schissel, 13 .. & F"del'. K. 11~)99J. The sl'iliJlg of iJllltll'encc: Thl' C{'stalt or d'IJlgl'r ill the lives of youth pr(l~titut~,~. COllodiall ,jlll/fllal ul Crimillo/og)'. ,II. :J:J-r,r;. Shaver. F. 1'1.1. I 1!)9,) I. '1'111, n!guiutiull uf prostitution: :\\'oidin~ IllI' [Horalil.\' Ir;lps. ('Oll()' r/io/l ,Journol,,! [AIIl.' und Srx:ielyl R"{llJl' CUII(H/iCIIllt' "ruit ('f suri.'ll', ,I). 1'2:l~ 1·\:"). Shaw. I.. ,v. BUller. I. I 199RI. Understanding young p{'oplr' :llld prClsl.illllion ;\ ['IJ;ntialitln for prartiepO BTlIIsh .jlll/mol ,,(Scx'i'" II'))r);. 20. 17';'-J%. SiJl1[Hon~. n. \'. ,'21)001. Child sl'xUJlI lr:lJJllla and fe[Halt' pro~li'l>lit"l licss"rlllicull :\/J,ll'IlI'{.' IIlI,·rll{)liollCil. 1l/121. 109GB. Simon. P. ~I.. \l()r~e. E. V.. Balsoll. P. \-1.. Osofsky.l!. .1.. &: Gaullll'r, II. H. '1~)!J:IJ H:lrrier,; to hllJll~n imnlUrH)

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ingical l"hJlrilclt'ris[ ics of a :-;alnplt~ of lllalf' ~I rpct pro5lillil ('S ..·\rcJIlf'I' ...;. u/ Sr'.I'Utl! /{r'ilu /'. lUI", :> I, :1:1·,1,1 Simon,;, H. L.. ,\: \\'hitbcck, L. fl. II!HIJ I, Sex,,~d nbuse e alllong SL'X \\'orkt~rs. ~r..;{x'i(ll Bt'hopior (Jl1d PeTsonnl if.\', 21;, :l17 ·T27

Snelt. c. L. (19951. i""OIJIlJ.: 1111..'/1 ill Illl: slrl'e/: /l,'lp,sl'l~killJ.? h,'hllFior rJ/YIHlllJ.: JI/flJI' /JrI)SII· 11I1('s, Wl'stport, CT: I'raegl'r/GreenwoI)(.!. Spina, ill., :-lanl'IlSO, S., Sinicco, A., & Vacch,'r, E, 119971, IIll'r,,"S" "r IIIV ''''r''pI"I'\'al''I1<'I' amung professional proslitutt'B in Itllly. ,HI!S, II, ;"I:,·',·I(i. Sterk. C, E. \ I!J991, Building bridges: COlllfllUllily in\'llh'l'lIl1'nl ill !Ifill: allol II 1\' ,.,',"':1,..-11 a Illong minlll"it.l' populat iOIlS, Or");,, "wj Sllrl, 'I.\', 1,1, 107, I:! I. Ta:'lor.:\.. Frisclwr, :-1., illcKl'ganl'Y, K, (;Illrllwrr:, D. ,J.. (;f1"'Il, S., s, PI;lII, S I~I'I:L. 111\' risk IJl'hnvioLlr:; amlJng rt~nlalt-~ prnslitlltl' drug in.il~rlors in CbsJ:Il\\·. Ad.fIC'liol/, 8S, 1:,6} .} :,64, Tll1lY, 1'-:. T '1'., :.,rhllJl~, V. T., Van Thlle, N" Lipn, T, X" & }\hil'Ill, II. 1\, Il!I!lti.' 111\' illi'L'l" tioll and risk ractnr, alllong remale ~ex workl'rs in sOlltlWl'1l ViL'tll:1111 :I/US. I:'. ,1:!;,--1.12, Pril", Salas, F" I!arnaendez A"iln, 1\'!., Concl€' Clcz, C. J., ,JU;ll'J'l'Z Figueroa, I." :\lIclI, Il .. ,\nay" Ocampo, H., ('l al. 119971. Low pn'\'alence of HIV infertillll ;11)(1 s<"",III\' 11'111'" Iniupd disP:1sP

5(),,~!J, Vanlandingham, :-1., KJlodel, J" Saeng'til'I1ch:Ji. C, & l'ramualral:ll\:J. :\. II!'~J.-il. In Illl' company or rripnds: Peer innllcnce on Thai nwle extramarilal SI'X, .')".. ll1i ,-";,'/1'1/1',' (",,, ;\I(',/iC;IIl', '17, 1993·2011. Vnn\\'L'scnbceck, I. ! 19!J·l). I'r()slilull's' ,n'/I h,·ill); und rl,\N. :\IIl~lef1lal1\: \-' l.'ni\'1'r,il\· PrL':-i~. Vnnw('sL'nbeeek, I., & Grant', H, de 11H9HI, Sex Wurk and Ill\' in Th,' :--.'l,tllI'r!;"l1k I '"li(',I', fl's<'arch alld prL'Vl'lltilln, In 1'. SUIllIrurt lEd.), Th .. f)ulr'h r,'"I''''''''' I" lill".- /""/:III1,II,'1" Ul1e! ('(J"st'nsll" ISocial aspl'cls or A[DS senL'S, PI', i)(j·IOlil. 1.011l11l1\: Tayltll s, Fri1I1C;" C;ruup, L'CL I'ress,

Vnnw(!sl'llbl'C"ck, I., dL' l;rl.li1J", H., van Zl~S:·H.·Jl. (;., Stri.lVL'r, l' .. 1., & Vi:S:'I:r ..1.1!. 1 1 ~"~I:3;I). t :Il[)' dUlll USL' by prostilules: Behavior. factor!") and l'ollsidl'r;JtitJlb. ,}In/r/tu/ u! fl.,·.,("hlJ//).I~:' ulld 1/'/111011 .)('.-(//,,/ily, Ii, 69·!J 1. Vnnw('senbel'ck, I., de Cranf. f{" van 7.essen, I.;" StraH'r, c..J. & Vis,-cr, ,J. II, 1 i~I'):!l,'. /'r". tection styles ofprustitules' client,: Inlcntions,l)('il;\\"inr, and rnn:,idl'ralirllb 11\ l"e];lillll1 t.o AIDS. JIJ",.""I o(Sl'X Edural;oll alld Th,'mpy, IY.7D·91. Valll\'l'senbcerk. I., de CraaC I!., "nn Zesscn, I;" Stra"l'r, c:. ,J" ," Vi ,,>1.-1', ,1. II I ~i!I;J '. 1'1'0' ressiollnl HIV risk tnking, le\'cls of \'iclimi"alion, and well b,'in~ in kill;",> 1'\"1'~lillll<'S il\ The 1'\ etherla nus. Arch ;ut's of'Scxlln/ lie/wl'lo/; :l,I, ;/O;j·;, 1:1. VnnwL'sl'n!Jeeek, I., van Zcssen, (:" d .. Craa( 1\" & Strav,'r, C. ,1. 'I~)!),II, C:o"I,'\II1,,1 ,1\111 illtl'ranional ftlclors influl'ncing condum use in h{'tL'rll:;l~xll;ll prll~lit\lli{'ll {'llIlt:ICb

/'ul;t'1I1 !-;dIlCUlloli (lilt! COli fI sellfll-l, 2'1.307':12:1. Varga, C, A. 12UOll. Coping wilh HIV/:\!flS in [)urban's l'ol1\l1H'rri;" "'X inol,,,[,",' :\/n,-..; Cur,', /.'J, :l;) 1·:.1(i["

&NOM Mk 'M%A _9

Reproduced Wltll permission 01 the copyright owner. Further reproduction proillbiled \'I1\lloul PUI1\1IS,'On 8739

288 I. VANWJ-:SENBEEC],

V,'nicz. L.. & Vanwl'senbl'('ck, l. 12000). f:r !'(wl ids l·eUJlld"r,·1I ill d,' I""'iilll/I'·. /J,.

socio/e pu .... ilf!' f>11 ht'l psyc'hosocio{ In-/zlpr PUll pru... ·;(llul·SS Iff /JrIJS(/(u(lt'h,·dnjt 'I'1I !'IH1Frl(­

,,(1(1 lid (J(JII cle uph,,((illJ.; ,'(J1I hl'l/)(}rc/e"/r·,:rhod. ISOll1l'lhlllg is )!Iljng tl) dl:IIII~l' III pro"ti· tuLiun. Sucinl posilion aIlti psychosoeiid Wl'lJ h~~ing or indoor prll.'aittltl .....: 1H'i'Ofl' :hl' 1~lw rdilrlll.1 Utfl,chuTlw I lague, Thl' Nl'lhl'rlallCk NISSOflll inisl ry of ,1I1S1 i, ". Vl'llIlix, 1'.. "an /lll'ns, L., ten lIorn, F., L:lvina, D., van 't 1101', ~I.. ,I.: V'"1Wb"IIi1""ck, I '.20001. K/fIlll,'1l t:(l1l lra"s~enda., IClienL.; of transgl'ndl'rs/. 1:ln·dH. Th,· '1l'llwri:Jlltis: NISSO. Vc r:-;ll:' f. 1\., Davoli. ~'1.. C!lInpOseragnn. 1\ .. Vlllefl, C .. & 1\:rlll'Cl. ('.:\. I :200 I Pn'\';iI"II("\' III' I!!V infl'ctioll and risk hl'haviollr alllOIl~ strl'l't prllsllllltl'S ill 1(111111'. !!I!J·;·I!I!lii .. \1/).'0· ('(lrt'. 1:1. :167 ':1I2. Visne ..;s, C. l\I., Llill. I'.. I'funnl'IlSciunidt, S., & ZekenJ,!, L. I HI!!S,. \'i,'\\,s ,,~. (:"IlIt'r"'Hliall ;-;l'X \\'{)rkt~rs Of) a wonliln·conlrolled nwthod of COJ1lr;\Cl'ptioll Hnd di;-;t"I.";;'· pnnt'!'! illli. Inlt'rtluli'lIIll1 ,lr",mol o(STD ond AIDS. .9, 6!Ji)-6f)B. Visrlllaratna. S., Lindan, C. P., Sirhoraehai, A .. 8.: ;\lnncl,~I .. J. S. II!!!!:;1/1 Thailand: C:ons,·· qllences of social context for) [IV transmission. So,wl SCit'flCl' on.! .lfedin",·. ·1:'. ·!:J:I··I(i:!. W(';!therby, K. 1.., McCoy, H. V .. ;'1"tHCh. L. ft, Blct7.pr. 1\. V., !'IIeCn.\". C. H.. '" rI,.· I" H""l. \1. H. 119~J~JI. Crack cocaine uSl~ in rural migrant populations: LivinJ; arrang"",(,nt:' and ~ocinl support. SlIhs/anCt' Use and ,lfisus", 3·1. 68:1-70(;. \V('eks, :'>t H., Grier, M .. Romero llaza, :\. Puglisi Vasquez. :'II. J .. '" Singn. ~I (19%1. Sireets, drugs. and the economy or SI" in th .. agl' of AIDS. \\,,,"11''' ... ,,/ I/""{Ih, :". 20;1-:229. W"inllerg, l\1. S.. Shaver, F. M., & Willian", C. .J. I 1!J9!h (;,,"d,·rl.'d ,;,,, w<,rk ill I h,· San Francis"" Tenderi"in. Art:hit'es "{Sn/llllli"j,,,,';ol; 211. :11l:!-:,21 W"iniJerg. /I\. S.. Worth. H., & Williamh, C. ,J 1.2001 I. ~I"n s,'x w"rk"rs alld .. tI\I'r IIII'll whll h""e SL'X with lIlen: How do their Ill\' risks compart' in 0:,,\\" 1.""I:lnd·' .. Ir,·hi",·, "(:--:,'.1. /1111 Ed",,,;or, 3D, 273·286. Weir, S. S., Huddy, H. L, Z"keng, L., & Hya/l, J\. :\. (I !J!J~)1. Ahst)cialio/l IJI" w",'" 1·"lIdl>OI use and 1I1\, illfection: A randumisl'd study of self reported ('"nc!""1 IISi' 111";"'1""',. JOUTllu/ u( f;picieilliulogr uod COl!ll!lullily IIm/lh, 53, ·117 .. 1:2:2. \\·I'itzer. [t (19911. Prustitutes' rights in the Lnited Stales: '1'1\1' f"iltm' "/"" 111<>\"·1I1l'11I. Till' SocIIJ/o,.;iw/ (~I"'rlt'lly. .72, 23-·11. \\'I'st, ,J. (2000). Prustitution: Collectin,s ,,"e1 thL' politic" of n'gulallllil. (;,."c!,.,.. \\'"rr lIlIt! Or";Il0iZlllilJll. 7, 106·118. \\'idnlll, C. S., & Kuhns, ,J. 13. (1996.1. Childhood virli'llizalillll lIllIl SIIIJ"·"lH.'1I1 rish /"or

pnnni:;clIily. prostitutiun, and ll..!t.'IHlgl' pr<:gnancy: i\ prof-pL.'clive study. "\III1'Fl('fllI .Juur ""I n(1'1I"/1r I"',,/Ih, i1Ii, 1607-1612. Wille, H., &, 1I:1l1s"n, T .J. 120001. Pruslitutillll in Deutschlallti tllIl .til' ,J"lorl;llIsL'llIlwl'l"].­

IPrm;liLuliun in CPflllany at the turn uftlll' llIilil'llniufllj . ."'".\" II 1)/"1: i,'. i. J·11·1;-)·\ Wilsoll, D .. :'Iinnua!. A., & Lllvelle, S. (I!J!ILI. I'ersollality charal·ll'rist.il's ,,/" l.illlh"lJwl'"n 1l11!Il who vj:;it pru:;tjtul{~.s: Ifllplication:-: for AIDS pr(>\'l'ntil)!'I pl'l)gr:IIllIlIl':'::'. /'.'r:,;uJlu/iry II"" /lltiil'iclIlUI Di/lt'rellct's, 13,27:;-'279. Wilte, S. S .. t::1 Basse!, N .. Wnda, T, (;r:11'. CJ .. & Wallal'e . .I. I I~J!I!iI ...\,T,'pl;t!,iliIY of r,·",,,I,,

condum usc' ;ullong \\'ol11('n cxcharlj..,ring sln·t~t :'wx ill ;\1"" 'YlJrh City. /11 fI'!"fllJ (WfltJ/ ,}ullr­ I/O/ ut.')'!'!) fll/d AIDS. 10. 162· J(;H.

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SEX WORK

\\'ujeieki, J. ~1., ,'it 1I1,lIal .. , ,I 120011. Condom lise. pow"r anti I II \'/:\1 lJ;; risk: :--;""\\'ork"h barg"in ror sUI'\'i,,;]1 in llillbrow/,lollbert 1':lrk/Ben:a, ,loh:ilHles},lIr~. So,,",! ,'),'11'11,'" 1111 ror orHI s,~x Hlllong felllale hrothrd·hil,,·ti St'X work,·,., III ;;illg;l' P"f'(:. InlenlOlion{J1 Journal of'STD olld ,\IUS. IV. 59.'i·:)~)~). Wong. ill. L.. Chan, R. K. W., & Koh, D. 11998.'. /\ sllstainabh· 1>,,1\;I";lIr:1I illt,'I'\"'IIII11" 10 inrreasl' condom u~e and rt~duce gonorrht':l anlong St'X \\'-orkpr~ ill Sill,l!a\>l}rC'. '!. yt-;tf f(JJlow up. !)n:Pl'Jlli,:,' !\Iedjt'ill(~: All In/f'rlwtiullo/ f)('Pu{'>r/ {II I)rllcrict' fOld '(I/I'/lry, :.!7.

R91-~)OO Wong, ~1. L. Chall, H.. Koh. n" & Wong, C. :1-1. 119951. Theory and ;,,'liun f"r ,-ll",'li\'(' con· d0!11 prnf1)ot ion: Illustrations fron} a bph;lvior inlervention prnjt~("t for '-;1'); \\'orkl'r~ in Singapore. IJlll'matl()lICd ql/aTI~rl)' nf'Conllllullily 1I1'1I/,i! lo'r! II CIII/(JII, i.e;, ·til',,,I:!I. X;mticlis. 1.., & :llt:C a lJe , 1\1. 1'. (20001. Person,dity characteristics or 111al(> eli,'''I'; ,>I' f'c-,,::d,' r0Il111wrcial sex worker,; in AlIstr;]Jia, AT,Iii!'''' of' Snlllli /3"I"'I'I"r, :!U, Ili;,·I';(i. 'il'P, r.;. :\., & P;,'tri, ;\1. 11999)' In their own "' polil i ...- "I' III\, ('duration for lrans~endcrs and transsexuals in Los Angeles. In \1'. 1\. j':lw()ut! 11·:t!.I, Ihfl.','r iII/hI:' hlocx1: ,\ h(lfldhoOH Ofl AIDS, jJolitics, alief t'(J/llflllJJ1irll/iul1 I.Collllllllnil'atIlJIl serif,,: ,\ppli"d communications). :'Ilahwall. USA: La\\'relll'e t:rlb:Hlln. Young, A. ivl., Boyd, C .. & II ublJcJl , A. 12000)' Prostitution, drug liSt'. and cnpilll' "'itll I"'" choJogical distress. ,jolll'll"! of' Druj1lsslies. :JIJ, 7fl9·800.

... Reproduced with permiSSIon of the copyright owner. Furtiler reproduction prol1it)itcd ",ili)Out PC:Ul\ISS'OIl. 8741

THIS IS EXHIBIT. .. ~ .. ',' . ,REFERRED TO IN THE AFFIDAVIT OF .....~kA ... \-V.~.j-?Ci!...... S~EMETHISDA~HH=D2508 Kr~~ _q~

A ·~OMMI ONE"R, FTC ------~--,~ 8742 Health and Work

A 'segmented' sex industry in New Zealand: sexual and personal safety of female sex workers

Abstract Libby Plumridge and Gillian Abel

Objective: Assess differences In personal Department of Public Health and General Practice, Christchurch ClrcuIllstances. fisk exposure and (lsk· School of Medicine, New Zealand taklnu among Ierl'lale sex workers In dillerenl seclors 01 Ihe New Zealand sex Industry In regard to issues of sexual safely, hc' sc'\llal ant! p~""n." s;llet)' of Thc' "II"'" Ic'p,"Ic''' hc'lc' i, Ih~ '-i,,;[ drug use, violence and coercion, WllJllL'Jl In thL' '\l'\ IndliSirV I~ all (l·Sl·:lrt.:IlIP :Iddrl'.,:--.. I Ill' pr ...'\";lklll"L', di,'\!rihll- Method: A cross-secllonal survey 01 303 Illlport;lllt pubhc h~alth ISSUc' It)! al li"l1 ;111" natlllc' PI' risk 1';lc'lor, ;lnd ri,k 1;lk- female sex workers was carried oul in T Chrislchurch, New Zealand, May­ /l'asl 1\\'0 rL~asOns., Firs!. ;IS;I silL' or Ol"ClIpa- iog ;!IlH)fl~ J~'111:lk :--\..'.\ "'ucb,'rs ill Ihl' 0:L'\\ Seplember 1999, tiollal health, Ihe sn illdllslry is rd~\'anl to Ic';"an" Sc',\ IlitllISll'\', Results: There was evidence of more thall X,OOO wonh:n c'stimated to bL' III "'c'\\' /.c';";lnd, whik prostitlilioll i, Ihll

'segmentation" street workers wefe involved in sex work inf\L'II' Ze;Jiand al all)' illegal, ,,,Iil'iling (ill' SL',\ ;lIld liying "fT Ih,' younger, Ilad slarted work al a younger age DIll.' tirnL~ ,I High ralcs OrllJfIH)\'L"r mean largL"r l';ll"nillgs nr pr()~1 illu iOIl ;\J 1..' t:rilill's in :11l.\' anel hacl less educalion illan indoor nUlllbers of II'Olllen ;Irc' inl'll"'ed DI'L'r lillll', c'lllllc',\I.'·,I' Th,' 1I1>lilllll"n:t/ (r:lnlL'\\'Jlrk (lir workers, More slreel than indoor workers Second, high rail'S of sc'xllal partnership prilstitillillil is Ih,' ,\1:IS"agL' Par/"lIrs .. \l'l usee! money from sex work for drugs and rllL'anS lht: lk'ha\'iollf of SL''\ \\ orkl'rs ~lIld tilL'if \\'hieh pnl\ idl..';-. (llr IIIL' liL'l'/hillg Dr Pll'lllhL'\ used drugs al work, There was a high level dic'nts will be inntlellli;ll ill determining Ihc' (lir 'nl:"s:ll!L" :"hl pr"hihih thL' L'nlpl"I'I11L'1l1 of condom use but little 'negolialion' aboul Ihem wilh cllenls, High levels of vlolenl sprl'ad or se.xlIally Iransmissibk illkellllils o( 111"1\ itlll"/.' IIIHkr I X I L'ars "I' a~L' alld expeflences were reported, bul street within Ih~ !p...'lleral popUlation if thl' tJ:-,l...· of" Ihthl' t"tlJl\·ll·t ....'d Ill' t)f\l~lit(ilinll Il( drtl~ workers reporled more, and more extreme ('ondonls is inconsistenl bl'C;IlIS(' of,wrs()Il;J/, rd;lted .... rilll\..·s.I.':\ IllIIJl!h."r 1)( \\'\I/llL'!l "p .... /"- forms of, Violence Ihan ineioor workers, inIL'rpL'rson:d Of illstitllliOll~11 fatlOrs, ~,.l all' IlIJ\sitk till' :\l"[ in ;lrr~lIl~l'IIl""llt:-- :'Udl :1;;

Implications: Allhough knowledge of O\'L'fsL'as research has pt.lilllL·d Iu thl' Pl)\\'l'r l'Sl"Or! ;1~l'Ill"ll'S :Illd :'>L"111i· rDJ"ll1:d ;IIT:1I1~\.'- condom lise and sexual safety C1ppears relatiollship l)L~I\\,I'L'1l c1il~1I1 and worKl'r as Ilh.'iHS with ((l-\\·tHk ...'r:"'. hllt pnliL"\.' \..'lll"lltll"- gener"lIy higll and women in botll seclors bL'ing a crucial faclor ill IhL' safl")' Ill' agl' \lIl"/1 hllSi'h.':--SL"S In hl'ct>llll..' liL"I,:Il::'nl. repor! taking the Inltlalive for saler sex, drug cOlnmcrciaJ sex enl'()LlIlIL~rs.·1 Physic;)! sarC'l}' \\'PlllL'll ()fl IhL' ~lrl.'L·1:\ l"{)l)liJllll..' Itl tlj1L'r;1I1' use, Violence and coerCIon remain of ill olhl.'r jllrisdictiDl1s has heen stllllied, hUI Iliitsidc' thc' .. \c'!. I'pl;cc' p"lin' is til 11l:lillt:rill concern Wilile sexual silfety Will need 10 ollr knowkdgc. no rL'sl'arch olllile PI"I,..·\';\- ~I t..'1II1H!I;lIi\·L' rl'~islL'r p(\\nrKI..'ls" hlllllS nll'- ongoing heallh promotion and eciucalion Interventions 10 support and enSlire ttle knee Of nature of VitliL'IlCl' tn WOJllL'1l in Ihe r"l'!lC!" ;llld l"I)!Jlpll..'ll'lll·:\~ I:\. Ill)! k Ilt)\\'!) ;h uptake of safer sex practice by new workers Nl'lI' Le

(l1usl N Z J Pub/ic I-Iealll' 2001' 25' 78-83) ;\ pilot stlltly Dr clienls sllll\\'ed th c')' Illok no ill i'\ ...'\\ I.l·;l];tJld l'PIl:'.lilllll' "hlddl"II'

initiatives for cOlldolll lise ;llld a subset/lIC'1'l1 pnpuiali{)!)s, Pl1lh;lhilily :-::lIl)plill~ \\;h Jill!

qU;llitative sludy COllriflllL'd Ihal SlIdl 1l1el'l pnssihk, Fur t/Ji:-; h:;htIJl it \\';IS dl..'t.."itkd It}

did llOl cOllsider they h"d :1 I'll' respollsibilily :--..itl' I Ill' :-:!lJtiy Ill:1 ;;.rJl~k 1l1l'trt)pntil;lI]l"l"lltrL' (or l'nsllring protL'cted SL'.\,!lI,J ~ ICilrislchll,dll, \\'I'c'r,' ,kl;likd r'c'lli "OIrk In'

Submitted: Marcil 2000 Correspondence 10: Dr E,W, Plumridge, Departmenl of Public Healtll ilnd Gene"ll Pr;lCilcu, (lHlstclHIfCll Serlool of Revision requested: Oclober 2000 MediCine, PO Box 4345, Cllflslchurcll, New Zeillancl. Accepted: December 2000 FaX' +64 3 364-0425: e-mail: libby,pfumfldge@chlllecfs,ilc,IlZ

78 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 2001 VOL, 25110,1 8743

Health and Work Sexual and personal safely of female sex workers in NZ ------~----~

melllbers orth,'I",'\I·/:,',lIand Proslitut,'s Colkcti\'(: (I\ZPC) could Table 1: Ethnic identifications of study participants.

b,' l'arried oul 10 eSlimalL' 1111: siZe and dislribution or the local Ethnicity n % knl'"'' s':x work,'r popLilalion. The nLimber or '\'()!nell working in MaOri 33 11 tlh.' 22 p;lrlt}ur:-. ;lIld l':\l'ort agt..'llcic:\ ill Christchurch was ~sliJn~lIl'd NZ EUrOpe

working. bUI ., drop in (knwnd \I'''S also reported by 1\'ZPc. Women were renlliled Ihrnugh press advertising and fly,'rs so III l' O!hl'r citil';'; \\'hl'fl' lllPrc \\'tlllll'll fruln (l1l'sl' h;ll'kgrounds 1 ,'nciosed with plJrchases of cont/ollls, lubricanls and olher s,II~'r Illil)' bl' Sl''\ workcrs. bu! IIl'arl~' ;1 fifth or parlicip~lIllS (I X.5 }tJ) Sl'.\ supplies. Indi\'idll,t1s Wl'rl' also conlacled Ihrough oUlreach or itit:llli riL'd !ilclllSl'h'l'S has 1I:I\'i II!;' Sl Hlll' ;\I:lOri ancl'slry. 1\" ;uni \\ L'f,--' Ielephone conl",-I ;uld ,Isk,'d 10 cOlllpkle an administered qUes­ Ih,'rl'i'lJ",' dispf

lionnair,'. eilher ;lIlllal Iline m by \'isiling Ihe NZI'C drop-in C,'Il­ "r II"" nl,'lmp"liLlll Chrisll'lllIle" klll;dL' p"pllialit'" 11,'111',','11 I ~ Ill' ,\ coniriblliion of Sl5 lowards Ih,' coSIS of Iransport. child ,"ltl -1-1 YL'"rs ,)Id. I' l""L'

ur till.: SL'X indus!I"\,.lh,l" workl'rs. -t:;I~,;) nr \\'hulll \\'l'/"l' :I~l'd hl'{\\ l'l'l} ~2 ;lIld 21) (:'(l' T:lhk ~ J, 1\/:I'C ad\'ic,' \I·as l;tkL'n on isslI':s of langlla[!e and Jl:asibilily Thl.' prnporlioJl {If partiL'ip:IJlh \\'/H} \\'l'rl' ~Irl'l'i :IJld p~lfl'llir of res,'arch in Ih,' NL'W Lealand conlexl, panicularly as Ihis workers W:J~ L'ioSI..'lu l~:->,iIJ1;1I\.':' \\·jlh 2{1" u idl...·lllifit...·d ;1:-. :"\trl'l'l \\'(H1- 11 l'rs f L'st 1ll:lIl'd) ." :IS ,IIII' \\ nrkl'rs l'S[ Ill;1 rl..'l;ttl'd 10 IlWXilllisill~;1 respollse fillt'. II \\'a.~ (hl'n.. ~r()fL· agrL'L'd not 2X'j~) i ~llld _17 pad {)XIJ'1t i h:d J. 10 han' lIl-deplh ljll,'sIIOnin[! on isslles of age. drug lise, financi," Bu\. whik 1-1':';1 Dr Sl',\ \\'ulkl'r:-: had 11""l'/I l'Slilll:III..:d III \\'Ink III earnings and 1ll,'llial heallh as Ihis would increasc suspicion Ihal L'SCorl ;lgl'!ll-il'S, 2_""~/o Dr p;lninp;IIlL.... dL':-'l'rihl'd [hL'lllsd\',--'~ ;IS Ihe r,'s,'arch was for purposes of l'I.\'lIion, 101\1· enl(lfeellll'ni ," escorts, This Ill:'}' illdiL'~ltl' k:->:-. 1)\.·lIl'lr:I[ltlll b~' "!\/P(' nr 1111:-; :'>L'\.'­ lor nr Ill;l}' r,--,Jl,--'ci hl'I\\"L'l'l1 fl'Sl';JrL'hl'rs' SOCIal wc! fare SL'rnCl' agencies. difkn.·IK'--· ...... 'h,--' {kfillllHlIl The quesllonnair,' was adminislered by five NZPC lllelllbclS ill \('rlllS of lil"I...·llsin~ tJllliL'r thl' ,\l:h:-\;ISl' P;lriollrs :\CI, ~IIHJ P:II"­ \\'/w were given IraillJllg in inlL'rviL'\\' Icchniqllc:->. IIlIL'rvi('ws wcft..' (Icipant:-i' deri nil io!} ill !L'rllh Id' L'h:lrglll~ (Ill I il11l' r;J1h l'r [h:lll S,--'XlI;1!

cOIHlucled on all days or Ihe week and ;11 \'arious limeS or Ih,' (b\' sl~r\,jCl', l\htlLiI --J'~~I Dr IhIlS\.' \\'hn ;1I1S\\L'rl'd Ihl..' sun'l'Y rqH)/"Il'd ;Ind Ilight. 1\/1 s,'X work businesses were co-operalive l'xeepl for b;rrs;rs Ihcir main pl;rc,' oJ" work. whL'r,·;I.' 0'I.I'C knc\\ of sllch IhreL' massagc parlours Ih.,1 w,'r,' report.:d by SOJllC of Iheir work­ VL'IHll'S only as !raf}si[ory :tlltil)PPOrltlllislil' p/;Il"l'S or \\011 ,'rs who did p;trlieip,ll,' 10 h,"·e made L'llilris 10 dissu;lde WOlllen (JOin parricipallng. Segmentation ThL'rl' \\";1:-; l,\'j{k'Il(\.' or ,--'llllslllL'r:lhk Sl'~lll""Jlr;lli\l]l I1l'!\\I..'(1)

Sireets ;md 'jndonr- \·\.'IlIIl':--, \\'jdl lillk IL'lHlrtl'd L'rp~S\l\l'l (rnlll

Results DilL' \·l'IHII..' 10 Ihl' \)(II,--'r ;J/ld I.·'lfl.... llkr;thll· dl(kr,--'Ill'l':' ill Ill'I"\OIl;1I Demographics ~IIHI \\"(Hk l'ir(Ullhl:tIlLl'S hl'I\\l'I..'1I Wtlllll'J) ill ,ill' [\\1) :\\.'l'!DI"S. ThrL'c Illlndr,'d ;II1

\UH11l'Jl idcfl(irll't! .... OIJlC ;\si;1I1 ;IIlCl'stry illHI (WO idclllifil'd SO III l' >45 years 010) 12 IS) ,,32 <0.05 J';Jl·,,·ic Isl;md ;IIK,'Slrl'. Chrislchurch is kss elhnically diverse II1"n TOlal 78 225

2001 VOl. 25 NO 1 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEflLTH 79

--~.~-~--.---~ .-~------Plumndge and Abel Article 8744 -.--.----

III g"llcr:d. Ihc WOllll'1l rcponcd "i1bic pallcrns of work wilh Table 3: Personal circumstances of street and indoor or·" clIfr"IlII), working :11 onl" onc vcnue :Ind 70% h:lving workers.

workc'd on I\' :lllheir ClIrrenl place or work in Ihe pasl 12 Illonlhs. Sireel no, ('!oj Indoor no. ('!oj 1. 2 pvallJc (JJ' Ih,>,,' m"llc'n clIrrenlh' working on Ihe Slrec'ls, 72% hild be­ Children 33 (42) 129 (S7 : 5.2'1 <005 ~11I1 :-'1...'\ \\ ()rh on thl:: strt:l'b. or Ibnsl' \\'(Hll(,11 who \\'l'fe cur­ Currenl partners 27 (35) 10:- ,·:GI 2.81 (J 00 ,,'Illl\ pilrltJlIl \\()rkers. KII"" h"d be'gllii work ill a par/ollr. Of Educat)on: l11l' \\Pllll'll \dlP Wt..'ft..' cllnl'!}lly L':-'L'Ori \\OrkL'rs . .5~I}~J had stanl'd Pflmary Of ;1:-. ;lll l·~C()I"I. 321~';J h;ld st:lril'lJ in parllHlrs and XI~~, ill SOIll\.' pri­ secondary (1-2 yrs) 42 (5-1) .~ I" (21) 29.96 <·0.05

\';I\\..' ;lrr;lll~l'ml'nt. In (,.'oJnp:lring CUrfl'l)1 plaL'I...' of work and firsl Secondary (3-5 yrs) 29 (37) 00 (':':1 1 16 0.3

pl;lL'l...· ui" \\(Hl. ~Xt~~) nf L"tlfI'l."H Slrel>( wnrkcrs /lad slarlL'd in an Tertiary (9) 7b (]5) 1905 <0.05

. !Jhllk' "l'I1I1L' hul ks:-. tl1:II1-l';;, of l'urrL'nl insidl' \\'orkl'rs sl~lrtL'd Age al slart 01 sex work:

(Ill Ilk :-.tI l'l'(:). \Voml'll \\'110 ItiL'lltiflt..'d SOlll\.." r.Llori ;1I1L'L'stry WL'rL' <18 years 48 (62) .~~ (20) '168 <0.05 18 (23) GV 131) I.G2 0.2 ."glllfIC:lIl1l\, llIorc' like'''' til bc' \I'!llkillg OIl Ihc Slrec'l (I{R~2.I, 18-21 years 22-29 years 8 ( 10) 65 (29) 10.96 <005 'J.'" " CI U3-3J2,J!~()()~1 30-45 years (5) ,:3 ( 19) e.G <005 >45 years 0 (0) 3 III 1.05 0.3 Personal circumstances Age 01 parlicipanls al Itme 01 sludy: SlrC'l'1 Iwrkc'rs Ic'lllle'd 10 bl' :Dullgl'r Ihall IlldtlDr workers. willl <18 years 9 (II) 3 (I) 15.81 <0.05 ()OI~·11 1)( :-:t/"((I \\,Drk~r:-. 21 )'l';lfS or agl..' Dr UlHk'r hut nnly I X%, of 18-21 years 38 (49) 38 Ill) 3 I 12 <0.05 1I111t>,,, workl'rs III Ihis agc' groUJl (See Tabil' 3). Sireel \Vorkers 22-29 years 15 (19) 101 (45) 16.09 <0.05 1"IHlnl 10 11:/I'l' slarted sn work :11 :1 youngcr age. Nearly IIVO­ 30-45 years 16 (21) 71 (32) 344 o OC IllIrd, 11>2':,,') "fslreel Workl'ro; h;lll bc'c'llullder I X ye;lrs old whc'll >45 years 0 (D) 12 15) 432 <0.05

Ihn ""Iied I\'{)r~. IVhl'rt::" a firth (20%) o( illdom workers had Use of money on entry Into sex wor~;· Ih.'l'll tlllder Ihi~ age. Household expenses 26 (33) 97 ('IJI 2.29 0.1 SII'eel I\"{>rkns were Illtlr,'likely 10 have h:ld il'ss educalioilihall Drugs 30 (38) IG ill .:.106 <0.05 7,18 IlIH) Slrl'\..'[ \\"orb.. 'J":\, with 5.. 11~;ld)r~trLl·1 workers f('poning kss th;1Jl Debls 2 (25) 31 (i·l) <0.05

I\\{) yt.. :~trs· :\l'Col1liary L'liul'alioll comparL'd with ~Jt};1 of indoor Use 01 money currently: I\{)rkers. Slrl'l'l workers \\'ere less likdy 10 hal'c' had children ( .. 2%) Household expenses 39 (50) liB (525) 0.14 07 1 Drugs 25 (32) 7 (3) 51.19 <0.05 r/i;11l JlllilHlr workers 157 !:;1). Thiny ri\'l'lk'r l'L'1l1 orstrL'l"l workers Debls 3 (3.8) 12 (5) 0.27 O.G h"t/ nllTc'll1 partllL'rs COIl1P;Ifc'd lI'ilh .. ml" or nOIl-Slreel workers.

()( tllll .... \..· \\U!lll'!1 who had p~lnJll·rs. 1.sIX, of $I"L'\..'I workers :tnd 'Y:·" tli' illdolll' II'llrkos had p:lrtllers wilo lVere financially dL'­ pc'ntic'lll Illl lilc'lll. Illdnllr \\·{Hkl'r~ ;\Ppl..::II\:d It) 11;1\1..' 1J:ld k\\l:r :-1..'.\u;1I l'.\L'h:IIl~L';" Till'rl' Wl'["l' :-\igllificlIll diffcrl'fll'l'S bclWl'l'Jl strCl'1 and inlioor !h.'1" shin. I\'I..'lIrly kill' \"t..'pPrll..'d Ollly \ll\L' tll· 1\\\) L'lil..'I)IS pl..'l :'/111"1. Imrkc'rs ill Ihe use of 1ll'''1c'I'. III reg"rd 10 wilell Ihey bcg;1Il se.\ \\·ht're:ls more Ihal1 thrl'L'·qll~lrtL'rs !Ij·"'l/\'L'I \\tlllL'I":-. rq)I'rll'd th!"L'L' \\'t>rk. I/:;C' of money for hl>l/sL'iwld expellses was ciled by bOlh pr Ill<>re r1iCllb pc'r shifl (Sl'l' T"hk -I I

~lrL'l'l \\orb:rs (3J'y(d alld ill(ilHl(" \\'orkl'fS (-L1'!-'id. bUI Sln:t:l work­ i\lnrc' Ih:11l h;dr Ihc' \\UIl1l'Il (5K",,) ill Ih,' ,lIldl' reptlrlc't! Ih"l

\.·r~ \\cr\.' si~!l1ricailrly Illorl'likl'ly 10 l'lll' drug:\ (JXtyu) as a lISl' for Ihc'), had kll pressllrc 10 :rCCCpl :1 di,'111 lI'hl'll Ihc'\' did 1101 1\':/111 It> 1l1DIlL'\' Ih"ll IIHIDor workels (7'Yt,), 'Illd indoor workers were sig­ (53'!!;, Slrl...'L'1 workers ;I/ld 5tPj;, illdnPI ,,·prkl'r:-). hut signifil.";lllliy Illfic:llllh' morl' likcly I,) cilc' lie'b" ( 14%) Ihall Slrc'c'l workers (7%). !llore strl...'CI WOrKl..'rS (XY:·';') 111:111 indlHlr \\11111...,1" ..... 155 1!'i)) rL'p~l/'lL'd III rc'~ald 10 l'llrrelll IISc'S Dr IlHl!h.'y. :Ibol/I hall' of all participanls Ih:11 Ihe)' h:ld rcrllsc'" :r dic'lll ill Ih" 1':"1 ! ~ Illt>llll1s.

clle'd hOl/sL'ilnld c'xpellSc'S. hili sigilifil'allily Illorc' Sireel workL'rS Strl...'t:t \\·orkl'l"s \'·L'/"L' li1nl"L' Ii kL'l:· !il:lll 1I1dlllll \\ \lrkL'f:- In I I..'PUI I

L~~u';d cill'd drugs thall intiPIH' worKers Ll'~~d. \ iokllL'l'. dinillL':-'s ;Iml lk'tn:lIllb (\)1" 111l:-;lk ..... L'\ ;IS .;;rllllillb rpl" rL-i"using ;\ L"liL'Jlt. \\·lll'!"L';I:-> Intl,)\))" \\\IrkL'I"S \\L" ....: 1))1)/\' JikL"l:· 111:lil

Work circumstances .'.lrL'I..'1 wDrkL'rs III l"lll':1 JUL'\ 101l:- h~ld l·.\lh:/IL'J1L·L· \\ nil 111:11 LlI\..'1l1

(';\1:-. \\'l'r\.' [ill' main pl;IL'l' jt)1 sL'xtlal l'nl'Ollllll:rs allHlng. strL'('1

\\\Hkl'r~ f{))j'Ytd. bUI suml' IL'p{)r!L'd ;Jlso using their OWIl hOllll' Table 4: Number of clients per shifl by slreel ~nd indoor I IIJ"·,,). " rCIlIl'" roo/ll(1 (J'j';,). SDlllc' olhn Pllhlic place (X%) or Ihc' workers, dic'lll's pl:lcl' {('.5'X,). Slrel'l :Inti indoor workers lelHkd 10 work

Illl ;1 :-;imd;lf numh..:r or Dl'ChioJlS pcr rOrlnigilL with most doing Streel no. ('!oj Ineloor 1l0. ('Yo) X' p villuc b,'IIWCIl si.\ "Ild ICIl 'shir" . I11l,krSlood as Ihc' dl/ralioll t>(II'ork 1-2 19 (2,1) 107 (.:91 13.BG <005

\l!l ;111~' {)Il\.' l)l'C;ISI!)!) ffl'pllrll'li ini'IHlllally as lIsll~llly ~lb(}t1ll'ighl 3-4 45 (58) ~S (.:J) ,:85 <005 iHHlr:-- !"\.'qtJirl'd in II pol' IOlll". but dL'[l·rJl)inl..~d IIl{Hl' by c;lfnings and 5-6 1'1 (18) I G {I) 7.22 <0.05

lklll;!lHl 011 l/lI..' strcet ;md -"0 r;lIlging frolll two or Ihrt'(' hours 10 >6 0 2 {I i 071 04 ..;,i.\ or \l'\\.'Jl hOllrs). Tolal 78 220

80 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 2001 VOL. 25 110.1

------~- 8745

Health and Work Sexual and personal safety of female sex workers in NZ

Figure 1: Frequency of 80 drug use while working 70 by street and indoor c 60 workers. OJ o Sireel workers E 50 0 I'l Olher workers ~ 40 ~ 0 30 ';fl. 20 10 , 0 Never Rarely Sometimes Most times Everyllme

Frequency of Drug Taking

The WOll)cn ;,lIL'I..-iewe" werL' askL'd aboul Ihelr drug usc 01 COlldDIl1~. V;lgill;d ~l'.\ \\";IS tllltk,rt:lk\..'1l h!" ~dJ1)():-)t ;111 illdolll" \\,(Hl~

:Jicohol COnSll/llp11t1l1 jusl before or dllring work, wilhin Ihe pre­ L'rs (t)()'~';d;Jlld Ill(}~t strl.,.'d \\nrkl..'f:' (XljO j/ ): :t/IllDst all pJ'tH"nkd h;lIld violls IWO weeks. The}' were askL'" how onenlhis occurrcd. While reliefo!" 1ll;ISturh:Jlioll p(lhL'l'lil..'ll[ (\)7'~';! O(\\'tHJ1t:Jl JIl hoth :\l,.'ctnr::.) on NZI'C advicc nil in-deplh queslions were asked aboul lypL' of iI/HI 'bID\\' job::.' or k'I!~lIi() (\)2'~;~, tll' :,trl'L'! \\'()rh... ·r~ ;IIHI I)Y~'IJ PI' ill­

dlllgs used. NZPC inlelviewers were cOllridenl from reacliolls of dour workers). Gtlll'r Sl.'J"\"iL"\..':-; \'"\..'f"l.' k's,-:, L'IHllIlH)!1. :dlhtlllgh :1I)I)tll;1

participanls Ih:1I Illalijuana was incllltkd along wilh inlravenous Ihird ot'th~ indoor II'DrkL'rs IlIltkrtllok hO/ld"gL' ;Ind disci pi 1111'. u,~d

;Iml olher drugs, bill eigarclles were nOI included. AbDUl hall' Ihe sex toys illld permitted 'going down" (L"LllIllilillgIlS) \\,hik' IK'[W\.'L'Jl

WOIllL'n (54'%) slaled Ihey neve I drank alcohol al work and thne a quanL'r :tnd ;1 fifth or SlreL'1 \\,Ilrk,'/S did Sll. O/l IhL' olhL'r hand. were no signiricant differences bel ween SlrL'el workers (62'%) and about;r fifth orllt~ Slr~L'1 \\orkc'r, IIl1LT,·i L'\\'L'd did :In,,1 S~\ :Ind ollly indoor wOlkcls (51'%) (see Figurc I). Howcver, while 56'!!,. of aboul 10% or indoor workL'f' did so

wonlen said Ihey /lcvcr used dlugs al work, Ihere was" signi!,i­ Nonl' or thl..' \nHllL'1l IJlit..'t\'icw,.:d t/1nlJghl i1 \\-;b '-:';1(1..' tn 11;1\"l'

e:I/l1 dilJ'clcnee belween Ihc proportion of stlcet workers 176%) vaginal or ;1I1;!! \1..'.\ wilhotH ;1 I..'Plldtlil1, \'I..·r~.. sloafl prdpOflilHb

and indoor wOlkcls (:>J%) who did Ilse drllgs at work either rareiy. thollght il wa:) S,tlL' ill tlnL'r illl}' {Hill..'" :\1..·.\lI~tI :'I..'ITiL'~.: \\'ilhOlil COIl­ sOlllelimes, mosllilllL'S 01 cvery limc (sec Figure 2). Streel work­ dO/lls. L'Xl'l'pl for h:lIld rdi~I' ,d1ich ".;/S Ihoughllo he' 'en:' wilh­ L'IS WL're mOIl' likL'iy Ih;ln indoor workers 10 SI;1Ie Ihey did so bL'­ oul condpl1ls by ()7 11/u nf indoor ;lIhl -UJl!·u nfsln..'c! \\'orkl..'rs .. Unly

calise dlllgS hL'ip . gL'1 Ihlollgh wOlk' whereas indoor workers IVL'IL' --I{~;) of bOlh S!I'"L'I..'! and till/nUl'" \\'l)rkl..'r,\ (dl !h~Jt OLd :\L',\ \\";l~

nHlIL' likely to slalL'lhL')' 'like Ihe reL'iing' or il was 'part orsoei:" ilCl'l..'ptilbk without ;J l'I)IlLiolll. hHlrll..'l..'l) WOJllI..·J) (ks:-. Ih;11) 5l~ II nj" lil<"·{see Table 5). Ihose Ih:1I ;/l1S"·I'rL'd Ihl' 1I1":.'li')I\) fL'purl,'d Ih:lIlhL'\' h:ld faikd 10

lISI..' condo illS for ;\ sl'..\\I;d Sl'ITicl' hl.."(;lII:'.1..' 1'lil..'Ilh hilt! l'itlll..'r

Sexual practices rertlsl..'d In lISI..' tlll'lll or had u/"krl'd III {)rl' IlH)J)l'Y fpl' IIllprOll'L'll'd

ThL' q",':slionlel;IIing 10 sexlIal practices provided a lislofsc.\lIal Sl'X .. Sl'\'L'llll'l'll WI ) III l'll (just ll\'l'r )LI I) () I" Illl )Sl' \dH) :t 11:\\\ I..'rl..'d Illl' sCl'vices Ihal rnav bL' olTelnllo clients and the wOlllen were asked qUL'slion) h;ld /l01 u,,'d a L·ol\d,'lll hcelll'" Ihcy kllL'l' Ihe (li(1l1

10 indie"lc which scrvices Ihey provitkd. The I(l/lowing question 'feally \\'1..'11 . III ilCl'IHti with t)\"l'r:'>l':I~ f'I..':\I..'an,'il. cpndlHIl II:-'l' \\t1:-;

asked which sL'n'ie~s, in their opinioll, wcre 'OK' 10 do wilhoul associalL'd with \\"orkl..'r initi:lIl\ l' ;lIld l'{)lllrnl in lill' l'lil..'rH-\\'prkL'!

70 Figure 2: Frequency of alcohol consumption 60 while working by street Jnci indoor workers, c 50 OJ ~ 40 o Sireel VlQrkers ~ '0 30 III Oiller 'Mlrkers ';fl. 20 10 __ dl_ L~ _.- 0 cl_c-____ Never Rarely Somelimes IVosllimes Every time Frequency of Alcohol Consumption at Work

2001 VOl. 25 NO.1 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 81

--,.,~---»------.------~- Plumridge and Abel 8746 Article

Table 5: Reasons for taking drugs while working for st.:clors. although rnorl....' froll) illdnnr til SII\,'\,.'\ \'L'IHIL'S thall \·;L'L'·

street and indoor workers. I'crsa, which 111:1)' rcilcTI Ihc' I\i:lSS:I~C' 1':lrI,>lIr, ,\(111 1)7:» pH>hi­

Street no. (%) Indoor no. (%) Total hilioll OJ) L'lllp/Pyllll'lll Ilf illdJ\'idll:II."'; rdll\ Il'll'd PI' drlI~ Ill" prostitlltion Crill1l's. :\/Ihollgh \1;IlHI ;11\\..1 :IHI11~l'r \\\HIh,.')1 ;lppl';tf Helps 10 gel Ihrough work 29 (49) 16 (21) 45 significanily Illore likl'ly tn Ih' :'11"1.. '\..': \\\lrklT"> (kill indplH' \\\111· Like !t1e leeling 13 (22) 22 (29) 35 I.:rs, lllli\'arialL' ;Illalysl..'s. s.uggt,.':-.I ;I~l' .Hld l,thiliL"Jty C:lIltlO! 1.:nllll.. .'I:" Pari 01 social lile 8 (14) 22 (29) 30 I..'xplain lhl' diJ1l'rl'JlCt.: !ll'[\\"\....'\..'J} t/\I.: tnp :-'\..'\""(1)1:-,. \\"tlll 011 lht.: i:'>­ SOCialise Wllh cllenl 0 2 (3) 2 Sllt:S ()f t:lhnicity is cOlltinuing. Oiller 9 (15) 13 (17) 22 There is cvidencL' rrllmlhis Sl[illl" 111:'1 slrc'cl \lllI"k is:1 tli Ilc'rc'II1 Total 59 75 134 can:t.:r-Irack 10 indoor work: \\'lHlll'fl \\"(lItillg Ill) tIll' :-;11"\..'\,:t...;, h:IHk'd

to he YOllllgl'r,lo ha\l' s[;lrll'd \\"(lrkill~ :11 ;iil t..';Jrlil'l" :l~l'. ;llld \\l'l"l­

elle,Hillier. YL'rv lillie L'.\plieil Ilegoli:llioll with the client was re­ Illor~ likely 10 ha\'l' lI~l'd Il11Hll'y (ur dru~.' \\'lll'J) IhL'~' fir .... l hl':;:111

l"'rtc'" ;mnllld cOlldom USc'. With }4'1.. of street workers ;lIlll 79'1u sex \\urk as wl'll as clIrrenlly, Slll'l'l \\\)rkl'l":--. Il'Pilfl ll.'\il)~ drllg:,

or indoor workers using thcm 'without discussion' and 63'X, of for reasons 10 do wj[h Ihl' ;Hkl'l"silh.::; p(St.:.\ wnrk. indpt)r \\{)rkl.'r:-,.

strcet workcrs ;Ind 21% of indoor workers just 'telling" clients /(l/' reasons tlss(H.:i;lIl'd wilh S{H:i:lhiliIY. Thl'~L' difkrl'll[ ft';i:\OIl:)

Ihc'Y usc' condoms. 011 the olhc'r halld, thL' ability to exercise ini­ hilve bt..'L'!1 asS{)CialL'd with di(krL'nl k\t..'ls ;1I11f typl':--. Dr dnl~ lbL', li;lIivc' and cOlllrol lVas not illl'ariablL alldjust ovcr 20% ofslrcct wilh diJl"cn:ill 'COIl'"ll:J1illIlS I" do \I·illi risk c''xP"SlIJ"C alld risk,

II'llrkcrs and just under I (J'y'. of indoor workcrs had bcen forced to I:lking," DiJTcrL'1l1 siralegics oi"drtlg ,'olll:,illlllt:1l1 :Jlld h:Jrllllllilli­ have unprolected intercoursL'. misaliolllll;JY, llincforc. hL' ilc'c',kd ill I lie diCkrc'll1 Sc'Clors.

II appears from [/)1:-> sun'l'y lil;11 thl' JlI'j111/;lIit1lh nl' \\'IHnt.'1! III

Personal safety indoor and SIrel..'[ wOlk ;Jrt..' difl\"'/I.:nl PI»))IJ/;!!itl]b, \Inct..' hJ~h It..'\'­

1\'losl womcn had h:ld SOIl1L' \'ioknt or adverse e-speril'ncc in els or slabilily ;,rc' rqlllr1L'd 'n "[lIrc'llI 1Il:lill pl:IL'L' 01' IltHk. :111.1

sex work ill Ihe coursc 01" Ihc'ir sc-s work carecr. lVilh X3'YU ofpOlr­ Inos[ \\'om~n report :--1;lrlJIl,!; ill lhl' Sl'l'lor IhL'Y 1..'llrrl'lHf~' \\'drk, licipailis rcportillg Oilc' or nlOIC advcrse or vioknl cvcn!. Streel FlJrlhcr rcsc;lrL'h is IlL'c',kd It> Sc'c' \I'IiL'lllc'r lilis cli:Jf:IClc'riSli( "i" \\'(Hkers had gellcrally L'-speriL'llccd more and morc sevcrc vio­ Ille sex induslry clscwllc'rL'.

knec, h;lrassmclll alld adwrsil), and wcre morc likely 10 have had \VOIlll.!11 in bOlh s[rl'l'l ;IIH/ IIHllltlr .'\1.'1..'[(11"::' rq)Pfll..'d hit'/) k'\ t..'b

Illoncl' slokn by Ol clic"lI, kcn physically assaultctl held somc­ oj" condom liSt'. ~lIld a hi~h k\'l'/ or l'OIl[f'P/ tl\l'j' rhl..'ir U:\I.· wilh lI'hcrL' ag:linsl Ihcir lViII, bccn subjeclcd to vL'rhal abusc, and wcrc lillie discussion lI'ilh diL'llls, This :Ic,'",ds \lilli IlnllSh fc'Sc':J1'c-Il

nHlrc likL'ly III havc bl'cn r:'11c'd and "HCL'd 10 havc unprolcctcd showing thai \\'orkl'r illili'ili\'l' ;llld l'onlfP] i:-.cl"lIl.'j;t1to thl' ~L''\lI;d

SL'X (Scc' Ta bJe (,). safely ol'l'ncolHHl'r:-:, bu[ tht' i.'\\lJt..' p(nllJlrtll i:-; Ill'\'L'rlhdl':\:\ L'lHI)­

plex: whik slrL'(,1 \\'(Hkl'r:-: lL'/Hkd III h;I\"t..' JlJIlI't..' 1.'1 i l'lll::' , \\!""rl' IIlIHt..'

likely 10 havc rc'j"used :1 dic'llI ill llic' P'lSI I ~ IlHlIlIhs :111<1 1'"l\'lllcd

Discussion ~I narrower range or Sl'\lIill sl'!'\'it.'L'S th:1Il inti{lor w()rkcJ':\. 11I!,..'y !\llhough previous survc')" of Sc'.\ workcrs in Australasia havc were also ,110fl' lib:ly Itl prtl\'idl' tlllal st..·.\ ;Ind Ii) fL'PIHI hl'illg (Ofl'l'lI

inl'cslig:lIcd 'divcrsily", IillS sludy suggcsls a 'segmcnt:lIion' or 10 hiJVl' lInpr01L'Cll'd SL'.\. II IS nol L"!t':11 1'1't)1I1 this rt'\t'~lrl'h ilu\\ IhL' Sc'X induslry, which h:,s pllblic health implicalions as illlpor­ sllch diITerL'llcc'; arc tllIc' III tlirkrc'IKL'S ill P,'rSllll:Ji ch;,r:ll"iL'ris­

I

1:lIlti COllle.\I, Ihere ;Ippears III bL' signi ficanlly diil"crelll profiles for inSl;IIKL' slich ;IS P:lrlO\lfS J'1..'qlllllll!:! IIltH·I..' \;lriL'd :\l'.\U;!I sen'­

of risk in thL' slre!?1 ;1I1d indoor sCClors. There appcars 10 bc ict's to hI: OlrCI"l'd. htlt \\'o,lL'r:-: (Ill Iht..' ::.1 I l''',:1 hL'ill~ !l){lfl' l',\puSI..:d rdalively lillie cross-ovcr

Table 6: Adverse experiences in sex work for street and indoor workers,

Street no, (%) Indoor no. (%) XL p value n=78 n=225

Refusal 10 pay (aller service given) 42 (54) 104 (46) 1.3,) 0.3 Had money slolen by clienl 33 (42) 57 (25) 7.97 <005 Been physically assaulled 32 (41) 48 (21) 11.52 <0.05 Threalened wllh physical Violence 51 (65) 58 (26) 3932 <005 Held somewhere agalnsl Iherr wili 18 (23) 30 (13) ,1.11 <0.05 Verbal abuse 64 (82) 116 (52) 22.25 <0.05 Papetl 21 (27) 17 (8) 19.6 <0.05 Threalened 10 complain 26 (33) 91 (41) 1.23 0.3 Forcecllo have unprotecled sex 16 (21) 20 (9) 7,,;5 <0.05

82 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 2001 VOl. 25 NO.1 8747 Health and Work Sexual and personal safely of femille sex workers in NZ ------

While Ihe lewl or \'iolence or coercion reporled by WOlllcn in co.principal im'csligall)fs \\'illl rc,polisihililV ror ilt!nL'" Oil 1\'· bOlh :;eelors is of L'onCe'rn, il docs appear Ihal Slrcel workers are' search tksign, dalil colkeli,," ;Int! IH;"'lleal", clSigh!. :\lIn;1 l'l'c'd

signiricanlly milTl' 'II risk of Illorl' viokllCL' ;Ind morc serious \'io· alld Tracy Pillllh.'r ,-'stilll:llL'd Pl1fH1/;JIIOJl ntJlllbt...·f:-.. ;Jlhl \\ ilh knce' Ihall indoor Workc'I'S, Calherinc I k;d,'\', Clle f.:c;lrll,'\, Sl1tHli,' Fle-Illin" '"1d I(;lekll,' EdllGllional inll'ITl'nlions appc'i'" IP be ilchieving high lkgrees Gibson ;ISSiSh.. 'd in lh..·\·dt)PJJI~ ;lIld ;ldIlJlllJ:\lt'n!1::': flh: qll\:~li\I!l"

or s;lkr Sc'X kntlwkdg,' ;lIld pracliel' among sex ",orkers, bUI \\'ill llairL' .. Vjyit.:11 /);Ik\" ;iI:-.() :I."".,i ..... h:d \\ 1111 1111 ...... ("Il/I:-- !"r:lillplllll ;llld L'OlllillUl' 10 bc' n,'l'lkd ror nell' workers, 10 ensurL' eOll!inlled sali· Eli:;abl'lir \\'db I"'"'ided hi",l:Ill>li,'al ;,,1\ IL'l' ence or safer sex praclice aillong experiencc'd workers, and Ill;,,' IIc'l'd III be specirically largCiL'd al c1ienls, Thc issue or viok-nee nl\\\' needs 10 bl' addr,',sc'd, \\'orkers should be cduc;llc'd aboul References risks or exposure 10 \'ioknce ;IlId personal slralegics ror avoid· SPL'Ci:II,\udil ]\il'lnIII;Jthlnlll .\," n",i.,-" oj/I.' fh,' ltJ/lth,,J,I/II:": /',1\1110'111 11'" gllJlt', \\"t'lli])!!h}!!: IIl1.llld I, n l·il\l~· .. I'}"~ anet: or violence, bUI educalion is 1101 a compiele Sollilion, Risks Sb:gg f} Tilt' ;\I/)S P;lIldl'IlLtl' \\ h.11 ll\.·~ .,)11,:.1\1" \ I .I/,·,! I j 'J:-;- tIH)fS ~~) like Ihose revealed III Ihis sludy or wrbal abusc, or robbery and )~x·\). J, Sk.l·~~ D. I kll·r'I.~l'.\\J;d!~ ;h:qLJII"'d 111\' 1!li·\' ..·i)")l" Sidl kilt! h. h,' "III,' ;1j),I\lJ;1 physical harlll on IIll' Slrc'CIS or in il \\'orkplacc arc ;Ilso mailers or (Hlml' \..'pidl'lJlIl'. /1,. .111'''.1 /I}S') ~'}S ·lIll· ~ la\\' ilild order, occupalional heahh and :;ocial alliludes 10 prosli· _I. Bll)!)f )\1. nil' SUI'I'II/flgy "11111' h,(JI\/IIf.\ \/1 '1/. 1.1I1It!1I1I· S;I!-'l·. I'}I)~ IUICS, ), J !ally S, \'ill!t'lIt'l' ;1~;lill~1 IHIl:';llIu1l' \\,)11),'11 S"LI;II :11111 k!-=:J/ dlklllnl ...... ·111.\/ .1 So,' h.I/II'.1 II)X\J:~·II-IJ:~ ...... ;,-,~S

Lcgislalion in New Zcaland currenlly obliges i"l panicip;ulIs fl. Ll'n E. Till.' t'l1"l, ... 11I1 ddr"'I~'111 p,di~'" l·n("Il"\·tlh·IJI 1'"1t .. ·I ..·,, ,I!] lilt, LI'lIll1d III inlhe ,cx inLiuslry 10 be covcn, which makes il dill'icu/! 10 eSlab· jlroslilulltllL ('WlfldfOIt /'"h/;, ""It,') .·JII,"I".\,·,I,· ""hlll/lh'.\ 11J'}f,:~~:-HJ,)~. 7, l\h:KI.'g;1I1~·Y:\., B:III1:lId ,\1. III,.,,) ,\1.:\ l',llllp;lrhllll lif 111\·'/I,,'l:Ill.'d ri ... ~ ht" lish Ihc lIi11ure' ofworkplacc' probkms, hoI\' Ihcy dilTcr across Ihc h;I\'jtlur and ris~ rt'dllt'IJDIl h,'(\\\','11 (,'III:lk :-;flt'l.:1 \\"'Irklll~ pru:·..tlllll\·.~ ;1I111111:IIt' ilpparcnlly diHi:renl pDpul in (ila.~!!II\\. Sill' /I.·,lirh //11/,'\.\ 1\)'JtI.I~I ..... I..::/..J-'}2 X. Chl'"I\\')'lld J. 111\' :\/DS ;llld ~,'\ \\"'~l"h. \. / .\1,''/'/ I'J').='.!I':'·~.=''''

besl 10 ilchicw l'radicillillil. rkxibilily ralher Ihan a single insli· I). \\·pnd:-. K. "};J/I hilI',' .\1'.1 1"lrlt ,I ,"lIr/"II/ 1"11 '}",' 1111/1.:111.>..: Ir'n' 11111111111 ( '"',-

d(J1II {'SI' hI' /I;/lIIt'JI/',I1"/"II1" lJi.d:, I, /1/ >if/':' (lid "/ JJi,d, I III\t"~/!:, .>1 :\ULi-. IUlion;d fr;lI11cwork lllaY be c;dkd Ill'" This \\'ould require kgisb· blld: Dl'fH II/ SIl~·ltlln.:-'\. I·)'}.~ lion Ihill, ralher Ihan l11illll/;lIing a single inslillilional framework 10. ClJl"!\\,ynd J. I'!tJJII)ld,~\' F. (·",'111. "r ,,'JJI,i/,' ,\,'\ 1I;"'k,'}"' I I 'till I SIIH/.I which ncvcnhekss rl'quires proslillilion 10 bc eovcr!, aims 1,1 ChfiSldUlJl'h: {'IHI~h"/I\II"t'h S~·lh".J ,)f ,\kdll'IIlC: 1<)1}3 II. Phlll1nd!!L' L. ("hl'I\\~nd S. R'·I.·d .. \. (iJlf",d S 1';111111\:- .,t·lh~' ~\'\ Indtl:-tl.\ cn;lblc considcr;llion or hoI\' issul'S or safely and vinlcncc rclall' pl.·fl·l·pli!)II .... III' /i~~ ... I/!).\" (',II,' 1'J'l/,.XI·: J..;O:'-I (. 10 Ihe' provision of ,ex ralhcr Ihan some ollll~r scn'ice, or 10 par· I~. Plumridgl" r. (·hl'I\\'ynd.l. HCl·t! :\. ( "ill' pI ;Jtld (')lIdllllb IIll"IIlIlJlL'h'"d '1"'.\. dil'lll Pl'f:-'pl'l·fr\I.·.~ . .\'''' I/,'j/lth /1/1/,'\.\ 1·)'};.I')t~J:~2,'\·...l.-:.. Ilcu/;lr social and inslilulional ;trrangemcnls in dill'cn:nl seelOrs, 1.1. ~l'W 7..1.'al;lIl1.l. 1\li!li~11Y IIf JIl .... l)l\. SIIIII/JI,ln' {)II,'IIII'S .·1,'1 . .... t·l·II"n ~('. \\"t'" or III personal charaelerislics like age, expcrience and drug usc,:: 1i1l~llln: II);'; I. 1_1. :-\l"W 7.1.':lblld. ~'llIi>1ry ,I!' )11 .... 1)\.·,· (·I"/IJI,·, .1.., ..... \.·l·li\.Jj.l:). \\·dllll::hIJl. 11)(11. Differenl response's in dilli:rl'nl scclors m;l)' be nceded ",ilh co· 15. \ew 7.\':t1and 1\11111 .. 11".\ 1)/ ."hll,·, .1/'/''''.-'':''1',11"/0/11\ J,/. ~l','lhlJi IX \\LI· llrdinillioll of agellL'ic's or ircallir, welfare and la\\' cnlllrCL'melll. Ilngtoll: 11)7'(.,. l(lI' insl;lIlce 10 police SlreelS or 1ll0nilor elnplo)'I11CI1I policics or Ill, 1.,)\\"111:111 J. h;t:"l'r I .. /'111/.'/1,'1' .1.-":'II/1\f /','111/1/' Jj'h" 1',.,,,IHlI!,· 1"11 .. /.'\/',"1- t'I/("I' i1l linn I}, ('OIIlIll}.11I {';/lI;1\1:I Ikl':lilln~'llb ,d' )1/.-,.11(1.' :Ul\~ :-)'III~'II'li (;\'11- workplace heallir and sali:lv arrimgcmenls, provide oilireaeh Sen'· l"ra!: 11)1)5. ices and 10 all1elior;lIe pnsonit/ and financial circIIlIlslances 01' 17. Ibrllard i'.1. 1I(.·lbllll C. ('llIlh'l! S IJ"HII"IJ', SoIl,.,\· ,Il JJ;,,'1. .\/11"\"'" (d:h,:.!l1\\ Cl'lltf"l" li)1 J)rll~ ,\li~u~,' J{ ...... t·;ltI.'iL I'l'};)

SeX workers, From liris poinl or vie\\', some measures of IX. SI;Jlislil's \'\'\\" ll.·;lblld ('1'11.111.' "I l'u/'ldarl"l/ 11II,llh,·dlt":':.I /4JWJ. \\...-11111;.'­ l/ccrilllin,disalion 111;1)' be neelkd to bring Ihe sex induslry inlo lOll: SI;lIi:-.li(." \' ..ow 1\':11;11111. 1')'J7 II). !'yell ,',ILISIL' H. SUP\\ J. \\'h,1 \\pl;.. ... ttllit~· '01.'\ Illd\l .... tr~·':\ pl'l(lk \If fl.·III;J!l' Ihe open imd cradicilc eoercioil, vioiL'nce and exploilalion, Pftl:-.lilllll.·~ III \'il'ttll i:l. .·11111 .\' 1.1 /'/1"'" 1I,'lIlth I·)I)().~O! -I ):.1., 1·3. ~O. til'" (i,:!:!!' It \;l1l i'.l'"'~."t·1l (;. \':IlJ\\l·.,,·nh,'L'd I. :-)11;l\l" C. \'i~:-.o J. Sq!lIlL'rH:I'

lilln Ut'ht'll·l\l:-'l'.\lI;J! prll:-.llllllllltl I/Ih, \;III,lIh tilflll .... ·.• 1 h;lfrtn 111111,' PII\t'llIi:1/ Ir;lIlsl11issinn III' J t/\: .·IIIJS ('un' I')'}{,:SI-I)··II -; -.\ 1 Acknowledgements ~I C\I:>ld, I.. h'IlI;,k ]1,,':-;/1111111111 III I ;j;l.'::,.\\' dIll:: U>l' :111.1 1'~'~'UP;llh)lJ,d .,,~'t"II\' ,·Jddtt" N,'.\ J 'NS:h!':: 1: I , 'i ..-;11

Thc' sludy was fUlllkd by lhe- lleallh Research COllncil or Nl'\\' Plullllidgt' E\\·. l."/J!u!"Jl/:-: 1",,,{f:).III'1/ .\':~:JJ/"'If'IIJ"'1 ,,11.1 ('.11.·,·/ :--'1.·1I1I1l.1I lc;dand, Thallks arc dllc 10 Cl!irl'ril1e I lea Icy and Anl1a Reed as p;tpl'"l. t\!HC i>.h'dl(:'/ \\'I."/o'lp;,,:\ l 1111. {II.I.~:-"I\\ .'-.".lh·llIhl" .='IIUtJ

2001 VOL, 25 NO, 1 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 83 8748

TI-I1S IS EXHIBIT ... ~t"'JREFERI~ED TO IN THE AFFIDA VIT OF ...... ~~L 'v .... 0-c...... ~;Tz.:f/ ...... _I SWORN BEFORE ME THIS DAY OF ..... A.D ... .2008 11...e~ :£( D-1 .~~...... ~~ .. 8749

Violencc ill Indoor {7iut Outdoor Pros/itutioll Vellues

IUI)Y 1\,\1'11,\11,

1)1]101(1\11 I., SII,\I'II':U

Tili.':' >t//I(I/ Jll,'ll.'·'/J}"t',1 t}II' pr"'L'l1J,'lJt·,· j~r I.'{II/,'II(/' IhIll'lhtcIJlIt·,. .... , 1Il111l11St'f:-. ,lf1J;,h, dli.! JlltiJ1Jtft.' IJar/lI!'r::. /JI'f}"'/rlll,'d IISllil1::.t :!2.: ;{'!ll1l,'J/ 111 in,/,I,lf 111111 tlllf,!t)!Jr/'flh.::!f/!/II/! i,','JllI";:' in Chi(,'.'\tJ, JlliJloj~. V'jo/,'JlI'{'I)((IlI"l,'d ill t11l1~i (lrt'/Jftl ...:.lilll/j,llf I/dli'll/I' ..... t'lI; If!!·

I~·ft·" ill /'YI/I/t'JH".I/Il11d .':'('j'/'rit.l/. \Yj/lJli'JlI111I,!t)/I/.":' St'II/'nd/11 rl'J)llr/",I1ri:~jll'l !t'. '1'1 .... II" ] J!t t, ... it"d! ,'i,'/['l1(,',I"11 ;/','IJI,'JJ ill ;1I,/t/,l,. i','IIIt,'.':' ;i','f,' ,-rr"III/'llllt/i'II"JlIll> 11("·'lId!, '11':'";:')' ,Iii,: hl'ius Jilfl'rrkl1,'d illith I/lt·lIl't)lI....;. Tht'>".Iill,/iJl,\''''' jll,/It'IIli' Ih!l ;['\1111,'/1 ilL /\'''''' ,:I/ih::;it.'lt'/: l'Ot/lt'::' I1rt' Ill/I'll l'idiJJI,":' 11{i.'lI l/I'IIt'/" IlfSflji/S I/S.lin ..... ' 1111' ,f"/Ildlltl/ ,I,' illl:,I,11 "1'\ il,f.it'

I1di"ilil'~ II ....: hanlll,·:' ...... l'OIJ:'I'lISIli1/I'Jllc'rllltJlII/t'lll

======:.'-'.. -----"~------'~':,:- -,_.,-,-,

/':'i':OI'lin-J1 i(lil/I,I!,ir/:Oillldll'l)/J/('J/ in [1HIstitutillJ) in N(lrth :\IlH'I'i,,l h,b !()llild high kn'b o! \'iolencl' pl'I'pl'tr~ltL'd ,lg;linst tiWIll, ['til 111<>"1 (I i till' S,l m pks h,1\'l' i nvol \'l'd \\'( lllll'n on t hI' sl rl'l'Is, \'1.111" I) 1'( 'C; I i­ lutillll rl'sl\lrdwrs lwlil'\'l' that \'illiL'nCL' pl'r[wtr,lkd b\' ,'II,I()III- 1'1'S, pimps, ,lnd intim,ltL' F',lrtnl'r~ is unUl1l11l1(ln ill (lff-~tl\"'II;I()~­ I itul i( III Vl'nUl'S, such as l'sctlrt Sl' IT iel's, b rot Ill' 1:;, m.h:;,l ,~l' ;,.11' I ( 'I~, .1lld l'\()t ie d,lIlci ng Uv1c 1-:1 r(1)" 1l)lJi)) , Ik,-,lUSI' tlwrL' h,IS bl'l'll lilt k rL'sl'iHch ab()ut vioivncl' ill ind(l(lr prostitlitillll \'l'IHIl'C;, it ic; lli!fi­ cult to kilO\\, pn \\'h,ltthl'sL' st,lll'lllL'nts ,lrl' [1,lSl'll. hll'l,\.lllll)Il', ill .lIl introductioll to ,1 Ill'\\' C(llll'dillll (If prostitution l'l'c;l'.lrl-h .lrti­ des, \'\\'itZL'r (2ll()()), (In (llll' h,llld, (iL'cl,lrl'd th.lt ,lc;s,llill .11111 1',11)1' ,lrL' rdati"l'lv r,lrl' fIll' W1IJlll'n ill ind(}(}r prostitution q'llll('~ 1)11 Ihl' (ltlwr h,lllLi, c,lliing f(lr Illorl' rl'c;l'.Hcl! (Ill I Ill' illlill(lr ~I'\ 11',11"', Ill' cOlltr;lLiictl1rily st,ltL'd, "\VL' KrILl'\' "('n' lilll!' .11)IIUI I Ill' \,Hlllll, Iypl's (If ind(}(lr Sl'" \\'(lrk; mosl stlitliL'S L'\;lllliIlL' stl\','1 l)r,':--lilll­ lion" (p, :;),

\j()JI.'\lr \l;:\I,\~I\\l)'\II~·.\lt! J!l.'\Il~.I\·:':IL.It\::tXll l~hJ"""1 J >1..)1 I tl 1177: I (l7;~III.:{l.'~f ..iI;2IJ

, 21lnl ~.l.~I' l'II\1lh',1I11)1"

I~h 8750

\-I,1I"l' Ih,1I) 2:; rl'cl'lll r""".Hch silldiv:-- h,11'V l'';1,1bIISi1l't1 ,lilli' hi lInilll,1gilli1bil' kn'/s of l'iOil'IK,' ill sln'l'I prtlsliluli'lll II,nl"I' l\: Kelly, 21)(Hl), III which LHiL'y ,lnd I\,HK,1I)\ (1')l}S) ,,111,11' III I W ,,'lllll,'!) Oil Ilw "Ircds ul S,lll Fr,lllcis(o is ,1111(111).; Ihl' I.H,~":--I ,llhl IIIL' n1lls1 llL-l.liIL'li. Eighty-tIl") j1crcL'nt III rl'sl',lIhivnl'; rl'I','rl,',1 bl'ing pl1\"siL-;II1~' .)SSiHiltL'd in plostitulioll, hS'~;, h,lll h"l'll 1"iI,,',I, ,lJ)d 6K'~;> IllL'i ui IL'liJ lor ,1 d i.1 )!,11(lS is,)f pllSI-II' ,HI III ,11 i l' SI l"t'~~ ,II:--, 11-

der (l'TSD). TIll' JlWrL' tYPL'S ()l \'illll'IKl' rl'porll'd, tht' grl',lkr ih" Sl'l'l'lily llf lilt' s\'Inptollls .1I1d till' l;ngL'r tlw liKL,lihlllld ,If Illt','lill,~; LTill'li to 1:; t i Illl'S, wi t h .1 111\'.111 'lf .1 lim lsi .'\ ')t-C lilT' 'I h't'" III till' (OlirSL' of their inl'l)ln'Jl1L'nl in L'\otic d.lIKillg_ hlrlv-I"llil l't'l­ Cl'llt of tilL' "'OI11L'n rl'pnriL'd th'1111lL' Illl'll thrL',lit'llt'tf 1" hllrllllL'lll, with J r.1I1gl' uf :; tn 1:;0 such thrl'ilis. Tlw \'i'llt'nt-l' ilh-llI,,,,,1 '1til'Il1)1it'd 1',1gil1,11 pl'llL'tratinll with fillgl'rs (ill .... ), l'l'llt'lr,lIi"ll with llbjl'cis (:>y~.;,), Jntl ,'IiL'mpil'tl r.lf'l' (17",,).

i\'L1licb-Tynd,lll', LL'\\'is, Cbrk, lubil-k, ,111.1 Y'ltlll;~ (::'tlllll) ,',Ii­ rl)bor.1tL'ci Illllsoppk's (I')lN) findings ill intl'ITil'\\'S "'1111 .-;1 1 ,'\otic d.'llCl'r~ in III club~ in S,llltl1l'rI1 Onl;ni'l, CII1,llLl. I h"ir "Iutll' f,llJJ1d ;1 gn',llL'r incitll'I1CL' 'lf plll'siC,11 .),;",llill" ,111,1 lInl\',1l1IL'd ~L'\UJI cont.1Ct in clubs with 1,1f1 d,lllt-II1)~, 1)1"1\',lll' b,lllth:;, .lnc! lor b.1CKrooI1lS. In Sll 111 L' clubs, \\',lI1Wn n'l'lll'll'd I'l'ine; IhrL'Jtl'lwd wilh job loss ii tl1L'Y did not 1.1p d,lIKl' ,1l1t1 wvrt' 11'1",,11- L'dll' prl'ssL'd tll 1,1l' dJnCL', putting tl1L'111 ,1t ri~K Ill!- I,hl'"it',li ,llltl Sl'\lIJI "iol,'net'. Jl'nnikr Wl'sll'" (~()()2), who JJ11,'ITil',,'l'l1 l! ,-111- rl'nt .1I1d II itlrl1wr striplwrs in.l Stllltl1wl'sll'rn IlIl'lrl1I)1l111.1I1,lr,"I. ,1lsll f(lund thilt II1\' d.1lKL'rs tooK ,lS ,1 gin'n tl1\' l,hl'sic',iI \llILlIl,1!1 III tlwir bodiL'S ,1') ,1 part of tlw 1\',lrK, I~llll,ll ,Inti 1~lIi:; (1'),'\\)1,11"" rt'J'llrll'd tlw CUSlllll1L'rs' iurcL'iul,lttl'mpls .11 phl'Sll-,11 (1IIll.ll·1 \\illl 111l' d'1I1Cl'rs i1S 11'\'11 as ilk-g.l1 SL'\II,11 .,cti\·it,· dllrin); I,ll' .J,lllcl'" III 1:ltlrid,l strip clubs. 8751

12K VIOI.H'CF ,\CAINST IVOI\lU, / Id'rll,lr\' 2111),)

!\ rl'Cl'nl compL'l'n involved in an indoor prostitutioll sitcas theircul'I\'nl or I;lSI pnls­ litLitinn vcnue, Sixly-seven pcrcent of ,ll! rcspllllciL'nls sdili Ih,ll ;11 on(' lime or anolher, thc)' had rcceived trcillnll'1l1 (or ph\'sicli injury,

r,lIL'ly gililwring infonn,llion ,1bolll the vioil'rKl' in l',lcll ,)i till' \'L'lHleS, This pr,lctiCL' cn

METHOD

I'IWCEIJUI{[

The rL'se;lrch project recruited!? survivors of pr(l:>litliliPIl ,Inc! trlIlL'r sl'ltings, The project rL'Il1UI1l'filtl'd surveyors on ,111 Illllllil 1),ISis; l'l'spondl'Ilts received a $15 gift certifiC

SU]{VEY

Thl' survey used was del'L'loped for the pllrl'[lSl'~ PI' Ihi:-. rl'Sl'C1I'ch study, i\ sun'inll' of prostitlltioll, tl1l'n :-;l'l'\'in,,~ ,1S ,l rCSl\1J'ch IILlI1:';, SIll' thell tL'sted thl' survey with ,lnotiwr SUr\'i\'llr \l[ ,'J'llslitillitlll, The [ivld sllrveyors ills(l pMticil',ltl'd in ,1 prl'll~stinh SL'ssitlll. ,ilkI' which thL' resl';Hchers dl'lermilled thl' [in,ll \'L'rSilln tJl 11lL' q Ill'St ion Ilil i rc, VVe asked respondl'nts tll

no I'll 11.1·:>\CF ,\( ;,\I"\ST 1\'n\lF.\: ." r"brll,lf\ cllil.J

vioiL'I1Cl' thL' II'Ollll'll eXpL'ril'Jh'l,d in l'~lCh prosliltilillil 1{'IWl'. IVollll'n lI'erl' ,1skL'd II'hl'lhL'r l',jch of 2S 'Ki:. llf l'iilll'JKI' it,ll I llCCU1Tl,d

h,]raSSllWnl WL'rL' ilskL'd: iolluwl'Li by SUl11l'Ulll' III hllll1l' (li l'l'l­ sl)J1,]1 oif-work pIJCl'S, 1111l\,;lllil'Li ,lnd rqwilled c.lll:-; ,]1 hlllllL' III' persunalllff-work places, UT1l\',lIlted ilnd repl',liL'd kllL'r:-; Ill' .~;ifh Sl'lll to honw or pcrsollilJ off-I\'tlJ'k IOC

PAHTICIPANTS

InlL'ITiclI'L'rSSllrl'l'\'L'd alo!;ll 0(222 1\'l1llll'll

DEivl OC HAI'HICS

/\I/llost 55'~';) of Ihe responLil'llis 1\'lTL' i\{riCdll !\nlL'riC.l11, 1-;.1 "" I_,]tin,], 16.3'~;;, WhitL', 12.2'1;, bir,l('iill, 2.Y:'~' /\si,lI1/I',l('ific hl.llhil'r, 'lIllil.-l'};, N,1tiVL' /\n1l'ricilll. Olll" 7 (3.2%) oi till' 1\'{llllL'll 1\'l'II' Illli US. eili1.L'IlS or leg,ll per III ,1 1lL'llI rL'sidl'llls. Sl'I'l'll pl'ICl'll1 II'l'll' leg,ll perl1l,llwllt rl'sidl'nts and 0l)'6'\, l\'l'IT US. l-ili?I'I1S l Thl' respondents rallged ill Jhl' frolll 18 toS ), wilh ,I I11l,,111 ,I,~~l' Ilf 31.6 years. 1\lmllst half of 11lL' 1\'UIlll'1l (-F).:'1'~:,) h,ld !L'ss Ih,lll ,] 8754

1{,lph,H'I, Sh,lpir,) i 1.,\1 X X lJi .. \,,\1) I )l'll )( X W I'I{( l:'llll II( l,\ \'1 '\ll '-. !,j

Figtlfl' 1: I'l~rTl'n{')hl' of Rl'sJHHllients P;Hlicip.Jling ill till' i\lt)st COJll 1110 fl I'rll:-.lilllliilil Aclivilit':'>

high schooleduciltion, TI.3% h'1d il high SChUlll dl'gl'l'l' 1)1' l:EI), .1nd FI,I '~;) hild SOJlll' college eciucltion,

Prostitution Activities

WOlllen I\'ere asked whl'ther Ihe), h,Hi p,lrlicip,llvd ill l,lI'I'lll' prostitulion ,lClivities, for \\'h'll knglh of tillll', in 11'1);11 Sl'ljlll'lll'l', ,md \\'hether till')' l'ng,lged in Ihelll SilllllI t,lilL'lllISI\', "'\l'lil'ilil's were Ciltegori7,ed ,lS "indoor" and "(lutd(l(lr," with Illllcil}()1' i nclud i ng 5t fee t, s u rv i vill Sl'X (t ri1d i ng sex for food, d I'U gs, or h I IUS­ in)!,), drug houses, truck stops, imd holds (til which 11ll' II'lllllL'1l hrought custOJllers solicitl'd Oil Ihe street), Ind(l(ll' 'lL'lil'illl';' included escort services, exotic dancing, pril"ll' d,II1Cil1g, UII'1l residl'nce, brotlll'ls, peep shOll'S, and mass.lgL' f',Hitll'S, 1::\1111,' dimcing (or stripping) \\',lS onl)' included if the I\'PIll,'1l sl,Iit''' 111.11 till')' engaged ill prostitutioll, "clu"lly Ir:, in thrL'L',lllA'~i" in four, 5,9':';' in fin', .lIlci6.' .... ill :'1\ Ill' mml', The "Imost ()Ot) proSlitlltillil ,lCli\'ilil's !h,,1 I!l\' 22l) !'t'Sf'llll­ (knt:, identifiL'd cll',ulv indiciltL' Ihilt till' I\'Ollll'll J1l(l\L't1 fnlllllllll' proslilution \'L'nUL' tOilllothero)' undertook IhcllI :,illlllll,llll',lll:,I\, I

ThoSl' th;)1 Wl'rl' idL'ntifiL'd by fl'\\'l'/" t/1,1I1 I()"" ll( 1\'C;I'lli1lll'111~ ,lll' not included in till' figure, Our stud\, h,lS sL'vL'!"'lllimit.)lillnS that should bl' Ihlll'd, ;\~ lil" Sun'l'}' \\',1:; not r,lndoll1, it ci1nn(l1 cbim tolK' rvprl'sl'nl.llil'l' ll( .111 \\'onwn in prostitution in till' Chic.lgll Jl1l'trtll'lllil.lJl .11\'.1. TIll' s;Jmpk' is CllJnp()sed of \\'OJ11l'J1 'llrl'ihly knll\\'i1 t(l SUI'll'\'llr~, I\'onwn with wh(lm the), workl'd ",hill, prL'l'illllsly ill pJ'llslitll­ tion, Jnd women rderred by thllSl' intl'l'I'il'l\'l'd, ,\ 111.1jllril\' lJlII1l' WOJl1en in the S;lJl1Pil' were /\friCilll /\nwricJn ('i,)""J, llllllllllhl­ l'dll' rl'liecting till' riKl' imd l'thnicity of till' sun'l'l'llrs .1I1d I ill' 11rl l­ cess L1sed,IIIJ\\'l'I'er, no signific,1J11 differl'nc,'s \\'l'rl' (ulind .lIIHlIl,~ the diffL'rent r

RESULTS

PrevaleJlce of Violence

IVith inform;ltion frolll both slrL'l't imd o(f-strl'l'i l(lC;lll(llb, Ihl~ r('sl'inch is ilbll' to COlllpJrl' thL'l'rl'I',lll'nCl' of \'i(lI,'IlC,' .1lT(l~> Il'll­ Ul'S in olle brgL' urbiln setting, I'd()st of thl' tqws ll( l'illll'llll' 1\ l'I'l' P rl'sen t MrtlSS ;lllt y pes of prost I t ut ion, bllt till' f rl'q lIl'I)C\' I If Pl-l'lll­ rence often varied ilCroSS ;)ctil'ilil's, In .lliditi(ln, SllllH' ,ld~ llf I'ill­ icnel.', such JS being bUrIll'd, hi1d loll' riltes of U('CUJ'Jl'JlCl' ,1UllSS ,111 sex tr;Jde I'l'IlUl'S, ",IWH'JS nthl'J's, such ;lS hl'ing c.lil,'" offt-Ilsi\ (' llamL'S, IVl'n' high acroSS.111 i1Ctil'ilil'S, T,lbk I prL'Sl.'llts (i

'A BIL I l'e'(l·nt.1gl· of fh'spondl'nls Ever E\JH.·riellling V-IOll'l1fl' !\If()~''' I'Iu .... litulillll \'\'l\lIl':-'

{ );;·.'1

11.'11 .... ,· '"

(/1 - _)-/) III - JiJl j /11 - _' I} 'Il - "r, '.I ':1 '.j,

SI.I)'I'·'d :;;.1 Pllfh'hcll .11).1 11,lir I'lI'It'd Pindlt'd

Sp,lllk,'d "- I. !I Kick.'d _1,1 /\ipPl'd dtl!ht':-=" ~l)llll'lhlJlh !hr{l\\'ll ThH',lknl'd \\"ith \\'l'.lpll]\ Y} ..·~ 'I,;'

TIHI',llt'IWd r,lpl' YJ.l II "f Fillgt'r:-'/l)bjl'ch .1S.7 -N.ll ,1 I ·.1.·: rnn:t'd St').. .5tl.n 2.1 ..1 1,1.,1

l'llCl' of \' iole'ncl', TlwSl' d,l 1.1 dl'llll lnsl 1'.1 iL' th;lt I' lul"llel' \\' ,1:- pl"I' ,)­ iL'nt

Ihe 12 I'crccntagc of Women Exprricncing r-rrqucnt ViolencC' Across Prostitution Venues

Escorf f.rnfic DOl/rillS Orrl! f\t'SiriCllt"L' $trc(1 "olel, L1rJlS } {{HI~C SureiPI11 Sex Type c~( Violencc Frcql,clIcy (n = 28) (n = 43) (n = 24) (n = )01) (n = 2]) (n = 45) (n = 29) .. ---.. -~----.---- Slapped > 10 2R.6 I('J 12.5 :1IUi D.H 21'.9 24.1 5- III 10.7 11.~ U 19.A In 2U.O h.9

Punched > III 17.\} Y.3 H.3 1"~ .;... -I ~-'.~ 24.4 2,0.7 S-IO () 4.7 () 11'1 U III ~4 Hair pulled >IU -'2.1 IH.h 12.~ 33.7 U 20.1I 20.7 5-](1 3.6 7.0 () 9.Y 4.H 13.4 34 Pinched > 10 17.9 18.6 R.3 B.9 9.5 24.4 h.C) 5-10 7.1 4.7 4.2 4.0 U 4.4 1I Sp"nked > 111 32.0 IHh 1:2 .5 Y.Y 23.H 1:1.3 D.K :;-l(l 7.1 7.11 11 .-.n II () Kicked > 10 7.1 7.ll 4.2 129 Y.~ 20.0 103 5-10 U 4.7 () 14.9 IU 4.4 :1.4 i{iPf'"d cloth", > ](1 214 23.-' 1(,.7 .'1.7 ~2.9 20.0 IO.~ S·IO 7.1 14(J 4.2 IY.S Y5 1.'U 10.7 S'lfnl'lhing thrown >10 14.:; 14.11 n D.B 2.1.~ 24.4 20.7 5·lll J.t; 1/.6 4.2 1:;.9 {) 4.4 (,.Y Thrl·~lt1.'lll·d with "'l'apC1!1 > Itl 7.1 7.0 0 I'!.~ 4.~ l:;J) Itl ..' 5·111 7.1 I ,~.I, tl 119 IY.tl 17.S I tl ..' ·lhrl.'.1kn,·d r.1rl' > It) 7.1 III', I ~.:; I·;.w u.:i ~(l,{) {,.U 5·1 tl 7.1 1.";.tl 42 1.1.l.l 14.:1 22.2 (1.\1 l:i/lgl'r:-;/l,tljt'ct:, > III :~.h I ~.t1 1~5 17 :-i ]4.,1 =~4 17.:' ;·lil 7.1 u ..' ' , " '.11 II 17.~ L~Y r Ilf l·l·I~. .... v \ > II) 21·: 7.11 ~Il.."": ~ 1 ..":: I ~.C :.; ·1 l.i.-': )- III III.; II! ·1.2 1/1,.' tl ~.: .J

.... -~--.----.- - ·.I01l'.II,xi.l,ld ,lql St' dlUld l' I") q 111I,) 1)1 \,'-; I', '.).1 (1.11 0 Stu I pi ,\ ,\1,).1\ Oll ,1\ U,)lll(),I\ ,Ill i Jtl ":;,[<;l: PUl' ''',111I1,1 ,iq 1','IIIH'SSI' ,).1,1,1\ ~),)ddl'l<; U,I')L] pl'q Olj,\\ S;),)I.I.I,)S ].l())S;' 1I1 II.'UIIl.\\ .1(1 11I,IJ.I,)d ,)UO-,\].Ill1J '<;!,)]Ol! III U,)lllO,\) pip St' 'll/"lj] 1<;1I11':-il' ".lU,)!(lI,\ ,)lll .Ill )ll!l! III elll ~lI!ll'll,lli.l,ld ";l! ..;dLUld P,I!.I1i -lI,'!)1 S,'JI.\.I,'S I.lOy~,IUI LI,)1lI0A\ ',mU,),\ ,lpl!.I] X,)S ,lql ,1]ldS,lP'SIU')I) -lI(lcb,).1 "lIl .Ill ,\Ul'lll .I()) 1lI,)!q(l.Id l! Sl!,\' SdLUld tll(J.!! ,)JlI,IIU1/\ ·S],),I.I]S ,llj] Utl ,lllq,\) p,)cil'.1 11')')'11'1'11 (lll'\\ 1I,)lll(l,\\ ,)ql Jll '~,.~·~L ~UlpnjJUI , P,).I')I) n-; ;\;)l(1 ,)JlI')1 -(\1\ "l(I.lll lji.II1()1 ,)lIO J1Hll]I' .101 ')leJl-;UlldS,'.l7lll1')L] Sl' S.I,IU].I1'd ,)ll'llI -11111 1',lI.IIIII"1'1 1,),).11-; ')l(1 Ull 1I,'IIiOM 'Sp,l,lll 1l!,II,\.IIlS .lUI X,)S SUI -~;1I1'11·)\') ll,)lll(),I\ 1-;11 I l'71l' ,)JlI,II0I.\ ,lql.l0 ':";,Ot) il] Lin pUt' ,1,)lh1PIS,I.1 II.\\{\ .11,)ljl UI ,\.)1I1111l .10) X,)S ~lIq'l'j] U.'lU(),\\ ]-;lIll'~l' ;)JU"I0I.\ ')lll III ""IHII tl) ':"Sl: ~),))l'.I),)dj.)d S.I,ll1).Il'd 'U,ILUO,\\ ,)lIlISU!l!~l! .)JlI,1 III 1.\ ,'jl'.II,)d.I,)d (1) '\1')>111 )SlllU dI1IU7l)\,IU .)lll.l.l,l,\\ S.I')lIl.1l'd ")l~lUlIU! "('.).Il' !l'UI7Il',\ .I1.)llllll P;)qql'.I:: 11,),''1 I'l'lj (llj,l\ ,)SOlj) J() ";,O'l}h PUl' l!1ll'SSl' 1l'llx.)S qIL\\ P,lU,)1l'.I.1ljI 11,',)'1 Ill'lj (llj,1I S.I,I,)lIQI In ':o[SS ,\q p')IJ!]lI,)~11 .).1.),\\ S.I,11l101<;IlJ '.illl'.)I.jl',)d~ ·,).1U,)!OI.I Il'I1X,)S .10 SPl' Ill' ISUllIll' ?llllplljJUI '.lllll,l.1 "Iljl III ,1.11l"I(li,\ ,1(II.lll o';,O()[ 01 ':..11\: .lUI ,)!qlslIOds.).1 ,).1,),\\ ,\.llll :~lIl -.'lIl'I' .)110\,) III lI,)lll(l,I\ ISUIl'';\l' ,)JlI')IOI.\ .)ql .Itl IS(lLU p.lll'.lj.)d.I.ld ()"II' S.l"lllnISI1~) '1,)1' IU.)!O!.\ .)lIlIlO ';1UIPlI,xi.lfJ 'lI0!llljlIStl.ld 1'),\,)1 -I,),).I)S III ".)lI,)!OI.\ ')ljl.l0 ':.;,(){)[ (l] ";,(:t) .IUI')lllisuods,l.1 ~lIl.lq -;l~ S.I,1 -lIl(lI<;IL) 1"".11lu"Il! 1I,)llll),I\ ')lIl ")ldlllP".) .IO:! 'UOliIII ljStl.!d .10 s.KLil Ill' ~S(l.I.'I' ,),'1I.1Inl.\j() <;.!l)ll'.lj,ld.l.,d p.lIJljU.lpl '\IIU.,llb.l.I.lISOlli .)ljl .1.1,)\\ "'j.'I.II/".I,)lIl(lI<;IU '/11'.1.),10 ·-;,IIlU.I,\ 1I0l]lllljSo.ld SSO.I.W "lIl'll -lIl'I":tlll~ .1,'.1.1'1' Ill\l I)q) ,IJ\I,II 0 !'\I(l <;.I011'.!1.)d.I.ld f),llj l lll.)!'1 ;)lLl_

S.IOj eJj JdJ ,1,1

',,;Jlllil ()[ pUl' c; 1l,),).\\1,)<] until',),\\ l' ql!,\\ p.lll.lll'.).Il/1 .to/PUl! ,)dl'.! ql!,\\ P,lu,lle.).Iljl 1I')"q I'l'lj <;.I,).1l1l'P .)IIOX;1 .1 0 ":;.(1 [ l"nLUIV ·s.)LUIl .).lOlU .I00[ ["I>fueds 11')')<1 11I'lj IlIll' '11')lIl1d .!Il'lj 1I,lljl pl'lj 'p.lddl~IS 1I,1')Q pClj p.llql I' I S, 'lilli' 1'\1 I' 'S, lllill ,).!

'" i c; I I\, 1.\ \'1 1I1..1.1.l1";< )",1 "iXXII. I< 1 (!.\,V 1I

89L8 8759

/'olin' \\'l'rl' n,1J)wd <1S till' pl'q,l'lr,) tors pf ,) 1-;rl',)t ell',) I (II 0-,',\\1,11 ,)bllsl' ,lg,)inst WOIlll'1l Oil till' strl'l'Is: 2~'\, 01 \\'Oll1l'll ()Il tht' stl't','ls \\'hp s,lid till')' werl' r

bL'cn robbl'd st,)lL'd th,)t it \\,,1;; by till' pnlicl', 1I'11,'r,'.ls 1,<;"" tli \\'onlL'n in L'scnrt sl'rvices who \\'l'rL' forcL'd to ll1;lStllrh,)k Stlilh'­ one s

DISCUSSION

Wl' note t h<1 t l'ffgeJ.f~)L' rCl'n til gl'S of \I'omen in till's t !L'l' Is, in til'll,; hOllses, and in hlitels exp,'riencL'd nHJrl' of tlw t"Pt'S tlf "i(>iL'llCt' th,)n did lVonWI1 in thL' otl1L'r prostitution \'l'nUl'S, Ilt)\\l'I"lT, \\'OI11L'n ind()(lrs 1I'l'rl' freqllent \'ictill1s of \'illkncl' ,llltl, in ,,"1111' instances, thL' t:CPl' of l'ioiL'nCl' \\',lS morL' sl'ri(lt\S ,lilt! tl)(' 1l'\('I" higher thall {IYt)sL' cxperiencL'd h,' \\'Oll1L'1l outd(l()r:-., (Exotic d,1I1CL'I:),'rL'portL'd a high pre\',)k'ncL' of loving thrl',ltl'lwtl l\'j(h~t-wL'apo(l'1nd thrL'iliL'nl'd I\'ith r<1I'l', It is unlikl'I\' th,lt tlri~ t~'pL' of violelKl' would takL' pl,)c,' on till' upl'n l'l(lt)r tlf till' ,'lllh". TIll' largl' llulllbL'l' of dancL'I'S bl'illg \'ictimizl'III11,lJ)d,)ll's th.ll \\'1'

hl',lI" frolll WOml'll ill prostitutioll about II'h,lt gUL'S (1I) ill till' 111,)1\' priv,)ll' cornl'rs <1nti ,11"l'as of totl,)y's strip clubs, Tlll'sI' tl,lt.) ,11,,1\ Ch,liiL'ngl' till' "iL'I\' (If strip cluhs ,)S h,lrJ11iL-ss l'nll'rL)illn1l'I)I, ,'t)r­ rubor<1ting l'xisting rL'sl',)rch th,)t h,lS found th,lt un\\'.llltl'd ~t'\II,li CllJ1t,lCt ,mt1 \'ioic>l1cl' occur in clubs with pri\'.lll' htl\>lh~ ,111L1 b,lCkwol11s (l1tris.oppk, Il)l)l); i\!.lticb-Tynd,)iL' vt ,)1, 2(l!)(J), \VonlL'n in ysJorl sen'icl's rl'porll'ci fn'(]lIl'n t tl(Cli rrl'I1<'t'" t If furcl'd SL'X ,)nd othl'r "iok'nt ilCt~, ,)S did "'llmL'n ()PLT,lting

Ihf"llllgh lISL' llf l'iokncL', Cllltilllling, Ih,ll Sllllll' "'''l11l'll 111.11' h' (In,lloll' 10 Cllllirol the il'rills of till' tr'lns,Ktioll ,1 SiC',llifiC,llll I,{)rl i{lIl of thL' til1le, These WOllwn, tr'lding SL'X (or In(lill'I' in IIll'il' ,)\\'11 hOllll's llr hotcl roOIllS, m'l), bL' l'I'L'IlIl111I'l' iSlll.llcd Ih,1I1 \\'{lll1<'ll ill sirip clubs or un tilt' strl'l't. I3L'C;llISL' Illan}' m,lY bL'liL'\'l' th,lt it is 1101 posslhll' f{)r \\'{llll,'ll III l'J'{lstitlitilln CI'l'r to bl' I'ictims (li r,lpe, in th,llllll'l' 'llll'i' 11i"ill),,"· il~s up (or cOlllllwrci,ll usc, littk .llklliion h.b bl'l'll gil'l'll 1,1 11lL' I)roblelll of rape in prostitution, 1\ltllOligh Ihis iSSUl' \I'<1S Il{l! Ihl' foclis of till' present study, our d,lt;) do pro"id,' suhsl.mli,ll VI'i· LiL'ncl' th.lt ClIst(lllll'rs em, ;)nti .Ill, SL'XlI,lll\' \'iclillli/l' \\'{lIlll'll ill t hL' SL'X t ra dc, Iligh leI'L'ls of violence frL'quL'lltly expl'ril'llcL'ti b~' \\'{lllll'll ill ,I I'.lril'ly of prostitutioll 1'L'nuL'S tl',llIl1ldtic.llil' ,lffe,'t 11lL' \\{lI1lL'Il'S physical and llll'nt'll well-being (F.HiL'\' & Il,nk,lll, 1\)');--;), Ih'~" dfccts Ill,l\' lilllil till' \I'Oml'n's ,lbility for iulurL' Ihillkill~~ ,lr i)1.111' Ilillg, III ,1)' tr'lf' thelll furthl'r in till' l'illil'llcL', ,lIlei 'l{f,'ciliwir ,ll)ilill t,l s.lkly' k,l\'L' thL' SL'X tr.llit-, VVllllll'n sL'L'killg Itll'XII prllslil1lli(1I1 fn>11l b()th indoor and outdoor l'l'nliL'S lI'ill IlL'L'Li SI),'ci,lli!.L,t1 :-:'1'1"

I' ices tll 'lssis t till' I1l in rl'CO I'eri n g f J'() 111 till' di'L'l Is l 1f t hi:-:. I' i lllL' Ill\', TIll' significant prcvalence o( l'iok'ncL' in ,111 r)rtlSlitlitillll l'l'Il' Ul'S, II' hL't hL'r i nd OOl' or Oll td 001', 1'.1 ises SL'ri llUS '1l1l'SI i, )IlS ,1 b, !lll 1111' clislonlL'rs, tlll'ir .1SSlll11ption:-:., ,lilt! theil' 1l1l1lil',lli{lIb ill ~l'l'kill,,~ 'llll I\'()llll'n in prostitution ,llld I,hysic,llh' abllsillt~ .1llLl 11111',11,'11- inc; tlwlll, Thl'sL' Illl'n must bl' l'il'\\'L'd ,1S b.lttl'rl'r'; r,lth l 'I'lh,lIl,"lh­ IlllllL'rs ,lI1d appi'llpri,lIl' rL'mct!iL'~ (iL-Sit',llL'd, TIll' frl'lllll'llll' wilh which WOllll'n, ,llld IlOt just thosl' llll thl' ~trl'l'ts, ll,lllll't1 polil"l'lllL'll ilS till' perpetriliofs of the vi 0 ic..'llCl' ;)g,linst thl'Ill,ll:-:'ll r,lisl'~ Sl'rilllh (llllCl'rnS rL'quirillg slrollg .lCtioll. Tlwsl' dilla 'lppcar to Sllppllil Schw,Ht7 ,llld l)ills'~ (I'N=;) nlll­ lilll' ilctivitiL'S thl'or}" which assvrls th.lt till' il Ill(lll III ,lilt! 11),',llillll l)f crinlL' ,11'(' affL'ctcd, if not ClllSl,d, by Ihrl'l' iml)orl'lIll (,lL"I{)I>: 1111' p rl'Sl'll Cl' n/ Ii kL'1 Y (lffend l'rs, I\' hll ,1 rL' p rl'Sll Illl'd t II hI' nllli i 1'.1 Ii'll t,) lllmmit till' crinlL's; till' JbSL'llll' llf d(l'clil'l' t',lI,lIdi,llb; ,lllLl 11lL' ;w,lihbilily of sllitabiL' t.lrgl'ts, S1ll1ll' nwn ,Hl', in,l p.lIri,H,'I1,ll ;;')l'j· d,\', SOCi;lliZL'd by their mail, pL'l'rs .11ld Othl'l' cllllur,ll .lC;l'lll;; I,) I'il'\\, \\'OIllL'll ;llld girls in prostillitilln as sllit,lbll' I;Hgl'ts ,,( Sl'\ll,ll ;l,~)-',rL'ssioll, In cl'rtain illdu(lr l'J'llslitlitioll 1'l'11Ul'S ,lS \1'(,11 ,1> ill IllJlcl\' outdoor :-:.pots, \1'O!lll'n ,1I'l' iSOl.ltl'd fWIll lllllL'rs \\'h{) l',lll SL'I'\'L' to chl'ck criminill bl'h'l\'illr, \'\'llnlL'n ill both inci()llr ;lIlt! lllll· 8761

door 11rostitution \'l'ilUl'S ,Hl' ()(tl'n ,)1(1I1l' \\'ith thl'lr l'tlst()lllL'r",

TlwsL' ill elI'S m,)\, bL' till' most l'IJinl'r,)hlL', btlt ;l 1\'(llll,lJl'S ,lhilit\, - , ttl SlIJllnHln 11L'lp while in ,) Illltl'l room with ,1 tI,lllgl'rpU" .1hUSl'r IlldV .)Iso bl'l'xtrl'nll'h'lilllitl'll. hlr till' routiJ1L' ,)ctil'itil's tlll'tlJ'I, ,lll , , t h,l t is nl'cl'sS,HY is t ha t thl' ,)bll~l']' bl'liL'\TS t 11,1 t Co1I),lhll' ,~t I,) I'd i, lll~ ,Hl' ,1 bSL'n t. This linl' of SPL'ClJi' be IMt;ely silllii

HHEH,ENCES

H,'Il'lil, C., & ,\Iill.lr, ,\. (20t)J). J)i:>/1\'/Jing I1l1lfh ..... ,J1.1 11I1I/,'/:-fIJHdIlJ.\' f",If/!v, \\'.1/;,,;",\"; 11/:,/1 tll'lh, Jh'd/tll .. 1j//II~.l/l1d ".li/iJt.\. fr/)I'III'Jlt'" 11{ .... ,·1 :nl,.k,'/>. Vtl·I,~n.l. \",lll,\\!.I" 1'1.'..,I:!I):,"' EIllPII\\"l'fllh>nl, FdlJl.:.llilll\ .lnd Hl'~lllJr\'I' ~'~l·it't.'...

( Jllln"h. S .. I klldt'r:-'I)Il, \1.. B.lrJl.lrd ..\L. Ii...:. 'I.HI. (:. (~!){IJ) \'j\)I"Il\" b\ \'111'11[:-- : .• \\·.11.: ..... [t'm,Jll' prll:--I itllit·.... ill dihl'rl'llf \\,prJ...... dI ing .... : QuI, .... ti, II1Il.lil" ..... lIrTI·~ lit t!1 .... JI.~ 1.".fI. ,f: 1,111' 11.11, ill. :='2..j-~:Z). !-.lr!t'"\", ~ I", l-.:. H,lfLlll, II. (Pll)S). 1'1"1 ):-.1 ilulil )11. \ tplt')h"t' ,),1-:,1 in ..... 1 \\'\ )Jllt'n, ,lJhi 11tht!: ,1I1t1l,1t 1, :->Irl':-':-- di.'>llrth'r. \-\"IIIII{'I1I"~ IJI'rdllJ.l-: ..1;--.jQ

!",Irlt'"\", '\1., & Kt·lI.v, V. (~!l{)O)" I'rnslJlulllln: :\ \·l"1lll-.11 1"1'\"1\'\\" I)i till' Jlh'd,\',ll ,llhi :--11\ !,d .... \-1· t'!1l"l';-, lilt'r'l(urt'. I \'1111ll'1I lind CrilJl/lw/ JII ... !/t"I·, I J. :?\1"1.""l" 8762

J h)I~"rTk. K.' jlN'J). ~lri'>l-llIb:-. ,h"\'!}rdillg 1.1 ... tnpi'\·r ..... 1·")II.... Jn,~ \\""lkpl.ll'· .... '·\11.1: '. ,,' 1l'Ikt', In I) Illlt:I"· .... & <. .1\1)\"111' (hi ..... ), ,\i.lj,/IlS thl"hllPIf i'l .... rf!/(· {;!,,!).!! >,,"tli.i; '·~:/LI.:_;:;", .... · ~/'I),,"'I! ,IJJII :~lfl...... ~'I'I·flJ.:jJf:~· 1)11/ dud/IIlli'll/m:: ":,,', :'1\·1' .... (fT', ~:;2·~7fIL KJ!l~>llll). 1,1. <. ,·.~;I~ILn~ ,·\h.lm:.. ! "Ir.llhd..ing in \\'ullll'n . .\ !'lIie"-.t-"j ynd'llt', L. I.,·\\·i ..... , J., ("I.HI-... J., i'.tll'l,'k,. ,., & )""llng, S (20[){) F\llt II d.llh"iI),~: ,lIh: ht'.llth. \\'/111(,'1/ ...., /Inlllll, 1/, S7·/tlS

.\ kLln lY, \ \', ( It/l)S). PrlJ:-.lil utt·~ .•1I1Ii·prll 1l'lIlllli.--h .1Ilt! Iht' l'l nllt lilli,' ,1-.;-'1 ,,"I,ll!", I d ',\ III 11\';:-.

In J i"1i.b. \' Bullllll)!,h, \', 1·II.l~. & <.~. Brl';\ l'r (J:.d.":'.L j'/,) .. llfllll,11/ ()I/ :/':;IIII'~ /11/-::,'; -, ,j.':.i i,I/tJ/'> ("p. :;~.i,-.'d·l)_ .. \IlJiwr ..... L ."1: 1',1)lIId/)I·II.... BI),Jk..... !'I)Il,li, C IC, \\:. rJ!i:-.. C. (!I}."\\}). ·!lIIll-UIl:-. i,ll IllPllt'.\·· 1IlIt'r.ldi,1I1.11 .... !J".lll·.~~lt"... II; :11.' :,!ili,'

d,llll·t'J". Illt{/"I/'ll,~/' ('/ll/fl'I1//'I1fllrll rtll1I4 I.(l.I: litIJ. I ;';, ~-; ,. ~\/,,,. ~\'Il\\·.lrl/., t\ L D" & Pills, V. f J IN:;), Tn\\',Hd.l i,·mini:-.! J"tltlillh' .h'II\·illt·..... 1J':lf,l.l.-h ~I I ,'\ !d.II:: illh :->1·.\u.ll,b..... lIdl./lI .... /tt r' f.• .,}lIlH"/r,,.il/, L', 1(I·1J \\"'llh", R, i:?tll)Ol. \\'h,\' \,'t' nt·"d 1111)1"1' n·~I'.H\-h Ill) .... t·\ \'·,)I·k. III h~. \\','11/,'! II d.l. ',,', ~." "'; .. !'ro;-:fi/ 11/;/1/;. IJIIl"lhIXttlJ)h.lI. d1ld Oll' :-:,'X IIIdu ... /n/ (pp. /-1.1) ..'\.:,'\\. \,Irk' I" JI 111,·\J:,~\· \\'t'~"'~', J. K. (!tlIl2). C;r')\\'ing lip :-','\II,lli/l·\1 1...... 111· ..... \)[ Ptl\\',,! ,lnd \ iilll'lh'" III tll,'!1\ , .... ,II {t'lll,lIt' t'~I)/il' d.llh',·r ...... \:/,1/,'''(,' :\XII1I1>/ 1\",11/1,'11, ,\', J J,"h· J ~ II

/11.1.11 Htll,hlll'i t,'> :'I'/lior n·. ..:,,·f1r(/l.1~'II"i/' II! ,11,'1 )1'1>11111 U,l/ill"!"....;/!.II Cj)!i",\,/· ,I!'! i/;,":-­ rlllllily I_diP C,'II11'1". F/u' IlIlthol 1~/lllnlll'JPU~ rl'~('I'r(lI rl'/,,,rl-:- ,Ill i'ill/,'III',' 11:;;/;·/1 ....:

U'Ol!ft'JlII}/iet'l/;/I"!'IIJld ill 11r.)~1 il/IIil)ll, .":'/;j' i-:- {'lInC'III!.I' ('lIlllt''';.I'.1 Oil ;rr it iI/,\' II (J i!­

{lS,1I d"~l'rthiJJS tIll' JllIIN.!1 jPtI.lh Jh,t i'Ii '!(I/(!' Jllllke'''' tllld k,'.·J'.":" ;I'II///,'n /IIJ,II II: lii(' lIlIil,',1 Sial,'" S;lI'jl\g Ill'rnin': ll;lI"'rl'd \\'p,nl'I1, \\,,'Ii.lr,', .1Ild I'.'\l'rr\ (lV.H·tlll'tI-:=lt'rJl lllli"I'r::-jl.lll>fI'~_"') Jl/'/h'dr".1 illl{)(){),IIIJd :\',Jrt1ic'lhtl'flf ;('i/I /I/II"!::,-Il

1111' ~!"(Illld i.'O"lI1JI', 1.i~Il'ning III (Jli\·i.J: Vinil-ncl'. I 'll\'l'rt y, ,lllti I In ):-..1 it\lllt Ill. ill '/'rill,\ 21J1J-I,

I )!'/Joftlh I.. SIIII/,irl i.,;" tlIJI}. .:.ldl)t'/orl1'Jdf,);ll ill/Ill' 'li'flIl/1I11 I )i ...:.,lrtf,T":' /)1"11:,'01/1/ ill ' SJrt'f'IJIlIt! {Iro/l f lll.o..;l'ill1/ ill HlllliJIlIIF!'. i\/tI".I//flIIJ i-'rr·"itJu..:./i;, ... 111' ;""""/1 I,' .. ,',,}, 1: ~/fIJI'nlj~(lr II! tlil' C('n/f',"/()r Inl/h/d }','::','lIrl"ll. 1/,'" 1"I'~I'd,.dl /ll/t'fI· .. !> 1I1,'fll,i,' ilit'

!JI"/'c'I'1/tilnl I~l i'101,'lIt',' tiSllill ...;1 ({'till/I'll IlIilllh' 1,111.'\·/1"1"/1/ iJllt'Jld {,(,"ili!,fJtl 't 'iI .... t·\ /1111 tlll/I~I', i{'iJ/J dilli(lI/ 'il'(lfk-'il{·I/ .... iJl:~ Ill{ fht'fl/fll ;,,;,/) ::'/lr;·ji'tl/> ,I!' :Jdl(!lJd 8763

This is Exhibit L referred to in the affidavit of

-<-R...... ,b",---,--Il=o=l-=d.=-" ---"-~~----,-""e-,-d-.U7;",",,f=_,-,-(____ sworn before me, 8764

::;~~6~ ~~:~;~'.'.'.~'Q~~~~~. ~.~~~ SWORN BEFORE ME THIS DAY OF ..... AD .... 2008

A COMMISSIONER, ETC. 8765 ------._._----.

Iri:11 d~\!;l. 'l'llt'rt' \\'1.'1\' )1" \W\I'i(' ,1;111 :111('], l!i!lt'lt'IH t-"

ill (Olll!'!!! pr~lC[i{·l~:-; .. illt/ILII!I].!.! 111.1t ".. SJI·fll:t! ('JlI~"!lJld­

CiS h;ul !~I) 1·lIt·.t'!. rill' ;!j']f[! CI1\\,HCI, .111 iIHl't';I"n{

1---- {11:~lln"II h~ ... lt·lnhllll\ 11111l(l·tU·!\lllllt :~r'\\:II'-lll.l\ II\' l,eCIlI:'>c dw\ II;II/;rirl',!!h ~·t·' ,')\t,!1 >1:JIJlIJJ~n.llt'lil"';i jllH'

lJI.'~Hllll:lll. Tht""(' Ht!JIH'11 fl!.l\ 1111H l'l·d II) 1!llH~' ;'PI'II)' U~e 01 NSAI05 [)e~UlC ClJt,!{3110rJ I pri;rlt· .... lllgC!"\ ;1.":1 n.-."dr!: 1,1 rlJi, iJII<'/ \'j'Jl!IIJ!1. USI! 01 ~·ISAIDs. dllt1f CU\.!GIHOII H'c 1h:1I1l.. .111.~nH·r'.;f pr.l. Hli .. lh·j' .. ",il,l !';IIIIII\LIII'd III !ill' ,,!ttl;\ .11111 JlH' Il·.!.!i/)Il:d pl;:"I.~J.I"II.!lI· ",111I.1!1"11 ,dlilt·. :\)I.!.!li.: .llld (hiliI'd Ik,dlll.\tJl1l1lnl·•. Firl/I"lIrI!. ( .. 'nll'ltch~t,.\\id", .. ~1 \,.,h.h\'

.1 :- ... i "I; 11)0 t· i I \\ I ~IJJ r I I ",I 11.1', l' 1),', '11 J" ,,,', J ~ I,' I" I ; J I J Ii )Ie ", I j 11' "i I H (;. I :')lljlii1lll~tr ... : (.J~f(F h, J\JP( ,,\d1 ,.,ull! Ik"l''':'\~ "II,i IIlJph'IlU·III •• lt,," .. uI,11I 111:11 •. 1.>,:",,"-,1. ,;_.1.1., oi;.lI" 'I] .,Hlt.I:I.J!1 'I" .IJl.I 11.lllt"j \lll'\l.tI.lli,'ll .Itt': .'p\",,\.d \1' In·it)!·'1 ,,11\ .llllln 01 IIV'l;.,!fl .ll)d ]I.IJ wi p~ <'1 j,lI dll' 'I I .111': .Ii ,/ 'I, ,,- •• : ! I " I' .d~., It" ''':'11.11,

I'Jsr,JD~ aWI'SII'/lilt;;,! ,111I1'lnll,;IlI!II{ll{lf',' I:r~.(j .II!I"t. 1(: I.~.~~ III\qht·d llf 11l,!l·.,·tlll·III.,IH.IJ "lib" .II"lil. JlL.tjl.I'.~1 lIIt,'JII, ,LII.I ('liI,lIi"ll .!lul .q,!nll·.. I; i~\I\'· ".1' 111\"hl',j iii .1.11./ Oods li-ItlOS tur V;,rIOUS aspects 01 IlIcoDrrhJglJ miHlilgemcn: 00111 udblilltl .l>,\;1 .," .. d\ ... i~ :1\\'\ IJ·l],,·l JII' jI.• r:IIJ"n .Iilt! .11'ln1>\.i: u oriOle ;!flrJ allel educalionill HII-croJeolion, Bars 'CDlesenl 95 ,,, S\fll \\.1), il)\lIhi·d ill ,UJllil ;H1.,h,j~ .lIlo! J}.,!lt'/ prqJ:II.11I1)Ii .11).]

cCllljelcnce IIHCfV(lIS ~IIIP! ,"'.I!. :'(1-:1 1 ~,' .1:- ;\'1\' lh \ '1\ i!. 11.1) It·! / >I I ! 1,1[ .ui· 'II .IIII! _1/'; lI'" .d. SI,S 1.1.1:-0; il1\1lht'tl in 1':11"" PI'·f,.IJ.lIi'IP .!lld ,IPIlIIII..II

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Violence by clients towards female prostitlltes in cliIlcrcnt work settings: questionnaire survey

j :1'011,' JIl~ Illllg ViOft-IIl'l' b~ cliellts 10\\,;lnb pro.'iljIUIL·S 11;1 ... sddotll :tnd I'.!.:~} \\\1lb:d illl\IHII':-, Itl .;;;11111.1..... tIl 1l:!I .... l',!l HI "\1].\11'10" H{""I'~lrrh, Iwell !Ill' f()t:u:-; ltrplll./ic ~11j(1 ;lc:.Id(·llIll.' illtl'n·:,>l. :)CI il j:-; i.tTtls, 7:-) ill 1·~diJIIHlr.~.::III. \\,' d;· ... i~rh.-d ,I ."III~lllll!'11 ~ ,I. ,~):.:. ,\, l ·Ill\(·r."i,y. {.l.l.':4"\' t,t:! ;-';S'-2 .1. 1\';~i\H' hc;dlll i~;-'UC.I.' {:tHICCrLl h;I."; !I)l)srl~' Ii)! 11.... (·ei Oil II'lt:SlifJlIIUin' usiJ'g 1l!("I'III~h \·.l!ill:lli·d Iljl',I"I~II'''' "I .... lq)h.,I1W {JurI I h ill(' po/L'III i'.t1 1)1 prf)sli:ull'5 10 trilJiSJlIH :';.e~lf;d rt'(urd 11\':."':011:11 dULl( t~·li--;I\I. .... \\'.)rlHI.~ lullt·lll:-.. """I.,.illl'(,I".I' illkniullS. Ill)j:;lbh- I II\". III their dil.·llb .t)ul slIlJsc­ dnl.~ ;lIH! ;Ih'olll ,IIL'il' (ill ,Ill· :.J.!'~ I "1.\. 1111111111.,,)" I\!H' .11111 .\1.11111.1 B.II n:tnl qtll'lId~ P;IJ'l.IIl:rs..; h,:~ttl1IVS of Il'\II;,lt: prOSlillJlil)}) 1\);11 In:qIW)H'.' IIr,·inklJl'l' I" ~ finl!.... (I'\lT 1)1 iii iiII' f)'I ... 1 '1\

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I ';ql['IS

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(:1;1]:1 f!!tlSOI! /1)1 jJloslilUli()11 ciiclllS is In be rnIIlCt·d.

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Ih';\lilr OIli(j H!:.t'U III PdSI si.. nl[)'lllL~ 1011.93) 56 169) <0.001 ( .1 IIl1riblill )r... : S( I lel!)\', I I t'\ ICH 11 It· lilt·, .lflll t i II"lfH I: I' ,[11'\ I ('Illn d.I1:I, 11:11:1 .111:11\'"" :"lllllil:ll!"l! Typ,-, of IlIeg;11 mug u~ec ;\lul till' pnil'I'IJIt',1 1Iw t·O'll"ILI ... il)IJ~. \\TIJil' II)e Ii,,>, flLilJ III IIH' 111,lIlIl"I I il" .. IIH: 1"\ 1"'11 11I.:101'f 90118) 615) <0001 Ilh' 1I"I.1I11I"~Tipl. ,\11 I plTltlrlllt'd iiI!' d.II;1 .11I,~!.\·,"I"', ",./llId.lit·1i Ower OplJH' 45139) 12110) upen·ist.·d IIII' Jln~ilTI. .lflll hd]wd r('\·j,,1.' JIll' IIl,lI II 1."'4 I il'l..\1n .111,1 (:11 1\1IJ .11 1 J'J;e([~(: GH;/JS 10 ~ilst fIIonl t1 561·191 " 13) <0.001 , • .., gtl,lr.tllllll"~ to) the p;lpt.·r. Evc/ e~,pencact!o client vlulen(i; 931BI) 60 148) <0.001 Fill/dill:"", LllHIDlllit ;IIHI SI)li.11 1~1, ..... 'lt·11 (IHl!Jld [:o.fk'/il!!!Ccc vlOhmcc In pJSl SIA 'nu!ltns 58 (50) 3:> (26) <0.001 1l.I:rt!:-'lrJ~.-,: \'illlt-nn' RDl'.tnlJ l'r".~I.IIII1IH'J I yt.E' 01 VlUlcllce eVe/ e:.:ptH1l'IlCCC (:ollJl'l'Jillg iHlen· ... ' ... : ."1111' dn·f.lln! SltlI1IJ!"C. puncrlCd: or klC)..tt ~.\ (,Ii) 11 1)4) <0.001

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FUIC.!\: !(l ~pve clienl (llal St!. 20 Iii) ~ 13) ,0.001 H;tpcc (Vil~IIJl;:J!i 25 (22) 212) <0 001 Anc!IlVlct: j.d(lllap 14 1)21 ) I)) ,0 00) SJasnt:(: 01 $I;woec B II) 0 0.003 Corrections and c1arijicalion.s H,III{:('; (.Jfl;1I1 Ii lSi 816) 0.696 1.1/)/d /"Imo'lIh(/li(lll' (1m/ I}1f' )/,1" ''ill/,it! /".P·'·III.'.. : .// {i.:':'. i1efJlJrlC() ill leas! ulle inu(!!:!lr 01 chenl 41/93 (44) IIi60 (IB) <0.001 'JiolcnCe tu police /,,'i,II'JU" (rPIII (/ III1JifJluil 0'11", ,n'IIIIllId 'In ;'r,' Ikl ;111 .... l' IJLlIllTlll1' IIIl 1111' 1':1]'[111"111\' /;.\fj. ttl"~ ;llilIHII ... (P;lob I'rilll;IIDI;! ;11)(1 ~l'll R l'l'llilt'lll,j dn ....

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!iI

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( :Olllll}elli

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11,\1.1 \"Ill.l \tF:r!:! :\.\I:\t.:.(JI:!noi blni.'11I11 'J"..'.'. 8767 8768 Healthy and unhealthy life styles of female brothel workers and call girls (private sex workers) in Sydney Roberta Perkins and Frances Lovejoy School of Soriolo,f!)', University of New South Wales, S)'flnl)'

Abstract: Two group~ of female sex workers wefe compared with respect t.o their healthy or unhealthy life styles. Both 'call girls' (private sex workers) and brothel workers were infected with sexually transmilled diseases as often ill their nOllcoJlllnercial stxllal rela­ fjons as in their work, smoking was a seriolls problem for both, and each group endlllTd problems from diems specific to their work sites. l-Iowe\'('~r, overall, the call girls Ilild healt.hin life styles, hllr were more vulnerable to pressures from c1ienl.~ for llns;J!f- sex ilne! to potenti~ll violence. (Aust N ZJ Publir H,'fllth I 990; ~(): 51~-f:i)

n:R [he past decade. female prostitution in contacted, 242 agreed to fill in Zl iJuestionnaire if we Sydney has been well researched, and. since post.ed it to them. \-\ic contacted the brothel workers O tile advent of ;1cquired immune deficiency more directly by visiting all brothels in New South syndrome. a clear picture of the health of sex work­ "Vales and asking the womrn who wen: on shift at ers is gradually heiJlg established'-:< In this study, we the time if we could interview them. The first distri­ investigated two m,~or groups of female sex workers bution re~ulted in a sam pI/' oj <]C) call girls (of 2'12) in New South Wales to determine the extent of who returned completed qucstionn;.ires tu us, and healthy and unhealthy life styles alllong prostiwtes. the second in a sample of 124 brothel workers who These wen' women working in brothel., (or 'par­ had agreed to be inteniewcd. Dat;1 fl"l)Jl) the com­ lours' to use the parlance of the local sex tr:Jde) ,md pleted questionnaires was enlerrel on a VAX corn­ those working alone or with one or two other sex puter lIsing SPSS. workers in their own independent operation$. The laller arc known as 'call girls', because their opera­ ReSlllL<; tions an~ dependent on their· clients calling t.hem on Call girls were not from strikillgly differen I social the telephone for an appointment; they are ;11so class hackgrollnd.~ from hrmhd workns (l~lhle J)_ known as 'private workers' in the argot of the Both groups' [lthers were employed more or less Australian sex industrv because of their relatively eiJually in white- and blue-collar 'JCclipations, while clandestine operations: i\ recent study of Australia~ the mor.hcrs of buth grullps \\"('rc Illore often prostitution found that about two-thirds of Sydney employed in white-col!;lr occllp;lIions or home sex workers worked in brothels, a iJuarter worked a:, dllties. Th~ call girls had higher edllc,lIioll kvels, caJl girls, and less than 10 per cent worked Oil the more often had worked in \,·hite-toILn jobs, ;mcl streets (p. (4).' more often had their own husillt".,ses. Call gi.-Js were Besides seeking to determine the extent of no less willing to marry than brothd workers, but. healthy or unhealthy life styles in female prostitu­ fewer of [hem hccame motliers and I.hl'\' had fewer tion, a purpose of our study was to compare the two children, suggesting less willingness 'to make a groups to ascertain to what extent safe sex was pur­ career oflllotherhood (Table 2). C;dl girls werc con­ sued by each, which health problems predominated siderabh· older than brothel "orhers. ;rne! they fi)r each, and whether any differences between them began s~x work at a later age, but Illusl of them had were due to their separat~ working environments or previously worked in brotl·;eb or in other forms of to more fundamental differences in their social sex work (Table 'l). Call girls, rather than being a backgrounds. group of socially exclusive IVOnH'1l wil.bin l.he sex industry, had emerged from tl]('> mort' proletarian Methods kyels of prostitution to est3blish their own busi­ W(" conollcl.NI a survey of female sex workers in nesses. The outstanding feature distinguishing the 1993-1994, distlibuting a self-administered ques­ two groups \-vas the call girls' greater lJlotivation for tionnaire among call girls and brothel workers. Most working independently by controlling their own call girls work alone in their own homes, or JJlore working environments. often ill ren ted apartrnen lS. Sillce these WOillen Both- groups reported infeCliuJls Jrol11 sexually advertise their services and telephone numbers in transmiu.ed diseases (Tabl(' 4) ..'.Just ;Jltributed them local Sydney and district newspapers, to recrui1 them [0 sources olltside of se~ work rc. bk :)L TIlt" brothel for Ollr slII-vey it was nece'ssar), to phon/' tht'm to workers had a higher inCidence of knn\\'1l sOllrces. explain the pllrpos/' of Ollr study Of '1()4 "omen sllcl1 as husbands ,Hid regul,lJ· lon'!s. (Jtllt"l" swelies on p!"oSl.Itutioll ill Australia han' illdicated tirat

Correspondence 10 Ms Robt:n<.l Perkins. School of SucioJo!-,1\. ")tlTTCS of in rection arc IllO.-," oj tt'll "lltsicl!- of sex LiniYe.-,il)" of NSW. Sydney, 1':5\-\' :!O,,~. F;J' (02) 'll~ 7859 \\'ork."·-' Since tIl(" ;·lclvent or hUlI!;l)) imlllunocldi-

512 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 1996 VOL 20 NO :, 8769

LIFE STYLES OF SEX WORKERS IN SYDNEY

Table 1: Social backgrounds of sex workers Table 3: Age and previous sex work 01 sex workers

Call girls Brothel workers Call girls Brothel workers n=95 n= 124 n~95 n~124 Characteristic n % n % Sex work variables n % n %

Parents I occupations Currenl age {years] Blue-collor lathers 39 41.1 49 39.5 Under 21 6 6.4 12 9.7 Blue.,;ol/ar mothers 12 12.7 17 13.6 2110 30 32 33.6 69 55.6 Whit&<:ollar fathers 47 49.5 56 45.2 311040 34 35.8 32 25.8 White-collar mothers 35 36.9 36 29.1 Over 40 23 24.2 11 8.9 Father other 6 6.3 12 9.7 Age at entry into sex work (years) Mother other 5 5.3 8 6.5 Under 21 23 24.2 52 41.9 Father unemployed 2 2.1 0.8 21 to 30 46 48.4 54 43.5 Mother home duties 43 45.3 61 49.2 Over 30 25 26.3 17 13.8 Unanswered 1 1.1 9 7.2 Previous sex work Highest educational level Brothel 58 61.1 Below School Certificate 20 21.1 31 25.0 Call girl 7 5.6 School Certificate 23 24.2 34 27.4 Street 9 9.5 11 8.9 Higher School Certificate 20 21.1 37 29.9 Escort 55 57.9 67 54.0 Trade certificote 6 6.3 5 4.0 Bar sex 16 16.8 13 10.5 Currentlertiary or technical studies 7 7.4 9 7.2 Tertiary degree 19 20.0 8 6.5 groups \VC1T asked about HIV transmission (0 test Post occupations their knowledge in thi; area, and both had similar Own business 24 25.3 24 19.4 resuhs. Nearly half of each group were aware that Factory work 11 11.6 22 17.7 the risk from unprotened oral sex was lower than Service industry 28 29.5 29 23.4 Ihal fi)r Olh~r t}1)es of penetrative sex. Sales work 36 37.9 49 39.5 The respondents reported on past and current Administration 17 17.9 16 12.9 drug consumption. Drug consumption (excepl for Office work 31 32.6 47 37.9 cigarettes) had generally declined (Table 7). Only Teaching 9 9.5 6 4.8 18 per cent of the rail girls said they had been 11011- Nursing 10 10.5 13 10.5 slllokeJ·s ill I.h" past, ,lllcl 30 per cent did not cur­ Welfare work 14 14.7 7 5.6 rently smoke. The' smoking filte is considerably Domestic work 10 10.5 25 20.2 higher than fhf> g<"neLJI female sllloking rate in tht' Home duties 23 24.2 41 33.1 ,lge range.' In vin, 01 these. and earlier fIJlciings, sl110king must be considered a major health hazard L ciency virus (HIV) infection in Australia, tht' ust' of of female sex workcrs " Smaller proportions of the respondents reponed using lll:Jrijnana, alcohol, condoms has increased in sex work." In spite of a greater diligence in safe sex practices at work, most heroin, cocaine ilnd arnphetamines than reported using them in [he past. The sharing of needles sex workers continued to ~eek regular screenings for ,lllel/or syringes by sex workers who lIsed injecting sexually transmitted diseases and HIV, although they were sought less frequemly by call girls than brothel drugs conlinlles to be a m,0or concern [0 health workers (Table 6). Call girls had a slightly greater preference for private medical practitioners. Both Table 4: Sell·reported previous and current infections experienced by sex workers Table 2: Marital and parental status of sex workers Coli girls Brothel workers Call girls Brothel workers Sexuolly transmissible n~95 n~124 disease n n Characteristic n~95 n=124 % % and status n % n % Syphilis 2 2.1 2 1.6 Gonorrhoea 13 13.7 13 10.5 Marital status Chlamydia 17 179 29 23.4 Married 13 13.7 14 11.3 Trichomonas 15 15.8 10 8.1 De facto married 22 23.2 26 21.0 Pelvic inHammotory disease 9 9.5 14 11.3 Divorced Or separated 26 27.4 34 27.4 Gordnerello 22 23.2 8 6.5 Never morried 34 35.8 49 39.5 Hepatitis B 7 7.4 10 8.1 Children Hepatitis C 4 4.2 14 11.3 One child 23 24.2 28 22.6 HtV-AIDS C 00 0 00 More than one child 16 16.9 35 28.2 Thrush 60 63.2 77 62.1 No children 55 57.9 61 49.2 Never been infected 22 23.2 22 17.7

AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 1996 VOl. 20 NO 5 513 8770 PERKINS AND LOVEJOY

authorities owing to its potential [or transmilting However, intravenous drug use appeared not to be a HJV, hepatitis Band C and other infections. major problem for either group (Table 7). Both gmups indicated that over 85 per cent of their clients were men only, and more than 12 per Table 5: Sources of infection for sexually transmil1ed cenl were women, usually accompanying their male diseoses and prevention reported by sex workers partners. The problems associat.ed wilh bt'havionr of diems (Table 8) were almost always an aspect of Call girls Brothel workers sexual relations between mel] and women beyond n=95 n=124 prostitution. Although only a slIlall number of them Sources and prevention n % n % experienced open resistance to wearing a condom from their c1it'nts (some offe.-ing extra for sex with­ Sources of infection OUI a (ondorn), mOSI sex workf~l-s said that many of Client 27 28.4 34 27.4 tireir clienl~ made an initial expression of protest Husband or regular lover 20 21.1 34 27.4 but r(:'Signed themselves to the inevilable condom. Casual lover IS 15.8 17 13.8 Olle cali girl who gave in to a client on one occasion Nonconsensuol sex (incest found it impossible to persuade him to lise a COIl­ or rope away from work) 4 4.2 7 5.6 dom again. Violence did not appear to be a major Other 3 3.2 8 6.5 heallh problem for tlH: sex workers in this study No infections 22 23.2 22 17.7 (there was a lower incidence than indicated by other studies (pp. 343-8)"), but that it occurs at all should Condom use at work warrant concern for the safety of sex workers in their Every occasion 79 83.2 110 88.7 places of wor-l". The other problem~ listed may seem Only for coitus or anal sex 14 14.7 14 ) 1.3 trivi;r1, bUI their recurrence day after clay may even­ Most of the time 2 2.1 o 0.0 tual/v causc emotional problems that could have a Sometimes Of never o 0.0 o 00 permanenl effecl on the woman's psychological Condom use outside work \\'cllbeing. Every occasion 34 35.8 39 3/5 Only for coitus or anal sex 13 13.7 19 15.3 Most limes 5 5.3 IS 12) Table 7: Self-reported post and current drug use 01 sex Sometjmes 9 9.5 8 6.5 workers Never 23 24.5 36 290 Coli girls Brothel workers Table 6: Screenings for and knowledge of human Drug and n=95 n=124 immunodeficiency virus transmission reported usage paHern n % n % by sex workers Drug u,oge in the post >30 cigorene, a day 20 21 I 41 33.1 Call girls Brolhel workers 10--30 cigoreHe, a day 18 18.9 46 37.1 Sexual health n=95 n=124 > 1 drink a day 23 24.2 33 26.6 variables n % n 'Yo Moriiuono 41 43.2 74 59.7 Heroin II 11.6 30 24.2 Location of tests Cocaine lor 'crack') 26 27.4 44 35.5 Private practitioner 37 38.9 38 30.6 Amphelamines 26 27.4 56 45.2 Sexual health centre 5) 53.7 76 6) .3 Hol1ucinogenic drugs 19 20.0 41 33.1 Other 6 6.3 9 7.2 Unpre,cribed pill, 9 9.5 19 15.3 Designer drugs 16 16.8 32 25.8 frequency of tests Weekly or fortnightly )6 16.9 47 37.9 Current drug u,oge Three- to four-weekly 47 49.4 55 44.4 >30 cigoreHes a day 18 18.9 41 33. I Up to six-monthly 2) 22.1 20 16.1 10-30 cigoreHes 0 doy 29 30.5 56 45.2 less ohen 1) ))6 0.8 > I drink a day 12 12.6 20 16.2 Marijuana 37 38.9 68 54.8 Practices reported to be risks Heroin 7 7.4 9 7.3 for HIV transmission Cocoine (or 'crock') 9 9.5 15 12.1 Vaginal sex without condoms 89 93.7 109 87.9 Amphetamines 9 9.S 29 23.4 Vaginal sex with condoms 2 2 ) 2 1.6 Hallucinogenic drug' 6 6.3 11 8.9 Anal sex without condoms 86 90.5 103 83.1 Unpre,cribed pills 4 4.2 6 4.8 Anal sex with condoms 4 4.2 7 5.6 Designer drug' 5 5.3 9 7.3 Oral sex without condoms Or dams 56 58.9 72 58.1 lost shored needle Or ,yringe Oral sex with condoms 24 hours ogo 0 00 2 1 6 or dams I I 2 1.6 I week ago 1 I .1 0 00 Sharing needles or syringes 82 86.3 104 83.9 1 month ago II 0.8 Kissing 8 8.4 9 7.3 Up to 3 months ago 1 11 2 1.6 Working with HIV-positive Up to I yeol ago 2 2.1 3 2.4 [,rostitute 8 8.4 8 6.5 > 1 year ago 4 4.3 12 9.6

514 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 1996 VOl. 20 NO 5 8771

LIFE STYLES OF SEX WORKERS IN SYDNEY

Table 8: Objectionable behaviours of clients reported by workers, and they will kiss their clients and give sex workers them greater shows of eiahorart' SI'I·vices than brothel workers: for them to prevent infection (p. 318)} All of this indi­ instance, they will include bondage and fantasy sex cales a lack of sexual health-consciousness among In their repertoires more often than most brothel elien l~.

Table 9: health problems reported by sex workers Table 10: Activities pursued by sex workers 10 improve Iheir wellbeing

Call girls Brothel workers 0=95 n=124 Coli girls Brolhel workers Health problern n % n % 0=95 n=124 Aclivity n 70 n % Stress 58 61.1 75 60.5 Chronic fatigue 13 13.7 35 28.2 Regular exercise 52 54.7 52 41.9 Emolionoi onxicbes 21 22.1 .011 33.1 Healthy diel 59 62.1 .012 33.9 Depression 21 22.1 45 36.3 Yoga or meditation 12 J 2.6 14 11.3 Feelings of isolol,on 30 31.6 25 20.2 Herbal medicines 10 10.5 16 12.9 Loss of sexuol pleasure 26 27.4 39 31.5 Keeping pets 29 30.5 42 33.9 Bad diel 21 22.1 67 54.0 Hobbies 26 27.4 44 35.5 lock of exerci.se 20 2J.l 38 306 Prayer 1.01 14.7 19 15.3

AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEAlAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 1996 Val. 20 No.5 515 8772 PERKINS AND lOVEJOY

Such pressure adds stress to a call girl's other bur­ That these were lower among the call girls can be dens of maintaining her regular clientele, meeting explained by the tensions between brothel workers expenses, making a viable living, and other prob­ and management and interstaff tensions in brothels. lems associated with running her own business. lt Call girls, in gener

(p. J 69)." This might support our findings of : the slightly lower rate of condom use among the call ~8-32. - girls would suggest or.herwise. The answer is thaI call .1. Harcourt C. ProstiuHion and public health in (he er<.l of girls waive condom use only with longstanding MOS. In: Perkins R, Prestage G, Sharp R. Lovejoy F. S(!X "'(Hi and Sf X workers ;11 Aus{ralia. Sydney: UTli\'t~r5iry o{ New South trusted regular clients whose sexual habits the Wa k' Pres>, 19!14. women are aware of. -'1. Perkins R. WOTking girls. Canberra: AU50lraii;l1l fn.stituH' of Some of the health problems experienced by Ihe Criminology, 1991. sex workers were directly related to their workilJg S. Philpot CR. IlarCOllrt C. Edward,.J. Creali, A. H"man experiences, while other~ may have been persistent immllrIOocficienc}, viru.s and female prOSlitlHt'S, SydII t'-y_ problem$ throughout the woman's life wiJich iliaI' G",u/Durin M"i 1988; 64: 193-7. Ii. Harroun C. Philpot CR, Edwards The elkelS or condom have been exacerbated bv sex work. SOIlIC were ;1 J. liSt'" b:" r11t:JJt.':'> 1)11 fhe incidence o[ .sTD~ in ft"JfI;)k pro.... l.iIlHt"S. direct result of beha\~o\ll-' of clients. j\;Jnrt' of tht'S!' V,,,,,wiogy 1989: 2: '1-7.

problems occlllTed among the younger brothel 7. Australian Burt'au of SlalisljlS. SOl Illi imhfuion, mlJlflwr.5. Cat workel-s, and fewer among the older call girls, which no. 4 J 0 J .0. Canberra: ABS. J 99:!: H2. may well be because of the latter's grl'at~r rnaluritv ,'i. Perkins R. Ft'IIl',J/e prostitution. In: Pl'rkin~ l{, Pre~l;.!g(" C;. and experience in sex work. The SIIT.:sses in se:-; work Sharp R. Lo"ejo-v F. St?.Y. ll.,'ork and 51'.'( lIJmkt?':~ in nus/mlia S~'dnt"y: UnivcJ~<;i('r of I\C\\' South "Vales Press, I !J9"j: J 71. often brought (1) by coping \,~th difficult elicnt". meeting new unknown clients and other such ~J Nf:::lYr. M. Prostitulion b\\'s in AusLralia: pasl hist(1), and eUI­ rem trends. In: Perkins R, Pres[.(1ge G. Sh;trp R. Lovejoy F. .)'ex work-related problem" may aCCOUJlt for th .. ,,'OJllen 's 1I Jf,,}! and sex /t/{:nl{(rrS in :1l1Jlrnli(l. Snlnt'\': Uni\'t"r~i!y ()f ;\It:\\, excessive smoking, or even marUu;lna consumpl.iull. SO"Th \\';;1" Pre.'s, 19<)·1. '. .

516 AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH 1996 VOL 20 NO.5

._---_._------8773

THI,S IS EXHIBIT ..... rJ· ., .. IREFE~E~O IN THE AFFIDA VIT OF .....~\o.t .. \-:J-e,::\k:...... _/ SWORN BEFORE ME THIS DAY OF ...< •• A.D ... .2008 ~.:;./h. st0 c, ..... ;/\;;~~-=,? .. ·0·· .. ·· .. ·.. ··············· .. ·.. A eDMMIS-SIONER,.ETC~ 8774

ARTICLES

Melissa FARLEY, Isin BARAL, Merab KIREMIRE and Ufuk SEZGIN

Prostitution in Five Countries: Violence and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

WI' illilialcd Ihis rt'search ill order 10 addrl'SS soml' vf Ihl' isslil's Ihal hill'{' IIriSt'1I ill tlis· cuuiolls aiJolil Ih" lIalure of prvslilll/ioll. III "orriclIlar: iJ "roslilllliull jllSI (/ .101> or is il a

I'iolalioll of hllmlln righ/J? Frolll/he alilhors' perJpt'C/il'e, "rOJli/lIIioll is Illl a{"/ o/I'iuit'II("{' agoillsl 1I'01llen: i/ iJ all ac/ which is illirillsically IrtJUlIllJlizilig 10 Iht' I'{'/"SOIl I>t'lllg I" USli· IlIIl'd. IYt' illlen'i,'wed 475 peopl,' (illc/udillg wom,'II, I/It'll lind Ihl' Inllls.~t'IIt1t'1"t'd) CI"TI'III/), olld recl'lIlly proslifllll'd ill jive cOlllllries (SrHllh I\frico, Till/illlnd. -rutIn', USA, ZrIllliJia). III respolI.\"(' 10 quesliollnaires which illqllired aliolll cllrren/ IIn~J Ii/e/ill/I"" hislun' 0/ physical alld sexlIal I'iolellce, whal wos ne,'tled ill order 10 lelll'I' pro.Hilitlillll IIlId

ClIIT/'1I1 symplo/lls vf posi-Irallma/ic Slress disordl'T (PTSD) \1'1' fOlilld Ihal l'ioll'lIct' /IlIII"Kt'd Ihl' Ii,'es oflile,\"{' pro.willl/ed people. Across cOlllllries, 73 pacellI rcpurll'll piIysit"ltf osslIlIll ill proslilulioll, 62 pacclll reporled hal'ing he ell raped Jillcl' I'lIlnillg prosll'lIlIiulI,1i7 Pl'(' COli IIlcl crilcrio for a diognvsis of PTSD. 011 al'crag", 92 pacI'1l1 ,>!alctl liIlIl IiI"." 1\"11//1' I'd II! I"(}I'I' proslilillivlI. lYe illl'Csliglllcd l'ffecIs of rOCl', alld l\'III'111t'1" Iht' 1','I"SOIi WIIS proslilliled Oil IiI" SITt'el or in a hrOllie!' Despile IilllillJlillns IIf .l"tlllIl'll' S"'t'<"Iioll. Iho,' ji//dings sliggesl Ihal /he harm of pro,willllion is nOI I" II II IIrt'-!JO/ll/i1. I'roslilllliu// ix lIixl"lI.1"sl'li liS l'io/l'nl"l' lIl1d hlllllllll rigills I'io/Illion.

INTRODUCTION

In an erfort to document the experiences of women in prostitution. we intn­ viewed and administered psychological tests to 475 people cUffently and rcccilily prostituted in five countries (South Africa, Thailand, Turkey, US,\, Zambia). These people live in social and legal contexts defining them various'" ;IS hated and filthy women, criminals and 'sex workers'. We inljuireci abollt respundents' histories of violence in childhood, and in adult prostitution. For man)" these two historical periods overlapped. Since violence is associated with psychological

FOliinislII & Psychology © 1998 SAGE (London, TIlOusand Oab anu t\c\\' Delhi). Vul. H(4): 405-426. I 09.'i9-3535( 199811 )1L4;405-426;OO6563] 8775

406 Pro.Hillllioli ill Fil'" CO/llllnt''\" trauma, we also inquired about the severity of current symptoills of pust­ traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). We began this work from the perspective that prostitution itsclf IS violence against women. The authors understand prostitution to be a sequela ur l'bi IdhU\ll! sexual abuse; understand that racism is inextricably connected tll sexisill in prostitution; understand that prostitution is domestic violencc. and 111 1ll;lny instances ~ slavery or debt bondage: and we also unticrslll1 violent trauma. In the language of the American Psychiatric i\ssoci;IIIl)11 111)1)_1), IY!'SD can result when people have experienced:

. cxtremc traumatic stressors involving direct personal cxpcnCIlCc' "i" all ,,'cn! that involves actual or threatened death or serious injury: ur oliler IlllCalltl tlnc's 8776

Melissa FARLEY, lsin BARAL, Merab KIREMlRE and Ufuk SEZGIN 407

personal integrity: or witnessing an event that involves death, injury or ;\ tllre;\! to the physical integrity of another person: or learning abollt unc.\pcl"lcd or violent death, serious harm, or threat of death or injury experienced by a family mcmlx!r or other close associate.

In response to these events, the person with PTSD experiences kar and helpless­ ness. Exposure to any of these events may lead to the fonnalion of SYlllptlHllS of JYrSD. These symptoms are grouped into thrce categories: symptoms uf traumatic re-experiencing (items 1-4 in Table I); efforts to avoid stimuli which arc similar to the trauma as well as a general numbing of rcsponsivcilcss (itcll\s 5-1 I);

TABLE I Symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)

I. Repeated, disturbing memories, thoughts or images of past trauma 2. Repeated, disturbing dreams of past trauma 3. Suddenly acting or feeling as if trauma from the past were happening a;:alll (as if you were reliving it) 4. feeling very upset when something reminds you of past trauma 5. A voiding thinking or talking about past trauma or avoiding having feelin~s rebted tu it 6. Avoiding activities or situations Ix!cause they remind you of pasl trauma 7. Trouble rcmemlx!ring important parts of past trauma 8. Loss of interest in activities which you previously enjoyed 9. feeling distant or cut off from people 10. Feeling emotionally numb or unable to have loving feelings for those close tll you II. feeling as if your future will Ix! cut shon 12. Having physical reactions (such as hean pounding, trouble breathing, swc;lIing) when something reminds you of past trauma 13. Trouble falling or staying asleep 14. Feeling irritable or having angry outbursts 15. Difficulty concentrating ,-L'C>- 16. Being 'supcralcn' or watchful or on guard 17. Feeling jumpy or easily startled

Authors of the Diagnostic alld Statistical Manllal of tv/elltol /){S(mlers (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) comment that JYrSD may be especially severe or long-lasting when the stressor is of human design (e.g. torture, rape). The following are two examples of symptoms of IYfSD: many YCilfS after escaping from prostitution, an Okinawan woman who was purchased hy US military personnel during the Vietnam War became extremely agitated and had flashbacks of sexual assaults on the 15th and 30th of each Ilwnth - those days which were US military paydays (Sturdevant and Stoltzflls, 1<)')2). Describing symptoms which were ignored by her counselor, a sllrvivur or prostitution from the USA stated: 8777

:lOX PrOSlillllill1l ill Fi\'1' COllllfrleS

I wonder why I keep going to therapists and telling them I can't skc'p. ;11\(\ I h;lvl' nightmares. They pass right over the fact that I was a prostilllll' ;II\(! ! \\';IS heaten with 2 x 4 boards, I had l11y fingers and toes broken by a pilllp. ;\1\(\ I \\';1S raped morc than 30 times. Why do they ignore that'? (Park), and Ilarbl\. I ')')X).

The symptoms of PTSD may be cumulative over one's Ii I'et illlL'. Sevcr:t1 studies report a positive correlation between a history or childhood scxu:t1 :ls.\:1ult and symptoms of PTSD in adult women (Farley and Kealley. 11)1).:1, 11)1)7: Rodriguez et aI., 1997). Since almost all prostituted wOlllen have histories or childhood sexual abuse, this undoubtedly contributes to their current symptoms or post-traumatic stress, Prolonged and repeated trauma usually precedes entry inlO rlOstitllti'l11. hom 55 to 90 percent of those in prostitution report a childhood scxu:t1 abuse hisltJ1'Y (Bagley and Young, 1987; Belton, 1992: Farley and BarLm, 191):); Harl:lIl et :t1., 1981; James and Meyerding, 1977; Silbert and Pincs, 11):) I, 19:)3; Sillluns and Whitbeck, 199 I). Silbert and Pines (11)81, 1983) noted that 70 percent 01' their sample told them that the earlier sexual abuse had an influcnce 011 thc latcr 'choice' to become a prostitute. A conservative estimate or the average age or recruitment into prostitution in the USA is 13-14 years (Silbert and Pines, I1)X2; Weisberg, 1985). Any distinction between prostitution of children and prostitu· tion of adults is arbitrary, and obscures this lengthy history or traum:!. The 15- year-old in prostitution eventually turns 18, but she has not sudlknly m:lde a IlL'\\' vocational choice. She simply continues to be exploited by cllstomCJ"S alld pimps. A number of authors (e.g. Barry, 1995; Hoigard and Finstad, 11)92; I.cidholdt, 1993; Ross et ai., 1990; Vanwesenbecck, 1994) have described the psychological defenses which arc necessitated by the experience or prostitution. ;lllti which rrequently persist: splilling off certain kinds of awareness and meIl1llric:s, dis­ embodiment, dissociation, amnesia, hiding one's real sell' (often ullti I thl' 11011· prostitutcd self begins to blur), depersonalization, denial. One woman said, 'Only my head belongs to me now. I've lcJ't my body 011 the street' (l'l()igard and Finstad,1992). Some have criticized the application of any psychiatric terminology tl) \\'l)l1lc'll who have been harmed by the sexism, racism or class prejudice which cllillprist:s male supremacy, There is an assumption that the oppression is dismi:-;sed once a psychiatric diagnosis is applied. Pejorative terms such as 'masochistic', 'deviallt' or 'borderline' have certainly caused pain and sometimes addition;t\ harm to women in prostitution. On the other hand, the concept of PTSD has been imponant in dcscribing the psychological symptoms suffered by combat veterans, scxual abuse survivors, concentration camp survivors - and it may also be usclul ill desLTihill~ till' psychological harm of prostitution, The authors' expcricllct: is that WIlCll till' trauma-related symptoms of PTSD are discussed, survivors or prostituti()n kel less stigmati7,ed, less 'crazy' and may experience relief at ha\'ing tlleir SYlllptollls namcd. Attaching a name to symptoms associated with scvere tralll11;1 l11aKes it 8778

Melissa fARLEY, Isin BARAL, Mcrab KIREMIRE and U[uk SEZGIN

possible for survivors of prostitution to learn about their own and others' l:xpcri­ ences. Further, it becomes possible for survivors to organize politically arollnd their own health needs, just as gay men have organized around HIV. The diagnosis of ITSD is a departure both from the biological vicwpoint that psychological symptoms are essentially biochemical in origin alld from Ihe psychoanalytic notion that psychological symptoms result from illtr;tpsycilic tllnnoil. The diagnosis of ITSD requires all external stressor, ckarl)' illlplyint! that psychological symptoms result from material conditions that uppress women. The diagnosis of ITSD alone, however, docs not completely articulatc the extent of the psychological harm caused by prostitution. Over time, till' constant violence of prostitution, the constant humiliation, and the social indignity and misogyny, result in personality changes, Herman (1992) described long-term changes in trauma survivors' emotional regulation, changes in consciollsllt:SS, changes in self-perception, changes in perception of perpetrator(s), cil;tllg,cs in relations with others, and changes in systems of meaning. These pcrsonality changes have been called complex PTSD by Herman and others. J)<:scri bing prostitution, one woman said:

Ii's a process. lllc first year was like a big party, bUI evenlually progressed downward to the emptiest void of hopelessness. I ended lip desensilized. completely deadcned, not able to have good feelings because I was l!ll 'void' all lhe time.

Hennan saw these symptoms as resulting from a history of subjecti()n to totali­ tarian control over a prolonged period, and noted that organized scxu;t1 cxploita­ tion may be one cause of complex PTSD, The violence of pimps is aillled Ilot only at punishment and control of women in prostitution, but at establisillng their worthlessness and invisibility (Dworkin, 1997; Patterson, 1982). The haIred and contempt aimed at those in prostitution is ultimately internalized. Thc resulting self-hatred and Jack of self-respect are extremely long-lasting. Graham et al. (1994) have also described the psychological consequellL"cs of being in prostitution. The Stockholm syndrome - a psychological strale)!)' for survival in captivity - is useful in explaining the traumatic bOllllin)! which occurs between women in prostitution and their pimps/captors. When a person holds life-or-death power over another, small kindnesses arc perc<:ivcd with immense gratitude. In order to survive on a day-to-day basis, it is nCCl:ssary to deny the extent of harm which pimps and customers arc capable of inflicting. Survival of the pcrson in prostitution depends on hcr ability to predict oth<:rs' behavior. So she develops a vigilant attention to the pimp's ne<:ds and may ultimately identify with his view of the world. This increases her cilanc<:s for survival, as did Patty Hearst's identific;ttion with her caplors' idcolon·. Gr;ill;11ll described other behaviors which are typical of the Stockholm syndrolllt.': t:Xlretllt.' difficulty leaving one's captor and a long-term fear of retaliation. 8779

410 Prostitlltioll ill Fi,',' COlilltrin

Barry (1995) and Giobbc et al. (1990) estimate that at leasi (){) pcrCL'ni ur prostitution is pimp-controlled, Sexual and physical abuse and torturl' ;uc lIsed by pimps to keep women from escaping prostitution (Barry. 1995; Dw()rkin. 1997: Hunter. 1994; MacKinnon, 1993). Pimps in Washington. DC, US!\. cmploy . catchers' - thugs who stand guard at the borders of their turr and 'c;ltch' girls trying to escape from prostitution (Michelle 1. Anderson. personal collllllunica­ tion. 1996), Houskamp and Foy (1991) suggested that a primary et iological variable r(}r the development of PTSD in battered women is the extent or vioil:nce to which they have been subjected, Giobbe et a!. (1990) compared prostitution to other r()rmS of domestic violence, They described methods of coercive contrnl eXl'rciscd by pimps and customers over women in prostitution which are ilit:llticd 10 Ihe methods used by battering men to control women: isolation. verhal abusc. economic control, threats and physical intimidation, denial of harm ;Int! st:XlIal assault lIsed as a means of control. Although the incidence of PTSD has been investigated anHlIlg b;lltcred women, and ranges from 45 percent to as high as 84 percent (HouskalllJl and Foy. 1991; Kemp et aI., 1991; Saunders, 1994) - the frequency or the diagn(}sis h;IS not been investigated among prostituted women, who :m: expost:d 10 thl' S;\ll1l' violence as battered women. PTSD has been assessed in people from non-Weslern culturcs. such ;IS Southeast Asian refugees, Latin American disaster survivors, Navajo and Sioux Vietnam veterans (Marsella et aI., 1996). A recent review or the PTSD literature noted that its major limitation is that many of the most traumatizcd p()pulations have not been studied (de Girolamo and McFarlane, 1996; Keane CI al.. 1l}l)6), Our study documents, across several cultures, some of the violence ;lIld Iraumat­ ic stress which result from being prostituted.

METHOD

Brief structured interviews of people in prostitution wcn: conductcd in San francisco, CA, USA; in two cities in Thailand; in Lusaka. Zambia: ill istanbul. Turkt:y; and in two cities in South Africa. These counlries wcre included in the study in part because of the first author's wish to inclulk a Illajoriiv or lYorncn or color, since globally prostitution exploits vast numbers or women or color. Second, all four authors shared a commitment to the project or dl)CUIllCnl­ ing the experiences of women in prostitution, and to provitlin)! opliDns rur escape. I I' respondents indicated that they were working as prostitutes. they \\'ere asked 10 respond to a 23-item questionnaire which asked about the folluwin)!: plwsical and sexual assault in prostitution; lifetime history of physical ;Ind sexual violence: and the use of or making of pornography during prostitulion, The queslionnairc asked whether respondents wished to leavc prostitutioll ;\llli what 8780

Melissa FARLEY. Isin BARAL. Merab KIREMIRE and Ufuk SEZGIN ·111

they needed in order to leave. We asked if they had been homeless: if they had physical health problems; and if they had a problem with drugs or alcohol or both. Respondents also completed the PCL. a 17-item scale which assesses DSl'vl-IV symptoms of PTSD (Weathers et aI., (993). Respondents were asked to rate the 17 symptoms of PTSD (see Table I) on a scale where: I = not at all: :. = a link bit; 3 = moderately; 4 = quite a bit; and 5 = extremely. Weathers et al. (J 00:1) report PCl test-retest reliability of .96; internal consistency. as measllred by all alpha coefficient. was .97 for all 17 items. Validity of the scale is rellcctcd in liS strong correlations with the Mississippi Scale (.93); the PK scale of the MMI'I-:' (.77); and the Impact of Event Scale (.90). The PCl has functioned cDrnparably across ethnic subcultures in the USA (Keane et al.. 1996). We measured symptoms of PTSD in three ways. First. using a procedure established by the authors of the scale, we generated a measure of Ol'{'rtlll PTS!) symfJlOm SCI'crilY by summing respondents' ratings across all 17 items. Second. using Weathers et al. 's (1993) scoring suggestion. we cOllsicicred a score of 3 or above on a given PCL item to be a symptom of PTSD. Using those scores of 3 or above, we then noted whether each respondent !IIcl crill'rill jin II diagnosis 01 PTSD. PTSD consists of three kinds of symptoms: persistent. intru· sive re-experiencing of trauma (B symptoms); numbing of responsiveness and persistent avoidance of stimuli associated with trauma (C symptoIlls): and per· sistent autonomic hyperarousal (D symptoms). A diagnosis of fYfSD requires at least one B symptom, three C symptoms, and two 0 symptoms. We report the numbers and percentages of respondents who qualified for a diagnosis of fYTSD in each country. Third, we measured partial PTSD, following Houskamp and Foy ( 11.)01 ) who investigated PTSD among battered women. These authors suggested th;1I if a person meets at least two of the three foregoing criteria for fYfSD. a significant degree of psychological impairment exists, We report the numbers and per­ centages of respondents who qllalified lor a diagllosi.r 01 par/illl P7SI) in each country, The two questionnaires were translated into Thai and Turkish. In Zambia. interviewers translated verbally as needed - most participants Spo\-;e some English. The authors either administered or directly supervised the administrati()n of all questionnaires. In San Francisco, we interviewed 130 respondents on the street whn verbally confirmed that they were prostituting. We interviewed respondents III four different areas in San Francisco where people worked as prostitlltes. In Thailand, we interviewed several of the J J 0 respondents Oil the strecl. hut found that pimps did not allow those they controlled to answer ollr qllcst ions. We interviewed some respondents at a beauty parlor which olTcred a supportive atmosphere. The majority of the Thai respondents were in!Cfviewcd ;It all agcncy in nonhern Thailand that offered nonjudgmental support and job training. We interviewed 68 prostituted people.: in Johannesburg and CapClown. Smuh Africa, in brothels, on the street and at a drop-in center. 8781

412 Pro.Hiflilioli ill Fi,'/' ClllIl/lnt'.(

We interviewed 117 women currently and formerly prmtituted at TI\SINTllf\ in Lusaka. Zambia. TASINTHA is a nongovernmental organi7_ation which ofkrs food. vocational training and community to approximately (JO() prostituted women a week. In Turkey. some women work legally in brothels which are rrivatL'ly (lwnL'd and controlled by local commissions composed of physicians. policL' ;\\)(\ others who arc 'in charge of public morality'. We were not rermittcd tll intLrvil'w women in brothels. so we interviewed SO prostituted women who wcre brought to a hospital in Istanbul by police for the purpose of venaeal discase control. In two of the five countries, respondents were racially diverse. In thc USA. :\9 percent (5 I) of the 130 interviewees were white European/American. :\3 percent (43) were African American, 18 percent (24) were Latina, 6 percent (X) were Asian or Pacific Islander and 5 percent (4) described themselves as of mixcd r;\ce or left the ljuestion blank. In South Africa, 50 percent (34) were \\'hitc i:tllojlcan: 29 rercent (20) were African or Black; 12 rercent (8) described thclllsc'lvcs ;\s Colored or Brown or of mixed race; 3 percent (2) were Indian: 6 rercent 1'1) Ie I-t the question blank. We included transgendered peorle in this study because they replcscill a significant minority of those in prostitution. A rrevious study (Farley and Ibrbn. 199X) found that transgendered persons experienced the same degreL' of physical assaults and rapes as did women in prostitution. These authors concillded tilat to he remale. or to appear female, was to be targeted for violence ill prostitlltion. In Turkey and Zambia, all respondents were women. Table 2 belD\\' dcscribes gender of respondents in South Africa, Thailand, and the USA.

TABLE 2 Gcnder

Women Men Transgclllicrcd

South Africa 84% (57) 20/, (I) Thailand 75% (82) 25'k eX) USA 75% (97) 1J'ff (18) 12% 11.'\)

Across the five countries, the average age was 2R ),L'ars, ranging from 12 to () I years. See Table 3.

TABLE 3 Ag.c

South Afric;\ Thailand Turkcy l\'kan agc 24 26 29 Age rang.e 17-38 15-46 16-55 8782

Melissa FARLEY,lsin BARAL, Merab KIREMIRE ano Ufuk SEZGIr-;

SlIIlIple ScleClioll Differences (lnd Limitalions 10 Genl'rali:a/JiliIY Thc most daullting challenge in cross-cultural research is sample selectioll. Were the 475 people we interviewed representative of all women in prostitutioll') We attcmpted, as McKeganey and Barnard (1996) did in Glasgow, UK, to contact as broad as possible a range of those in prostitution: women of div..:rs..: rac..:s, cultures, ages, location where working, and including gender dill..:n:nc..:s. Howcver, 'there is quile simply no such thing as a repn:senlativc sarnple of women selling sex' (McKeganey and Barnard, 1996). Given the illegality of prostitution in most places, it was necessary to interview those people to whom we had access. In mosl cases, researchers have access only to people prostituting on the street. We were fortunate that, in South Africa, we were able to intCfview 25 people in brothel prostitution. Should it become possible to interview thme III massage parlors. escort services, stripping, or others who arc in brothel prostitu­ tion - the authors would immediately include these people in :\ future exp:1I1sioll of this work. We will also share our questionnaires with n:searchers who h:\ve access to these groups of people. Thcrc were differences in the ways the samples were sekC1nl. In all c:lS":S. w..: interviewed people who were either currently in prostitution or had rec":lltly he..:n prostitutcd. In the USA and South Africa, all were cllrrel/lly prostituting. when:­ as iI higher proportion of respondents in Thailand and Zambia \\'cre act i"c1y anempting to leavc prostitution and find other employment. Resp()ndents in Turkey were interviewed after they were brought to a clinic by police ror STD testing. In Istanbul, as elsewhere in this study, women in prostitution were rr..:c1y offered STD testing. but other acute and chronic health prohlems were rar..:l), addressed.

RESULTS

In most countries, regardless of the legal status of prostitution, interviewing of people in this study was periodically obstructed by others who controllt:d thClr lives, whether brothel operators (Turkey) or pimps/boyfricnds (USA). or nidI:[ women hired to guard those in prostitution (Thailand), Thus recruitment was necessarily opportunistic, relying on thc discovcry and utili,_ation or sites \\'ho..: these prostituted people were away from the supervision or those whD pimped them. This opportunistic sampling means that these samples mayor Ill:\)' Iwt be representative of the actual populations of those prostitutcd in each country. Nevertheless, comparisons of the results from the difrercl1l coun!r·i..:s sugg..:st some noteworthy similarities, as well as differences. Violence marked the lives of these prostituted people from lIve countries (se..: Tables 4 and 5). Since not everyone answered every question. the Illllllhcrs ul responses to a given item varied. Averaging across countries. RI perccnt reponed bcing physically threatened in prostitution; 73 percent had been physically TABLE 4 Violence in prostitution

South Africa Thailand Turkey USA Zambia ._------'--_.. _._-----_.. -.----_ ... - Physically threatened in prostitution 75% (48) 47% (36) 90% (45) 100% (114) 93% (102) Threatened with a weapon in prostitution 68% (45) 39% (32) 68% (34) 7R% (100) R6% (94) Physically assaulted in prostitution 66% (45) 55% (47) 80% (40) 82%(106) 82% (91) Raped in prostitution 57% (39) 57% (47) 50% (25) 6R% (88) 78% (R8) (Of those raped) raped more than five times in prostitution 5R% (23) 35% (17) 36% (9) 48% (42) 55% (48) (Of those raped) raped by customers 75% (17) 17%(3) 44% (4) 46% (19) 38% (18) (Of those raped) raped by noncustomers 64% (II) 44% (I) NA 36% (7) 40% (7) Upset by attempt to make them do what had been seen in pornographic videos or magazines 56% (37) 48% (41) 20% (10) 32% (41) 47% (51) Ilad pornography made of them in prostilulinn 40% (21i) 47°!~ (9) NA 49% (6:1) 47% (52)

TABLE 5 Vioknce in the lives of peopk in prostitution

South j\ f"rica Thailand Turkey USA Zambia

Currenl or past homekssness 7.\% (49) 56% (50) 5l\% (29) X4% (IOil) :-\Y'7, (<)9) As a child, was hit or ~;t!"n hy caregivCf until injured or bruised 51i?i, <-,Xl 40% (\4) 56°k(2X) 49'7c en) 71 'Ir (W) Sexual abuse ;1, a child (,(/k, (45) 4XCfr, CIY) ,14%(17) 5, 7Cf(' (7:1) S..l0;'· (<)1 ) ~'L:;\!l Illl, ul' ~I..':\u:ll ahu~L' J~rp.,;tra1tlr~ 2 S Curlc'llt physiol hC';i1th problem 46'1;' 1 I) 71 % (7~) (,(l'i; 01 'iO':'i Ih 7 (,'/r 1 ~') I CurTen1 ale!>I",1 l'rnhklll J.'r;;. ( IJ) 5 (,r/c- 1(;2 ) (,-10i 1 2) 27('/r (.-:. ) 72 ":"{ IS-1) Curren1 [\r\l1' prohlem j l)li; ( ~ ) ~()(1<' (4:;) ~()l;'~ 1 :;) 7)1;; 1<) ) I h(,:';' ( II)) 8784

McliSS

assaulted in prostitution; and 68 percent had been threatened with ;J weapon. III btanbul, 46 percent of these respondents reported physical assaults by police - e.g. being kicked, beaten, or hit with a nightstick. An average of 62 percent of the respondents from fIve coulltries wid us that they had been raped since entering prostitution. Of those who were raped. ·l() per­ cent had been raped more than five times. Of these 475 respondents. 41 percent reported that they had been upset by attempts to coerce them into imitating pornography and 46 percent had pornography made of them while in prostitution. An average of 54 percent of these interviewees reported that as children they were beaten by a caregiver to the point of injury. And 58 percenl reponed sexual abuse as children, with an average of four perpetralors. Of these respondents, 72 percent reported curren I or pasl hOlllekssllcss. wi Ih 61 percent reporting a current physical health problem; 52 percenl reporlcd a problem with alcohol addiction; and 45 percent reponed a problem wilh drug addiction. In some of the countries, these percentages were much higher (sec Table 5). We found differences in lifetime and current experiences of violencl'. based on country. There were statistically significant differences in the experiencc of physical threat in prostitution (chi square = 105.37; dJ. = 4; {J = .000); also in the experience of physical assault in prostitution (chi square = n.30; d.L = 4; P = .000); and in rape in prostitution (chi square = 17.79; d.L = 4; fI = .0(1). Similarly, there were significant differences, by country, in report of ciJildhood physical abuse (chi square == 20.73; dJ. == 4; p = .000) and childhood sexual ;tlll)Sl' (chi square = 47.43; dJ. = 4; p = .000). The mean PTSD severities fell in a narrow range from 51 (Thail;ll1ti) 10 56 (South Africa) (see Table 6). Differences between the five countries' mean jyrSD severities were not statistically significant (F = 1.33; dJ. = 4, 397; fJ = AI). Average PTSD severities across the five countries were slightly higher than treatment-seeking US Vietnam veterans (Weathers et ai., J 993). A person must have at least one of the four B symploms of illirusin' re­ experiencing of trauma symptoms, at least three of the seven C symploms of numbing and avoidance of trauma, and at least two 0 symploms of physiologic hyperarousal in order to meet criteria for a diagnosis of IYfSD (sce Table I). Across the five countries. an average of 67 percent of these 475 respolltielliS met criteria for a diagnosis of PTSD. Of people currently or rClTlllly in prostitution. 75 percent in South Africa, 50 percent in Thailand, 66 perct:1l1 /11 Turkey, 68 percent in tbe USA and 76 percent in Zambia met crileria fur a diagnosis of PTSD. The differences between these percentages or people in each country with PTSD were statistically significant (chi square == 19.X: dJ. == '1; p = .00 I). When the Thai respondents, who were administered the quesiiollililircs in a large group, were excluded from the analysis, Ihe dillercnces bt:lwcen Iht' remaining four countries were not significanlly dirfercll1 (chi squarc = 2.66; eLf. == 3; p = ,45). In order to qualify for a diagnosis of partial IYfSD, respolldclllS illUSI Illeel 8785

PrO.f/ifili/un ill Fi\'(' CU/Illtrit'.\

TABLE 6 PTSD Checklist (PCL) means from threc studics

PCl Mean (rdlects lyrSD sc\'cril\') SJ)'

I Current study 6X people in prostitution (South Africa) 55.:--: 1(>.7 I J[) people in prostitution (Thailand) 51.1 17 ..' 50 women in prostitution (Turkey) 5'2.7 15.1 130 people in prostitution (USA) 54.9 17.:--: 110 women in prostitution (Zambia) 56.0 1'2.3 2 Wealhers et a!. (1993) 123 Vietnam veterans requesting treatment 50.6 20.'2 1006 Persian Gulf War veterans 34.X 1(>.) 3 Farlt:y. unpublished dat,l (1994) (Random sample of women members of he;l!th maintcnance organization) 26 control respondents 7.1 25 adult women with childhood physical abuse history 10.·1 27 adult women with physical and sexual abuse history 15.1l

'" Sf) = Siandard dcviatinn: a Illtasurc of variahilily around Iht illl.:an.

two of the three foregoing criteria for B. C, and D 5ymptolll5. Across the five countries, 85 percent of our respondents met criteria for partial PTSD. wlllch suggest5 11 significant degree of psychological distre5s. Of peopk currcntl\' Dr recently in prostitution, 87 percent in South Africa. 72 percent in TIL!iland. }-ICJ percent in Turkey, 83 percent in the USA and 96 percent in Zamhia n1ct uilL'fi;! for a diagnosis of panial PTSD. The difference5 hetween these pcrn:ntages of people in each country with partial PTSD were stati5tically significant (chi squarl' = 25.7; d.L = 4; f! = .000). When the Thai respondents, who were administered the questionnaires in a large group, were excluded from the analysis, thl' dillcr­ ences between the remaining four countries were not significant (chi slJlIale = 4.24; d.1. = 3; p = .24). We investigated differences in PTSD associated with raCl' in South i\fric

Melissa FARLEY, Isin BARAL, Merab KIREMIRE and Ufuk SEZGIN .J17

incidencc of physical assault in brothels as compared with street pro.\tillltioJ1 (Fisher's Exact Test, p = .000) and rapes in brothels as compared \\,Ith street prostitution (Fisher's Exact Test, p = .000). There were no clilTnellces ill histories of childhood physical and sexual abuse, based on whether the jle:rson was prostituted in a brothel or on the street. We invcstigated the relatioll between PTSD and whether the person was prostituted in a brothel or 011 the strceL Thne was no statistically significant difference in incidence of fYfSD betwcen brothel and street prostitution (Fisher's Exact Test, p = .25). There were differences in the availability of support services. All of the womell at TASINTHA, in Lusaka, Zambia, and most of the women in northern Thailand. were interviewed at agencies which offered support and job trailling. These: agencies not only advocated but actually provided alternatives to prostillition This level of support and vocational training was not availabk in San Francisco at the time of this study. Little governmental or nongovernmental funding in thl" USA is dedicated to services for those escaping prostitution. In thc US/\. thne: is widespread acceptance of the notion that prostitution is a reasonable job l"iwicc for women, and there is denial of the extent of prostitution in that l"ountry. Oil the other hand, European NGOs are more actively involved in pruvidill!,! support services for prostituted women in Asia and Africa. There were also very few services for those in prostitution in South ;\ frica. ;\ drop-in center in Johannesburg, the House, advocated escape from prostilution for drug-addicted teenagers, and provided emergency services. SWE;\T was a peer support agency in Capetown which promoted both safe sex a III I the sex industry . We asked respondents what they needed (see Table 7). On average. l)2 percellt stated that they wanted to leave prostitution; 73 percent needed a physic;i1 pl:lcc of asylum; 70 percent needed job training; 59 percent needed health c;lre: 'i.'i percent wanted individual counseling; and 49 percent wanted peer support: -17 percent needed child care; 45 percent wanted self-defeme training: .IX percent needed drug or alcohol addiction treatment; 24 percent thought that prostitution should be legalized. In South Africa and Zambia, we asked whether respondents believed th:1I legal­ izing prostitution would decrease violence in prostitution.' In reply 62 percl'llI of respondents in South Africa and 73 percent in Zambia stated that they did Ilot believe thaI legalization of prostitution would denense violence in proslitution. II should be noted that at the time the question was asked ill South Afric;1 (1l}l)(J). there was a n:Jtional political movement promoting legalization of prostitution.

DISCUSSION

Our data indicate that violence and fYfSD are widely prevalellt alllullg cJ7'i prostituted people in five countries. Physical assault, rape and iloll1eicssJlcss were common. Despite differences in sampic selection, and despite major cultural TABLE 7 Responses to 'What do You Need?' Asked of 475 people in prostitution

South Africa Thailand Turkey USA Zambi:! ._--_."------

Leavc prostitution 89% (61) 94% (103) 90% (45) 88% (114) 99% (116)

Home or safe place 72% (49) 60% (66) 60% (30) 78%(101) 94% (110) Job training 75% (51) 57% (63) 46% (23) 73% (95) 97% (114) DrugJalcohol treatment 46% (31) 32% (35) 6% (3) 67% (87) 37% (43)

Health car~ 69% (47) 43% (47) 38% (19) :'iR"!" (75) 88% (1O..,)

Pecr suppor1 58% (39) 49% (54) 24% (12) 500/" (65) 63% (74)

Personal counseling 61% (42) 6R% (75) 46% (23) 4R% (62) 53% (62)

Self-defense training 61% (42) 60% (66) Il't" (6) 490/(, (64) 41% (48) ~ Legal assistance 58% (39) 5X"I" (64) NA 430/0, (56) 54% (63) C;

Legalize proslitution 38% (2()) 2);% (31) 4";', (2) 44% (57) ~% (

~.., '-. 8788

Melissa FARLEY. Isin BARAL. Merab KIREMIRE and Ufuk SEZGIN differences. we found no differences in overall PTSD ~everity in five countrie~. There was no difference in the incidence of PTSD in four of the five c(lullIrie.). The traumatic experience of prostitution is a more potent variable than race. gender or state where one was born. These findings suggest that the harm of prostitution is not a culture-bound phenomenon. We found differences in reports of childhood sexual and physical ahllse. and also in physical assault and rape in prostitution. In spite of these dilTercnces in CUITent and past violence. the experience of prostitution itself caused aClite psy­ chological distress and symptoms of PTSD. Our respondents reported a history of childhood sexual abuse on average 5R percent of the 1 ime. Ba~ed Oil pn.:vious research. we believe that our figure is lower than the actual incidence of childhood sexual abuse. This may be a result of several factors. First, in the midst of ongoing trauma, reviewing childhood abuse was probably too painful. Second. we did not have the time to establish rapport with interviewees. In Zambia. wherc 83 percent of respondents indicated a history of childhood sexual abuse. inter­ viewers had previously established relationships with ilHerviewees. Thus the Zambian data on child abuse may be more indicative of its actual occurrence than data from other countries. In figures comparable to those discussed here. Vanwesenbeeck (19<)4) iOllnd that 40 percent of her respondents reponed physical or sexual abuse in childhood: 40 percent had bcen forced into prostitution Of had expcricnced sexual abuse by an acquaintance; 70 percent had been verbally thrcatcncd in prostitution: 60 pcrcent had been physically assaulted; and 40 percent had been sexually assaulted in prostitution in the Netherlands. Vanwcsenbceck reponed that 90 percent of prostituted respondents in the Nethcrlands reported . nervousness'. with a slightly lower 75-80 percent reporting depression. aggression. distfust and guilt. MUltiple physical complaints were also common. It is often assumed that street prostitution is qualitatively different from escort or brothel prostitution. Our data shed some light on this assumption. We found significantly more physical violence in street. as opposed to brothel. prustitution. However. there was no difference in the incidence of PTSD in these two types of prostitution. This suggests that psychological trauma is intrinsic 10 the act of prostitution. Whether the person was being prostituted in a brothel or on the street seemed to make as little difference in incidence of PTSD as the distinction based on the country in which the person lived. When we asked those interviewed in South Africa and Zambia if they thought that legalizing prostitution would make them physically safer. a significant majority (62 percent in South Africa and 73 percent in Zambia) IOld liS ·no·. They viewed prostitution as an activity which always involved physical alill soual assault - legal or not. In addition to prostitution, other factors may have contributed to tilt: incidellCc and severity of PTSD seen here. The unemployment rate in Zambia was l)() per cent at the time of this study. Many of the women we intcrvicwed. ;lnd then children. were hungry.' 8789

4:!O Pro.Hillilioll ill Fi,·,· C(J/lntries

It is likely that the PTSD score elevations from South Africa and the USJ\ ;lre a result of culture-wide violence, as well as from the harm of prostitutilHI. We ;lre in the process of obtaining a nonprostituted sample of people matched for ;l~e. race and class in order to compare their responses to those described here. Some of the lower Thai scores may have resulted from the fact that Illost of thL' Thai respondents answered these questions in a large group. (In ;111 count ries except Thailand, questionnaires were administered individually.) )\llhough the measures had been translated into Thai, our assistants. who roaJlled thc large room and offered to help read or write, were not able to provide Ihe personal attention offered in the other countries. There was no difference in the severity of lYfSD symploll1s across clllJnlries. despite sample selection and cultural differences. The 67 percenl JIlcitience Ill' 475 respondents meeting criteria for a diagnosis of lYfSI) may be compared 10 ballered women seeking sheller (45 percent, Houskitmp and Foy. I!)l) I; :\-1 percent, Kemp et aI., 1991); rape victims from Northern Ireland (7(J percent. Bownes et aI., 1991); and refugees surviving stale-organi7.ed violence who allcnded a torture treatment center (51 percent, Ramsay et aI., 1991). Respondents in this study endorsed similar statemcnts when askt:d \\'h;11 Ihe)' needed, regardless of country. A vast majority desired to leave prostilulion (1)2 percent), and in order to do that needed asylum (73 percent). job training (70 per­ ccnt) and health care (59 percent). Like others who have looked at this queslion. we found that those in prostitution want what everyone else does - a homc. ;In education, a job, health care, a paI1ner and a community (I-/oigard and Finstad, 1992; EI-Bassel et aI., 1(97). The question raised by this study is nol . SillllJld (llll' have the choice to be a prostitute?' rather: 'Docs one have the right n{ll 10 be ;1 prostitute')' Much of the current medical and psychological literature fails to address the physical and emotional ham] which is intrinsic to prostitution. III a I!)l).j litL'ra­ ture review, Yanwcsenbeeck commented: 'Researchers seem to identify Ilion: easily with clients than with prostitutes.' A recent editorial (LonCt,t. IlNfl) COil­ eluded that 'the health risks of street prostitution arc likely !ll rClllain sillall'. III V transmission is the sole 'health risk' discussed in Illuch of the currenl litnalure. Pedersen (1994) suggested that an interest in controlling the spread or IIIV Iras Illotivated a trend toward legitimizing prostitution as just anolher job. Legalization or decriminalization of prostilution would normalize proslillJlilln. We do not think that legalization of prostitution would improve tire lives or women in prostitution - in fact, according to sOllle of our interviewees. legal­ ization makes their lives worse. Legali/.ation of proslitutioll [luts th<.: Siale III the role of the pimp, and in the role of ensuring that clistoillers arc pfllvlded with people who arc HIY- and STD-free. ;\Ithough we advocate depenalizatioll of pmstitutioll ror Ihe pcr'OIl hL'in!! prostituted, we support vigorous prosecution of custOlllcrs or pmslilllies. ;lIHI pimps, brolhel owners and traffickers. Decriminalization or prostilution prilll;lrily bendils customers and pilllps, not those in prostitution. 8790

Melissa FARLEY, Isin BARAL, Merab KlHEMJRE and Ufuk SEZGIN -121

Three of the women in the USA had worked in a locale where proslillilion IS legal. Preferring to work on the streets of San Francisco, they all stalCl! Ihal Iheir lives in legal brothels were unbearable. Hoigard and Finstad (1992) lIoled that tht: systematized degradation inflicted on women in brothels is in Illany ways wurst: than street prostitution. The women we interviewed who had left brotiJels stalc:d that they were completely under the control of the brothel's pilllp/o"'lIc:rs: Ihe)' were not permitted to refuse customers; they were usually nOI allowc:d 10 leave the brothel for eight consecutive days; they were not permitted to choose their own physicians - and were regularly sexually assaulted by physicians \\'ho pract iced ill brothels. Apologists for prostitution legitimize it as a freely made and glamor()us carl'Lf choice. We are told that people in prostitution choose their customers as \\'ell :IS the type of sex acts in which they engage. Bell (1994) suggested thai proslillitioll is a form of sexual liberation for women. We are also told that 'high·class' prostitution is different, and much safer than street prostitution. Rekrring III prostitutes in general, Leigh said 'most of us arc middle class' (in Bell, 19().:J). None of these assertions was supported by this study. Our data show that almost all of those in prostitution are poor. The incidence of homelcssness (7? percent) among our respondents, and their desire to get out of prostilution (92 percent) reflects their poverty and lack of options for escape. Globally. vny kw of those in prostitution are middle class. Prostitution is considered a rl'asonahle job choice for poor women, indigenous women and women of color. inslcad of being seen as exploitation and human rights violation. Indigenous wOJllen ;lre at the bOllom of a brutal gender and race hierarchy. They have the fewcsi opliollS, and are least able to escape the sex industry once in it. For example, il has bcen estimated that 80 percent of the street prostituted women in Vancouvcr, Canada. are indigenous women (Lynne, 1998). The appearance of choice to work as a prostitute is profoundly decc:pl ivc. '1 f prostitution is a free choice, why are the women with the fewest choices the ones most often found doing it?' (MacKinnon, 1993). In Amsterdam. a woman described prostitution as 'volunteer slavery', clearly arliculating bOlh Ih ... appearance of choice and the overwhelming coercion 1)L~hind t Ital choice (Vanwesenbeeck, 1994). In prostitution, male dominance is disguised as sexuality (Dworkin. 19')7). f-or the vast majority of the world's women, prostitution is the experience of being hunted, being dominated, being sexually assaulted, and bcing physically and verbally baltered. Intrinsic to prostitution arc numerous violations of human rights: sexual harassment, economic servitude, educational deprivatioll. job dis­ crimination, domestic violence, racism, classisll1 (being treated as iI' you arc worthless because you arc poor), vulnerability to frequent physical ;Ind sl'xual assault, and being subjected to body invasions which are equivalelll III IOl"lure. Froll1the perspective of those we interviewed in five countries, prostilllllllnlllighl at best be called a means of survival: if one wants a place to sleep, food 10 (';11 :11111 a way to brieOy get off the street, one allows oneself to bc sexually assauitc:d. 1\1 8791

Pr051illilioll ill /-"i,'" C/J/llllrio its worst. prostitution is kidnapping, tonun: and sale of pans of the pcrs()l1 for Sl'X by third parties, What is needed is public education regarding the intrinsic violence of prostitu­ tion to those in it. and programs which offer options for escape 10 those in prostitution. In order to offer genuine choices, program.,> lllust otTer nlUrc than concioms. unions and safe-sex training. It is necessary to scrutini/.e thc vast all;l)' of social conditions in women's lives which eliminate meaningful CIHlll'l:S. Psychological treatment is necessary for both acute PTSD resulting from st:Xu;lI violence and captivity in prostitution, as well as for the long-term harm resulting from childhood ahuse and neglect. Drug and alcohol addiction treatment and health care must be integral to programs offered to people escaping prostitution. We must offer asylum and job training to women who arc prostituted and who wish to escape prostitution. We urge feminist researchers to continue to report - and protest - thL' experiences of women in prostitution.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Roma Guy. ~t the B~y Area Homelcssness Progr~m. San Francisco State L.;nivnsity. made vital contributions to this projcct. Her SUppOr1 helped initiate this work. Zoe Holder and Norma Hotaling were inlcrvicwers in the USA. lise Pauw assislcd willl inlerviews in Capetown. Catherinc Mubanga. Theresa Koshcni. Ivtary I... tolllpcla. Cbra Kabamba and Annie Kashano were interviewers in Lusaka. The South African data were collected with suppon and assistance from ,\dl'le duPlessis and Jean duPlessis. without whose contribution this proJecl cuuld nol havc' bC'cn completed in South Africa. Tracy Cohen provided invaluable help in South Africa. Shane PctZef (SW[/\T) W;1S generous with his time and assistance. Ampom Leininger translated the questionnaires into Thai. and also assisled with trans­ lating responses from Thai to English. The Thai data could not have been collecled without thc gencrous lime and c'nerg), cnn­ tributed by Toi Taylor. Joi Taylor and Ellen Keller. and with assistance from P:llriL'ia Green. Toi Taylor translated extensively. I Inward Barkan. Drrl! provided swtislical analysis and consulialion, :lS welt ;1'; cdilorial suggestions. Erica Boddie organized the coding and dala entry phase of the project. Data enlry was provided with the gencrous help of: Mandy Benson. I:ric:1 Hoddic. Marilyn Davis, Ruth Lankstcr and Gail McCann. Michelle J. Anderson. JD and Jonathan Shay. MD. PhD offered editorial suggestions, The Turkish data were presented at a symposium at Inlernation:rI Sociel), for Traul\\:lliL' Siress Studies, Jerusalem. March 1996. A paper which described a ponion of the USA research was presenled hy 1"lellss:1 farley and f'.!onna HOlaling at the Founh World Conference on WUlllen. Hci.lill~. Chin:l. t \)')5. 8792

Melissa FARLEY, Isin BARAL, Mcrab KIREMIRE and Ufuk SEZGIN ·12.'

NOTES

I. The item from the prostitution questionnaire: 'Do you think that if prostitution wnc legal, sex workers would be any safer? (for exampk, from rape ~uld assail It) . was COIl­ tributed by Tracy Cohen, Johannesburg. South Africa. ~ A discussion of the ways in which different cultures promote prostitution is extrcillely important but is beyond the scope of this article. Muecke (1992). for cxampk. has written about the complicity of Buddhist ideology with sexist practices which dC\'aluc women. In Thailand, it is possible for prostitutes to gain respect (that is. to gain Illerit with respect to their karmic debts) only if they contribute large sums of IlHlIlc), to organized religion. If they do not contribute generously to their families :111(1 tcmpks, they arc treated with extreme contempt.

REFERENCES

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Jour/wi of Health Services 24: 649-53. Ramsay, R., Gorst-Unsworth, C. and Turner, S. (1993) . Psychiatric tvlorbidit)' in Survivors of Organised State Violence Including TOrlure: A Retrospective Serie:;, British journal of Psychiatry 162: 55-9. Rodriguez, N., Ryan, S.W., Vande Kemp, H. and Foy, D. W. (1997) 'Post-traumalic Stress Disorder in Adult Female Survivors of Childhood Sexual Abuse: A Comparison Study', journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 65: 53-9. Root, M.P.P. (1996) 'Women of Color and Traumatic Stress in "Domestic Captivity": Gender and Race as Disempowering Statuses', in A.J. Marsella, MJ. Friedman, E.T. Gerrity and R.M, Scurfield (cds) EtlrnoclIlruml Aspects of Post·tf'(JlIIllOlic Strt'.\J Disorder: Issues, Research. and Cliniwl Applications. Washington, DC: i\mericlIl Psychological Association. Ross, C.A., Anderson, G" Heber, S. and NOrlon, G.R. (1990) 'Dissociation :lI1d ,\!Juse among Multiple Personality Patients, Prostitutes, and Exotic Dancers'. /lmpitlll lind Comlllullity Psychiall), 41 (3): 328-30. Saunders, D.G. (1994) 'Post-traumatic Stress Symptom Profiles of Battered Women: ,\ Comparison of Survivors in Two Settinp', Violence (Jnt/ lIinims 9: 31-44. Silberl, M.H. and Pines, A.M. (1981) 'Sexual Child Abusc as an Anlecedenl III Prostitution', Child Abuse and Neglect 5: 407-11. Silberl, M.H. and Pines, A.M. (1982) 'Victimization of Strect Prostitutes', l'inilll()logy: AII/mematiollal journal, 7: 122-33. Silberl, M.H. and Pines, A.M. (1983) 'Early Sexual Exploitation as an InOucnce in Prostitution'. Socia/ Work 28: 285-9. Silbert, M.H. and Pines, A.M. (1984) 'Pornography and Sexual Abuse or W()fllen·. Sex Roles 10: 857-68. Simons, R.L. and Whitbeck, L.B. (1991) 'Sexual Abuse as a Precursor to Proslilulion and Victimization among Adolescent and Adult Homeless Women'. journlll of FWllily Issues 12: 361-79. SturticvalH, S.P. and Stoltzfus, B. (1992) Let the Good Tillll'.~ Roll: Prost/tutioll ollli tht' US Military ill Asia. New York: The New Press. Yanwesenbeeck, I. (1994) Prostitllles' Well-Being and Risk. Amsterdam: YU Univcrsity Press. Weathers, F.W., litz, B.T., Herman, D.S., Huska, J.A. and Keane, T.M. (1993) 'The PTSD Checklist (PCl): Reliability, Validity, and Diagnostic Utility'. Paper presentcd at the 9th Annual Meeting of the International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies, 24-7 October 1993, San Antonio, Texas. Weisberg, O.K. (1985) Children of the Night: A Stut/y of A t/""'.IT l'I/t I'rostiIUI/{lII. Lexington, MA: lexington Press. 8795

426 Pro.HilUlioll ill Fi,·,' ('tI'tllI'-"'.\

Mclis,a FARLEY, PhD is al Proslilulion Research and EduC:lliol1, ;, SPOl1sorcti projccl of San Francisco (California) Women's Ccnlns; and Kaiser Fountialitln Rcsearch Inslilule, Oakland, California, USA. ADDRESS: Melissa Farley, PO Box 16254, San Francisctl, CA 9-1116--025·1. USA. Icmail: [email protected]]

lsin BARAL, MD and Ufuk SEZGIN, PhD arc al Psychosocial Tr;l\lIlla Program, Univcrsily of ISlanbul, Turkey. Ms Mcrall KIREMIRE is Chairperson or TASINTIIA progr;lIll. Lus;,ka, Zambia. 8796

THIS IS EXHIBIT .... EJ. "",REFE~E~O IN THE AFFIDAVIT OF .....~l.o.t .. \J.~;;:Th...... /' SW~R BEF YOF.:':':":A.D .... 2008 H-/~ S a-r .J " .. ';:.." .~ ... ;. "...... :-...... :-~ ...... A COMMISS 8797

Fenzale Prostitution, Cust01ners, and Violence

MARTIN A. MONTO Lil1ilJl'rsil!l of Portlnnd

Throllgll a cril iml rel'iew ofexisling research, this article argiles that (a) ClIstolllers have /iecII excllldedfmlll 11111 HI/ debatessllrro/llldil1g prostitution, and includillg them will cre­ ate a /110ft' robllst dialoglle regarding prostitulion; (b) though prostitlltion seeking is ofim trmted as a IIl1tllml part of IIIIISCli/ine sexual experiellce, most men do 1I0t pursue prostitlltes, llnd pcryji'lI' art' reglilar IIsers; (e) lIIany commonsense IInderstllndings of 111m';; lIIotiulltiollS ji)r seekillg prostitlltes are collsistent with exisling research; (d) a series of allitlidiHol orienlatiolls 111111/ help explain why sOllie mel1 meet tlzeir desires thrallgh prostitlltioll and others do not, and may also help to explain some of the violence experienced Iii/ prost it Illes; nnd (e) CIIslolJlers actively constmct their eneollnters with proslilllies ill ways 111Il1 slIpporl Iheir IIl1derstondings of proslillllion and Iheir sexllal desia's, often [Porkillg to 1II0illtaill n sense of /JIulllalily and consent. incorporalillg CII$­ lomers illio oCt/dm/ie scholarship 011 pr05tillllioll can lead 10 more balill/ced research Ihal I,,,lter illji'rlllsp"l>lic policy.

Keywords: IlitT!1' cIIsloll1ers O/ji?lIl1l/e proslilII les; prostitlltion; violence

ScJwlnrs !tnue engnged in extensive theoretical debates about the character of prostitution (Bell, 1994; Cooper, 1989; O'Connell Davidson, ] 998; Overall, 1992; Scambler & Scambler, 1996; Shrage, 1994), and there is now a significant body of empirical research on female prostitutes. However, until recently, much less attention has been paid to customers. Police responses in the 1980s and 1990s also tended to focus on prostitutes, with custom­ ers constituting only an estimated 10% of arrests (Alexander,

AUTHOR'S NOTE: This project was supported by Grant No. 97-1J-CX-0033 awarded by the National Institute 01 justice, Office of justice Programs, U.s. Department of justice, lIndt'r tl", Violence Agoinst Women Initiative. Points of view in this article are those of the outhor

V10U::I'KE ,\C/\INST WOMEN, \hI. III No.2, FebHlilry 2004 16()'188 DOl: 10.1177 j I077KIlI 2(f12!JIJ9·IK ft', 200"1 Sage Public.llillns J60 8798

Monto / FEMALE PROSTlTUTION, CUSTOMERS, AND V10LENCE 161

1987; E. M. Miller, Romenesko, & Wondolkowski, 1993), and intervention and prevention initiatives neglecting them entirely (Monto, 1998). These one-sided efforts have been described by feminists as unfair and discriminatory (Cannen & Moody, 1985; Davis, 1993; Sullivan, 1992). Perhaps in response to such con­ cerns, more police departments nationwide appear to be conduct­ ing sweeps, using female police officers as decoys, to arrest men seeking prostitutes. Additionally, an increasing number of cities have begun providing "johns schools," weekend classes designed to discourage arrested men from reoffending (Monto, 1998; Monto & Hotaling, 2001). Scholarship, both theoretical and empirical, has begun to focus greater attention on this understud­ ied popUlation of men. Though scholarly understandings of prostitution and the pub­ lic policies surrounding it differ dramatically, one of the concerns of most scholars and many policy makers is the issue of violence against prostitutes. Prostitutes in the United States, particularly those vvho operate from the street, are frequent victims of vio­ lence. Several studies indicate that the majority of prostitutes working the streets report having been raped and physically aSSclUlted during tIle course of their activities (Barnard, 1993; Farley & Barkan, ] 998; J. Miller, 1993, 1995; Silbert & Pines, 1983). Prostitutes are also disproportionately represented among female murder victims (Lowman, 2000; ]. Miller & Jayasundara, 2001). The high degree of violence experienced by prostitutes obligates researchers to more thoroughly explore cultural and scholarly definitions and understandings of prostitution and the role that customers playas perpetrators of violence or as contribu­ tors to a system in which women are vulnerable to violence. The objective of this mticle is to summarize what is known about cus­ tomers and to incorporate the customer into some of the scholarly debates surrounding prostitution.

DEFINITIONS AND UNDERSTANDINGS OF PROSTITUTION

Prostitution may be defined as the exchange of sexual access to one's body for something of value, most frequently money or drugs. But other aspects of the definition of prostitution are less clear. The prostitution exchange is often described as the private 8799

]62 V10LENCE AGA1NST WOMEN / February 2004

behavior of consenting adults. However, survivor advocates have questioned the degree to which prostitutes, many of whom begin working before they are adults (Benson & Matthevvs, 1995; Silbert, 1981; Weisberg, 1985), consent to their involvement in prostitution. For many prostitutes, consent may be mediated by dire economic circumstances (Barrett & Beckett, 1996; Farley, Baral, Kiremire, & Sezgin, 1998; Farley & Kelly, 2000), drug addic­ tion (lnciardi, 1995; ]. Miller, 1995), and fear of violence from a partner or pimp (Giobbe, 1993). Additionally, though estimates vary, a significant proportion of prostitutes report having been the victims of physical and / or sexual abuse prior to their entry into prostitution (Simons & Whitbeck, 1991; Widom & Kuhns, 1996), further mediating the degree to which prostitution can be considered consensual. Finally, many women and children, esti­ mated to number around 50,000 (US. Department of State, 2003), are trafficked into the United States each year often for prostitu­ tion, a process that is inconsistent with the concept of consent. Trafficking serves to separate prostitutes from social networks that might facilitate their escape, puts them into contact with cus­ tomers, and helps to avoid law enforcement intervention (Ray­ mond, Hughes, & Gomez, 2001). J am not arguing that prostitution can never, under any condi­ tions, be consensual. 1 am, however, arguing that prostitution takes place amid a variety of social contexts that can be seen as reducing the degree to which women-though this principle applies to male prostitutes as well-may be seen as freely con­ senting. Customers, on the other hand, may be more meaning­ fully described as consenting. Though prostitution seeking is sometimes treated as a natural aspect of masculine sexual behav­ ior, few men, as will be shown later, choose to satisfy their desires through prostitution, and the existence of prostitution should not be seen as a biological inevitability. The issue of consent does enter into the understandings of customers, however, as many customers work to maintain a sense that the prostitutes they visit not only freely choose prostitution but also enjoy their sexual con­ tact with clients (O'Connell Davidson, 2002; Plumridge, Chetwynd, Reed, & Gifford, 1997). The differential degrees to which the cllstomer and the prostitute may be seen as consenting shuuld be incorporated into the discourse on consent in prosbtu­ tion

Monto I FEMALE PROSTlTUTlON, CUSTOMERS, AND VIOLENCE 163

Prostitution has also been defined as work (Jenness, 1993), though the implications of this issue have been considered in overly simplistic terms. By defining it as work, sex workers' rights organizations imply that prostitution warrants equal status with other professions. Prostitution can be reasonably conceived as work; indeed, the exchange can involve a great deal of emotional labor (Chapkis, 1997; Lever & Dolnick, 2000; O'Connell David­ son, 1995). However, it is faulty to assume all work under all con­ ditions is intrinsically positive or legitimate (O'Connell David­ son, 2002). Current law prohibits employers from hiring workers to do jobs that are unduly hazardous or harmful to themselves or society, even if workers would agree to accept such offers (Gauthier, 2000). The Occupational Health and Safety Adminis­ tration (OHSA) publishes volumes of rules as to the conditions under which people are allowed to work. For example, there are limited conditions under which someone can hire a minor. Per­ haps the policy issue should not hinge on whether prostitution is work, but whether the work is safe, freely chosen, and not harm­ ful to the worker, other individuals, or society. Because he is offer­ ing payment for services, the customer's role in the encounter should not be free from the scrutiny to \,vhich other economic exchanges are subject. Another common conception, botll among the general popula­ tion and among scholars, is that prostitution is inevitable and per­ haps natural. According to Canadian sex researcher Gemme (1993), "people will always have sexual needs which can only be satisfied by a commercial exchange" (p. 235). The popular axiom th3t prostitution is "the oldest profession" reflects this perspec­ tive as well. Kingsley Davis's (1937) classic sociological essay argues that prostitution serves a functional role in society, helping to meet the biologically driven needs of men who do not other­ wise have access to sex or whose interests or appetites cannot be met in conventional marital relationships. Seen this way, prostitu­ tion comes to be considered "normal." In fact, many researchers and prostitution advocates take pains to argue that customers are just regular, normal men (Armstrong, 1978; Holzman & Pines, 1982), implying that men are naturally or potentially prostitute llsers. There are 3 number of problems wi th this understanding. First, such a perspective ignores the ways that sexual "needs" and 8801

]64 V10LENCE AGA1NST WOMEN / Februnry 2004

desires are structured and shaped by society (O'Connell David­ son, 2002), instead seeing them as entirely biological or natural. Second, though many men fail to meet their precise erotic needs in conventional relationships, only CI minority of men, as I will dis­ cuss later, pursue sex with prostitutes (O'Connell DClvidson, 2002). Clearly, whether men seek prostitutes depends on many factors, personal and cultural, and cannot be seen as an inevitable response to being deprived of satisfying one's sexual desires. Third, placing men's needs as paramount in shaping sexual prac­ tices reinforces a sense of masculine entitlement to sexual access that places others' needs as secondary and contributes to the exploitation of women. Implying that everyone has the right to meet their exact erotic requirements neglects the fact that some sexual desires may be inconsistent with the desires of others or may harm other individuals or groups (O'Connell Davidson, 2002). Finally, this understanding implies a particular definition of masculine sexuality as motivated by CI desire for sexual releClse rather than intimacy, promiscuity rather than monogamy, and a basic need that must be met rather than CI desire that mayor may not be fulfilled. Such a defini tion of masculine sexuali ty may actu­ Cllly contribute to the conditions thClt perpetuate prostitution, as men may come to define prostitution as a natural outcome of their intrinsic sex drive. Our cultural and scholarly understandings of prostitution are shaped by the types of prostitution we study and encounter most frequently. Celebrants of prostitution as sexual expression sel­ dom support their arguments with the accounts of street prosti­ tutes. And antiprostitution activists and social service providers are most familiar with street prostitutes or women who are seek­ ing to leave other forms of prostitution. Weitzer (1999) argues that there are systematic differences between types of prostitution, with street prostitution being more problematic, violent, and exploitative than indoor prostitution. Although theoreticClI analy­ ses, either pro or con, may argue that there is something essen­ tiCllly similar among all types of prostitu tion or that prosti tution is intrinsically exploitative or empowering, empirical analyses demonstrate a remarkable diversity of activities that fall under the term prostitution and CI remarkable diversity of experiences among the participants (Weitzer, 2000). Prostitution can include car sex, in-call or ou t-call escort services, long-term relational sex, 8802

Monto / FEMALE PROSTITUTlON, CUSTOMERS, AND VlOLENCE 165 crack house sex, massage parlors, brothels, and sex tours. Sex workers can include homeless women and men, women traf­ ficked and held for the purpose of sex, runClway children, finan­ cially independent and educated women and men, Clnd many other categories and combinations of categories. Research and theory concerning prostitution, whether motivClted by the desire to free women from restrictive sexual mores or the desire to pro­ tect women from sexual exploitation, need to acknowledge the empirical variability among the experiences of prostitutes. There is less variation among the customers of prostitutes; the over­ whelming majority are adult, male, and employed. Still, ClS this article will make cleal~ customers come from diverse back­ grounds, participate in a range of sexual activities, and have a wide variety of motivations for seeking out prostitutes.

SOURCES OF INFORMATION REGARDING CUSTOMERS

For the past decade, scholars have been calling for greater attention to the male customers who patronize prostitutes (Davis, 1993; Weitzer, 2000). Some have argued that the lack of Clttention to male customers is due to the pCltriarchal assumption that these provocative women are responsible for male deviance (Davis, 1993). Others hClve argued that although female prostitutes are problematized, seeking out prostitutes has been treated as a rela­ tively normal aspect of male sexual behClvior (Carpentel~ 1998; Weitzer, 2000). Whether these explanations Clre accurate, research into the customers of prostitutes has clearly been complicated by the difficulty of contacting and gaining cooperation from these men, most of whom hClve a strong desire to remain hid­ den and Clnonymous (McKeganey & Barnard, 1996; Plumridge et al., 1997). Despite these difficulties, there are now several sources of in­ formation about johns. A number of fascinating qualitative inter­ view studies (Bernstein, 2001; Holzman & Pines, 1982; Jordan, 1997; O'Connell DClvidson, 2001; Plumridge et al., 1997) have provided insight into the experiences Clnd motivations of male customers. At least two nationally representative samples have asked questions about prostitution use (LClumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994; National Opinion Research Center, 8803

166 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / February 2004

2001), allowing us to compare prostitute users to nonusers across a number of variables. Relatively new Internet user groups (alt. sex.prostitution) and bulletin boards (worldsexguide.org; punterneLcom), which allow customers to share consumer infor­ mation with other customers anonymously, have allowed researchers unobtrusive access to customers (Kern, 2000; Monto, 2001a). These sites provide a good deal of insight into the experi­ ences and attitudes of relatively committed customers. Published firsthand accounts by johns provide some information (Diana, 1985; Loebner, 1998; Ste·wart, 1972), although these are usually written by advocates of prostitution, who may be exceptional cus­ tomers in other ways as well. Finally, there have been a number of survey-based studies of customers gathered using convenience samples (Faugier & Cranfield, 1995; Freund, Lee, & Leonard, 1991). The largest, consisting of two separate surveys of over 2,300 respondents, was gathered from men who had been arrest­ ed in several cities for trying to hire prostitutes and were gathered together prior to weekend intervention programs or "johns schools" designed to discourage them from reoffending (Monto, 1999; 2001b). My effort in the following sections is to synthesize what is and is not known about this relatively hidden population, providing insight into the incidence of prostitl1tion use, the motives and orientations of lTlale cllstomers, ,lnd the experience of seebng out prostitutes. Though this article will concentrate on describing male customers of prostitutes from the United States, insights into this population will be selectively drawn from stud­ ies of other countries as welL

INCIDENCE OF PROSTITUTION USE IN THE UNITED STATES

Although prostitution is often described as culturally uni versal and its nickname, "the oldest profession," implies that it is inevi­ table, the prevalence of prostitution varies widely from cClllntry to country. Prostitu60n is not present in an institutionalized form in all societies today (Bullough & Bullough, ] 987), and most men do not seek out prostitutes. Some have argued thelt the rate of prosti­ tution is greater in countries characterized by poverty, gender inequellity, cmd cultural norms that limit women's legitimate employment opportunities. However, strong religious prohibi- 8804

Monto I FEMALE PROSTITUTION, CUSTOMERS, AND VIOLENCE 167

tions may also reduce prostitution, even in poor, patriarchal coun­ tries (Macionis, 2003; Mackay, 2000). Bullough and Bullough (1987) see a number of conditions as essential for prostitution to exist, including a sexmd double standard that accepts promis­ cuity among males but not among females. Estimating the incidence of prostitution use among men in the United States is difficult. Certainly Kinsey, Pomeroy, and Martin's (1948) classic study of male sexuality depicted such behavior as relatively common and contributed to the idea that it was a nor­ mal aspect of male sexuality. The study found that 69'10 of men had sought ou t prosti tu tes. Using the Kinsey et al. stud y as a foun­ dation, along with their own experience, Benjamin and Masters (1964) argued that closer to 80% of men had sought out pros­ titutes. The large but nonrepresentative sample collected by Kinsey, who was not trained in the social sciences, was probably not a sound basis for generalizing about the sexual behavior of males as a whole. Recent studies using sound methodology and nationally representative samples indicate that only about a fifth (National Opinion Research Center, 1991) or a sixth (Laumann et aI., 1994) of adult men in the United States have ever visited a prostitute, and fewer than l°Ic, had done so during the previolls year. Part of the discrepancy between these recent sl'udies cll1d Kinsey's numbers likely reflects an actual decrease in prosti III lion use among men. The men in the youngest cohort studied by Laumann and colleagues (1994) were much less likely than their older counterparts to indicate that their first sexual experience had been with a prostitute. Socially sanctioned economic oppor­ tunities for women are much more available today than they were in the 1940s. Additionally, there is a higher reported incidence of noncommercial sexual activity (Laumann et aI., 19(4), and there are more legal and convenient alternatives to prostitution within the sex industry today than there were in the 1940s (6el1"lstein, 2001). Some have argued that the risk of AIDS may also have con­ tributed to decreased prostitution use and a movement tovvard less risky commercial sex activities among consumers (Hong & Duff, 1997). The likelihood that there has been an actllclJ decrease in the proportion of men who pay for sex should not lead researchers, policy makers, or social service providers to neglect prostitution, which remains widespread in most cities in the United States. The annual number of arrests for prostitution 8805

]68 V10LENCE AGAINST WOMEN / February 2004

continues to hover around 100,000, which does not account for prostitution-related arrests processed under other statutes, such as status or nuisance offenses (Manto, 1999).

CHARACTERISTICS OF CUSTOMERS

Several studies of customers make a deliberate effort to ernpha­ size that the customers of prostitutes are no different from other men, implying that they are representative of the men in the par­ ticular cities or locales studied (Armstrong, 1978; Holzman & Pines, 1982). The effort seems aimed at contradicting depictions of customers in general as psychologically deficient, socially inadequate, or sexually deviant (Holzman & Pines, 1982). These researchers are correct in emphasizing that most customers do not possess these qualities. However, characterizing customers as normal men may imply to readers that prostitution seeking is a routine part of the masculine sexual experience, which, as has been explained above, is not true. A large study comparing men arrested for trying to hire prosti­ tutes with nationally representative samples of men found signif­ icant overlap between the sillnples, though systematic differences did emerge (Monto, 1999). Customers were more likely than American men in general to be working full-time (84'1'0 compared to 77%), to have seen X-rated movies during the past year (66 % compared to 33%), and to be unmarried or separated (59.3% com­ pared to 44.2%). Customers who were married were much more likely to report that their marriages were "not too happy" (22.4% compared to 2.3%), though one should not conclude that an unhappy marriage causes men to pursue prosti"tutes. It is equally plausible that pursuing prostitutes could reduce marital happi­ ness. Customers also reported having more sexual partners dur­ ing the past year (though not more sex) and were more accepting of sex before marriage, sex between teens, homosexual sex, and extramarital sex. Ethnicity among the customers was distributed similarly to the ethnicity of the locales in which they were arrested, and customers were no more likely than the national sample to have reported serving in the armed forces. Sullivan and Simon (1998) compared men from a nationally representative sample of men who report that they either had (17.7'X,) or had not (82.3'X,) paid a woman for sex in their lifetime. 8806

Monto / FEMALE PROSTlTUTJON, CUSTOMERS, AND VIOLENCE ]69

They found that men who had visited prostitutes were older, more sexually active, more likely to be non-White, and more likely to have served in the military. However, only a small pro­ portion of the men participating in the study-fewer than 1 '10- had visited prostitutes within the past year, suggesting that the visits that differentiate the categories these researchers studied may have occurred many decades ago, perhaps while the men were serving in the military (Laumann et al., 1994, in a report using the same data). It is likely that there is a great deal of variability among custom­ ers, depending on the context in which they seek prostitutes and the frequency with which they engage in the behavior. The Monto (1999) study, described above, compared men who claimed that their arrest was their only attempt to hire a prostitute within the past year with men who admitted to having visited prostitutes at least once during the year. The experienced users reported hav­ ing more partners during the year, more sex during the year, less happy marriages, and more sexually liberal attitudes than first­ time users. They also reported somewhat higher pornography use. Lever and Dolnick (2000) queried a large sample of call girls and street prostitutes about their clients. Call girls vvere more likely than street prostitutes to estimate their customers' ages as older and their incomes as higher. Additionally, they \"iere more likely to report that their most recent customer was a "regular" (49% compared to 28%) or repeat customer. Lever and Dolnick also reported that customers of street prosti tutes were much more likely to be non-White, though the majority of street prostitutes they interviewed were also non-White. Many of the studies of customers of prostitutes are based on small convenience samples (Freund et aI., 1991; Holzman & Pines, 1982; Jordan, 1997), and there is no reasonable way to ga ther a rep­ resentative sample of men who are currently customers. How­ ever, putting the pieces together, we can draw the following tenta­ tive conclusions: (1) Though a significant proportion of customers are married (Freund et aI., 1991; Jordan, 1997; McKeganey, 1994), customers are less likely to be married than noncustomers and more likely to define their marriage as unhappy or unsatisfying (Monto, 1999); (2) although there may be some overrepresenta­ tion of non-Whites, customers generally reflect the ethnicity of the cities and locales in which they live, with minority prostitutes 8807

170 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / Febnlilry 2004

more likely to serve minority customers (Armstrong, 1981; Lever & Dolnick, 2000; Monto, 1999); (3) although age ranges vary depending on the type of prostitution, and men of all ages can be customers, the combination of most studies would place the aver­ age age of customers in their late 30s (Faugier & Cranfield, 1995; Freund et aI., 1991; McKeganey, 1994; Monto, 1999). At least two studies have attempted to establish typologies of customers of prostitutes (Kern, 2000; Vanwesenbeeck, de Graaf, van Zessen, Straver, & Visser, 1993). Both typologies divide men according to motives and attitudes, rather than by the type of prostitution they pursue or their background characteristics, and both are based on samples collected in useful but idiosyncratic ways, limiting their utility as general typologies of customers. Kern (2000) used the factors differentiated by a factor analysis to categorize different types of customers, with such labels as "socioemotional bonds," "married guy" "nervous client," "looks critic," and "bargain hunter." However, factor loadings cannot be seen as representing different groups or clusters of men but instead indicate different clusters of items that are associated in the responses of men. And individual respondents could poten­ tially score high on several factors, or even a majority of factors. Vanwesenbeeck et a1. (J 993) used qualitative methodology to group the men in their study, differentiating customers accord­ ing to their i:lttitudes toward prostitution, their motives forpursu­ ing prostitutes, and their behaviors. Their categories include "convinced users," who have positive experiences with prosti­ tutes and go primarily for the sex, which they consider positive and healthy; "angst ridden" users, who seek to escape loneliness and unhappiness but are not happy or satisfied; "maximum selec­ tive" users, who have a regular provider they like and trust, do not use condoms, and define their situation as a relationship; and several other categories. However, using this range of different types of variables to create axes for their typology leads me to question whether these distinctions can be made accurately. Their own data and other research indicate that men often have a multi­ plicity of attitudes toward prostitution (Monto, 2001a), some of which are contradictory (Sawyer, Metz, Hinds, & Brucker, 2001). Although both typologies underscore the diverse motives and clttituLies that characterize customers of prostitutes, neither appears to yield exclusive categories. 8808

Monto / FEMALE PROSTITUTION, CUSTOMERS, AND VIOLENCE 171

CUSTOMER MOTIVATIONS

Although it might be convenient if scholars could identify a central reason why some men seek out prostitutes, the empiriccd research indicates that there are many different motivations. In fact, social science research on the issue seems to confirm ra ther than contradict popular conceptions of male customers. Some customers visit prostitutes because they are too shy, aw kward, or unattractive (or believe themselves to be) to establish conven­ tional sexual relationships (Jordan, 1997; Monto, 2000; Xantidis & McCabe, 2000). Some customers, accustomed to sexual access, visit prostitutes when they are away from their regular partner due to travel or temporarily are not involved in conventional sex­ ual relationships (Holzman & Pines, 1982; Jordan, 1997). Others argue that their wives or partners are unwilling or unable to sat­ isfy them (Jordan, 1997; Monto, 2000). Some customers are attracted to particular physical characteristics (Kern, 2000; McKeganey, 1994), such as a particular ethnicity (Shrage, 1992) or body type. Some desire sexual experiences that they do not feel they can request from conventional sexual partners or that tlwir regular partners refuse to provide, such as oral or anal sex, domi­ nance or submission, role playing, various sexual fetishes, or myriad other activities and experiences (Gemme, 1993; Monlo, 2001b; Plumridge et aI., 1997). Some customers are men with very active sex lives who seek out prostitutes to have an even greater number of sexual partners (Bernstein, 2001; Monto, 2001 b; Plumridge et al., 1997). The illicit or risky nature of the prostitu­ tion encounter is attractive to some customers (Blanchard, J 994; McKeganey, 1994; Monto, 2000). Some customers prefer the con­ venience of sex with a prostitute to sex with a regular partner that requires greater effort, negotiation, and time (Jordan, 1997; Monto, 2000; Plumridge et aL, 1997). They may also wish to avoid the commitments and mutual obligations involved in conven­ tional relationships (Plumridge et al., 1997; Xantidis & McCabe, 2000). And married men, motivated by many of the reilsons described above, may see the prostitution encounter as less risky than having an extramarital affair (Jordan, 1997). Some men seek sex with prostitutes because they feel that it gives them greater control during the sexual encounter or because it allows their immediate sexual release (Bernstein, 2001; BlclJ1chard, ]994; 8809

172 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / February 2004

Gemme, 1993). Finally, some customers seek prostitutes for pri­ IT)arily nonsexual reasons, such as companionship, sympathy, friendship, or love (Jordan, 1997; Plumridge et aL, 1997; Xantidis & McCabe, 2(00).

ATTITUDES AND ORIENTATIONS OF MEN WHO USE PROSTITUTES

The motives described above of men who pursue sex with prostitutes are neither exclusive nor exhaustive, but they do help to explain the desire to seek prostitutes. However, it is particularly important to note that motivations of these valieties are present among the large majority of men who never seek out prostitutes. In other words, though these motiva tions make sense, they do not explain why some lonely, awkward, or unattractive men seek out prostitutes and others do not, or why some men with inhibited or incapacitated partners seek out prostitutes and others do not. In fact, Carpenter (1998) argues that we need more studies of why most men do Hot buy sex. She further argues that researchers have tended to see prostitution seeking as a natural outcome of such desires when, in fact, most men do not respond to their desires in this wCly. Herein lies a more interesting and difficult issue: whether there is a set of concomitant attitudes and orientations that characterize prostitute users and differentiate them from men who do not pay for sex. The subsections that follow explore a series of attitude constellations that are available in our culture to justify prostitution use and sometimes violence against prosti­ tutes and other \>\'omen.

CONCE1V1NG OF SEX AS A COMMODITY

Though prostitution clearly involves an exchange, the degree to which cllstOlDers concei ve of prosti tu tion as a market exchange varies. Prasad (J 999) points out that customers often invoke a market-orien ted rationale to justify their behavior, and some cus­ tomers, defending the ethics of their activities, observe that nonprostitute sexuality and marriage are also exchanges (Jordan, 1997). However, there is also ample evidence that customers often seek to minimize or ignore the economic aspects of prostitution encounters (Plumridge et aL, 1997). Many johns object to sexual 8810

Monto / FEMALE PROSTITUTION, CUSTOMERS, AND VIOLENCE 173

encounters that seem like nothing more than impersonal ex­ changes, with qualitative accounts showing frustration or anger toward prostitutes who are nonchalant, indifferent, cold, hurried, or seemingly do not care (Carpenter, 1998; Plumridge et aI., ] 997). Additionally, some customers refer to their relationships with prostitutes as friendships, mutually satisfying relationships, or even as love relationships. Some clearly feel that their prostitute partners are special people and that they themselves are seen as special in the eyes of prostitutes (Jordan, 1997). Some antiprostitution scholars have objected to the idea of treating prostitution as an economic exchange because of con­ cerns that this tends to legitimize the activity. However, framing prostitution as an exchange need not imply that the exchange is legitimate and need not rule out exploitation. All mark.et ex­ chcmges are embedded in a set of social norms and social relation­ ships that shape the negotiation process and the value and desir­ ability of the commodities exchanged (Giddens, 1971; Monto & J ulk.a, 2003). As described earlier, the prostitution exchange takes place under conditions of varying power, consent, and availabil­ ity of alternative choices (O'Connell Davidson, 2002). Foa & Foa (J 976) argued that cultures are bound by a set of norms regarding v\'hat are and are not acceptable commodities for exchange, and that exchimges involving essentially human qualities, such as love, friendship, and sex, are often considered less acceptable. Monto and Julka (2003) created a crude but adequately reliable index of the degree to which respondents in their large sample of arrested customers conceive of sex as a commodity, using varia bles such as pornography use, preferring prostitu tion rela­ tionships over conventional relationships, the desire to have con­ trol over one's sex life, and immediate gratification of one's sexual needs. They found a strong correlation between frequency of prostitlltion use and this measure of conceiving of sex as a commodity. In a nonacademic but insightful article about young johns in a popular women's magazine, Blanchard (1994) provides insight into the commodified view of sexuality among some cli­ ents, arguing that the men he interviewed seek immediate gratifi­ cation, choice over their sexual experiences, and convenient, low commitment sex, an orientation he cleverly labels "McSex." Although the degree to which a man conceives of sex as a com­ modity is a promising issue to explore furthel~ it is clear that men 174 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / February 2004 vary in this regard, and some customers do not seem to empha­ size the exchange aspect of the encounter. One could also ilrglle that sex is commodified in many other contexts within Americiln culture, both within and outside the sex industry. However, the issue of commodification may be important in understanding some of the more negative issues associated with prostitution. Other analyses employing this commodification variilble by Monto (1999) indicate thilt when both degree of commodifica tion ilnd frequency of prostitution use were included together in path models, the commodification and not the frequency vilriable "vas associilted with rape myth acceptance, attraction to violent sexu­ ality, and failure to use condoms when with prostitutes. This would seem to suggest that this particulilr orientation towilrd sex­ uali ty, rather than the act of visiting prosti tu tes, may be associCl ted with some of the violence faced by prostitutes (Manto, 1999).

SENSE OF ENTITLEMENT TO SEXUAL ACCESS TO WOMEN

Another orientation that has been implicated in prostitution use is il sense of masculine entitlelTlent to sexuill ilccess to women or power over women. Some men, the ilrgument stilles, set' lhe ability to have sex when they desire to be iln essentiClI aspect of masculinity, and they see women as obligated to pro"idt' that access. The historical obligation of sexual access within the mari­ tal context underscores the cultural roots of this orientation. Bush, Bell, Hotaling, and Manto (2002), in further Clnalyses of silmples of ilrrested customers, found a constellation of interrelated items that ilppear to support the utility of this "entitlement to power and control" construct. Though few men in their sample en­ dorsed the relatively extreme items that comprised this construct, the construct itself holds promise. Future research on the degree to which customers exhibit a sense of entitlement to power and sexuality, and on the consequences of this orientiltion, could employ Cl more precise measure or qualitative interviews. The assumptions thilt prostitution is inevitable and that men are naturally inclined to pursue women for sex, implicit in many discussions about prostitution (Cilrpenter, 1998; Plumridge et <11., 1997), complement and support the notion of mils(uline enti tle­ ment. PrilsCld (1999) mgues that the lack of Clttention to customers 8812

Monto / FEMALE PRO':iTITUTION, CUSTOMERS, AND VIOLENCE 175

in research on prostitution implies that pursuing sex with prosti­ tutes is natural among men. Taken to the extreme, such an orienta­ tion exempts men from accountability for the problems associ­ ated with prostitution. Gemme (1993), a Canadian sex researcher who sees the demand for commercial sex as inevitable, goes so far as to hold prostitutes themselves responsible for their own vic­ timization, suggesting that much of the violence against prosti­ tutes can be explained by their poor service. Such sentiments are reflected in only the most extreme accounts of johns posting on the World Sex Guide online bulletin board, a small minority of whom see prostitutes who fail to provide service in the way the customer wants as deserving punishment. Gemme concludes his article by arguing for legalization and suggesting that his findings may allow sex workers and brothel managers to better meet the needs of men, a clear indication that he sees masculine sexual desire as the most important basis for shaping the social policies surrounding prostitution. Carpenter (1998) questions this as­ sumption, arguing that men need to be challenged to assert a new conception of masculinity that is not dependent on sexual access to women.

PATRIARCHAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

A related and potentially overlapping issue vvorth exploring is the degree to which prostitution and violence are employed by customers to reinforce male privilege, either to punish women who do not accept their subordinate status in our society or as an attempt to reassert a bruised or challenged sense of masculinity. Certainly this orientation is present among some perpetrators of domestic and sexual violence (Burt, 1980; Leonard & Senchak, 1996). Some feminist scholars argue that this is a fundamental motivation among men who buy pornography (MacKinnon, 1987) or patronize prostitutes (Dworkin, 1997). In my own work with a group in Portland interested in developing an intervention program for arrested customers (Manto, 1998), one board mem­ ber described customers of prostitutes as "sexual predators," a label that associates them with the most reviled criminals in American society. But although customers may "hunt" for pros­ titutes, even invoking hunting analogies such as "the chase" or "the pursuit," the other connotations of this term appear to 8813

176 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / February 2004

be inappropriate for the vast majority of men who patronize prostitutes. As Miller and Schwartz (1995) point out, prostitutes are uniquely positioned to experience the brunt of mallY of the atti­ tudes that contribute to violence against women as well as those that allow us to ignore that violence. One strategy employed to evaluate the degree to which customers endorse attitudes consis­ tent with violence against women has been to use Burt's (1980) measure of "rape myth acceptance." Rape myths are attitudes believed to be consistent with sexual violence against women. Burt's measure asks respondents to express the degree to which they support or oppose a set of attitude statements such as, "A woman who is stuck-up and thinks she is too good to talk to guys on the street deserves to be taught a lesson," and "When women go around braless or wearing short skirts and tight tops, they are just asking for trouble." Monto and Hotaling (2001) used a modi­ fied version of Burt's index to evaluate the degree to which arrested customers endorsed rape myths and the consequences of greater levels of rape myth acceptance. Overall, the level of rape myth acceptance among arrested customers was lovv, with 30%) of the respondents failing to score positively on any of the items, and the overalJ scores on the measure apparently no higher than the scores for general nonoffender samples. The small proportion of men who scored high on the measure warrant additional scrutiny, as rape myth acceptance was strongly associated with sexual con­ servatism and an attraction to violent sexuality, a combination of attitudes that is likely to be associated with violence against 'Nomen. To be attracted to violent sexuality, endorse attitudes that might justify violence against women (rape myths), and be judg­ mental about others' sexual activities would be entirely consis­ tent with patriarchal violence against women, particularly prosti­ tutes. Qualitative interviews of customers also reveal a range of themes that could be used to justify and support violence against 'vvomen, and some Web-based accounts include descriptions of octual violence against prostitutes (Kern, 2000). Although the actual proportion of customers who commit acts of violence against women probably varies depending on the con­ text in which the prostitution occurs, there is no reason to believe that most customers are violent. The violence experienced by female prostitutes is freguent and often severe, as indicated by a 8814

Manto / FEMALE PROSTITUT10N, CUSTOMERS, AND VIOLENCE 177

great deal of recent research (Raphael, 2004), especially among those working the streets. However, the number of client contacts among prostitutes in a given year is high, ranging from less than a dozen to many hundreds (Maxwell & Maxwell, 2000). Even if the selection of men were random, women at the higher end of this con tinuum would be likely to come across more than a hanclhll of violent individuals. However, many accounts suggest that the problem is exacerbated by a relatively small proportion of more violent men who deliberately seek out prostitutes to victimize because of the reduced likelihood of arrest. Although it is likely that most customers never engage in vio­ lent behavior toward prostitutes, they do contribute to the perl-,et­ nation of a system that leaves women vulnerable to violence. And though they may not acknowledge their part in the system, mcmy are aware that prostitutes are victimized in the course of their activities. Qualitative accounts reveal that clients may recognize the violence experienced by prostitutes without acknowledging their complicity in it (Monto, 2001a). This is further complica ted by the likelihood that in the context of prostitution, some men may not recognize abusive behavior by themselves or others as violence (Miller & Schwartz, 1995).

SEXUAL LIBERALISM

One attitude constellation that is associated with prostitu tion is sexual liberalism. Sexual liberalism may be defined as the belief that sex is positive and that society should not restrict sexual expression, so long as it takes place between consenting parties. This orientation underlies the system of legalized prostitution present in Holland and is echoed by many sex researchers in the United States. ,The idea that sex is positive and that prostitution should not be restricted is also echoed in the prostitutes' rights movement (Jenness, 1993), in the accounts of customers of prosti­ tutes (O'Connell Davidson, 2001), and in a great deal of scholarly research. In comparison to nationally representative samples of men, customers of prostitutes are generally more sexually liberal (e.g., less likely to see premarital sex, sex between teenagers, homosexual sex, and extramarital sex as \.-vrong; Monto, 1999). Even if one sees all forms of consensual sex as positive, J argue that a logically consistent sexual liberalism should be concerned 8815

178 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN! february 2004

not only with cultural and legal restrictions on sexual expression but also with sexual coercion, Cl potentiCllly greater threat to Cluthentic sexual expression (Gmlthier, 2003). As O'Connell Davidson (2002) puts it, "The essence of the prostitution contract is that the prostitute Clgrees, in exchClnge for money or another benefit, not to use her personal desire or erotic interests as the determining criteria for her sexual interaction" (p. 91). In the case of prostitution, an emaciated version of sexual liberalism can be misused to promote a self-serving ethic in which Clny sex that a person can get someone to agree to under any conditions is seen as positive. This is very different from an ethic that seeks to pro­ tect the authentic expression of sexual desire from infringement by the state. Unfortunately, customers often invoke an ethic of sexualliberCllism unilaterally, using it to Clssert their own right to sexual expression and to justify their own behavior, while at the same time dismissing the Clgency of the prostitute (Plumridge et a!., 1997) and ignoring obvious evidence that she is not recipro­ cally pleased (Plumridge et Cll., 1997) or is Cl victim of violence (Monto, 2001a). O'Connell Davidson (2001), in a study of sex tour­ ists Clnd "sexpatriates" (i.e., men who have moved to underdevel­ oped countries to gain greater Clccess to prostitutes, often poor Clnd adolescent), demonstrCltes thClt sexuCllly IiberCl1 Clttitudes that support an escape from the restrictive sexuClI mores of Western cultures can be held concurrently with attitudes of male suprem­ ClCy, misogyny, Clnd rClcism.

THE EXPERIENCE OF SEEKING PROSTITUTION

Qualitative research provides some interesting insights into customers' experiences pursuing Clnd interacting with prosti­ tutes. Holzman and Pines (1982), studying 30 customers of indoor prostitutes, conceive of the prostitution encounter as hClving a series of phases. The first phase, conception of intent, encom­ passes the customer's explora tion of the idea of pursuing a prosti­ tute. The phase can take place weeks in advance or can begin immediately before the encounter. Accounts on the World Sex Guide also show a wide variation in the degree of advanced plan­ ning prior to the encOllllter, with some customers requesting advice many weeks in advance of Cl11 upcoming trip. The motives 8816

Monto / FEMALE PROST1TUTJON, CUSTOMERS, AND V10LENCE 179

that drive customers to pursue prostitutes, described earlier, come into play during this phase and will not be repeated here. The second phase, pursuit of the encounter, involves creating an anticipation or fantasy of what the experience will be like and preparing for the encounter. For the men in the Holzman and Pines (1982) study, this often involved tasks usually clssociated with courtship, such as working to make themselves physically attractive or creating a romantic atmosphere. The varying degrees of preparation suggest that for some men, the advanced planning of the encounter seems to make the experience more exciting and appealing. For other men, the excitement of the prostitution encounter appears to require spontaneity (or the illusion of spon­ taneity), the sense of being caught up in the moment or being swept away by a seductive woman. Advanced planning of a pros­ titution encounter may be inconsistent with their sexual desires or may be considered immoral. Although they may be able to for­ give themselves an act of passion, they may find it problematic to consciously plan a prostitution encounter. The actual encounter involves a set of challenging interactional dynamics. Accounts suggest that most customers work to con­ struct the encounter as one of mutual desire and sexual pClssion rather than a callous commercial exchange, even amid contradic­ tory evidence (Bernstein, 2001; Holzm,lll & Pines, ] 982; Monto, 2001a; O'Connell Davidson, 2000; Plumridge et a1., "] 997). For example, some customers describe their efforts to find out more Clbout what the prostitutes do and do not like during sex so that they can better please them. And customers rave about the times when they believe they succeeded in bringing prostitutes to orgasm. Though interactional dynamics differ depending on the context in which the encounter takes place, even many customers of street prostitutes describe these sentiments. Prostitutes, doing an even greater share of the emotional labor, must negotiate the economic aspects of the encounter while still maintaining the illu­ sion of sexual desire and warmth. Customer accounts show frus­ tration when the prostitute is unsuccessful in doing this or when the obvious commerciClI aspects of the exchClnge seem to domi­ nClte the encounter (Bernstein, 2001). Although some of the men who seek out prostitutes can be legitimately criticized for seeing women as merely sexuCll objects, even most of these customers want more than cl body to hClve sex with (O'Connell Davidson, 8817

180 V10LENCE AGA1NST WOMEN / Februarv 2004

2002). Accounts consistently reveal that customers want warmth, sexual passion, or a special connection with prostitutes, even if it is fleeting. However, most research suggests that customers' desire for authenticity is limited (Bernstein, 2001), as they are not interested in reciprocal obligations or lingering commitments (Plumridge et a1., 1997). Accounts of customers suggest that there is a great variety of responses in the aftermath phase of the encounter, including feel­ ings of guilt disappointment, or pollution; feelings of anger at being ripped off or tricked; or, alternatively, feelings of satisfac­ tion and accomplishment (Bernstein, 200]; Blanchard, 1994; Holzman & Pines, 1982; O'Connell Davidson, 2000).

RESPONDING TO PROSTITUTION

It is important that any serious discussion of prostitution policy incorporates customers C1nd moves beyond the simplistic argu­ ments that have chC1racterized debC1tes on this issue. Although,it is beyond the scope of this ilrticle to thoroughly review policy options, C1 feyv recommendations are in order. First, it is essential to recognize thClt the 'Vrly prLlstitution is practiced in a particular country is shaped not only by its legal stiltus but by myriad other social and cultural contexts as v\'t'li. The C1!'gument is frequently made that the system of legalized prostitution present in the Netherlands represents a positive alternative to the system in the United States, and that legalization vvould ameliorate many of the social problems associi1ted vvith prostitution in the United States. However, in contrast to the Netherlands, the United States lacks a secure social welfare safety net that protects its people from sig­ nificant poverty and hunger. In other words, in the Netherlands there are essentially no persons who face the dire economic cir­ cumstances of the poorest people in the Uni ted States. In contrast to the Netherlands, vvhich offers free medical care for all, the United States lacks lWldily accessible and affordable sexually transmitted disease testing

Monto / FEMALE PROST1TUT10N, CUSTOMERS, AND Y10LENCE ]01

Netherlands is less patriarchal, with greater gender equality cmd fewer of its citizens ideologically supporting a subordinate status for women. Finally, the Netherlands is characterized by less reli­ giosity and religious conservatism than the United States, atti­ tudes that can be employed to blame liberated or sexually pro­ vocative women for corrupting men and may be used to support violence against women. We cannot know in advance the consequences of legCllizing prostitu tion in the United States. lndeed, outcomes would depend on how the legal chClnge occurred and the public's per­ ception of it. However, we can be assured that legalized prostitu­ tion in the United States would not be like prostitution in the Netherlands. There are a number of changes, positive and nega­ tive, that could accrue from legalizCltion in the United Sta tes. Although it is an oversimplification to argue that the stigmCl asso­ ciated with prostitution is due to its outlaw status (Benson & Matthews, 1995), legalization would likely reduce stigmCl to some degree. Prostitutes might have better Clccess to police protection as their own risk of criminal prosecution was relieved 'Clnd their Clctivities becClme less clandestine (Lowman, 2000). On the other hClnd, demand for prostitution might increClse (Benson & Matthevvs, 1995), as the stigma of purchClsing sex would likely diminish Clnd men ''''ould no longer be deterred by the percei \'ed risk of legal sanctions. Even a cursory review of the WorJd Sex Guide online bulletin bomd shows an awareness of the risk of arrest, Clnd this concern appears to serve as a deterrent (Kern, 2000). Resemch by Gemme Clnd Payment (1992) on policy in M on­ treal, CanadCl also suggests that criminalizCltion may reduce demand. Under a policy of legClJization, low-income women without other marketable skills might eventually be expected to enter prostitution to escape poverty and avoid welfare depen­ dency (Anderson, 2002). Although arrest is currently one of the main pathways through which prostitutes come into contact ,;vith social service providers who CCln help them leave prostitution, under a system of legilIiZ(l­ tion prostitutes might not come into contact wi th such services, or such services might be defined as unnecessary. All of this is com­ plicated by the fact that current responses to prostitution in the United States vary dramatically from community to community. Despite the fClct that prostitution is illegal in neClrly all parts of the 8819

182 V10LENCE AGA1NST WOMEN / February 2004

United States, many jurisdictions practice a de facto decriminal­ ization of indoor prostitution while focusing law enforcement efforts on street prostitution, a distinction advocated by Weitzer (1999,2000). Although current prostitu bon policy is not the prod­ uct of careful and delibera te planning, it is naive to suggest that simple legalization or decriminalization would, in and of itself, solve the problems associated with prostitution. A second recommendation is that policies to reduce prostitu­ tion continue to target customers rather than relying solely on the arrest of prostitutes. There has been increased recognition over the past decade that customers, the demand side of the supply­ demand equation, are as essential to the continued existence of prostitution as are prostitutes (Monto, 1998). And customers' decisions to engage in prostitution are more nearly free and con­ sensual than those of prostitutes. Antiprostitution statutes in many cities in the United States are now phrased in gender­ neutral language, meaning that the customer can be subject to arrest, and many cities now conduct "sweeps" designed to target men who solicit prostitution from female decoys posing as prostitutes. Some cities have begun posting the names and photographs of arrested customers on Web sites or cable access channels (Lords, 2002). The idea behind this policy is to subject customers not only to the risk of legal sanctions but also to the loss of reputation. Although such practices may indeed reduce demand for prostitu­ tion, they may cause embarrassment to innocent family members of the offenders. And the loss of reputation may mean that the offender has little to lose upon subsequent arrests. Additionally, the motivation behind these strategies seems to reflect a moral outrage at the customers' sexual behavior rather than a concern about prostitutes. Hence, this public shaming ritual could serve to reinforce conservative sexual mores that reduce rather than increase sympathy for women in prostitution. Another strategy is to send men arrested to weekend classes called johns schools. Such schools communicate to customers that they are accountable for the perpetuation of prostitution, that prostitution is harmful to women, that customers face significant risk of sexually transmitted diseases, and that further participa­ tion in prostitution would expose the customers to significant legal consequences and the risk of becoming victims of crime 8820

Monto / FEMALE PROSTITUT10N, CUSTOMERS, AND VIOLENCE 183

(Bergman, 2002; Bernstein, 2001; Monto, 1998). Most of the active johns schools in the United States are modeled after San Fran­ cisco's highly successful First Offender Prostitution Program, a program begun in ] 995 that has been awarded the Innovations in Government award from the John F. Kennedy School of Govern­ ment at Harvard University. There are currently johns schools in many cities in the United States, including Las Vegas, Nevada (Monto, 1999); Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Washington, D.C. (Rumbelow, 2002); and Palm Beach County, Florida (Lengell, 2001). The johns school approach is remarkably optimistic, assuming that through an act of conscience and an awareness of personal risks, customers can and will decide to give up their use of prosti­ tutes. Indeed, 1 would question whether a single day of lectures could change long-established patterns of sexual behavior. How­ ever, the men arrested in the prostitution sweeps and participat­ ing in the classes are generally not experienced users, with about a fifth claiming that they had never had sex \,vith a prostitute before and another fifth claiming that they had not been with a prostitute during the past"] 2 months (Monto, 1999).ltis likely that less expe­ rienced users are Gmght disproportioJ1Cltely in police operations, as they have less knowledge of strategies for avoiding arrest and are less likely to be enmesheci in social networks on the streets. Another concern is that clCisSE's emphasizing the violence and coercion experienced by prostitutes might have a negative effect among men who are Ci ttTCiC ted not to mutuality and consent but to violence Cind subjugation. FortunCitely, arrested customers gener­ Cilly do not exhibit ,lJl Ci ttraction to violence (Monto & Hotaling, 2001). For these men, early in their CCireer of prostitution seeking, johns schools may lead to a reconsideration of their perspectives toward prostitution Cind mCiY undercut some of our cultural fantasies surrounding prostitution.

CONCLUSION: DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

As described earlier, there Me now mCiny sources of informa­ tion about the customers of prostitutes, from Web-based bulletin bOCirds to ll,ltionally representCitive delta sets. And with the emer­ gence of johns schools and a trend in public policy toward in- 8821

184 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / February 2004

creased attention to the customers, access to this formerly hidden population has never been greater. Though there is much to learn, existing scholarship provides a number of foundations for future research on the customers of prostitutes. First, there is a multiplic­ ity of different experiences that fall under the term prostitution, and the dynamics of each vary. It is essential that researchers avoid generalizing about customers based on studies of one vari­ ety of prostitution. Second, though prostitution seeking is often treated as though it is a natural part of the masculine sexual expe­ rience, most men do not pursue prostitutes, and very felA.' are reg­ ular users. More research should focus on the socialization expe­ riences and the opportunity structures to which customers are exposed. Third, many of the common-sense understandings of men's motivations for seeking prostitutes are consistent with existing research. Howevel~ the most common motivations for pursuing prostitutes are also experienced by men who are not prostitute users. More research should focus on why most men, despite experiencing these motivations, do not pay for sex. Stud­ ies comparing customers to noncustomers would be especi,llly helpful in this regard. Additionally, more attention needs to be paid to the attitudinal orientations of customers, some of \vhich may support not only prostitution but also violence against women. Researchers will find no smoking gun. There is no one main reason why men pursue prostitutes and no single variable that differentiates users from nonusers. Additional research should focus on the ways that customers construct their encoun­ ters with prostitutes, how they learn about prostitution opportu­ nities, how they decide to begin the search, how they deal with the contradictory messages that Mise during the encounter and that characterize our cultural understandings of prostitution, and how they process and understand their experiences after the bct. H is essential that researchers and policy makers continue to rec­ ognize the significant violence that is associated with prostitution in our culture and the ways that customers, whether personally abusive or not, contribute to that violence. Incorporating customers into academic scholarship on prostitution can leCld to more balanced and robust research that better informs public policy. 8822

Monto! FEMALE PROST1TUT10N, CUSTOMERS, AND V10LENCE 185

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Foa, E. l3., & Foa, U. G. (1976). Resource theory of social exchange. In 1. W. Thibault, 1. Spence, & 1<. Carson (Eds.), COlllelllporon! 101'ie,; ill ,;oeial pSl/ehologl/ (pp. ~9-131). Morristown, Nl: General Learning. Freund, M., Lee, N., & Leonard, T. (l991). Sexual behavior of clients with street prostitutes in Camden, Nl . .lOll mol of Sex Rescarch, 28, 579-591. Gauthier, 1. (20()O, March). Pm';lillllioll, IIII;IISI olkrs, Illld IIw proletlioll of secmol 1l1l101l01llY. Paper presented at the 16th Annual Gender Studies Symposium, Lewis and Clark Col­ lege, Purtlllnd, OR. Gauthier,J. (2003, April). Reprodllclic1c riShl,,,1/1£1 s"-YIIal righls: The cllses o{aborlioll Ilmi prosti­ IlIlioll. Paper presented at the annual meetings of the American Philosophical Associa­ tion, Pacific Divjsion, San rrancjsco. Gemme, R. (J993). Prostitution: A legal, criminological, and sexological perspective. Calln­ dinll JOIII'IIIlI ofHwlIll1I Sexllnlill/, 2, 227-237. Gemme, K, & Payment, N. (1992). Criminalization of adult street prostitution in Montreal, Canada: Eva IUiltion of the bw in 1987 and 1991. Cal/ndio)) JOll1'llnl off-lwlloll Sexllnlily, 1, 217-220. Giddens, A. (1971). Cal'ilalislII Ilnd lIIodem socialll,eon/. New York: Cambridge University Press. Giobbe, E. (1l)9J). An analysis of individual, institutional, and cultural pimping. Michigall JOllrnal or Gelld,'r alld Lmu, 1,33-57. Holzman, }-J., & Pines, S. CJ 982). Buying sex: The phenomenology of being a john. Deviallt BcIuwior, 4, 89-116. Hong, L. K., & Oliff, R W. (1997). The center and the peripheral: l'llnctions and locations of dance clubs in Los Angeles. JOllrnol of COli Iellll'ol'l1ry Elllllvgmplll/, 26, 182-201. [nciardi, J. A. (1995). Crack, crack house sex, and HTV risk. Archives or 5exil01 Br'IIIlVio); 24, 249-269. Jenness, V (J<)t)])./VlakiIlS if IPork: Tit,' p/o~/iI1l1L'5' rjgh/~ 1I1O't.1£'1I1(,;11 ill pl'fSpeclit1!'. New York: Aldint:"' til' Cruvter. Jorelan, -,. (1'l97). User pays: Why men bu)' sex. AlIslrolirlJlolI.! Neifl Zeolol/d ]rwn"'l of Crill/i­ l/oloXY, 31!, 55-7l. Kern, R ivl. (200U). Whf'rf"~ 11ff' Ilclio", Criwil/olllwlivnliol/s OIllOI/S proslillile climls. Unpub­ lished doctoral dissertation, Vanderbilt University. Kinsey, A. C, Pomeroy, W.I3., & Martin, C E (1948). Sexilol behnvior ill tiff' 11111111111 IIllllc. Phila­ delphia: W. B. Sa unders. Lallmann, E. 0., Gagnon, .I. H, Michilel, R T, & Michaels, S. (1994). The sociol ",solliznl iOIl (if' sc:nll1lily. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lengell, S. (20OJ, October 7). Pay for sex, get lesson instead. Taillpn Y,'il>lIl1e, p. 1. Leonard, K. E, & Senchak, M. (1996). Prospective prediction of husband marital aggression within newlywed couples. JOllmol of Abllorlllal PsycholoSI/, J05,369-380. Level;)., & Dolnick, D. (2000). Clients and call girls: Seeking sex and intimac),- ln R. Weitzer (Ed.), 5cxj,n snl,,: Proslillilioll, I'omogrnpln/, olld tile sex industry (pp. 85-JOO). New York: Routledge. Loebner, H. G. (1998). Being a john. In J. E. EIi~s, V. 1-. Bullough, V. Elias, & G. Brewer (Eds.), Proslilulirm: Olllllilores, ililstlen, I1l1d joll/ls (pp. 221-225). Amherst, NY: Prometheus. Lords, E. (2002, November ]7). To stem prostitution, Detroit may put customers on televi­ sion. Milwl1l1kee JOIIl'Jlnl Senlinel, p. 30A. Lowman, J. (2000). Violence and the olltlaw status of (street) prostitution in Canada. Vio- ICII((' Agl1illsl WOllle/', 6, 987-1011. Macionis, J. -,. (2003). Sociology. Upper Saddle River, Nl: Prentice Hall. MacKay, 1. (2000). Tile Pellgllill I1tlns or llIfllll111 sexllnl bchm1ior. New York: Penguin. tv["cKinnon, C ('1987). reIllillislil IIlIlIIodified. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 8824

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Maxwell, S. R., & Maxwell, C. D. (2000). Examining the "criminal careers" of prostitutes \'\'ithin the nexus of drug tlse, dTug seHing, (lnd other illicit activities. Crimillology, 38, 787-809. McKeganey, N. (1994). Why do men buy sex and what are their assessments of the HI\!­ related risks when the)' do? A 11)5 Call', 6, 2S9-3lJJ. McKeganey, N., & Barnard, Ivl. (996). Sex work 011 thestreels: Proslilll/csllIJd /ll{'irciil'lIls. Phil­ adelphia: Open University Press. Miller, E. M., Romenesko, K, & Wondolkowski, L. (J993). The United Statl's. In N. Davis (Ed.), Prosl illli iOIl: An inlemol ionn//JllIIdho"k on I rmds, prob/eJlls, olld politic, (pp. 30ll-3Z6). London: Greenwood. Miller,J. (1993). Your life is on the line every night you're on the streets. lJlIlIllllli/l/llJllt So"i­ ely, J 7,422-446. Miller,). (J995). Gender and power on the streets: Street prostitution in the eril of crack cocaine. jOlll'lln/ of emleJIIl'omry ElilllOgmpili/, 23, 427-452. Miller,)., & Jayasundara, D. (200}). Prostitution, the sex industry, and sex lourism. In C. M. Renzetti, J. L. Edleson, & R K. Bergen (Eds.), Sonrcebook Oil pio/mel' osaillsl IPIIIIICII (pp. 459-480). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Miller, )., & Schwartz, M. D. (J995). Rape myths and violence' against streel prostitutes. 0(,";"1111 Behavior, 16, 1-23. Monto, M. A. (J998). Holding men accOlmtable for prostitution: The unique approach oj the sexual exploitation education project. Vioifllc(' Agnil1sl WOIIICll, 4, 505-517. Monto, M. A. (1999). Fvcltsil1R OJ1 the clicHts ()f~/reet prostillltes: A crel1lh.!l'J1]Jprtll1c/J to rt'dl/(·il1 ..(~ 'ufolcHce ngainst wOl11en. Washington, DC: National Jnstitute of J1lslice. Monto, Ivl. A. (2000). Why do men seek out prostitules? In R Weitzer (Ed.), 51'.lIi". '1I1r: 1'l'IIs­ lillliiou, pOrJJogmpi/i/ alld Ihl' sex indllslr" (pp. 67-83). New York: Routl<,d,st'. rVionto,lV1. A. (200] i:1; August). C01llpet iJ/g tiL/inil itHlS {~fproslilllli(J1l: /lI::.iSlil.<;.ji"01J1/"i/ IO:;1 IIdi('~ !~r lIlole cllslollwrs. Paper presented Clt the annual meeting of the An1t'flcan Socjpl')gic;11 Association, Anaheim, CA. Monlo, M. A. (20(JJ b). Prostitution and the desire for .fellatio. JOIlI'llII/ "rSn "1'sl'lI/',II.38. 1·11)· \"5. Monln, IvJ. A., & Hotaling, N. (200]). Predictors of rape myth ;Kceplancc' "Ill!>"" "'ook. Chicago: Author. O'Connell Davidson,J. CJ 995). The anatomy of "free choice" prostilulion. Gelldl'r. Work IIl1d Orgmlizalion, 2, 1-10. O'Connell Davidson,). (1998). Proslillilioll, powe/', IlI/dji-ccdOlJl. Ann Arbor: Unil't'I'sily of Michigan Press. O'Connell Davidson, J. (2000). Minding the gap: General and substilnlil't' tlworizing on power and exploitation. SigJls, 25, J045-J050. O'Connell Davidson, J. (2001). The sex tourist, the expatriate, his ex-wife and her "other": The politics of loss, difference, and desire. Sexlla/ilies, 4, 5-24. O'Connell Davidson,). (2002). The rights and wrongs of prostitution. i1I/1llllill, 11, K4-%. OveralJ,c. (J992). What's wrong with prostihltion? Evaluatingsl'x work. 5(-,115, 17,7D5-724. Plumridge, E. W., Chetwynd,S. )., Reed, A, & Gilford, S.J. (J 997). Discnl/l'st'S of el1mli"n"l- it)' in comnlercial sex: The 1nissing client voice. FI'1lIillisIIf L~ PSI/c11O/0SI!, 7, "165-1 tn. Prasad, M. (J999). The morality of ma~ket exchange: Love, money:and ";;,trocll,,,1 juslin.'. Sociological Perspeclives, 42, 18]-214. Raymond,j. G., Hughes, D. M., & Gomez, c..I. (2001). Sex Im[l/ekillg or I "Ollll'lI illlh,' L/JIIII'd Sinles: /nlcmnliollal aJld dOllleslic Irt'llds. Rockville, MD: National Inslitule oi Juslice Raphael,j. (2004). LislmillS 10 Oli"ia: Vio/Cllcc, pwcrly, I/Ild proslillilioll. Hosl,)/1: Norll1l';}sl­ ern University Press. 8825

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Rumbelow, H. (21102, September 9). Fallen men: At "john school," students review a lesson pickE'd up on the slreet. Washillgloll Posl, p. Clll. Sawyer,S., Nlet/., M. E.. Hincb,,1. D., & Brucker,R.A. (200J) Attitudes towards prostitulion among m,)les: A "consumers' report." Cllrrcnl PSI/cllOlagy, 20, 363-376. Scambler, G., & ScambJer, A. (1996). Relilinking proslilll/ioll. New York: Routledge. Shrage, L (J992). Js sexual desire raced' The social meaning of interracial prostitution. jOllma! o{ Socilll Pililosol'lll/, ?3, 42-51. Shrage, L. (1994). fV)oml dill'lllllll/s O(/i'lIlillisllJ: Proslilll/ioll, adllltery, 1I",laborlioJl. New York: Routledge. Silberl, M. H. (1'JSI). Prostitution and sexual assauJt:Summary of results.llllcmnliollni jOlir- 1101 o{ Biosorial Research, 3, 69-7]. Silbert, M. H., & Pines, A. M. (1983). Victimization of street prosti tutes. Vicl ill/ology, 7, 122 -133. Simons, R. L., & Whilbeck, L. B. (1991). Sexual abuse as a precursor to prostitution, and vic­ timization among adolescent and adnH hon1eless women. Journal ofFomiJy lsslles, .12, 361-379 Stewart, C. L. (1972). On first being a john. Urlmll LiJi' nnd Cliltllre, 1, 255-274. Sullivan, 13. (1992). Feminist approaches to the sex industry. In S. Gerull & B. Halstead (Eds.), Sex illdllslnl Illid pllblic policy (pp. 7-14). Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology. Sulliv<1n, E.. & Simon, VV. {l998). The client: A social, psychological. and behavioral look at the unseen patron of prostitution. In j. E. Elias, V. L. Bullough, V. Elias, & G. Brewer (Eds.), Pn>,;li/lIl;oll: 011 wlwre" hllstlers, IllJd jahns (pp. 134-154). Amherst, NY: Prometheus. U.s. Depa rlmenl of State. (2003). Asillll regionnl inil inliue ngnillsl / raffickillg (ARIAT) cOlilll 1'1/ p/llll of Ih,. Lillilcd Sillies. Retrieved April 2003 from hltp://usinfo.state.gov /Iopical/ global / tra Hie / arialcp.htm#top Vanwesenbeeck, 1., de Craa;, R., van Zessen, G., Straver, C. J.. & Visser,J. H. (1993). Protec­ tion style:.- of prostitutes' clients: Intentions, behavior, and considerations in relation to AIDS. j01i/'/l1l1 of Sex Edllcnlioll Illid TIIL'l'Ill"/' J9, 79-92. Weisberg, D. K. (l9R5). Cllildll'lI oftlil'lIight: A silldlfofmio"'';(clil 1'1D,;litlitioll. Lexington, N1A: Lexington Books. Weitzt'r, R. (1999). Prostitution control in America: Rethinking public policy. Crill/c, LIlW, nlld Socinl Chnnge, 32, 83-]Q2. Weitzer, R. (20l1O). Deficiencies in the sociology of sex work. SocioloSY o{ Crill/I', LillO nlld DC1>inllcc, 7, 259-279. Widom, C. S., & Kuhns,J. B. {.I 996). Childhood victimization and subsequenl risk for pro­ miscuity, prostitution, and teenage pregnancy. AII/ericall jOllmnl of PIiNic Henllh, 86, 1607-1612. Xantidis, 1.., & McCabe, M. P. (2000). Personalily characteristics of male clients oi female commercial sex workers in Australia. Arcllil>e, o{Sexunl Behnvior, 29, 165-176.

Marlill A. Monto is chair of Ihe Departl1lenl of Socinl mid Belim>iornl Sciences al 1111' UlliveJ'sily of PUTt land alld pn1essor of sociology. Hf is inleresled inlhe inter­ secl iOIl {lclweclI social psychology, gelldel~ al1d crime and has colllpicied a 2-llenr sll/dy of Ihe cllstolllers ofwolllen ill slreet prostillliion tiial WllS fl/lJded Inlthe Nnlional Jllslitute of }lIslicc. 8826 8827

Prostitution Harm,s Wonzen Even if Indoors

Reply to Weitzer

MELISSA FARLEY Proslillllioll Resl'nrcil [~Educalio/1

I cannot avoid expressing my deepest grief in learning of the efforts of pro-prostitution organizations to decriminalize the act of pur­ chasing a person for sex. It is simply not possible for me to convey in words the intense pain and struggle r have endured as a result of my experience in prostitution, I chose to work as a prostitute because J believed J had no other options. I entered prostitution due to extreme emotional and finan­ cial stress and a lack of a supportive family system. Because I was white and not exhibiting obvious signs of a seri­ ous drug addiction, I was able to work in "upscale" massage par­ lors in [California]' While street walking was extremely dimger­ ous, it is completely erroneous to assume that the brothels were immune to violence, There were incidents of attempted strangub­ tion and forceful restrainL Customers would intentionally remove condoms against the prostitute's wishes. They often regllested bondage and acts of sadism. If the managers (madams or pimps) felt that the customer's request was reasonable, the prostitute was obligated to comply, or find another house to work in. I now choose to be an advocate for the right of prostitutes to be free of the forces that restrict their escape. I .. , urge all compassion­ ate people to consult the data and research that has been conducted regarding the demographics and desires of the women, men, chil­ dren, and transgendered who are in prostitution. This ... research illustrates that those involved in prostitution advocacy represent a very small minority of the prostitute population. -A survivor who chooses to remain anonymous

AUTHOR'S NOTE: For their words and for each of their concE'ptuai genius, the author thanks Michelle J. Anderson ilnd Ciltherine A ·MacKinnon. V10LENCE AGA1NST WOMEN, Vol. ]] No.7, July 2005 950-%4 DOl: 10.]]77/1077801205276987 © 2005 Silge Publications 950 8828

Farley / REPLY TO WEITZER 951

DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES ON PROSTITUTION

All science is infused with values, whether it's stem cell research, researc11 on the psycllological effects of colonization of one people by another, or research on the effects of incest or rape or prostitution. The issue is not whether research is permeated \,\"ith values-it always is-but whether those values are made explicit as opposed to being vaguely stated or deliberately con­ cealed. Bara!, Kiremire, Sezgin, and] wrote,

We initia ted this research in order to address some of the issues that have arisen in discussions about the nature of prostitution. In par­ ticular: is prostitution just a job or is it a violation of human rights? From the authors' perspective, prostihltion is an act of violence against women: it is an act which is intrinsically trclUmatizing to the person being prostituted. (Farley, Baral, Kiremire, & Sezgin, 1998, p. 405)

We made our perspective and hypotheses transparent. We then made our procedures and the ways in which those hypothe­ ses were tested sufficiently explicit for others to replicate the study. As Weitzer noted, our results were not always as we had predicted. After a decade of research on prostitution that includes more than 854 interviews with people in nine countries, I wrote an arti­ cle in Violence Agninsl Women (Farley, 2004) that \-vas, as Weitzer (2005 [this issue]) said, a "wide-rangi.ng" (p. 940) discussion about prostitution legalization and decriminalization (Weitzel~ 2005). Along with many others, I concluded that prostitution is multi­ traumatic with extremely high rates of physical and sexual vio­ lence perpetrated against people who are vulnerable usually as a result of gender, poverty, previous history of sexual assault, mar­ ginalization because of race or ethnicity, or a combination of these factors. My coauthors and I stated,

Our findings contradict common myths about prostitution: the assumption that street prostitution is the ·worst type of prostitLl­ tion, that prostitution of men and boys is different from prostitu­ tion of women and girls, that most of those in prostitution freely consent to it, that most people are in prostitution because of drug addiction, that prostitution is qualitatively different from traffick- 8829

952 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / July 2005

ing, and that legalizing or decriminalizing prostitution would decrease its harm. (Farley et aJ., 2003)

Weitzer, on the other hand, failed to make his perspective trans­ parent. In fact, he is a supporter of indoor prostitution. In his writ­ ings, Weitzer has focused on the community disruption caused by outdoor (street or car) prostitution and has supported indoor prostitution. Indoor prostitution includes massage parlors and saunas, brothels, strip clubs, and escort prostitution. Escort pros­ titution simply means that an ad is placed online or in a newspa­ per, that she or her pimp has a cell phone, and that there is access to a home or hotel room or car. "High-class-call-girl" prostitution means that more money passes through several people's hands in escort prostitution. In a 1994 collection of articles titled In Defense of Prostitution, Weitzer published an article about community resistance to street prostitution. This special issue of The Gauntlet was edited by COYOTE member Carol Leigh \A,1ho also promotes decriminalization of prostitution. Weitzer views prostitution from the community's perspective. He decries the mess created by used condoms and discarded syringes, the loss of business rev­ enue as a result of a neighborhood's "seedy ambiance," and the verbal harassment of nonprostituting women by customers of prostitutes (Weitzer, ]994, p. ]22). Dutch researcher Ine Vanwesenbeeck wrote the following: "Researchers seem to identify more easily with clients than with prostitutes" (Vanwesenbeeck, 1994, p. 33). Weitzer does not con­ sider prostitution from the perspective of the prostitute. Rather, he tends to view prostitution either from the perspective of the trick or from the perspective of the nonprostitute community (Adams & Riley, 2004).

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY USED BY THE AUTHOR AND COLLEAGUES

Weitzer charges that research exploring the harms of prostitu­ tion is riddled with methodological flaws. In fact, our research is methodologically sound and has been replicated. For example, we used a standardized and validated test of post-traumatic stress disorder. We also asked about respondents' histories and demographics with a number of true-false questions. In peer- 8830

Farley I REPLY TO WEITZER 953

reviewed psychology journals, questionnaires are rarely included in their entirety, although the lead author's contact information is publicized.l have been contacted by numerous researchers, some of ,,,,,hom have independently replicated the methodology I used and subsequently published the results (Baral et aI., 1998; Valera, Sawyer, & Schiraldi, 2001; Zumbeck, Teegen, Dahme, & Farley, 2003). Weitzer bemoans our lack of a random sample. As other researchers of prostitution have noted, it is not possible to obtain a random sample of people currently prostituting (McKeganey & Barnard, 1996). Investigators, therefore, use a variety of tech­ niques to learn about the experience of prostitution for those in it. Generally, smaller numbers of interviewees limit the genera liz­ ability of results. We have reported data from a large number of respondents in different countries and in different types of prostitution. We described in detclil vvhere and how we located respondents. We attempted to reach as diverse a range of people in prostitution as we could, including people of diverse races, cultures, ages, locations of prostitution, and genders. We observed, as others have, that those who were the most harmed or the most vulnera­ ble were not available to us to interview (Vanwesenbeeck, 1994). They are either imprisoned or kept indoors and out of public view. But there are additional difficulties in conducting research on prostitution. Although it is likely that funding will be more acces­ sible in the next decade, at this moment in time it is extremely dif­ ficult to obtain funding that would permit the expense of ade­ quate sampling of either women in prostitution or their tricks. Therefore, one must interview whomever one can access. Adam Ruiz, Odette Levy, Barbara Strachan, and I have con­ ducted research interviews with tricks and have faced prob­ lems with obtaining representative samples. Although some U.s. research on customers of prostitutes interviewed men in diver­ sion programs who solicited prostitutes (Monto & Hotaling, 1998), we interviewed men who had not been arrested, in part because we wished to interview men who bought women in indoor prostitution. Customers who are not in a police-sponsored program tend to exhibit more "john-like" behaviors. All four interviewers encountered verbal sexual harassment from the non arrested johns while conducting the interviews. 8831

954 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / Jul), 2005

We encountered other difficulties. Publishers of sex industry magazines such as the Bachelor's Bent in Phoenix are reluctant or unwilling to permit advertisements regarding research on prosti­ tution. For example, I attempted to place a classified advertise­ ment in Bachelor's Beat (January 2005) seeking interviews with customers of prostitutes. The advertisement was refused by the editor. The announcement I was seeking to run in Bachelor's Beat was perhaps considered a threat to the ongoing business of adver­ tising prostitution. Weitzer states that I have" simply decree[dJ that prostitution is violence, a proclamation that is neither verifiable nor falsifiable" (Weitzer, 2005, p. 942). He appears not to have read the series of studies that permit me to conclude, "Our findings from 9 countries on 5 continents consistently indicate that the physical and emotional violence in prostitution is overwhelming" (Farley et aL, 2003, p. 55). The 2003 study described the frequency of six types of lifetime violence, the number of types of lifetime vio­ lence, and rates of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in nine countries. Weitzer states that he is unclear if my work includes male and transgender prostitution in spite of the fact that I have described inclusion of both these groups in publications (Farley et aL, 1998; Farley et al., 2003). Weitzer cites our reports that there was more pllysical violence in street prostitution than in brothel prostitution in South Africa as evidence against my claim of violence in all prostitution. Of course, the fact that some types of prostitution are associated with more severe harm than others does not mean that the marginally less hilrmful types of prostitution are not harmful at all. Weitzer noted that some of our respondents favored legalized or decriminalized prostitution. Like everyone else, our interview­ ees minimized the harms of prostitution and they sometimes believed the myth that legalization or decriminalization will some­ how make them selfer. Seldly, there is no evidence for their belief.

INDOOR PROSTITUTION TENDS TO BE SOCIALLY INVISIBLE PROSTITUTION

Advocates, researchers, feminist theorists, and Weitzer all agree that most prostitution in the U.S. takes place indoors, with a releltively small percentelge of prostitution taking place outdoors. 8832

Fmley / REPLY TO WElTZER 955

Even when prostitution is illegal, tricks are much less likely to be arrested in indoor prostitution because in most jurisdictions, police ignore indoor prostitution unless they receive a complaint. Multipage advertisements for escort and massage prostitution run daily in metropolitan U.s. newspapers. The Manhattan yel­ low pages contain 30 pages of listings under "escorts" (Jacobs, 2004). Although prostitution is illegal in locations where it is advertised, newspapers use code words that keep prostitution teasingly veiled and totally accessible: "personal services," "mas­ sage," "conversation," "dating," "women seeking men," "intro­ ductions," "lTIodeling," "escort services," "personal businesses," "private services," "erotic services," "DeSade," "phone entertain­ ment," "adult fun," "TV /TS," and so on. The relative harms of indoor and outdoor prostitution have been debated. There is some research evidence suggesting that outdoor prostitution may subject women in prostitution to higher rates of physical violence, but according to several studies, the ra tes of psychological violence among indoor and outdoor prosti­ tution are comparable. In practice, indoor prostitution increases the trick's safety, but it does nothing to decrease psychologi­ cal trauma for the prostituted woman. The social invisibility of indoor prostitution may actually increase its danger. When women prostitute indoors, the community is less likely to see them. Homes or apartments are rented for use as brothels for escort prostitution. No one lodges complaints until neighbors become irritated about a lack of parking space or they become suspicious about the steady stream of men going in and out of the house in 20-min intervals. In 2004, a brothel with trafficked Asian women operated in a San Francisco neighborhood. No one knew that it was a brothel until federal agents and immigration officials arrested a woman pimp (Wallace, 2004).

IS INDOOR PROSTITUTION SAFER THAN OUTDOOR PROSTITUTION?

Most research comparing indoor prostitution to outdoor pros­ titution has addressed only physical violence. I described more than 10 studies that address similarities and differences between indoor and outdoor prostitution (Farley, 2004, p. 1099). Several studies found either no differences between the two 8833

956 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN I July 2005

or increased psychiatric symptoms among women in strip club (indoor) prostitution. Documenting the profound emotional distress experienced by women in two kinds of prostitution, a Canadian study compared strip club and street prostitution. The authors found that women who prostituted in strip clubs had higher rates of dissociative and other psychiatric symptoms than those in street prostitution (Ross, Anderson, Heber, & Norton, 1990). In a separate study, we compared strip club/massage, brothel, and street prostitution in Mexico. We found no differences in the prevalence of physical assault and rape in prostitution, of childhood sexual abuse, or of symptoms of PTSD. We also found no differences in the percent­ ages of Mexican women in brothel, street, or strip club / massage prostitution who wanted to escape prostitution (Farley, 2004, p. 1100; Farley et aI., 2003). Yet Weitzer (2004) states, "Indoor prostitution typically involves much less exploitation, much less risk of violence, more control over working conditions, more job satisfaction, and higher self-esteem." He defines exploitation as extreme physical coercion, ignoring psychological violence. He fails to define what types of control are exercised over the "working conditions" of prostitution. Job satisfaction and self-esteem are undefined by Weitzer, who also fails to notice the silence created by the lack of research on this subject. In a recent newspaper editorial, Weitzel' (2004) proposed a two­ tiered system of prostitution decriminalization. He recommend­ ed keeping prostitution indoors and out of sight while at the same time prosecuting those committing the "nuisance prostitution" that happens outdoors, on the street, and in plain view. These are critical issues because the current argument of sex industry advocates is that decriminalization will mysteriously provide prostitutes greater safety and greater job satisfaction. Just how safety will be brought about by decriminalization of prosti­ tution has never been clearly articulated, much less empirically assessed. Weitzer's support of massage parlor prostitution-one type of indoor prostitution-surfaced in the context of newspaper reports about a series of arrests connected with massage parlor prostitution in Louisville, Kentucky. Although there are numerous 8834

Farley / REPLY TO WEITZER 957 reports that residential brothels and massage parlors are locations to which women are secretly trafficked from other countries and used in prostitution (Coughlin, 2004; Dopp, 2003; Maher & Ross, 2004; Wallace & Zamora, 20(4), Weitzer has argued that a police focus on massage parlors is unwarranted from the standpoint of public safety (Adams & Riley, 2004, p. 2). Does public safety include women trClfficked into prostitution? Legal service agen­ cies for immigrants, bClttered women's shelters in Louisville, and federal agencies are aware of criminal trafficking networks that move Asian and LCltin AmericCln women from one indoor prosti­ tution location to another on a Midwest prostitution/ trafficking circuit (see www.PolarisProject.org). Women and children can be controlled in indoor prostitution in ways they cannot be con­ trolled on the street. They can be locked in their rooms, heavily drugged, restrained, and beaten. Pimps who run indoor prostitu­ tion are no less dangerous than pimps who are visible on the street. Weitzer nonetheless supports men's rights to access women indoors: "Street prostitution is the problem; indoor prostitution is much less of a problem," and "] would lean toward saying that massage parlors-especially if they do not advertise in terms of signage and are fairly invisible-have a positive effect in terms of providing Cl service that cleClrly men 'vVClnt" (Weitzer, 2004). These comments fail to account for the empirically demonstrated psychological harm of prostitution, wherever it is perpetrated. Despite this evidence of harm, Weitzer sympathizes with and sides with the needs of the trick. If we read between the lines, technigues for harm reduction in prostitution Me indicative of the physicClJ Clnd emotional dangers of indoor prostitution. The same sexually invasive dehumaniza­ tion occurs, regardless of the physical location of prostitution (Anderson, 2005, p. 13). For eX

Be aware of exits and avoid letting your customer block access to those exits ... be aware of where your client (trick) is at all times, as much as possible ... shoes should come off easily or be appropriate for running.in ... avoid necklilces, SCilrves, ilcross-the-body shoul­ der bilgs or anything else that Cilll be ilccidentillly or intentionally tightened around your throat. (St. James Infirmary, 2004, p. 172) 8835

958 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / July 2005

Regarding negotiation with tricks, COYOTE occupational safety recommendations include these:

Have a time limi t for each service-if a customer can't come within a reasonable period, he's costing you money by preventing you from seeing other customers. His failure to get off may also make him agitated or violent [italics added]. [And] use some mentholated salve (for chapped lips, colds) in­ side your nostrils-you'll smell the customer less when you give head. (St. James Infirmary, 2004, p. 173)

At the 15th International AIDS conference in Bangkok (July 2004), several sex worker groups presented information about the occupational health and safety of prostitutes. Members of Bang­ kok organization EMPOWER instructed women in bar prostitu­ tion (one type of indoor prostitution) how to insert and pull out razor blades from their vaginas. This is understood to be a job requirement in the bar-show setting where tricks are sexually excited by the possibility of the genital mutilation of Thai women (J. Oriel, personal communication, August 10,2004). Describing seemingly banal harm reduction techniques, New Zealand issued a 100-page guide for sex workers (New Zealand, 2004) which included information on repetitive strain wrist inju­ ries from masturbation of the customer by the prostitute, warn­ ings to carry a flashlight to inspect customers for STDs, and instructions for setting up a brotheL Traditionally, an overall strategy for addressing harm reduc­ tion among drug addicts includes three components: (a) reducing the harm (e.g., clean needles so that HIV is not transmitted), (b) reducing the demand (e.g., providing immediate and accessible addiction treatment), and (c) reducing the supply (e.g., arresting drug dealers and narcotics traffickers). See Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy (2004). When prostitution and sex trafficking are addressed, it is usually only the first component-harm reduc­ tion-that is considered. Recent thinking, however, is that an overall strategy regarding prostitution/sex trafficking should include all three components, just as an three are included in addressing the addictions. We need (a) harm reduction tech­ niques such as female condom distribution programs, (b) mea­ sures to reduce the demand for prostitution such as arresting 8836

Farley / REPLY TO WElTZER 959 tricks, and (c) measures to reduce the supply of women in prosti­ tution such as providing what women need in order to escape prostitution or monitoring borders for pimps and traffickers (H. McDermott, personal communication, January 26, 2005). Some have alleged that decriminalization of prostitution reduces its harm. The city of San Francisco has recently begun implementing de facto decriminalization of indoor prostitution by transferring supervision of massage parlors from the police department to the health department. Inspections of massage parlors will be much like inspections of restaurants. By removing police jurisdiction over massage brothels, San Francisco increased the vulnerability of all women in indoor prostitution. Yet some of the dangers of indoor prostitution were revealed recently during hearings held by the San Francisco Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) regarding the "labor and safety conditions of exotic dancers." San Franciscans Terence Hallinan, an attorney for the Mitchell Brothers strip club, and Willie Brown, an attorney for strip club owner Sam Conte, were previously the district attorney (Hallinan) and the mayor (Brown) of San Fran­ cisco. Beginning in 1996, Hallinan and Brown defended the rights of sex industry pimps to build private booths in strip clubs. According to testimonies of many women in 2004 to 2005 before the CSW, increased privacy in the booths and increased physical contact in strip clubs also increase sexual assaults against them. Thus while the private booths increased the women's vulnerabil­ ity to rape-at the same time the booths permitted increased pro­ tection and anonymity for the tricks who used women in indoor prostitution. Defining prostitution as a job, the CSW floundered in its attempts to discover how they might improve "working condi­ tions" of women in prostitution. Should they recommend that private booths be outlawed, even though some women (who were accompanied by club owners) testified that they made lots of money in the booths? Should they recommend that booths in strip clubs must have no locking door-only a curtain-or that the booths must be videotaped or that the walls of the booths could only be 3 ft high? Should they install panic buttons in the booths? One woman testified that she was forcibly restrained from pressing a panic button while a customer raped her. Despite 8837

960 VJOLENCE AGAJNST WOMEN / July 2005

evidence of harm, the commissioners attempted to construct prostitution as a job like any other. Yet it was apparent from the women's testimony that the strip club owners and pimps would resist any attempt to limit prostitution or their profitmaking. The pimps disconnected video cameras, installed locking doors on the booths, and collected "stage fees" ($550 per weekend night at the Mitchell Brothers) that put economic pressure on women to pros­ titute in the private booths rather than just strip but not prostitute, as some women preferred to do. One club owner commented, "We would not be able to make money just with lap dancing. That's not what [customers] come for. They come for a one-on-one experience with a beautiful showgirl" (Romney, 2004).

THE EMOTIONAL HARM OF PROSTITUTION IS ESPECIALLY INVISIBLE

Despite the fact that my article in Violence Agninst WOJ1/en pre­ sented analyses and research regarding the psychological harm of strip club and massage prostitution, Weitzel~ like some others, continues to ignore the psychological reality of those prostituted, focllsing only on the physical violence of prostitution. Although the physical violence of prostitution is brut()l and pervasive, it pales in comparison to the emotional trauma of pros­ titution. Employing egregious stereotypes about vvomen in pros­ titution, Weitzer has described prostitutes as "hardened to the ways of the street" and "difficult to intimidate" (Weitzel~ 1994, p. 123). On the contrary, my observation during the past decade has been that women in indoor and outdoor prostitution often appear shell-shocked and numb with terror (which 1 suppose could be misinterpreted as "hard" if you're not looking at the situ­ ation through her eyes). Attempting to explain what time was like when prostituting on the street, one woman told me that "it's like a second lasts for a year." This slowed-down passage of time occurs in situations that are life threatening or overwhelmingly stressful. The "paid rapes" (that's vihat one woman called the acts she performed for tricks in prostitution; she never called it sex) feel like the same psychological state she was in when her [male 8838

Farley I REPLY TO WElTZER 96]

relative] sexually assaulted her in childhood. Women in prostitu­ tion sometimes reason to themselves, "That's what I am, so why not get paid for it? I might as well get paid for what is going to happen to me again, anyway." Pimps and tricks use that fearful logic to recruit women to prostitution, exploiting each woman's private despair and each woman's deep awareness of her lack of safety from sexual assault in our culture. From decades of research, we know the devastating and long­ term psychological effects of rape are not diminished if she is paid for the rape or if the rape is named working in {7 massage parlor. A hallmark of the PTSD that frequently results from prostitu­ tion is a chaotic emotional volatility that alternates with numb­ ness. Confused, one woman wrote about her experience in strip club prostitution:

Out there, you heard them; they sounded like wolves, you could breathe them ... my God; there "vas this wall of sweaty white faces, open-mouthed, glistening with booze, hate and fear. Yes-fear. I used to feel almost detached, sometimes, going through my rou­ tine, and-I couldn't help myself-looking into the punters' eyes (the part of me that wasn't scared shitless, that is). And they bewil­ dered me, more than anything else. I felt like stopping the show and saying, "Listen: what's happening here?" (Roberts, 1986, p. 83)

We have much more to learn about prostitution,especially men's thinking about and demand for prostitution. In addition to focusing on tricks' attitudes and predatory behaviors, future research should focus on indoor prostitution. We should describe locations where all respondents have ever been prostituted. Tricks should be asked where they have purchased women or men in prostitution. Because a researcher interviews a trick in the street, one cannot assume that his prostitution activities are exclu­ sively street prostitution. He may also purchase women indoors. Similarly, because a researcher interviews a woman in street pros­ titution, one cannot assume that her prostitution activities have not also included escort or massage prostitution. We should avoid stereotypes about pimps, who often work indoors. Pimps can be women or men. Sometimes pimps deliber­ ately exploit the shame associated with prostituting. Stating that she was not the type of pimp who "enforces the rules with a 8839

962 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / july 2005 baseball bat," one pimp explained that when one of "her girls" failed to show up for work all day, necessitating cancellation of thousands of dollars worth of appointments, she knew how to make the woman "want to commit suicide by the end of the week­ end." In one instance, the pimp telephoned the young woman's boyfriend, informing him that his longtime girlfriend was a pros­ titute and prepared to send a CD of the young woman's promo­ tional pictures (likely pornography) to her family (Jacobs, 2004). Indoor prostitution, above all, protects the trick. Men are physi­ cally and psychologically safer when prostitution is indoors. Weitzer and others who support indoor prostitution contrast it with street prostitution on the basis of indoor prostitution's invis­ ibility to the community, sometimes referring to it as discrete. This perspective reflects the interests of tricks for privacy, anonymity, and constant access to women in prostitution with minimal risk of arrest even in locations where prostitution is illegal. Yet 89% of 854 women we interviewed said that they wanted to escape prostitution. They did not specify that they wanted to escape street prostitution. Rather, they 'vvanted escape from all prostitution, including indoor prostitution. Indoor prostitution, like other prostitution, is profoundly harmful. What is wrong with prostitution Glllllot be fixed by moving it indoors. The same harms are there whether she is in a trick's house, a back alley, his car, or a room at a hotel. And the same physical violence occurs whether it is in

REFERENCES

Adams, j., & Riley, j. (2004,july 11). After spas' bonm, ,~nf..,rcen1L'nt affects illicit sex busi· ness. LOllisuil/p COllrier-JolIl"llnl, pp. 1·2. Anderson, M. J. (2005). AIl·American rape. 51. JOIIil', Ln./' Reuie;/', 79(3). J. n. 8840

Farley / REPLY TO WEITZER 963

BMal, I.,Sezgin, U., & Farley, lvI. (1998). The traumatic conseguencesof prostitution in Tur­ key. Archiv~ of NCliropsychialn/, 35(1), 23-2t:i. Coughlin, lvI. (2004, January 15). Spa workers charged with prostitution. Philaddphia Reporler. Accessed January 17,2005, from http://www.thereporteronline.com/site/ news.cfm?newsid=J 081) 271 &BRD=2275&PAC=46) &depUd=466404&rli=6 Dopp, T. (2003, May 1). Sex slaves smuggled into New Jersey. Express-Tillles. Retrieved December 20, 2004, from http://www.nj.coll1/news/expresstill1es/nj/index.ssf7/ base/news-2/1051779849166850.xml I'arle)" M. (2004). "Bad for the body, bad lor the he"rt": Prostitution harms women even if legalized or decriminalized. Vialwu Asninsl Women, 10,1087-1125. Farley, M., BilI'al, 1., Kiremire, lvI., & Sezgin, U. (1998). Prostitution in five countries: Vio­ lence and post-traumatic stress disorder. FeminislII and i'sJ/clw/ogJ/, 8, 415-426. Farley, M., Cotton, A., Lynne, J., Zumbeck, S., Spiwak, E, Reyes, lvI. E., Alvarez, D., & Sezgin, U. (2003). Prostitution and trafficking in 9 countries: Update on violence and post-traumatic stress disorder. In lvI. Farley (Ed.),i'roslillilion, trnffickillg, and IrnlJ))Jatic stress (pp. 33-74). Binghamton, NY: Haworth. Jacobs, A. (2004, October 12). Call girls, updated. New York Tillles. Retrieved November 30, 2004, from http://www.nytimes.com/2004/10/12/nyregion/12madam.html?ex= 1098599063&ei= 1&en=20d e55812ce4a4a7 Matier, P, & Ross, A. (2004, October 25). S.F. parlor hit in crackdown onsex-sJave trade. Sml Fmllcisco Chrolliclc, p. B]. lvIcKeganey, N., & Barnard, lvI. (1996). Sex work Oll the slreels: ProstitJlles nlld Iheir clicllls. Buckingham, Scotland: Milton Keynes Open University Press. Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy (2004). The lltlliollal drug stmleg,,: AJlstralia's iJJle­ grated frtllllework 2004-2009. Retrieved January 25, 2005, from http://www. na tionaldrugstra tegy.gov.a u / pd 1/ framework0409. pdf lvIonto, M., & Hotaling, N. (1998, April). Rape lllylh accepltlllcc IlJJlOllg the IIltl/(' ciiClJls 'ifjel!1tlle 51 reel proslilllies. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the PaciiicSociological Asso­ ciation, San Francisco, CA. New Zealand. (2004). Prostitutes get "how to" guide. Illdcl'mdflll Olllilll'. Retrieved August 4, 2004, from http://www.iol.co.za/index.php7seUd=1&cJick_id=29& arUd=gwl091360343464N245 I~oberts, N. (1986). Tlle/rollilille: IA/olllell illihe sex illdllslry spcak. London: Grafton. J~orrU)ey, L (2004, December 19). Weighing strippers' rights. La, AJJgeles Tillles. Retrieved December 28, 2004, from http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-stripper19dec "] 9,0,7233162.story?coJl= la-home-local Ross, C. A., Anderson, C., Heber, S., & Norton, C. R. (1990). Dissociation and abuse among multiple personality patients, prostitutes and exotic dancers. Hospitlll nlld COl1JlllJllJill/ PSI/chiatry, 41,328-330. SI. James Infirmary (2004). Occllptltional hCllJlh alld safely handbook (2nd ed.). San Francisco: Exotic Dancers Alliance and STD Prevention and Control Services of the City and COlmty of San Francisco. Valera, R ]., Sawyer, R G., & Schir<1Idi, C. R (2001). Perceived health needs of inner-city street prostitutes: A preliminary study. AlIlericnn ]aumal of Hcnllh Belltlvi01; 25, 50-59. Vanwesenbeeck, 1. (1994). Prosl il ules' we/l-bcillS and risk. Amsterdam: VU University Press. Wallace, B. (2004, Januilf), 23). Prostitution raids in 4 San Francisco homes. San Francisco C/m1JlicJc. Retrieved January 30, 2004, from http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/articJe.cgi?file= / chronicJe/archive/2004/01/23/lvlNGTA4GD2K1.DTL Wallace, B., & Zamora,). H. (2004, january 24). Sex h'afficking ruthless, lucrative: Brothels proliferate despite crackdowns. San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved January 10, 2005, from http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgj?file= / c/ a/2004/01/24/ lvINCU84CUJOJ .DTL 8841

964 VIOLENCE AGAlNST WOMEN / July 2005

Weitzer, R. (1994). Community groups vs. prostitutes. The Gill/nllet, 1(7), 121-124. Weitzer, R. (2004). Why prostitution initiative misses. SOli Frn71cisco Chronicle . .Retrieved September 29, 2004, from http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/ilfticle.cgi?file= / chronicle/ ilrchive /2004 /09/26/1NGAGST3GP1.DTL Weitzer, 1~. (2005). Flawed theory and method in stlldies of prostitution. Vi"!eJlce Agninst WOlllen, 11, 934·949. Zumbeck, 5., Teegen, F, Dahme, 8., & Farley, M. (2003). Posttrilumatische belastllngs­ storung bei prostituierten-Ergebnisse einer .Hamburger stu die im rahmen eines internationalen projektes. Zcitschri{1 Iiir Klinische PSljcJ/O!ogie PSljcirinlric IIl1d PSljcJwlherapie, 51, ]21-136. 8842

;:;~~~~ ~7:~I~·.·.·.~·kf~~~~. ~.~~~ SWORN BEFORE ME THIS DAY OF .. ~.D .... 2008 /~/""cJ, S/~ A·~N~··5····;···················· 8843

Predictors of Rape Myth Acceptance Among Male Clients of Female Street Prostitutes

MARTIN A. MONTO University of Portumd NORMA HOTALING SAGE Project

Although female street prostitutes are frequent victims of violence, there has been little research on their male clients. This study explores the level of "rape myth acceptance" and the predictors of rape myth acceptance among 1,286 men arrested for trying to hire street prostitutes in San Francisco (n = 950), Las Vegas (n = 254), and Portland, Oregon (n = 82). Rape myths are attitudes believed to slIpport sexual violence against women. Questionnaires were administered to arrested clients prior to participation in programs designed to discourage reoffense. Results indicate low levels of rape myth acceptance among respondents, although a small number expressed higher levels. The strongest pre­ dictors of rape myth acceptance in regression analyses were attraction to violent sexual­ ity, sexual conservatism, and thinking about sex less frequently.

Although the number of prostitutes in the United States is difficult to estimate, Department of Justice arrest statistics for prostitution consistently hover around 100,000 per year (Barkan, 1997; Fed­ eral Bureau of Investigation, 1992). These statistics tend to underestimate the number of arrests associated with prostitution, as prostitution-related activities may be processed under other statutes, such as nuisance laws (San Francisco Task Force on Pros­ titution, 1996), and arrests of juvenile prostitutes may be pro­ cessed as status offenses (Alexander, 1987).1

AUlliORS' NOTE: This project was supported by Grant 97-IJ-CX-0033, awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. Points of view in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the U.s. Department of Justice. We wish to thank Diana E. H. Russell and Alexander v. Manto for their comments on an earlier draft of the article and Holly Pierce and Melissa Trautman for their research assistance. VIOLENCE AGAlNST WOMEN, Vol. 7 No.3, March 2001 275·293 © 2001 Sage Publications, Inc. 275

flOm Ihe Sf\GL Socinl SCience Collections. All Rights Reserved. 8844

276 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN I March 2001

Empirical research and narrative accounts consistently reveal that prostitutes are frequent victims of violent crime, including beating, rape, and murder (Davis, 1993; Horgard & Finstad, 1992; Silbert, 1981), most of which is never reported to police (McKeganey & Barnard, 1996; Silbert, 1981). Silbert and Pines (1983), in a survey of200 street prostitutes in San Francisco, found that 65% reported being physically abused or beaten by a cus­ tomer and 66% reported being physically abused or beaten by a pimp. Farley and Barkan (1998) reported that among a sample of 130 working prostitutes, also in San Francisco, 82% reported hav­ ing been physically assaulted and 68% reported having been raped since entering prostitution. These percentages are consis­ tent with other research (Benson & Mathews, 1995; Council for Prostitution Alternatives, 1994; Miller, 1993, 1995; Silbert, 1981). Reports of violence are particularly compelling when we recog­ nize that a substantial proportion of prostitutes begin working while still minors. Juvenile prostitution is a problem in many major U.S. cities (Bracey, 1979; Harlan, Rodgers, & Slattery, 1981; Weisberg, 1985). Although estimates vary, the average age of entry into prostitution is thought to be younger than age 18 (Council for Prostitution Alternatives, 1994; Silbert, 1981). This means that the issue of prostitution is not simply one of violence against women but of the sexual abuse of children. Reports indi­ cate that the clients of juvenile prostitutes are not generally indi­ viduals with a preference for sex with children but simply men who prefer to have sex with younger prostitutes. The issue of child sexual abuse does not enter into their understanding of their behavior (Ending Child Prostitution, Pornography, and Traf­ ficking, 1996). Miller (1995) argues that the lack of attention paid to this prob­ lem is testimony to the devaluation of street prostitutes and may reflect a devaluation of women in general. Very little research has addressed the male clients of female prostitutes, partly because of their inaccessibility (Faugier & Cranfield, 1995; Special Commit­ tee on Prostitution and Pornography, 1985). Consistent with legal efforts to reduce prostitution that focus on arresting the prosti­ tute, the lack of attention paid to these men may also reflect a dou­ ble standard in which women are seen as responsible for male deviance (Davis, 1993). 8845

Monto, Hotaling / RAPE Mym ACCEPTANCE 277

In an effort to better understand the men who patronize prosti­ tutes and their contribution to a system that often involves vio­ lence against women, this article looks specifically at the predic­ tors of rape myths among men arrested for trying to hire street prostitutes. The term rape myths was conceived by Burt (1980) to refer to a set of attitudes believed to support sexual violence against women. Underlying this idea is the proposition that vio­ lence against women is not the psychopathological behavior of a small number of sick men (Marolla & Scully, 1986) but a sociocultural phenomenon in which persons may rely on a series of culturally available attitudes to justify and support their vio­ lent behavior. These attitudes may also serve to "deny or reduce perceived injury or to blame the victims for their own victimiza­ tion" (Burt, 1980, p. 217). This should not be construed to mean that most prostitution clients participate in violence against pros­ titutes-a small number of regular users may be largely responsi­ ble for client violence against prostitutes. Instead, the premise of this study is that prostitution clients may endorse attitudes that contribute to a system of violence and make them insensitive to victimization of prostitutes. Of course, the fact that clients may have contact with prostitutes in private, often anonymous set­ tings that would allow them to perpetrate violence with few repercussions also means that their attitudes deserve careful scrutiny. Rape myths are "prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists" (Burt, 1980, p. 217) that serve to justify or support sexual violence against women and diminish support for rape victims. They include the idea that women who are raped are in some way responsible for the violence against them, the idea that women often lie about being raped for selfish reasons, and the idea that only sexually promiscuous women are raped. Miller and Schwartz (1995) argue that rape myths uniquely converge around prostitutes, bad girls who are somehow seen as responsible for the violence directed against them. Support of rape myths is consistent with the idea that the rape of a prostitute is unproblematic or that prostitutes cannot be raped (Marolla & Scully, 1986; Miller & Schwartz, 1995). Previous research indicates that acceptance of rape myths or rape-supportive attitudes is associated with placing greater 8846

278 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / March 2001

blame on the victims of sexual assault (Abbey & Harnish, 1995; Kopper, 1996), reported participation in sexual assault, willing­ ness to commit rape if one would not be caught, and aggression against women in a laboratory setting (Malamuth, 1981, 1983; Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, & Tanaka, 1991). Perhaps most pow­ erfully, Marolla and Scully (1986), in their comparison of the atti­ tudes of convicted rapists with the attitudes of other felons, found an association between status as a rapist and the support of rape myths. Most of the small number of studies of the clients of prostitutes focus primarily on sexual behavior or AIDS (Barnard, McKeganey, & Leyland, 1993; Day, Ward, & Perotta, 1993; Freund, Lee, & Leonard, 1991; Freund, Leonard, & Lee, 1989), providing us with little information that would be useful for understanding violence or attitudes that may perpetuate violence against prosti­ tutes. Two studies, one American and one Scottish, explored moti­ vations for seeking prostitutes in more detail. Both indicate that one motivation for clients is that prostitutes will allow them to do things they would not ordinarily be allowed to do with other women (Holzman & Pines, 1982; McKeganey & Barnard, 1996). Although violence was not mentioned, the idea that a prostitute is someone who can be treated differently than other women may be consistent with violent behavior. Reports from prostitutes who have been beaten by clients indicate that 40% of the perpetrators

U got off on it, enjoyed it, and saw it as part of sex" (Silbert & Pines, 1983). The American study also indicated the presence of negative attitudes toward prostitutes among more than half of the 30 cli­ ents interviewed, as indicated by the following statement by one client:

I guess I have sort of a negative feeling toward a woman who's a prostitute because I think she's cheap, I guess. While I do believe in prostitution-that I think it should exist, I don't have high regard for the woman who is the prostitute. (as cited in Holzman & Pines, 1982, p. 103)

It is not surprising that male clients in both studies did not report an interest in violence as a motivation for seeking prostitution. Both did find, however, that clients were excited by the deviant nature of the encounter. For some of these men, additional devi­ ance in the form of violence may also be exciting. 8847

Monto, Hotaling / RAPE MYTI-I ACCEPTANCE 279

Because there have been no coordinated attempts to develop theoretical perspectives toward clients of prostitutes, any attempt to derive formal hypotheses about the relationships between vari­ ables must be seen as preliminary. With the understanding that this research is a beginning, the authors pose five hypotheses for the purposes of analysis.

Hypothesis 1: Consistent with feminist perspectives that see prostitu­ tion as an expression of male supremacy and an attempt to keep women in their place (Dworkin, 1993; Pateman, 1988), we hypothe­ size that men who are regular patrons of prostitutes will score higher on the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale than men who have never been to a prostitute or men who have been very rarely. Hypothesis 2: Because rape myths are attitudes that see women as deserving of violence, we hypothesize that clients who find rough or violent sexuality appealing will be more likely to endorse rape myths. Hypothesis 3: Because rape myths reflect a traditional and conserva­ tive attitude toward women's place in society (Burt, 1980), we hypothesize that clients who are sexually conservative-in other words, more judgmental about sexual morality-will be more likely to endorse rape myths. Hypothesis 4: The use of some types of pornography may promote the idea that women like or deserve sexual abuse (McKinnon, 1987). Therefore, we hypothesize that clients who use pornography more frequently will be more likely to endorse rape myths. Hypothesis 5: Because research consistently links adult sexual offenses with childhood physical and sexual abuse (Fagan & Wexler, 1988; Graham, 1996), we hypothesize that clients who have been physi­ cally or sexually abused will be more likely to endorse rape myths.

METHOD

PARTICIPANTS

Participants were men attending three path-breaking pro­ grams designed to educate men arrested for trying to hire street prostitutes about the problematic nature of the sex industry and its exploitation of women. Questionnaires were passed out prior to each workshop and collected anonymously. Of the respon­ dents, 950 attended a day-long workshop in San Francisco, Cali­ fornia, called the "First Offenders Prostitution Program," and 254 attended a similar model in Las Vegas. Another 82 attended a 8848

280 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / March 2001 weekend workshop in Portland, Oregon, administered by the now defunct Sexual Exploitation Education Project.2 These pro­ grams provide an unprecedented opportunity to gather informa­ tion on this heretofore inaccessible population. Virtually all of the participants in this study were arrested in prostitution stings in which they propositioned a female police officer posing as a prostitute. Because of this, clients who patron­ ize prostitutes in other settings are underrepresented. The over­ whelming majority of men arrested in these three cities partici­ pated in the intervention programs, either by choice or because they were required by the court to attend. For this reason, partici­ pants in this study may be seen as generally representative of the men arrested for trying to hire street prostitutes in these three cities. In terms of their demographic characteristics, 60% of the respondents were White; 17% were Hispanic, Chicano, or Latino; 13% were Asian; 5% were Black; and 5% were of another ethnicity or a combination of ethnicities. Of the participants, 36% had com­ pleted a bachelor's or higher degree, whereas 37% reported attending some college and 27% reported a high school education or below. Of the participants, 42% were currently married nonseparated, 35% were never married, 15% were divorced, 6% were separated, and 2% were widowed. Their ages ranged from 18 to 88, with a mean of 38 and a median of 37. Of the participants, 18% claimed never to have had sexual relations with a prostitute, indicating that their only experience had been propositioning the police decoy, whereas 22% reported that they had not had sexual relations with a prostitute during the past year. Furthermore, 21 % reported having had sexual relations with a prostitute one time only during the past year, whereas 29% claimed to have had sex­ ual relations with a prostitute more than one time but less than once per month. Finally, 8% reported having had sexual relations with a prostitute one to three times per month, and 2% reported having had sexual relations with a prostitute once or more per week.

MEASURES

The dependent variable in this study, rape myth acceptance, was an abbreviated 8-item version of Burt's (1980) 19-item measure. 8849

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Table 1 presents these items as well as the percentage of partici­ pants choosing each response. The original measure included 11 statements, such as "When women go around braless or wearing short skirts and tight tops, they are just asking for trouble," to which respondents reacted on a 7-point scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. We used six of these items, but due to the need for questionnaire consistency, we asked for responses on a 4-point scale: strongly agree, somewhat agree, some­ what disagree, and strongly disagree. Burt also included two items asking, "What percentage of women who report a rape would you say are lying because they are angry and want to get back at the man they accuse?" and "What percentage of reported rapes would you say were invented by women who discovered they were pregnant and wanted to protect their reputation?" We included these two items along with their originalS-point response scale ranging from almost all to almost none. The original measure also included six items asking how likely participants would be to believe various individuals, such as their best friend, an Indian woman, a White woman, and several others, if they reported to the participants that they were raped. Because of the need to be very discriminating in question selection and also methodological reservations about these items, they were not included. Because items differed in their number of responses and their distributions, we converted responses to z scores before adding the items to create our final Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. Although each standardized item had a mean of zero, the mean for the entire scale was -.127, with a minimum of -5.6, a maximum of 23.91, a skewness of 1.25, and a standard deviation of 5.28. The alpha reliability coefficient for the scale was .825, indicating good reliability. Additional multi-item measures included two items measur­ ing participation in sexual assault from Koss (1988), two items evaluating pornography use, two items measuring sexual and physical abuse as a child, a four-item measure of whether they found violent sexuality appealing, and a four-item measure of sexual conservatism. The measure of sexual conservatism used four General Social Survey items, including questions regarding sex before marriage, sex among teenagers, sex among couples of the same sex, and 8850

282 VlOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / March 2001

TABLEl Responses to Selected Rape Myth Items

Percentage Selecting Each Item Responses Response

A woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man Strongly agree 4.6 on their first date implies that she is willing to have Somewhat agree 17.6 sex. (n = 1,174) Somewhat disagree 27.3 Strongly disagree 50,4 When women go around braless or wearing short skirts Strongly agree 6.9 and tight tops, they are just asking for trouble. Somewhat agree 22.1 (n = 1,186) Somewhat disagree 27.5 Strongly disagree 43.6 In the majority of rapes, the victim is promiscuous or Strongly agree 4.8 has a bad reputation. (n = 1,157) Somewhat agree 11.6 Somewhat disagree 25.8 Strongly disagree 57.7 If a girl engages in necking or petting and she lets Strongly agree 4,4 things get out of hand, it is her own fault if her Somewhat agree 10.6 partner forces sex on her. (n = 1,155) Somewhat disagree 21.6 Strongly disagree 63.3 Women who get raped while hitchhiking get what Strongly agree 3.3 they deserve. (n = 1,161) Somewhat agree 5.0 Somewhat disagree 125 Strongly disagree 79.2 A woman who is stuck-up and thinks she is too good Strongly agree 2.4 to talk to guys on the street deserves to be taught Somewhat agree 3.7 a lesson. (n = 1,158) Somewhat disagree 8.2 Strongly disagree 85.7 What percentage of women who report a rape would Almost all 45 you say are lying because they are angry and want About three fourths 7.3 to get back at the man they accuse? (n = 1,188) About half 15.6 About one fourth 26.9 Almost none 45.6 What percentage of reported rapes would you guess Almost all 3.7 are merely invented by women who discovered About three fourths 5.5 they were pregnant and wanted to protect their About half 13.4 own reputations? (n = 1,175) About one fourth 26.9 Almost none 50.6

extramarital sex. Responses included always wrong, almost always wrong, wrong only sometimes, not wrong at all, and don't know. Responses were converted to z scores before being combined. The alpha reliability coefficient for the measure was .659. The measure 8851

Monto, Hotaling / RAPE MYlli ACCEPTANCE 283 of attraction to violent sexuality included four statements: "I like rough hard sex," "Sex is more fun if the woman fights a little," "Some women like to be smacked around a little during sex," and "Being angry makes me more likely to want sex." Respondents were asked if they agree strongly, agree somewhat, disagree somewhat, or disagree strongly with each of these statements. Responses were converted to z scores before being combined. The alpha reliability coefficient for the measure was .633. Variables measured by individual questions included marital status, age, service in the armed forces, number of sexual partners in the past year, frequency of sexual relations during the past year, frequency of thoughts about sex, and frequency of visiting prosti­ tutes during the past year.

RESULTS

Table 1 depicts the responses of the arrested men to the items that comprised our rape myth acceptance measure. The item most frequently endorsed stated that women who wear short skirts or tight tops are asking for trouble, with 29% agreeing somewhat or strongly. Of the participants, 22% agreed that a woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man implies that she is interested in sex, and 16% agree that in the majority of cases, victims of rape are promiscuous or have bad reputations. Furthermore, 15% agreed that a girl who engages in necking or petting is at fault if her part­ ner forces sex on her. Far fewer agreed that women who get raped while hitchhiking get what they deserve (8%) or that a woman who is stuck up and refuses to talk to men deserves to be taught a lesson (6%). In terms of the questions about dishonesty in rape reporting, 27% believed that half or more of the women who report rape are lying because they want to punish the man they accuse, and 23% believed that half or more reported rapes are invented by women who want to protect their reputations. Overall, the level of rape myth acceptance seems relatively low. Of the men who answered all eight items, about 30% did not score positively for rape myth acceptance on any individual item. In other words, they disagreed somewhat or strongly with all of the attitude statements and believed that almost none of the women who report rape do so for illegitimate reasons. Another 38% scored positively on only one or two items, indicating that they 8852

284 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN I March 2001 somewhat or strongly agreed with one of the attitude statements or that they believed that about one fourth or more of the women who report rape do so falsely. Of the participants, 12% scored pos­ itively on three items. In addition, less than half of 1 % had answers that indicated rape myth acceptance on all eight rape myth items. On the other hand, 20% indicated rape myth accep­ tance on four or more items. Of these men, we identified 33 who were also above the median in sexual conservatism-in other words, judgmental about sexual morality-and had patronized prostitutes more than once during the prior year. These men may be at increased risk for perpetrating violence against women. Comparing these responses to the responses of other samples is difficult because virtually all published reports fail to describe respondents' answers to individual items. The different number of Likert-type scale responses on our questions and the fact that we used an abbreviated version of Burt's (1980) measure compli­ cates such comparisons. However, some basic contrasts are war­ ranted. Burt's original article mentions briefly in the discussion section that more than half of her random sample of Minnesota adults agreed that a woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man implies that she is interested in sex; that in the majority of cases, victims of rape are promiscuous or have bad reputations; and that 50% or more of the women who report rape are lying because they want to protect their reputation or punish the men they accuse. In comparison to Burt's sample, the men in our sam­ ple were less likely to endorse rape myths, as none of these items were endorsed by more than 30% of the respondents in our sam­ ple. This is true despite the fact that our questions lacked a neutral category, which should theoretically push at least a few people into agreement. Other studies provide even fewer details that would allow for comparison with our sample but still deserve inspection. Abbey and Hamish (1995) report a median cutoff of 2.5 among the male undergraduates in their sample for the original 19 items, each scored on a 7-point Likert-type scale, for a proportion of .36 (2.5 /7 =: .36). The median for the eight items (before standardization) asked of the men in this study is 1.50, but six of eight items are scored on a 4-point scale and two on a 5-point scale for a propor­ tion of .35 (1.50/4.25 =: .35). Kopper (1996) reports, among her sample of undergraduates, a mean of 42.63 for the total scale of 19 8853

Monto, Hotaling / RAPE MYTI-I ACCEPTANCE 285

TABLE 2 Correlation and Regression Coefficients of Selected Variables With Rape Myth Ac­ ceptance

Pearson Correlation Standardized Regression Coefficient Coefficient All Variables Selected EqlUllion r Bela Beta

Currently married -.026 .011 Age -.009 .074 .067' Served in armed forces .028 -.029 Experienced abuse as a child .035 .026 Participation in sexual violence .132'" NA Number of sexual partners in past year -.099" NA Frequency of sex in past year -.107'" -.017 Frequency of thoughts about sex -.304'" -.248'" -.254 ..... • Use of pornography .050 -.004 Sexual conservatism .232'" .212'" .216'" Violent sexuality appealing .482'" .446'" .443'" Frequency of prostitution in past year -.022 .033 Summary statistics for equation including all variables R = .567 Adjusted R2 = .310 Sf = 4.166 Regression df = 10 Residual df = 621 Summary statistics for selected equation R = .565 Adjusted R2 = .314 Sf = 4.154 Regression df = 4 Residual df = 627 'p < .05. "p < .01. "'p < .001. items, all rescored on a 7-point scale. Her mean item score for the 19 items is 2.24, for a proportion of.32 (2.24/7 = .32). In compari­ son, the mean item score of respondents in our sample is 1.64 for a proportion of .39 (1.64/4.25 = .39). Although caution is warranted in interpreting these comparisons, it seems evident that this sam­ ple of men arrested for soliciting prostitution was not substan­ tially more likely to endorse rape myths than selected samples of nonoffenders. Table 2 reports the correlation and regression coefficients of selected variables with rape myth acceptance. Five variables were significantly correlated with acceptance of rape myths, including reported participation in sexual violence, use of pornography, 8854

286 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / March 2001

attraction to violent sexuality, thinking about sex less frequently, and sexual conservatism. For the regression analyses, two of these variables were not included, participation in sexual violence and number of sexual partners in the past year. The former was excluded because there was very little variability in response, with fewer than 2% report­ ing any previous participation in sexual violence, and its inclu­ sion would not have been meaningful. The latter was not included because number of sexual partners in the past year was highly correlated with number of prostitution contacts during the past year, another included variable, causing problems with multicollinearity. In exploratory analyses, number of sexual part­ ners did not emerge as a significant predictor of rape myths in regression equations unless number of prostitution contacts was also included. In the first regression analysis, the predictor variables were included simultaneously in the equation revealing four signifi­ cant predictors of rape myth acceptance, attraction to violent sex­ uality, sexual conservatism, frequency of visiting prostitutes dur­ ing the past year, and thinking about sex less frequently. The third column in Table 2 provides the results of a second regression equation in which variables were eliminated through a stepwise selection process. The same four variables emerged as significant predictors of rape myth acceptance. Although step­ wise selection of the best predictors has its critics, the selected equation was identical when forward-selection or backward­ selection procedures were used.

DISCUSSION

One-sided efforts to reduce prostitution (or, more often, to reduce its visibility) by arresting prostitutes have been uniformly decried by feminists as unfair and discriminatory (Carmen & Moody, 1985; Davis, 1993; Sullivan, 1992). Although legal statutes are phrased in gender-neutral language (Miller, Romenesko, & Wondolkowski, 1993; Sullivan, 1992), the vast majority of those arrested are women (Alexander, 1987; Miller et al., 1993). Only about 10% of arrests for prostitution are of the clients (Alexander, 1987), virtually all of whom are men (Miller et al., 1993). 8855

Monto, Hotaling / RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 287

Recently, greater attention has been paid to the role of the male clients of female prostitutes in contributing to a system that often involves violence against women. Schewe and O'Donahue (1993) argue that prevention programs to reduce men's potential to sex­ ually abuse should become a national imperative. The First Offenders Prostitution Program of San Francisco and Las Vegas as well as the now defunct Sexual Exploitation Education Project of Portland, Oregon, are at the forefront of a movement to hold men responsible for problems to which they contribute. These pro­ grams were developed to provide workshops for men who have been arrested for trying to hire street prostitutes. Each has identi­ fied the need for greater information on these men to improve their programs. In addition, the lack of empirical attention paid to these men makes information about their attitudes particularly valuable. This study is the beginning of an effort to characterize the cli­ ents of street prostitutes. Although the respondents participating in this study may be seen as generally representative of the arrested clients of street prostitutes in the cities from which they were sampled, it is possible that clients gathered from other cities or other settings would be different. The picture that emerges from this study is not one of an unusual set of disturbed or violent men but of men who may be very similar to men in general. Other researchers have noted the lack of distinctiveness of this popula­ tion of men (Boyle, 1995; Diana, 1985; Holzman & Pines, 1982). In particular, the clients of prostitutes do not seem to be more likely to endorse rape myths than other samples of men. One might argue that respondents in this sample altered their responses because it is socially undesirable to report negative attitudes such as these. Although this may be true for some of the respondents, there is no reason to suspect that endorsing rape myths would be more undesirable among these respondents than among other samples. Perhaps a better explanation for the relatively low levels of rape myth acceptance among the respondents in this sample might be that cultural changes have made misogyny less accept­ able than itwaswhen Burt conducted the original studyin 1980. Recent research indicates that there are many reasons why men patronize prostitutes. Some seek prostitutes because they want to be free of the obligations associated with conventional relation­ ships Gordan, 1997; McKeganey & Barnard, 1996; Monto, 2000). 8856

288 VIOLENCE AGAlNSTWOMEN / March 2001

Some want a different type of sex than do their regular partners (McKeganey & Barnard, 1996; Monto, 2000). Some are attracted to the illicit or dangerous nature of the prostitution encounter (Holzman & Pines, 1982; Monto, 2000). Some seek control over their sexual encounters (Monto, 2000), and some seek prostitution in an effort to establish intimacy with women (Holzman & Pines, 1982; Jordan, 1997). Although they may not acknowledge that their participation in prostitution contributes to a system that leaves women vulnerable to violence, interviews conducted by Sanchez (1997) indicated that some clients are aware of the vio­ lence and hardship faced by prostitutes. Whereas rape myth acceptance was not high among respon­ dents, many endorsed at least a few of the rape myth items. Find­ ings reinforce the potentially negative consequences of such atti­ tudes. Consistent with our hypotheses, we found that rape myth acceptance was associated with an attraction to violent sexuality. This is disturbing although not surprising. It means that men who found violent sexuality appealing endorsed beliefs that would tend to see women as deserving violence or as responsible for the violence directed against them. Other scholars have identified an association between belief in rape myths and a narrow definition of what constitutes rape (Miller & Schwartz, 1995), meaning that men who are attracted to violent sexuality and endorse rape myths may also be less likely to view violent sexual behavior as rape. In the extreme, these beliefs may be combined to support the idea that raping a prostitute is not really rape (Miller & Schwartz, 1995). Although few men in our sample reported participation in sexual violence, those who did were much higher in rape myth acceptance. Controlling for the other variables, men who were regular cli­ ents of prostitutes were also more likely to endorse rape myths. This is true especially for those men who reported visiting prosti­ tutes once per week or more. This may point to the existence of a small population of men who are at a high risk of perpetrating violence among the larger population of clients of prostitutes. Interesting and consistent with our hypothesis was a strong relationship between sexual conservatism and rape myth accep­ tance. Such a relationship was hypothesized by Burt (1980) and supported empirically by Marolla and Scully (1986). Although being judgmental about sexuality may seem strange coming from 8857

Monto, Hotaling / RAPE MYTI-I ACCEPTANCE 289 men who have been arrested for trying to hire prostitutes, it may reflect a sexual double standard (Marolla & Scully, 1986) that sees women's sexuality as immoral, or it may reflect a moral consis­ tency in which the prostitution client finds both his own and the prostitute's behavior immoral. In either circumstance, signs of sexual conservatism should be reason for concern among men who might have the opportunity to act out violently toward those they view as immoral. Frequency of pornography use was correlated with rape myth acceptance; however, it did not emerge as a significant predictor in the regression equations. This may point to a more complex relationship in which pornography use by particular individuals, such as those who are sexually conservative or attracted to violent sexuality, may be associated with rape myth acceptance, whereas pornography use by other individuals may not be associated with rape myth acceptance. In addition, pornography that normalizes coercion or violent sexuality might have a different relationship to rape myth acceptance than pornography that appears to depict more consensual forms of sexuality. We failed to find a relationship between rape myth acceptance and the experience of sexual and physical abuse as a child. This is interesting because research has consistently found a relationship between abuse and sexual offenses (Fagan & Wexler, 1988; Gra­ ham, 1996; Kendall-Tackett, Williams, & Finkelhor, 1993), and prostitutes themselves often report histories of sexual abuse and physical abuse (Bagley & King, 1990; Briere, 1989; Simons & Whitbeck, 1991). This finding is consistent with contemporary strategies of the criminal justice system that treat prostitution seeking as qualitatively different from other sexual offenses. Other variables we included for exploratory purposes-age, marital status, participation in the military, frequency of sex dur­ ing the past year, and number of sexual partners during the past year-were not significantly associated with rape myth accep­ tance. However, how often the respondent reported thinking about sex was consistently negatively associated with acceptance of rape myths. Perhaps there is some comfort in the fact that men who are most frequently occupied by thoughts of sex are not sup­ portive of attitudes that would tend to support sexual violence. This finding is counterintuitive, as popular conceptions of male sexuality seem to regard men who are highly preoccupied with 8858

290 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / March 2001

sex as perverts or fiends who might also hold other negative atti­ tudes such as rape myths. Rape myths, as conceived by Burt (1980), Miller and Schwartz (1995), and other scholars are not an unusual set of ideas held by unusual individuals but are culturally prevalent ideas that people can draw upon to justify violent behavior or to deny injury to vic­ tims of violence. Brinson (1992), in a study of prime time televi­ sion dramas, demonstrates that rape myths are pervasive in that medium, although ideas inconsistent with rape myths are also communicated. Contradictory messages such as these are consis­ tent with the cultural oppositions prevalent in a modern society such as ours (Manto, 1997). The relatively moderate level of rape myth acceptance among the men sampled bodes well for programs that aim to discourage men from soliciting prostitution, as a high level of rape myth acceptance might diminish men's openness to learning about the harm associated with prostitution. In addition, Schewe and O'Donahue (1993) point out that individuals with extreme atti­ tudes toward rape and sexual assault may respond to interven­ tions very differently and less positively than individuals with more moderate attitudes. Fortunately, research has demonstrated the potential for interventions, even relatively brief interventions, to reduce rape myths (Schewe & O'Donahue, 1993, 1996). This also bodes well for programs such as San Francisco's First Offenders Prostitution Program.

NOTES

1. Arrest statistics fail to provide accurate information about the extent of prostitution in the United States. They focus almost entirely on street prostitutes, neglecting other com­ mon forms of prostitution. In addition, they often reflect multiple arrests of the same woman. 2. See Monto (1998) lor a description of the Portland intervention program.

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Martin A Manto is an associate professor ofsociology at the University ofPort­ land. He is interested in the intersection between social psychology, gender, and deviance. He recently completed a 2-year study on the clients ofstreet prostitutes that was funded IJy the National Institute ofJustice. Other recent projects include studies of adolescent sexual offenders and alternative childbirth methods. Norma Hotaling is the executive director of the SAGE Project of San Francisco, California, an organization nm by survivors of prostitution that provides sup­ port, cOl/nseling, and training to women seeking to escape prostitution and vio­ lence. She was one of the creators of San Francisco's First Offenders Prostitution Program, an award-winning intervention program for men arrested for trying to hire street prostitutes. A survivor of prostitution herself, she consults internation­ ally on issues related to prostitution and violence against women.