1 Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection
Volume 82 January to December 2018
Edited from Vidyajyoti College of Theology Delhi
Published by Vidyajyoti Educational and Welfare Society
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 2 3 Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection
Vol. 82 JANUARY 2018 No. 1
* This periodical is indexed in the ATLA Catholic Periodical and Literature Index® (CPLI®), a product of the American Theological Library Association, www: http://www.atla.com. * The Journal is also abstracted in Religious and Theological Abstracts.
Editorial
Deep Faith – Mighty Challenges Pope Francis Visits Myanmar and Bangladesh
Pope Francis was again in Asia! The Pope visited Myanmar and Bangladesh between 28thNovember and 2nd December 2017 – His Holiness’ 21st International Apostolic visit. Also it was the 3rd visit to the Asian soil – to its peoples of diverse landscapes, ethnicities, languages, cultures, and vibrant and rich religious traditions – after the earlier visits to Korea, the Philippines and Sri Lanka. In Myanmar and Bangladesh the Pope met with the Heads of the States and leaders of major religious communities, and visited the ‘little flocks’ – the Catholic communities whose faith is profound but challenges are numerous. The Apostolic visit, amid great hopes, aspirations and expectations, has been a truly successful pilgrimage. A spiritual climax was the moving encounter between Pope Francis and sixteen Rohingya refugees: it only illustrates how complex the challenges we face today are and how important it is to keep human life, dignity and rights at the centre of our collective vision and discourse. A unique cluster of historical, cultural, religious, ethnic, economic and political factors made both Myanmar and Bangladesh extraordinary venues for these visits. Myanmar (earlier
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 5 4 STANISLAUS ALLA, S.J. EDITORIAL 5 known as Burma) is a Buddhist majority country with a population Pope Francis is viewed as an ambassador of peace both in of 55 million. It is also home to very diverse ethnic groups and, arguably, Myanmar and Bangladesh. The logo for the Papal visit to to the world’s oldest civil war. For long under military rule, and, partly Bangladesh enshrined the nation’s central values, ‘Harmony and shaped by a modern political discourse under the inspiration of Aung Peace’ (shomprity and shanti in Bengali). As a Church document San Suu Kyi, a Nobel peace prize winner, this young nation longs for explained, “It represents the present reality in the country and at a participatory democracy. Despite many challenges, Myanmar’s the same time the aspiration for harmony among religions, cultures, 700,000 Catholics – a relatively small but significant minority – under peoples, society, history, heritage and traditions in Bangladesh.” the leadership of Cardinal Charles Bo, the country’s first cardinal, Love, peace and harmony together summarize the spiritual heroically strive to be witnesses to the Gospel of Jesus Christ and to principles the people of these nations embody and long for, and usher in a new era of peace and prosperity. they are willing to walk the extra mile to realize their collective In contrast to the Buddhist majority Myanmar, in Bangladesh dreams. As keys, the three values can enable them – and us – to – the fourth most populous Islamic country in the world – eighty- unlock the internal resources and capabilities. seven percent of its 156 million people are Muslims. Among the While the Pope’s visit to these Asian countries can be minorities, ten percent are Hindus and only about 350,000 are reviewed and interpreted from different perspectives, the next Catholics. In spite of its struggles against poverty, corruption, paragraphs will focus on two themes that are relevant to the larger religious fundamentalism, and natural disasters like floods and Asian contexts: Being the Little Flock and Responding to the famines, Bangladesh prizes and sustains its democratic values: Rohingyas. During the visit, frequently the messenger was the Secularism, Nationalism, Socialism and Democracy are the message, and the Pope’s gestures and spontaneous comments foundational principles on which Bangladesh is envisaged, and conveyed his vision and mission of and for the Church as much ‘Harmony’ is embedded into its cultural ethos. Popes Paul VI as his statements. To the extent applicable, we all can draw the and John Paul II had visited Bangladesh in 1970 (when it was implications of Pope’s messages to our contexts. East Pakistan) and 1986 respectively. The current Pope’s visit The Catholic communities in both Myanmar and Bangladesh has brought in a new lease of life to the ‘little flock’, animated by are termed as little flocks. Except perhaps in the Philippines, Most Rev. Patrick D’Rozario, Archbishop of Dhaka and the Catholics in most South and East Asian nations are tiny minorities, nation’s first cardinal. living with larger populations of other major global religious The two logos, designed for the papal visits, were both traditions. Paradoxically, in many of these nations Christian illustrative and indicative of the hopes and aspirations of these institutions are recognized and appreciated for the services they diverse peoples in light of the historic papal visits. ‘Love and Peace’ provide, especially in the fields of health care, education and social was the motto for the Pope’s pilgrimage to Myanmar. The ‘heart,’ service while simultaneously some Christians are persecuted. As at the centre of this logo, reflects the mutual respect Buddhism the Pope noted in Bangladesh, most students who study among and Christianity have and ardently hope to cultivate. Karuna and the Catholic educational institutions are of other faiths, and very maitri (compassion and fellowship) are central spiritual values to often they come from economically and socially deprived and the Buddhist traditions – as ‘love’ is central to Christianity – and excluded backgrounds. Not only did the Pope bring to the together they can continue to infuse the nation’s moral landscape. Catholics a ‘message of affection and encouragement,’ but also
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 6 Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 7 6 STANISLAUS ALLA, S.J. EDITORIAL 7 he exhorted them, especially the youth, not to lose hope in spite Pope Francis was deeply concerned about the Rohingya of adverse circumstances. refugees and the sufferings they endured, but given the sensitivity With courage and imagination and like a leaven, the Pope of the issue, he was unable to call them by name – Rohingyas – says, the Church can play the role of a catalyst and transform in public forums in Myanmar. The Pope lauded Bangladesh for people’s thought patterns and contribute to the nation building. its ‘spirit of generosity and solidarity’ and, on November 30, made Being aware of the persecution of Christians and the lack of the following appeal: “It is imperative that the international religious freedom in many parts of Asia, the Pope hoped that the community take decisive measures to address this grave crisis, spirit of secularism would be upheld in Bangladesh (and by not only by working to resolve the political issues that have led extension in other areas globally): “I am confident that, in to the mass displacement of people but also by offering immediate accordance with the letter and the spirit of the national Constitution, material assistance to Bangladesh in its effort to respond effectively the Catholic community will continue to enjoy the freedom to carry to urgent human needs.” On a spiritual note, after personally out these good works as an expression of its commitment to the listening to their moving accounts, the Pope said: “in the name of common good.” The little flocks, not only in Myanmar and all those who persecuted you, of all those who did you evil, of the Bangladesh but also in other places, have many challenges: to world’s indifference, I ask your forgiveness.” Recalling that God’s reflect the Gospel values and the compassionate face of God in image and likeness is in every human being and in the spirit of the their services and yet prophetically oppose those oppressive forces Last Judgment (Mt 25), the Pope prophetically stated: “Let us that prevent people from experiencing dignity, equality and not close the heart, let us not look the other way. The presence fundamental human rights. of God today is also called Rohingya. Let us continue to stay Apart from other highlights, one single concern that received close to them so that their rights may be recognized.” much international and local media attention, in the context of the When the Pope asked the Rohingyas for ‘forgiveness,’ he Papal visits, is that of the Rohingya refugees. The Myanmar did so in the company of the representatives of other religions and government does not recognize them as a specific minority group that is in more ways than one symbolic. While meeting with the nor gives them citizenship rights. Even though some of them had leaders of Buddhist, Islamic, Hindu and other religious traditions lived there for generations, they are viewed as illegal Bengali both in Myanmar and Bangladesh the Pope had invited them to migrants. In order to escape the atrocities committed on them by be builders of peace and reconciliation. Having listened to the the military, waves of Rohingya refugees moved into Bangladesh. stories of the Rohingya refugees and having saluted them, the Pope Abdul Hamid, the President of Bangladesh pointed out that invited the religious leaders to greet them. His invited the religious Bangladesh had given shelter to one million Rohingyas who were leaders to join together in recognizing and upholding human dignity forcefully displaced from their ancestral home in the Rakhine State and human rights where ever and whenever they are violated. It of Myanmar. Thousands of Rohingyas, including women and remains an invitation and a challenge to them and to us. The Pope, children, had been brutally killed and thousands of women were with his deep faith, conviction and commitment, offers an illustrious violated. Many saw their homes burnt into ashes. Even though the example to the contemporary ecclesial leaders and Christian disciples. issue has been getting media attention, international efforts to adequately respond to it have been few and disappointing. Dr. Stanislaus ALLA, S.J.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 8 Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 9 8 ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 9 VJTR 82 (2018) 8-34 Following the recommendation directed from the court of Archbishop Aleixo de Menezes OSA, Philip I of Portugal (r. 1581–98), Pope Clement VIII (r. 1592– A Portuguese Fidalgo: Behind the Curtain 1605) named Aleixo de Menezes as the archbishop of Goa in December 1594. After the episcopal consecration held on 26 Dr. Antony MECHERRY, S.J. March 1595, the archbishop assumed the responsibility of Goa The author
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 10Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 11 10 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 11 him, especially against the viceroys of Portuguese India. The 3. Two Untimely Papal Briefs estrangement of the archbishop from the Portuguese officials In 1595, Archbishop Menezes resolved a dispute on the reflected his craving for honour and reputation commonly desired administration of the royal hospital in Goa. In the conflicts that by the fidalgos hailed from the Iberian Peninsula of his time.4 In originated between Matias de Albuquerque, the Portuguese addition to the question of prestige and honour, most of the conflicts viceroy, and Alessandro Valignano SJ (1539–1606), the Jesuit emerged between the archbishop and the viceroys in India had visitor, the archbishop backed the Jesuits, overriding, to a certain something to do with financial questions. extent, the political authority of the viceroy.9 In 1595, Francisco Menezes was a true exemplar of fidalgo chivalry of his time. Cabral (1533–1609), the Jesuit provincial of India, handed over For instance, he made his ambitious visit to Malabar in 1599, to Menezes a papal brief that had commissioned the archbishop discarding the warnings from the fourth Count of Vidigueira,5 to inquire into the life and doctrine of Mar Abraham, the Chaldean Francisco da Gama (1565–1632). In fact, the count had wanted metropolitan of the Thomas Christians in Malabar. This papal brief, to send Luís da Gama, his own brother, to Malabar, as born out of the exaggerated reports from India, extended commander-in-chief of the military expedition against Kunjali immediate authority to the archbishop of Goa to name a Latin Marakkar III,6 the ex-naval commander of the Zamorin of Calicut. administrator for the metropolitan see of Angamaly, the centre of Rather, the archbishop viewed his personal visit to Malabar as an the Thomas Christians.10 In fact, even the papal document regarding opportunity to assert that he was more skilled and courageous the appointment of Menezes as the archbishop of Goa had assumed than the Portuguese viceroys and governors in India, in terms of his jurisdiction over the Thomas Christians, although the ancient his ability to tackle political questions.7 When the archbishop church in Malabar was under the jurisdiction of the Chaldean assumed, in 1614, his prestigious office as the viceroy of Portugal, patriarch who was then in communion with Rome.11 he successfully persuaded the king to abolish the Conselho da The papal brief was untimely, given the peaceful circumstances Índia (Council of India) and the authority of the Count of Vidigueira, of the see of Angamaly, especially in 1595. Accordingly, Cabral the president of the council. Accordingly, the archbishop warned Menezes that it was not the right time to implement the successfully put an end to the traditional honour enjoyed in India papal order against Mar Abraham, the well-esteemed leader of by the fidalgos from the family of Vasco da Gama.8 the Thomas Christians.12 The Inquisition in Goa, however, 4Subrahmanyam, “Dom Frei Aleixo de Meneses ...,” 34. 5King Manuel I of Portugal (1496–1521) awarded a comital title of nobility, It seems that the archbishop was not happy with the extensive authority given Count of Vidigueira, to Vasco da Gama (c. 1460–1524), acknowledging the to the council and its president, the Count of Vidigueira. In 1614, the king discovery of a successful maritime route from Europe to India. ordered the abolition of the council, and this unexpected decision on the part 6Kunjali Marakkar, a formidable threat to the maritime ambitions of the Portuguese of the king reflected the tensions prevailing among the Portuguese fidalgos in in India, had considered himself as “king of the Malabar Muslims.” He reportedly Lisbon and in the court in Madrid. See Subrahmanyam, “Dom Frei Aleixo de provoked the Zamorin of Calicut by cutting off the tail of an elephant and offending Meneses … ,” 40. one of the Nairs from the court of Calicut. See Frederick Charles Danvers, The 9Francisco Cabral to the Jesuit general (20.XI.1595), in Documenta Indica Portuguese in India; Being a History of the Rise and Decline of their Eastern Empire, (hereafter Doc. Ind.), XVII, 226. vol. 2 (London: W.H. Allen and Co., Limited, 1894), 112. 10Doc. Ind., XVII, 230; Jonas Thaliath, The Synod of Diamper,Orientalia Christiana 7Subrahmanyam, “Dom Frei Aleixo de Meneses ... ,” 35. Analecta, 152 (Rome: Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1958), 68–85. 8In 1604, Philip III created the Conselho da Índia to deal with the imperial 11Archivum Secretum Vaticanum (hereafter ASV), Fondo Gonfalonieri, XXX, f. 53r. questions regarding India. Note that Menezes was then the archbishop of Goa. 12Doc. Ind., XVIII, 769–70.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 12Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 13 12 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 13 cooperated with the archbishop and conducted a secret judicial in 1597, the local Christians assembled and took an oath to lay inquiry in the Jesuit residence in Vaipikotta, the centre of the mission their case again before the pope if the pope sent a Latin bishop in Malabar, into the alleged faults of Mar Abraham. The formal to Angamaly.18 Nevertheless, according to Menezes, the and unilateral inquiry held in Vaipikotta on 27 April 1596 did not appointment of a Latin bishop in Angamaly was “the most essential allow the representatives of the Malabar Church to voice their matter.”19 Having this in mind, the archbishop downplayed the cause. Intriguingly, the Jesuits in Malabar requested the inquisitors privileges of the local archdeacon, George of the Cross, and named to take no action against Mar Abraham pursuant to the report of Francisco Ros SJ as the administrator of the see of Angamaly.20 the inquiry.13 From a technical point of view, the judicial inquiry Yet the archdeacon had already assumed, respecting the tradition of did not meet the terms required by the papal brief for punishing the local church, responsibility as the administrator of Angamaly.21 the metropolitan of Angamaly, given that Menezes did not completely respect the conditions of the papal brief.14 However, 4. The Coercive Mission ensuring further authority to the archbishop of Goa to take hold Given the outcry against the encroachment of the archbishop of the see of Angamaly, Pope Clement VIII issued a second brief of Goa upon the affairs of the see of Angamaly, the Jesuits from on 21 January 1597.15 Vaipikotta alerted Menezes to the risks involved in employing a Even prior to the arrival of the second papal brief in India, coercive approach towards the Thomas Christians. The Menezes had obtained and sent a papal jubilee to the see of archbishop, on the other hand, opportunely claimed that he did Angamaly.16 The itinerary of that papal jubilee disclosed a strategic not have any intention to name an administrator in Angamaly, since 22 move on the part of the archbishop to divert the attention of the he had already decided to visit Malabar in person. During these Thomas Christians, who were then earnestly waiting for a response conflicts that emerged in 1597, Ros sent a timely warning to the Jesuit from the pope to their request to name the local archdeacon as general: “the Archbishop of Goa, by the virtue of a brief from His the successor of Mar Abraham. Perceiving this hidden agenda of Holiness, is responsible for the good of these people. Although he is the archbishop of Goa, Mar Abraham did not benefit personally a very zealous and holy prelate, it would be advisable to proceed from the jubilee.17 Immediately after the death of Mar Abraham with these people cautiously, and all of them would be lost if force were imposed on them. Instead, by means of kindness and a gentle 13 António Barros and Marcos Gil Frazão to the inquisitor general (19.XII.1596), approach much could be done for them.”23 In this letter, Ros strongly in Doc. Ind., XVIII, 769. 14Thaliath, The Synod of Diamper, 73–74. 18Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Goa-Malabar (hereafter ARSI, Goa-Mal), 15Giuseppe Beltrami, La Chiesa Chaldea nel Secolo dell Unione, Orientalia XIV, ff. 357r–57v. Christiana, vol. XXIX (Rome: Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 19Beltrami, La Chiesa Chaldea, 121–22. Archbishop Menezes to Cardinal Fabio 1933),252–53. Biondi (19.XII.1597), in ASV, Nuntiatura Portugal, VI, f. 340–41. 16Menezes took the initiative to send a papal jubilee to Angamaly. According 20Antonio de Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes: A Portuguese Account to a letter from the archbishop to Cardinal Fabio Biondi, the apostolic nuncio of the Sixteenth Century Malabar: Jornada do Arcebispo Originally written in to Portugal (22.XII.1596), the purpose of the papal jubilee was to speed up the Portuguese in 1603 by António de Gouvea, ed. Pius Malekandathil (Kochi: LRC reduction of the Thomas Christians to the Latin Church. ASV, Fondo Publications, 2003), 53. Gonfalonieri, XXI, f. 388. As planned by the archbishop, the Thomas Christians 21Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes, 53; Beltrami, La Chiesa Chaldea, and the local archdeacon focused on taking advantage of the jubilee forgetting 120. the question of the successor of Mar Abraham. 22Beltrami, La Chiesa Chaldea, 121. 17Jorge de Castro to the Jesuit general (8.I.1597), in Doc. Ind., XVIII, 799–800. 23ARSI, Goa-Mal., XIV, f. 357v.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 14Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 15 14 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 15 suggested that the local archdeacon be named as the bishop of In an unexpected turn of events, Menezes received news from Angamaly. Subsequently, Ros refused to assume the office of the Calicut about the miserable defeat of the Portuguese forces in the administrator of Angamaly, although Menezes had offered it twice battle against Kunjali Marakkar.29 Fearing that the defeat meted to him. Given the advice of the Jesuits from Malabar, the out to his fellow countrymen would be a setback to the crucial archbishop reluctantly entrusted the archdeacon with the mission programmed among the Thomas Christians, the archbishop responsibility of Angamaly.24 wrote to the prominent rulers of Malabar, reportedly claiming that After receiving information about the seriousness of the oath the victory at Calicut was on the Portuguese side. The Zamorin, of 1597 taken by the Thomas Christians, Menezes urged Philip on the contrary, was not happy with the Portuguese who tried in I to act promptly. Consequently, Philip I ordered Francisco da vain to own the credit of the combined expedition against Kunjali Gama to pay 5000 pardaos to the archbishop who had already Marakkar. planned to make an urgent visit to Malabar.25 On 27 December As a strategic move in preparation for the oncoming Synod 1598, the archbishop left for Malabar.26 Once he reached Malabar, of Diamper, Menezes ordained, without the permission of the he focused on ensuring his political hold all along the Malabar archdeacon, a group of thirty-eight Thomas-Christian priests at Coast and began his mission at Kunjali (Puthupattanam) in Calicut, Diamper. The new priests and their families naturally supported supporting the joint expedition of the Zamorin and the Portuguese the projects of the archbishop. Perceiving the danger, the against Kunjali Marakkar.27 archdeacon warned the archbishop to use his episcopal authority In February 1599, Menezes forced the archdeacon to sign only on the Latin Christians and not on the Thomas Christians, certain important documents that determined the future of the but to no avail.30 After ensuring the necessary popular support, Malabar Church. The Thomas Christians and the local priests the archbishop forced the archdeacon to sign a crucial document questioned the archdeacon for signing such a crucial agreement that consisted of ten terms designed to bring in complete designed by the Latin archbishop of Goa. Even the Portuguese in submission of the archdeacon and the see of Angamaly to the Cochin voiced reservation on imposing abrupt submission of the archdiocese of Goa.31 By the end of the Malabar mission of the Thomas Christians to the Latin Church. The archbishop, on the archbishop, he had spent 18,000 pardaos and 16,000 gold coins other hand, won over the influential Christians of the see of on gifts distributed among the local rulers of Malabar.32 Angamaly, promising them money and other favours. The majority of the Christians opposed the high-handed activities of the archbishop 5. A Synod in Diamper that Overshot the Mark and viewed the sacrament of confirmation administered by him in the When the stage was set for the abrupt reduction of the see see of Angamaly as a tactic to recruit men to the Portuguese side.28 of Angamaly to the Latin Church, the archbishop announced the
29 24Estévão de Brito to the Jesuit general (3.I.1600), in ARSI, Goa-Mal., XV, f. 1. Doc. Ind., XVIII, 931. 30 25Philip I to Francisco da Gama (21.XI.1598), in Filmoteca Ultramarina Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes, 158–75. 31 Portuguesa, Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa (Lisboa: Centro de Ibid., 213–14. 32 Estudos Histoìricos Ultramarinos), II, 234. Ibid., 230; Antonio Possevino, Apparatus Sacer ad Scriptores Veteris et Novi 26Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes, 67. Testamenti: Eorum Interpretes, Synodos et Fatres Latinos, ac Graecos, Horum 27Ibid., 69. Versions etc., Tribus Tomis Distinctus, Tomus I (Venetiis: Apud Societatem 28Ibid.,115–31. Venetam, 1606), 392–93.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 16Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 17 16 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 17 convocation of a reformatory synod in Malabar. Ignoring the the local priests protested, on the third day, against the very form request of the local Christians to convoke the synod in Angamaly, of the synod, but to no avail. The grave outcry emerged during the headquarters of the Malabar Church, the archbishop decided the signing of the decrees implied the coercive approach of the to convoke it in Diamper.33 Certainly, he wanted to downplay the archbishop who did not pay attention to consensus on important importance of Angamaly, where the Thomas Christians continued decisions that tampered with the traditions of the Malabar Church.37 to revere the cathedral and the tomb of the late Archbishop Mar However, the local priests signed the decrees of the Synod of Abraham. Diamper, only because of the insistence on the part of Ros.38 While the preparation of the synod was on the move, Menezes Francisco de Sousa, an early eighteenth-century Jesuit historian, conducted two more collective ordinations in Kaduthuruthy and criticised Menezes for unnecessarily meddling with the customs North Paravur respectively.34 Starting from the final week of April of the Thomas Christians. Referring to those synodal decrees that 1599, the archbishop stayed in the fortress of Cranganore giving dealt with the reform of certain customs of the Malabar Church, shape to the decrees of the forthcoming synod. In two months, de Sousa lamented that the archbishop could have made such he finished the drafting of the decrees taking advantage of the important decisions only after ensuring the consensus and presence of Ros and the other Jesuits in Malabar. Carefully chosen satisfaction of the local priests and the other participants of the priests from the diocese of Cochin completed the translation of Synod of Diamper.39 Guaranteeing complete surveillance on the the decrees into Malayalam. Meanwhile, in the third ordination activities of the archdeacon under the guise of two Jesuit co- programme held in North Paravur, Menezes ordained fifty new administrators, Menezes returned to Goa in November 1599.40 priests.35 Note that the archbishop deliberately excluded the local priests of Angamaly from the preparatory works of the synod, 6. The Exaggerated Steps that Attracted Criticism possibly to prevent its decrees from leaking out. Menezes wanted to make sure the complete reduction of the The Synod of Diamper that opened on 20 June 1599 did not see of Angamaly before his departure from Malabar. Accordingly, respect the canonical form of a diocesan synod. Under stringent he pleaded with both Pope Clement VIII and Philip II to name surveillance ensured by the Portuguese forces, Menezes Ros as the bishop of Angamaly, given that Luís Cerqueira SJ suppressed open discussions during the entire synodal procedures. (1552–1614), the bishop-candidate chosen by Rome, had failed 41 A threat of excommunication latae sententiae prevented the to come to India from Japan. According to Antonio de Gouvea’s Thomas Christians from assembling outside the synod. Antonio hagiographic account, Menezes had even sent his resignation letter 42 Noronha, the Portuguese captain of Cochin, came to Diamper on to Rome hoping to become the archbishop of Angamaly. In the second day of the synod and took over the protection of the 37Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes, 285–86. Malabar Church in a pompous format that alluded to a religious 38ARSI, Goa-Mal., XV, f. 178. 39 36 Francisco de Sousa, Oriente Conquistado a Jesu Christo Pelos Padres da ceremony. Opposing the unilateral approach of the archbishop, Companhia de Jesus, vol 2 (Bombay: The Examiner Press, 1886), 72. 33Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes, 228. 40ARSI, Goa-Mal., XIV, f. 421. 34Subrahmanyam, “Dom Frei Aleixo de Meneses ... ,” 38. 41Brito to Acquaviva (3.I.1600), in ARSI, Goa–Mal., XV, f. 1v. 35Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Meneze, 230–36. 42Antonio de Gouvea, Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa Dom Frey Aleixo de Menezes 36ARSI, Goa-Mal., XXXII, f. 706v; Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes, Primas da India Oriental Religioso da Ordem de S. Agostinho (Coímbra: D. 262–70; ARSI, Goa-Mal., XLVIII, f. 3v. Gomez Loureyro 1606), f. 113.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 18Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 19 18 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 19 addition to the question of the successor of Mar Abraham, the fearing that otherwise his primacy in India would be at stake, given archbishop had decided, two years prior to his arrival in Malabar, that Angamaly, the most ancient see in India, came under the to reduce the status of the see of Angamaly as a suffragan diocese Padroado jurisdiction. Precisely because of this reason, Ros of Goa.43Foreseeing a serious outcry against the surreptitious accused the archbishop of not having acknowledged Angamaly suppression of the metropolitan status of Angamaly, bishop-elect as the most ancient see in India even prior to the actual suppression Ros wrote to the Jesuit general, in 1601, that he himself was “like of the status of Angamaly.49 a captain who did not even know how to row well in a tempestuous In the face of a serious outcry that emerged in Angamaly, sea full of pirates.”44 Note that Ros compared the see of Angamaly Menezes apologized for the crisis in the Malabar Church, but he to a tempestuous sea and Menezes to a pirate who took away confessed that he did know anything about the suppression of the the ancient metropolitan status of the archbishop of Angamaly. status of Angamaly. Since the archbishop cleared himself of the Although Ros refused to accept the papal appointment as the responsibility of the unfortunate situation in Angamaly, the Jesuits bishop of Angamaly, the Jesuit visitor ordered him to assume his in Malabar thought of giving up the Malabar mission among the office by virtue of obedience. Faced with such a conflict, Ros Thomas Christians. Rather, Ros pleaded with Philip II to do justice expressed his state of mind to the Jesuit general that “it was not to his diocese by promptly resolving the crisis.50 In a letter to the without tears that he took up the cross.”45 Jesuit general, Ros requested him to block the papal approval of After assuming the responsibility of Angamaly, Ros continued the “ruinous” Synod of Diamper, in which Menezes had added to criticise the high-handed measures of Menezes, stating that the certain decrees surreptitiously after the closure of the synod.51 archbishop would not have accomplished any of his projects in According to Ros, the unilateral synod had unnecessarily tampered Malabar without the help of the Jesuits.46 Even more, he blamed with the customs of the Thomas Christians.52 Because of the careful the archbishop for pressing ahead unnecessarily with certain steps taken by Ros, the pope did not approve the Synod of irrelevant matters regarding the Thomas Christians.47 In sum, the Diamper formally. At the same time, the papal brief Divinam Dei Synod of Diamper did not discuss the question of the suppression (19 May 1601) was not even an implicit approval of the synod.53 of the metropolitan status of Angamaly, and decree forty-one of the eighth session of the synod was evidently a later documental 7. The Itinerary of a Self-Hagiography interpolation committed by Menezes.48 The archbishop suppressed Even though the Jesuits in Malabar did not support in principle the status of Angamaly exerting influence on the Portuguese crown, the idea of a papal approval of the Synod of Diamper, Menezes wanted to ensure the endorsement of the pope for all his 43Subsidium ad Bullarium Patronatus Portugalliae, Olisipone, Typographia endeavours in Malabar. Accordingly, he wanted to attach the Nationali Editum Annis 1868, 1870, 1872, 1873, 1879, (Alleppey:Orphanotrophii typogr. Seminario Cochinensi adnexa, 1903), 13. original signatures of the synod, kept in Angamaly, to the Portuguese 44Ros to Acquaviva (28.I.1601), in ARSI, Goa-Mal., XV, f. 30. version of the synodal decrees composed by Gouvea. In 45ARSI, Goa-Mal., XV, f. 30r. 46Ibid. 49ARSI, Goa-Mal., XV, f. 57r. 47Ibid., f. 44. 50Ibid., f. 62. 48Antonio de Gouvea, Synodo Diocesano da Igreja e Bispado de Angamale dos 51Ibid., f. 155; Ros to Álvares (20.XI.1603), in ARSI, Goa-Mal., XV, f. 157. Antigos Christãos de Sam Thome da Serras do Malavar das Partes da India 52Ibid., ff. 155–55v. Oriental (Coímbra: D. Gomez Loureyro, 1606), f. 52. 53Thaliath, The Synod of Diamper, 127.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 20Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 21 20 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 21 obedience to the archbishop, Ros sent those signatures to Goa. version of the decrees of the Synod of Diamper.57 Already in 1609, Immediately after sending the signatures, Ros warned the assistant Jean Baptiste de Glen, an Augustinian monk, had published the French general of the Jesuits in Rome that the participants of the Synod translation of the Jornada. In sum, Gouvea’s Jornada carried a clear- of Diamper had signed its decrees only to save the situation, at cut propagandist agenda over the following decades. The members the insistence of Ros himself.54 In other words, the signing of the of the Augustinian Order took great interest in translating the Jornada decrees did not mean that Thomas Christians accepted the synod. in different languages, including Latin.58 The wider circulation of this In 1605, Gouvea sent the decrees of the Synod of Diamper to neo-hagiographical book around the world led to the creation of a Agostinho de Jesus. Menezes requested his archbishop-uncle in one-dimensional historiography of the Thomas Christians portraying Braga to edit and publish the synodal decrees along with an account Menezes as the reformer of the Malabar Church. On the other hand, of his mission in Malabar composed by Gouvea.55 In sum, the extensive circulation of this work downplayedthe historical Menezes took the initiative to publish the decrees of the Synod significance of the second Synod of Angamaly convoked by Ros in of Diamper in Portugal, given that the pope did not approve the 1603 with a view to rectifying the coercive approach of the Synod synod. of Diamper.59 In effect, the Jornada succeeded in creating a wrong By the end of 1605, Menezes received word from Coimbra impression in its readers worldwide that the Malabar Church was a that the Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa Dom Frey Aleixo de heretical church until the synod of Diamper. Menezes was already in press. At the same time, disparate interpretations and criticisms hovering over his Malabar mission 8. The Primacy of a Portuguese Fidalgo disturbed the archbishop. In the face of serious criticism, the Philip II wanted to keep intact the primacy of Menezes in archbishop portrayed himself as “a fragile instrument” in God’s India, and for this reason, the king did not agree with the idea of hand, implying his key role in the alleged reform of the Thomas restoring the suppressed status of the ancient see of Angamaly. Christians. In addition to these self-hagiographical expressions, Certainly, the archbishop himself had convinced Philip II that the the archbishop wrote to his uncle in Braga that the Thomas suppression and reduction of the status of Angamaly was essential Christians were wholeheartedly cooperating with Bishop Ros.56 to undo the jurisdiction of the Chaldean patriarch over the Thomas In reality, a group of the local Christians had already organized Christians. Faced with the strong opposition of the Jesuits and the a public protest at the tomb of Mar Abraham in Angamaly against local Christians of Malabar, the king realized that the suppression the surreptitious reduction of their metropolitan see and the of the status of Angamaly itself would eventually lead to the coercive imposition of Latin hierarchy over them. 57In 1613, Giovanni Pietro, a Carmelite priest, translated the decrees of the Following the successful publication of the Jornada in 1606, Synod of Diamper into Italian, which is extant in Biblioteca Universitaria di Menezes tried to spread the ideas of that book around the world. Genova, Codex A. V. 3. 58Joannes Facundi Raulin OSA, Historia Ecclesiae Malabaricae cum In 1614, three years before his death, he mentioned the Italian Diamperitana Synodo apud Indos Nestorianos (Westmead, Farnborough, Hants, Eng: Gregg International, 1745). 54Ros to Álvarez (27.XII.1603), in ARSI, Goa-Mal., XV, f. 178. 59Joseph Wicki, “Die Synoden der Thomaschristen (auch Syromalabaren Genannt) 55Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (hereafter, AHU), Lisbon, CU–058, Caixa. 1, (1583–1603),” Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 18/2 (1986): 335–443, at 443; document 20, ff. 18–18v. Joseph Wicki, “Die Synode von Diamper in Malabar (1599) und Ihre Beuteilung 56Menezes (21.X.1605), in AHU, CU–058, Caixa. 1, document 20, ff. 23–24v. (1600–1975,” Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 1–2 (1977): 190–205, at 203–04.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 22Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 23 22 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 23 restoration of the jurisdiction of the Chaldean patriarch. Given Angamaly, in 1608, annulling in perpetuity the previous ruling of this unforeseen dilemma, he requested the pope to restore the Pope Clement VIII.66 Given the restored status of the Malabar metropolitan status of the bishop of Angamaly. Note that in that Church, Menezes thought of naming an Augustinian as the request to the pope, the king had specifically wanted the primacy successor of Archbishop Ros. Archbishop Cristóvão de Sá e of the archbishop of Goa to remain intact.60 Although the Lisboa (r. 1612–22), the new archbishop of Goa, also did not Padroado authorities wanted to protect the primacy of Menezes support the Jesuit mission among the Thomas Christians. For this in India, Cardinal Giulio Antonio Santoro (†1602), who was reason, Ros blamed Cristóvão de Sá for planning to come to responsible in Rome for the affairs of the Eastern Churches, held Malabar as “another Dom Friar Aleixo de Menezes.”67 Note that the view that the archbishop of Goa did not have the canonical Ros viewed the mission of Menezes in Malabar as an right to be called the primate of India, since he did not have encroachment upon the affairs of the see of Angamaly-Cranganore. suffragan archbishops under him.61 To prevent the archbishop of Goa from attempting another Since Menezes did not take the initiative to restore the intrusion, Ros sought the help of the Roman regent of Philip II. suppressed status of Angamaly,62 Ros blamed the archbishop for yielding to the pressure exerted on him by the enemies of the 9. Menezes and the Question of Accommodation Jesuits in India. According to Ros, only the Jesuits in India obeyed The Padroado missionaries in general viewed the caste-based 68 the archbishop of Goa.63 In addition to this criticism, Ros made society in Malabar as a major hindrance to enter the ‘high-caste’ 69 a serious remark on the fidalgo mindset of the archbishop: “I already communities and to convert the local people to Christianity. As have told Your Reverence that the archbishop is not in fact a friend an immediate response to this difficulty in mission, the Portuguese of the Society of Jesus, although he resorted to its recommendation officials and the Inquisition in Goa condemned the customs and 70 when he came to India. But the exercise of authority prompts a symbols of the ‘high castes’. Against this general condemnation, man come out of his shell, and it causes the river to overflow its Roberto de Nobili SJ began to view, from 1606 onwards, the banks.”64 Menezes had agreed with the Jesuits in Malabar only customs of the ‘high castes’ in Malabar, shared also by the Thomas in the case of transferring the headquarters of the see of Angamaly Christians, as the most effective means to convert the whole of to Cranganore. However, this agreement, according to Ros, was Malabar into Christianity. De Nobili affirmed that the Thomas an acknowledgment to the Jesuits who had given him the title of 66ASV, Arch. Brev. Apost., vol. 612, f. 149. “the creator of the Malabar Mission.”65 67ARSI, Goa-Mal., XVII, f. 249. 68During the period under study and even until recently, castes were categorised Under constant pressure on the part of Ros and the Thomas as ‘high’ and ‘low’. They are still in vogue in many quarters. In this article we Christians, Pope Paul V restored the metropolitan status of place references to so-called ‘high castes’ and ‘low castes’ (and related words) within inverted commas to indicate that such casteist designations, which are 60Bulhão Pato, ed., Documentos Remetidos da India ou Livro das Monções,vol.1 impositions by the so called ‘high castes’, are not acceptable. Ed. (Lisbon: Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, 1880), 89. 69Domenico Ferroli, The Jesuits in Malabar, vol. 1 (Bangalore: Bangalore Press, 61Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, Cod. 464, f. 9v. 1939), 352. Social mobility was in question even between the communities of 62ARSI, Goa-Mal., XVI, f. 103v; ARSI, Goa-Mal., LXVIII, f. 150v. the Thomas Christians and the ‘low castes’ of Malabar. Doc. Ind., XV, 691. 63ARSI, Goa-Mal., XVI, f. 104. 70The three principal ‘high-caste’ symbols were the three-threaded string of the 64Ibid., ff. 104–04v. Brahmins (punul), the tuft of hair that the ‘high castes’ wore (kudumi), and the 65Ibid. XVI, f. 161. sandal paste that the high castes applied on their foreheads (tilakam).
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 24Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 25 24 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 25 Christians, being a constitutive part of society in Malabar, were accommodation methods instead of spreading calumnies against bound to obey social laws and the customs of the land. Accordingly, the Madurai mission.73 Certainly, the archbishop accepted the the Christians observed the social customs of the land without conversion potential reportedly hidden behind the customs and paying attention to the meanings attributed to them by their non- symbols of the ‘high castes’. In this pragmatic move in terms of Christian brethrens.71 In other words, de Nobili reinterpreted the an effective mission, the archbishop downplayed the exclusivist crucial role of the ‘high-caste’ symbols in the conversion enterprise, approach promoted by de Nobili towards the Portuguese in general but his approach that was in line with the Jesuit adaptations (Frangue) and towards the ‘low castes’ of Malabar (Paravas) inadvertently or at least temporarily allowed the impossibility of social in particular. mobility between the ‘low castes’ and the ‘high castes’ of Malabar. In Malabar, the Thomas Christians traditionally observed the Roberto de Nobili modelled his mission methods after the practice of ablution, a custom that the local society considered as accommodation promoted by Ros among the Thomas Christians. an integral part of the pollution laws.74Furthermore, the Thomas The initiatives of Ros had gone, to a certain extent, beyond the Christians imitated the local customs such as applying sandal paste scope of accommodation to the levels of inculturation. However, on forehead, without attributing, as explained by Ros, superstitious Archbishop Menezes tended to bypass the methods of overtones to those practices. In 1599, Menezes perceived the accommodation in the Malabar Church. To be sure, the coercive crucial role played by those customs in ensuring social mobility of approach of the archbishop of Goa triggered a reversal of the the Thomas Christians, and accordingly, he reinterpreted the scope initiatives of Ros in the see of Angamaly. The coercive approach of those customs as far as the Malabar Church was concerned. of the Synod of Diamper, despite all the positive contributions For this reason, Ros testified that the archbishop of Goa did not that it brought into the Malabar Church, primarily aimed at ensuring prevent the Thomas Christians from observing any of their social the abrupt reduction of the Thomas Christians to the Latin Church. customs.75 Ros made this statement to ensure the papal approval Given such a preoccupation, Menezes overlooked the social and of the accommodation among the Brahmins in Madurai. Although cultural traditions esteemed by the local church. the second decree of the ninth session of the Synod of Diamper In contrast to the general condemnation against the traditions consented to the observance of pollution laws on the part of the of the Thomas Christians, Menezes expressed his readiness to Thomas Christians, the synod strictly prohibited the local Christians wear several threads of the ‘high castes’ of Madurai, if doing so from making superstitious ablutions required by the pollution rules.76 would help him to make a single Christian. Note that the 73Ibid., XVII, f. 117. archbishop had secretly conferred the sacrament of confirmation 74The pollution laws in Malabar strictly prevented the ‘higher castes’ of Malabar on Uniare Cherare, the princely nephew of the Zamorin of Calicut, from touching the people from ‘lower castes’, engaging in immoral relations with in 1599, permitting the prince to retain the tuft of hair, a symbol them, and eating in their company. The violation of these complex rules was 72 considered tantamount to ‘falling’ to the level of the ‘low castes’ and to losing of his caste-status. Since 1606, the archbishop began to express the ‘noble status’ without any hope of recovery. However, the purificatory rites his hope that all the missionaries in India welcomed de Nobili’s or ablutions were considered a means of restoring the lost caste status in cases of touching or seeing the people of ‘low castes’ from close quarters. 71Roberto de Nobili, Adaptation, ed. Savarimuthu Rajamanickam (Palayamkottai: 75ARSI, Goa-Mal., XVII, f. 196v. De Nobili Research Inst., 1971), 170–71. 76See the second decree of the ninth session of the Synod of Diamper, in Gouvea, 72ARSI, Goa-Mal., LI, f. 196v. Synodo Diocesano, f. 52v.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 26Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 27 26 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 27 10. Dilemma of Social Customs and Mobility the Thomas Christians preserve their faith,”79 even though their In fact, Menezes could not abolish the social customs of the upward mobility prevented them from engaging themselves in Thomas Christians, since those customs apparently played a extensive mission enterprises in India. decisive role in their social mobility. Note that the archbishop’s consent to the social customs of the local Christians did not emerge 11. The Question of a Double Standard from a spirit of adaptation and inculturation but from the necessity Amid these conflicts that emerged in mission, Menezes of accepting, at least temporarily, the social circumstances welcomed caste separation among the Christians in Madurai prevailing in South India. Consequently, the decrees of the Synod (Brahmin Christians and the Parava Christians), but he ardently of Diamper, as noted by Ines Županov, “read like a discursive opposed the separation of the Thomas Christians from the new straitjacket with no accommodation whatsoever.”77 Županov, converts of Malabar. In addition to this double standard, he however, applied here the term accommodation in the sense of assumed the role of a social reformer and ordered the Jesuits in inculturation. In the same fashion, Vincenzo Poggi SJ, in his Malabar to focus on the conversion of the ‘lower castes’ forgetting commentary on the Synod of Diamper, underscored the failure of the methods of accommodation that focused only on converting the synod in terms of its negligence to the process of inculturation. the ‘high castes’ into Christianity. Note that the archbishop applied According to Poggi, the synod reflected the attempt of the Latin a double standard in mission in two different geographical zones Church to impose its worldview on the social and religious life of of Malabar, explicitly upholding a compromising approach the Thomas Christians.78 towards the Brahmin converts and their customs in Madurai. This Menezes began to view the Malabar society from a approach held by the archbishop surfaced also in another sort of sociological perspective, only from 1606 onwards—that is, social reform introduced by him in Goa. In 1606, he founded the following de Nobili’s arrival in Madurai. That is to say, during the Convent of Santa Monica in Goa with a view to protecting the archbishop’s visit to Malabar, he was not aware of the role and well-born Portuguese women (fidalguias) who had lost their relevance of the cultural dynamics of the local society and of the husbands and destined to remain in India the rest of their lives. underlying intricacies involved in the social participation of the Distinguishing the women of the Portuguese descent from those Thomas Christians. In 1599, the archbishop conveniently ignored of the local Goan descent, the first group of the nuns in Santa a number of factors that had contributed to the survival of the Monica enjoyed the privilege of wearing black veils instead of local Christians, a minority community in Malabar, who managed white ones worn by the local women. The archbishop, being a to live for centuries among different castes, Muslims, and Jews. typical Portuguese fidalgo, showed little interest in the welfare of 80 As Placid Podipara, in a commentary, remarked, the strict caste the Portuguese women of Goan descent born in India. distinctions in the multi-religious context of Malabar had “helped Despite these inherent contradictions in the reforming plans of the archbishop, his reforms in Malabar appeared to be an
77Ines G. Županov, “One Civility, but Multiple Religions: Jesuit Mission among attempt to abolish the caste-barrier that prevailed among the St. Thomas Christians in India (16th–17th Centuries),” Journal of Early Modern 79Placid J. Podipara, “Hindu in Culture, Christian in Religion, Oriental in History, 9, Issue 3 (2005), 284–325, at 320. Worship,” in Collected Works of Rev. Dr. Placid J. Podipara CMI, ed., Thomas 78Vincenzo Poggi, “Gesuiti e Diamper,” in The Synod of Diamper Revisited, ed. Kalayil, vol. 2 (Mannanam, Kerala: Sanjos Publications, 2007), 527–40, at 536. George Nedungatt (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Orientale, 2001), 105–33, at 113. 80Subrahmanyam, “Dom Frei Aleixo de Meneses ...,” 34–35.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 28Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 29 28 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 29 Christians of Malabar. In fact the archbishop failed to provide a While de Nobili and Ros viewed the customs and symbols of the solution to the pertinent questions raised by the ‘high castes’ ‘high castes’ merely in terms of cultural semiotics, Menezes regarding the concept of caste loss by pollution and its implications condemned those customs as “pagan vanities.”84 Reflecting another in their social mobility in Malabar.81 The archbishop unquestionably irreconcilable point in the position held by Menezes, he was even tried to bring the new converts to the mainstream society, but his ready to imitate the “pagan vanities” such as wearing the ‘high- approach towards mission tended to go backward to older caste’ threads of the Brahmins of Madurai. This approach of the methods that focused on the conversion of the ‘low castes’ of archbishop, however contradictory its basic principles are, seems India. The older methods, most often coercive by its nature, did to have occasioned in turn a critical assessment of the worldview not directly address the difficulty experienced by the missionaries familiar to the Thomas Christians, especially when considering in the face of the role of the ‘high-caste’ symbols and customs in the decrees of the Synod of Diamper against the backdrop of the the conversion enterprise. Precisely for this reason, de Nobili and superstitious climate enduring in Malabar.85 Ros maintained that the focus on the ‘low castes’ for decades in To ensure complete reduction of the Thomas Christians giving mission had prevented the Padroado missionaries from entering them an exclusive identity devoid of allusions of caste, Menezes the communities of the ‘high castes’ of Malabar. Rather, Menezes asked them to live together in separate villages.86 Taking an extreme opposed the application of the Jesuit accommodations in Malabar step in realizing this project, the Synod of Diamper tried to prevent that exclusively focused on the ‘high castes’ and ordered the Jesuits the local Christians from receiving the services of the non-Christian to work for the conversion of the ‘low castes’ by means of “gentle professionals of Malabar, such as teachers, midwives, the and fair means” in preaching the gospel. According to the practitioners of divination, and musicians. The synod even hindered archbishop, the ‘low-caste’ communities such as Malleans and the Christians from participating in the local festivities such as Onam, Chegos of Malabar were better inclined to accepting the Catholic condemning the stated religious allusions behind its observation. faith, since the errors and idolatries of Malabar had not exerted In these unprecedented strictures, the archbishop completely over them a strong influence as in the case of the ‘high castes’.82 overlooked the relationship between the social participation of the Thomas Christians and their mobility in the multireligious context 12. Malabar Reductions In addition to this shift of focus in mission, Menezes hoped 84The Synod of Diamper, in its thirteenth decree of the eighth session, condemned to sever the Thomas Christians from their cultural and social the practice of ablution observed by the Thomas Christians especially during context. He viewed the social participation and mobility of the the season of Lent. The Malabar Church had inherited this custom from the non- Thomas Christians as a barrier to their complete reduction to the Christian population. See Gouvea, Synodo Diocesano, ff. 47–48. 85For instance, the Synod of Diamper condemned the participation of the Thomas 83 Latin Church. In this connection, the archbishop did not pay Christians in the superstitious belief systems of Malabar (Session VII, decree heed, unlike the Jesuit promoters of accommodation, to separate 10, 14; Session VIII, decree 13; Session IX, decree 1, 2, 6), promoted works of the religious, social, and cultural dimensions of the local Christians. charity (Session IX, decree 2), encouraged adoption on the part of the Thomas Christians of the abandoned children in Malabar (Session IV, decree 11), and legalized the right of inheritance to daughters (Session IX, decree 20). Most 81Gouvea, Jornada of Dom Alexis de Menezes, 321. importantly, the synod condemned the practice of untouchability (Session IV, 82Gouvea, Synodo Diocesano, f. 51. decree 2). 83Ibid., ff. 20v–21r; Gouvea, Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa, f. 55r. 86Gouvea, Synodo Diocesano, f. 56r.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 30Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 31 30 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 31 of Malabar.87 In the Madurai accommodation, on the other hand, separation of the Thomas Christians from the new converts implied de Nobili christianized local festivals such as Pongal and a threat to bringing the whole of Malabar under the general encouraged the Brahmin converts to observe them,88 indirectly Padroado administration of mission. Subsequently, the Synod of giving sanction to their social participation. To be sure, Menezes Diamper urged the Thomas Christians to consider the practice of promoted a strategic shift in mission perspectives, but he ignored ablution as an external and unavoidable expression of pagan vanity the rationale behind the Jesuit accommodations. required by the social circumstances that were reportedly evil. That is to say, Menezes reinterpreted the purificatory rites 13. Towards a Compromise performed by the Thomas Christians as inescapable observances Despite the attempts to break the caste identity of the Thomas of pagan vanity meant only to ensure their social acceptance and Christians, Menezes had to accept certain customs observed by mobility. However, the synod defined these rites as scandalous them that still alluded to their upward social mobility. Perceiving expressions of pagan vanity and prevented the Thomas Christians that the local rulers of Malabar had esteemed the Thomas from observing ablutions whatever be the circumstances.90 In a naive Christians as their faithful vassals and that the breach of the pollution reading, as made by Domenico Ferroli, of the real intention of the rules on the part of the Christians had implied a serious threat to archbishop, “the Synod of Diamper had come up against untouchability their social mobility and their right to play their role in trade, among the Thomas Christians and could not abolish it.”91 Menezes compromised his position regarding their participation Contradicting the position held by Menezes, Roberto de Nobili in the local customs. Notwithstanding this compromise, the maintained that the Thomas Christians were practising ablutions archbishop prevented the local Christians from observing ablutions, with a view to washing and cooling the body. Note that de Nobili the purificatory rites alleged to be superstitious elements of pollution did not regard the rites of ablution as expressions of pagan vanity 89 laws. Since the archbishop came to know that the Thomas and as sanctions to observe a sort of lesser evil.92 On the other Christians were controlling the spice trade on the Malabar Coast, hand, he reinterpreted the social customs observed by the Thomas he wanted to promote their social mobility to a certain extent. Christians in terms of practical reason and tried to justify his Note that such a position was also advantageous to protect the methods of adaptation among the Brahmins in Madurai. After all, mercantile interest of the Portuguese in Malabar. for de Nobili, the religious overtones reportedly hidden behind Faced with the question of purificatory rites such as ablutions the social customs of Malabar did not constitute their original observed by the Thomas Christians, Menezes reinterpreted the purpose. Ros also did not condemn the customs observed by his very purpose of the customs that prevailed in Malabar and entered faithful in the see of Angamaly-Cranganore as expressions of pagan into the question of accommodation in mission. Such a vanity, perceiving that such a condemnation would go against the reinterpretation, the constituent part of the methods of basic principles of Jesuit accommodations. In sum, by means of accommodation, was necessary, since a silent admission of the such a shift in mission perspective, Menezes downplayed the 90Ibid., f. 52v. 87Ibid., f. 53. 91Domenico Ferroli, The Jesuits in Malabar,vol. 2 (Bangalore: Bangalore Press, 88Dhiraviam Alphonse, “Trends in the History of Jesuits’ Mission in Madurai: 1951), 422. 1606–93,” (PhD diss., Pontifical Gregorian University, 2006), 24, n. 43. 92Roberto de Nobili, Adaptation, 173; Ferroli, The Jesuits in Malabar, vol. 2, 89Gouvea, Synodo Diocesano, f. 52v. 421–22.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 32Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 33 32 ANTONY MECHERRY, S.J. ARCHBISHOP ALEIXO DE MENEZES OSA 33 accommodation envisaged by the Jesuits that focused on converting the forty-first decree of the eighth session of the synod considered the ‘high castes’ of Malabar to Christianity. the see of Angamaly a suffragan diocese of the archdiocese of Goa. The synod, in other words, systematically annulled the 14. A Critical Appraisal legitimate jurisdiction of the Chaldean patriarch over the Malabar On the level of interpretation, Menezes called for a new social Church.95 Despite these careful moves to ensure the reduction of order based on justice and equality of all the Christians in the the Malabar Church, the archbishop failed to subdue Angamaly context of the Malabar Church, even though his initiatives seemed to the archdiocese of Goa, since the Thomas Christians under the unrealistic in the sixteenth-century Malabar. His order to build leadership of Bishop Ros eventually retrieved from Rome the exclusive churches for the new converts residing in the see of Angamaly metropolitan status of their see. led to excluding those Christians further from the mainstream Although Ros accepted the dogmatic decrees put forward Christianity. The apparent social reforms of the archbishop occasioned by the Synod of Diamper, he disagreed with the decrees that further divisions among the Christians of Malabar. From 1606 tampered with the customs of the Malabar Church, fearing that onwards, de Nobili introduced a separation even within the new such an extreme step with regard to the local traditions would converts—that is, the Brahmin Christians and the Parava Christians, necessarily end up in a state of mortal sin on the part of the Thomas to which Menezes conveniently gave his sanction too. Christians. That is to say, he was sure that his faithful in Malabar Placing the reformative initiatives of Menezes against the would not abide by the rulings that disrespected their regional backdrop of the Padroado mission in India, Ines Županov customs. Subsequently, Ros wanted to view the dogmatic decrees remarked that the archbishop “shook the foundations of the old of the synod separately from the decrees that tampered with the 93 Christian social order” in Malabar. Archbishop Ros, the customs of the local church. Despite this categorial approach, he successor of Mar Abraham in the see of Angamaly, perceived wanted to block the papal approval of the entire synod.96 At the hidden dangers in the proposals put forward by Menezes regarding same time, he disclosed the inner dynamics of the synod in which the shift of focus in mission and accommodation, and for this reason, Menezes had surreptitiously added decrees outside the synod. he did not immediately give weight to the conversion of the ‘low Antonio de Gouvea, in his exposition on the Malabar mission of castes’ into Christianity. Note that Ros built separate churches for Menezes, agreed that the Thomas Christians had criticised the the new converts living within the territorial boundary of the see archbishop for tampering with their age-old traditions. The of Angamaly-Cranganore not with a view to dismantling additional decrees of the synod, as noted by Gouvea, had discrimination prevailing among the Christians in Malabar but to attempted to restructure both the social and ecclesial customs of asserting his personal jurisdiction over them. the Thomas Christians.97 Certainly, Menezes included the twenty-fourth decree in the ninth session of the Synod of Diamper in order to ensure political and ecclesial submission of the Thomas Christians to the 95Gouvea, Synodo Diocesano, f. 52. 94 Portuguese crown and to the archdiocese of Goa. Furthermore, 96ARSI, Goa-Mal., XV, ff. 155–56v. 97Scaria Zacharia, Randu Prajîna Gadhyakrithikal=Two Ancient Prose Works 93Županov, “One Civility, but Multiple Religions,” 319. [The Decrees of the Synod of Diamper and the Statutes of Bishop Ros (1606) 94Gouvea, Synodo Diocesano, f. 56v. (Changanacherry: The Sandesanilayam Press, 1976), 211.
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Conclusion VJTR 82 (2018) 35-59 As proved by successive centuries, the initiatives of Menezes to Holy Food in Sikhism – Hospitality Crossing revamp the prevailing social order in Malabar did not produce Boundaries expected results. For instance, during the Anglican mission in Malabar in the first decades of the nineteenth century, the Gudrun LÖWNER missionaries retained an explicit separation of the Thomas Christians from the new converts. However, the post-Diamperitan The author
1Henning Wrogemann. Intercultural Hermeneutics. Intercultural Theology, vol 1. Translated from German by Karl E. Böhmer (Downers Grove, Illinois: Inter- Varsity Press, 2016). 2Name of the chair of the recently retired Prof. Dr. Klaus Koschorke at the University of Munich. 3So the title of the 2016 published collection of articles Lamin Sanneh, Michael Mc Clymond ed. The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to World Christianity (Blackwell: Chichester UK, 2016). 98Anand Amaladass, “Dialogue between Hindus and the St. Thomas Christians,” 4Ninian Smart, “Walking a Mile in Another’s Moccasins – Exploring World in Hindu-Christian Dialogue: Perspectives and Encounters,ed. Harold Coward, Religion”. Daily News Colombo, Sri Lanka 25th July 1985, p. 4. Smart is using (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publications, 1993), 13–27, at 19. this term very often in order to study another religion with empathy.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 36 Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 37 36 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 37 for upward mobility, for a better position of women, and the Sikhs close to 11 million are men compared to 10 million women. include a large membership of Dalits and engage in Diaspora mission. Additionally, there is a significant group of Sikhs living in the It is said that in order to meet the other really, one must first Diaspora. A popular proverb describes their mobility as follows: get to know, whether it is a person or a religion. Although the text “When Armstrong landed on the moon he found a Sikh selling tea will concentrate on the Sikhs you can fill in yourself: What about there.”9 The mobility started during the colonial time, when Sikhs Christianity? And then you can ask yourself what can Sikhism were sent by the British to Africa to build the railway there. This offer to Christianity or Christianity to Sikhism? has continued with migration to English speaking countries like Great Britain, Australia, the USA and especially Canada with a 2. Introduction to Sikhism liberal visa policy. Since the 1970s there is a growing migration Sikhism is the youngest of the Indian religions. Again and again to Italy (especially in the agricultural sector where they mainly it is characterized as being “a product of Islamic-Hindu engage in the production of water buffalo mozzarella cheese) and 5 syncretism,” but this does not reflect the modern self- also to Germany (hospitality industry), but also into other Asian understanding, where the own identity of Sikhism is given countries like Thailand. One estimates that there is a minimum of importance and the Sikhs see themselves as victims of Islam and 2 million Sikhs who are permanently living in the Diaspora, of Hinduism. The beginning of Sikhism is very often connected with them in the year 2012 around 450,000 in Canada, 432,429 in the first Guru who had first been a Hindu, called Guru Nanak England,10 70,000 in Italy and 45,000 in Germany,11 especially (1469-1539). But more strongly the starting point is connected in Berlin, Cologne, Frankfurt, Hamburg and Stuttgart. Additionally with the establishment of the Khalsa, the Sikh initiation which Sikhs are working in the Gulf states as migrant labourers. Gurinder was started by Guru Gobind Singh in the year 1699. “Guru Gobind Singh Mann estimates 25 million Sikhs, of whom 25-30% are Singh gave a new shape to the Sikh religion by imposing a distinct staying and working outside the Punjab.12 individual and corporate identity to the Panth.”6 According to the last census of 2011 in India, 20,833,116 people consider themselves as Sikhs, and around 58% of them birth as “a stone” and “a heavy burden” for the family, taking into consideration live in the Punjab, while further significant groups can be found in the fact that they can only be married off with a costly dowry. Waris Shah writes, “Why did we not strangle her at birth? Why did we not give her a drop Delhi and Haryana. The rest are spread over the whole of India. of poison, which today would have been our savior? Why did we not drop her Around 25% of the Sikhs live in cities, the majority in rural areas. in some deep well? Why did we not float her away in the river ...?” Quoted after They form 1.72 % of the Indian population.7 The share of women Nikky-Guninder Kaur Singh, “My Dinner in Calgary: Sikh Diaspora in the 8 Making.” Sikh Diaspora: Theory, Agency, and Experience (Leiden, Boston: Brill among them is significantly smaller than the one of the males: 2013), p. 95. 5Martin Kämpchen ed., Aus dem Guru Granth Sahib und anderen Heiligen 9Clarence O. McMullen, “Operative Sikh Beliefs and Practices, Dharma Deepika, Schriften der Sikhs (Berlin: Insel Verlag, 2011), p. 205. June 1998, p. 14. 6Sashia Bala,”Sikhism: Growth in the Second Millennium,” Journal of Dharma 10According to census 2011. (2001), p. 517. One understands panth as the way of the guru, today one also 11So partly only estimated in Pashaura Singh and Louis E. Fenech, The Oxford understands by it the community of the Sikhs. Handbook of Sikh Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 548. 7http://www.census2011.co.in (seen 28/8/2016). 12Gurinder Singh Mann, “Conversion to Sikhism,” in Lewis R. Ambo and Charles 8Although the gurus have been fighting endlessly against it, till today the archaic E. Farhadian ed. The Oxford Handbook of Religious Conversion (Oxford: Oxford thinking is believed and spread that women are considered from the day of their University Press, 2014), p. 502.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 38Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 39 38 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 39 3. Sikhism and the Caste System the Sikhs called Adi Granth the writings of Kabir, a so-called As with most of the religious communities in India, caste or very low caste weaver, of Ravidas, a so-called untouchable tanner discrimination in terms of caste has been a perennial problem, who were both in their texts strongly inspired by bhakti piety as including the Sikhs. Although modern books about Sikhism stress well as the writings of Namdev, a so-called low caste cloth printer.17 extensively how important it is for Sikh people to fight against the caste system and how much they love equality13, a view into the 4. Sikh Rituals past reveals that the implementation of these values happened The first initiation rituals as followers of a living Guru started only partly, although they share the food together and in a special with Guru Nanak Dev (1469-1539). As it is said, “Only on place called langar. As such caste is a delicate topic in the dialogue receiving initiation from the Guru can a disciple call himself a Sikh” with Sikhs, as they like to show and articulate that they are well (Bhai Gurdas, Var 11, Pauri 3). That means the one who wished advanced in this subject compared to Hindus. The famous Sikh to be initiated had to drink charan amrit, which literally means writer Kushwant Singh (1915-2014) rightly wrote that Sikhism foot nectar. It meant the water poured over the feet of the guru has not been fully successful in erasing the stigma of untouchability, and collected in a bowl, which had to be drunk as part of the 18 but he is also of the opinion that Sikh Dalits are definitely doing ritual. This ritual was accompanied by different vows. Charan better than Hindu or Muslim Dalits.14 In this context, it can be amrit was and is well-known in the Hindu society too mainly as said that all the ten Gurus had repeatedly uttered their disapproval water, especially the Ganga water, but also as milk mixed with of the caste system, e.g., Guru Nanak with the often-quoted dahi and sugar, which is poured over the statues of gods during words: “Worthless is caste and worthless an exalted name. For the awakening ceremony and then runs over their lotus feet. This all mankind there is but a single refuge.”15 When Guru Nanak was charan amrit is then collected and distributed spoon-wise to the searching for salvation, which could be attained according to him believers. Similar activities happen during the family puja in the only through “holy life”, but not through asceticism, rituals or Hindu houses. In contrast to these Hindu customs Sikhism had belonging to a particular caste.16 In fact to counter the caste living gurus, who, through this ritual, were stylised to be similar to discrimination, the fifth Guru Arjan included in the holy book of gods. At the same time the drinking of the footbath water of a living human being meant breaking all Hindu purity ideals.19 In order to find out who would be capable of becoming his 13“Sikhism lays great emphasis on the ethnic equality of man. Each human being is declared to be, in essence, the same: none is higher or lower than the other... successor as the next Guru, Guru Nanak put his followers to a All differences between man and man on the basis of caste, colour or creed are only man-made, without any divine sanction behind them. The real worth of 17W. H. McLeod, The Evolution of the Sikh Community..., p. 86. a person depends not on his caste or creed but on his deeds.” Dharam Singh, 18W. Owen Cole, Piara Singh Sambhi, The Sikhs. Their Religious Beliefs and “Human Harmony through Sangat and Pangat”, Journal of Dharma XXII, 2 Practices (New Delhi: 1978), p. 123. (1997), p. 191. 19Till today feet are considered as unclean in the Indian society, but the ambivalence 14Kushwant Singh, The Illustrated History of the Sikhs (New Delhi: Oxford can be seen in a ritual which is performed, e.g. from children to parents. When University Press, 2006), p. 126. a child flies to America or returns, or when a child wants to marry he/she bends 15Var Sri Ragu 3:1, Adi Granth, quoted after W.H. McLeod, The Evolution of down and touches the feet of the parents as a sign of showing high honour and the Sikh Community (New Delhi, Oxford University Press, reprint 5th edition devotion. Similarly one touches the feet of living gurus, kisses them or also foot 2009 (1976)), p. 85. prints of the Buddha in Bodh Gaya or elsewhere. W. Owen Cole, Piara Singh 16W. H. McLeod, The Evolution of the Sikh Community..., p. 85. Sambhi, The Sikhs…, p. 123.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 40Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 41 40 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 41 test. At the end only two Sikhs were left, who saw a stinking dead from a common bowl. Here sugar is dissolved in a bowl by turning body under a cover and a voice talking to them: “Is there anybody, the water with a steel sword.22 It is important to notice, that the who is eating it?” One Sikh turned his head away and spat on the wife of Guru Gobind Singh was present during this ritual and she ground, whereas the other one asked: “Lord, from which side threw the sugar crystals into the water.23 Although only male should I bite?” The answer was: “Bring your mouth to the feet members were initiated originally (today also women), it took a and start eating there.” Then Lahina took the cover off from the different path, as according to Hinduism simply by the presence alleged corpse and saw the sleeping Guru Nanak. In turn, Lahina’s of the woman the whole ritual would be considered as polluted. name was changed to Guru Angad, ‘the one who has emerged Here the Sikhs differ significantly from the Hindus. Although the from your body parts,’ and he was nominated as the successor.20 Sikhs have a rather traditional understanding of the role of women, In this hagiography the readiness to eat the feet of a dead person, they do not believe in pollution through menstruation and childbirth. something which is absolutely polluting, became the qualification As part of the ritual, all eat the Karah Prasad, the holy food of or criteria to become the successor of the Guru. the Sikhs from an iron bowl. Similarities to the Eucharist are popping We do not know why Guru Gobind Singh changed the up. But only a minority of the Sikhs are Khalsa Sikhs or Amritdhari traditional Sikh ritual of the charan amrit. It seems to me that he Sikhs, as the initiation demands a stricter life style than is usual among wanted to introduce a ritual, which was extremely different from the non-initiated Sikhs. In the Khalsa initiation ritual, the climax of the Hinduism and also independent from the living Gurus. At the same breaking of castes is reached in a revolutionary way. Here the time, the new ritual should be universally applicable to all Sikhs “democratic spirit” of this religion becomes extremely clear.24 The who want to be initiated, so that Sikhism could spread faster through rules which the Khalsa Sikhs from now on had to observe were de-personalized rituals. described in the 19th century by Gian Singh as follows: In 1699, Guru Gobind Singh introduced the khalsa ritual, … From today you belong to the Sodhi lineage of the Khatri also called the baptism ritual of the Sikhs. According to the caste of the Khalsa. Your name is Singh and your abode is tradition, the first five men (panj piyare), who passed through Anandpur. Your birth-place is Kesgarh, you are the sons of this ritual belonged to five different castes. The Khatri caste of the the one Guru, and you have abandoned your previous status. Guru, considered high, was represented as well as the Jat caste, Agriculture, trade, warfare, or the work of the pen are the but also a dhobi and a barber who belonged to the so-called very four kinds of life to lead. Never be slaves, never beg, take no low castes.21 These five volunteers were all ready to sacrifice their gifts, and do not have fellowship with unbelievers. Do not observe life for the Guru, but the Guru did not kill them, although it looked differences of caste. ... Serve those sadhus who are Sikhs, care 25 as if he had killed them, when he emerged with a bleeding sword for the poor, and always listen to readings from the scripture. from behind a curtain where he had guided one after the other. 22Martin Kämpchen, ed., Aus dem Guru Granth Sahib … , p. 199. The highlight of the ritual was that the five and today those who 23W. Owen Cole, Piara Singh Sambhi, The Sikhs. Their Religious Beliefs and are newly initiated were and are drinking the amrit (sugar water) Practices..., p. 142. 24Shashi Bala, “Sikhism: Growth in the Second Millennium,” Journal of 20Martin Kämpchen, ed., Aus dem Guru Granth Sahib … p. 119. Dharma(2001), p. 520. 21Pashaura Singh, ed., Sikhism in Global Context (New Delhi: Oxford University 25W. H. McLeod, Sikhs of the Khalsa. A History of the Khalsa Rahit (New Delhi: Press, 2011), p. 170. Oxford University Press, 2nd edition, 2011), p. 47.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 42Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 43 42 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 43 While the rituals and initiation rites seem to overcome caste Ks, the symbols of holiness, which are kesha (uncut hair), kangha distinctions, it does not seem so in reality. This is so when we (comb), kara (steel bangle), kirpan (kirpan) and kachha (double have a look at the castes to which the ten gurus belonged. It is sewn underwear), as a symbol of being able to restrain one’s significant that they all belonged to the same caste, the highly- sexual desires.28 One can, however, speak of a very good caste respected Khatri Zat (merchant caste). They also married all in integration and social upliftment of the Jats and some low artisan the same caste, changed only the subgroup, as it was not allowed castes, e.g., today in the furniture industry. But this does not apply to marry in the same subgroup called got. Taking this scenario to the Dalit groups in Sikhism. into account it does not surprise that the first followers of the 6. The Conversion of Dalits gurus also belonged to the Khatri caste. This gave rise to an Although from the beginning some so called untouchables, emerging prominent caste. Additionally already at the time of the today called Dalits, were part and parcel of the Sikh community, gurus another caste was prominent among the followers, called they were never considered as equals. When the ninth Guru Tegh the Jats. Bahadur was decapitated on the order of the Muslim Moghul 5. The Rise of the Jat Caste emperor Aurangzeb in Delhi, the head of the dead guru was saved In the 17th and 18th century, the number of Jats was constantly for a dignified cremation by three Chuhras (Dalits), who risked growing. Brahmins were extremely rare in participating in the their lives in this endeavour. As rendering thanks for this heroic unifying ritual of drinking the amrit from the same bowl, as it act, they were named as Mazhabi (believers) and were admitted acted as a strong deterrent to turn to Sikhism. This partly applied into the Khalsa covenant. Afterwards we hear only very little about also to members of the Khatri caste. For a clear idea of the castes them. However, the British saw their warfare abilities and in Sikhism, we have only to go through the census details of 1881 established three regiments of these farmers who were without which the British conducted. In the census, 1,706,909 persons their own land. In spite of this recognition, the majority of the identified themselves as Khalsa Sikhs, of them 66% were Jats, other Sikhs looked down on them, the access to many gurdwaras 6.5 % Tarkans (carpenter caste), and two Dalit groups: the was denied to them and only scholars of their own group cared Chamars with 5.6 % and the Chuhras with 2.6%. The Khatri for them.29 McLeod even goes so far as to say that the Mazhabis caste of the gurus was reduced to only 2.2%.26 The Jats are a were denied access to the gurdwaras in order “to avoid the caste which traditionally works primarily in the agricultural sector. contamination of the Holy Kara Prasad.”30 Marriages between Being Sikhs, they were considered as good warriors by the British Dalit Sikhs and higher caste Sikhs are still rare today, and if they and were offered jobs in the army. Traditionally they had a rather happen, it is mostly in the diaspora.31 low status and were ready “to perform tasks which others would 28Shashi Bala. “Sikhism: Growth in the Second Millennium” Journal of Dharma consider demeaning.”27 There is no doubt that the majority of the (2001), p. 520. 29 Jats, in contrast to the Khatri caste members, joined the Khalsa John C.B. Webster. “Christians, Sikhs and the Conversion of the Dalits,“ Dharma Deepika (June 1998), p. 26. through the ritual. They were and are still proud to carry the five 30W.H. McLeod. Who is a Sikh? The Problem of Sikh Identity (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1992), p. 69. 26Census of India 1881, Vol. 1, Book 1 (Lahore: 1883), p. 108. 31See the marriage laws in the diaspora and in the Punjab, where marriage is often 27W. H. McLeod, The Evolution of the Sikh Community... , p. 96. seen as a ‘migration door’. Shinder S. Thandi, “Shady Character, Hidden Designs,
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 44Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 45 44 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 45 At the end of the 19th century, Christianity was brought to the underrepresented. Sometimes they have their own gurdwaras Punjab and with the advent of Christianity new possibilities were similar to the Dalit Christians who have often their own churches opened up for the Chuhras, who were very impoverished, and own cemeteries.35 exploited and socially stigmatised through their caste-bound occupations like cleaning of streets, toilets, etc. Parallel to the 7. The Values of the Sikhs mass conversions to Christianity, mass conversions to Sikhism Var 28 of Bhai Gurdas, a commentary on the writings of the happened in large numbers. In 1881, only 4.25 % of the Chuhras gurus, mentions three golden rules for the life of the Sikhs: Every in Punjab were Sikhs, whereas 100 years later already 77 % of Sikh male and female should earn his/her living through hard, honest the Chuhras in Punjab were confessing Sikhs.32 Mass conversions work (ghali Khai), should be helpful to others (seva karai) and 36 to Christianity came to a stop in the nationalist climate of the 1930s. should follow the teachings of the Gurus (Gur-upades). In Var When the government enacted a comprehensive programme in 40 Bhai Gurdas explains that the true Sikh has to bring 10% order to improve the living conditions of the Dalits, primarily only (daswand) of his income to the feet of his Guru for social needs the Hindu Dalits profited from it. Through a lot of political pressure and the common kitchen. Additionally the believers should first and diplomacy the Sikhs managed to get the same privileges for serve the food to others and give them abundantly and then eat 37 the Sikh Dalits in 1956,33 whereas the Christian and Muslim Dalits what is left over. Here it becomes clear that Sikhism is not talking are still deprived of all the benefits of the government programmes. about giving alms to the poor from one’s own surplus, where donor There are no newer researches available in this area as Census and recipient are divided by a large gap. In Sikhism, everybody according to caste is either not conducted or not put in the public can experience both roles, the role of the giver as well as the role domain. Today it is sure that the main gurdwara in Amritsar and of the receiver. Gurdwaras are therefore not only spaces for divine 38 most other gurdwaras are welcoming all Sikhs regardless of their liturgies, but they are also “training centres for service”. This caste and nationality, and additionally all non-Sikhs, Hindus, becomes particularly evident in the concept of langar (literally 39 Muslims, Christians, Buddhists are welcomed and permitted for translated, free kitchen), which is part and parcel of every the langar and even for the holy kara prasad. Even the Dalai gurdwara by definition, but is operational in the diaspora mostly Lama and Queen Elisabeth II have eaten kara prasad in only on Sundays. Amritsar.34 All castes and Dalits eat together in Amritsar and live In contrast to Hinduism where asceticism is celebrated, all therefore the vision of their god and their Gurus. But when it comes ten Gurus were married and the family was regarded as the correct 40 to elections to gurdwara committees, the Dalit Sikhs are still form of living in order to practise one’s faith. Sati, the killing of 35Interviews in Amritsar with Information Officers of the Gurdwara. and Masked Faces: Reflections on ‘Vilayati’ Sikh Marriages and Discourses of 36See also James Massey, A Contemporary Look at Sikh Religion (New Delhi: Abuse,” in Michael Hawley, ed., Sikh Diaspora: Theory, Agency, and Experience Manohar Publishers, 2010), p. 103. (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2013), pp. 233-259. 37Ibid., p. 105. 32John C. B. Webster “Christians, Sikhs and the Conversion of the Dalits” 38Parkash Singh, The Sikh Gurus and the Temple of Bread (Amritsar: Dharam Dharma Deepika (June 1998), p. 27. Prachar Commitee, 1964), p.7. 33Ibid., p. 28. 39Ibid., p. 7. 34Photos in the internet and in the Information Office of the Golden Temple in 40A former practice in India whereby a widow threw herself on to her husband’s Amritsar. funeral pyre.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 46Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 47 46 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 47 girl children and the veiling of women were all vehemently when the whole lake in Amritsar had to be cleaned, literally opposed.41 The wives of the gurus were highly honoured and thousands of volunteers come to put the fishes in plastic containers, supported the ministry of their husbands. Particularly we hear about scrape the dirt, carry it away in buckets and clean everything Mata Khivi, the wife of Guru Angad, who institutionalized the thoroughly. Everywhere in the gurdwaras volunteers are active. practice of langar. Mata Khivi, who was in charge of the langar Some men even wear aprons, clean vegetables, cut them, cook “maintained a feeling of equality and asked everyone to sit together them together with women. They all work hand in hand, some without any distinction of caste or status.”42 Through “Mata Khivi’s carry the heavy sacks with wheat for the chapattis while others generous supervision and her plentiful supply of mouth-watering weigh the spices for the curry, a masterpiece of logistics.45 Only kheer (rice pudding), the tradition of langar became a real feast very few paid employees are responsible for the coordination of rather than just a symbolic meal.”43 the weight of the ingredients so that a tasty food is cooked. They Sikhism teaches a high work ethics and values manual work also distribute the jobs to be done to the volunteers. Many on the same level as white collar jobs.44 A lot reminds us, in the volunteers do not come empty handed to the gurdwara, but they year of the Reformation, of Luther and his servant who by bring provisions of food like rice, dal, salt, sugar, tea, etc. as a sweeping with the broom was doing service to God. Sikhs want donation, which is collected in large stainless steel boxes according to guide by setting examples. Only those who are setting good to the different items which are donated. examples are allowed to preach. This becomes very visible in the voluntary unpaid service, called seva, which men and women from 8. The Langar all castes and classes of the population joyfully perform. I have 8.1 The Praxis of Sikh Langar seen myself in Amritsar women wearing expensive jewellery who A significant sign of every Sikh gurdwara worldwide is langar, were doing their seva in the shoe house and receiving all sorts of a large dining hall, a refectorium.46 Without langar there is no real partly dirty shoes, putting them in a rag and handing out a number authentic Sikh Gurdwara. “The Gurudwara is both the temple of to the owner of the shoes. Such menial jobs Hindus would not prayer and the temple of bread.”47 On holidays when the place perform, also not in the name of religion. Gurdwaras are seen as is not sufficient, hospitality can be also offered outside under the training centres for the service of society. There, people clean the sky. Adjunct to the dining hall is a huge kitchen with gigantic pots gurdwaras, distribute water and tea, hygienically clean the metal and machines for making the dough for the chapattis, the Indian plates, work in the kitchen, distribute the food, sweep, etc. Even bread. In Amritsar, they have imported even a chapatti making
45I have visited the Golden Temple in Amritsar 19 times with groups of the 41Charan Singh, “Ethics and Business. Evidence from Sikh Religion,” in Journal German speaking Protestant Church in New Delhi during 1998-2007 as well as of Dharma (2013), p. 349. But the reality is that among Sikhs and Punjabis still the Bangla Sahib Gurdwara and the Shish Ganj Gurdwara in Delhi and recently more girls are aborted than boys. adiaspora gurdwara in Bangalore. Everywhere the picture is similar. 42Ramesh Chander Dogra and Urmila Dogra, Sikh Cultural Traditions, Customs, 46I want to express my sincere thanks to my MTH student Harrison R. Massih Manners and Ceremonies (New Delhi: Dev Publishers, 2013), p. 103. for many insights into the topic through his unpublished MTH Thesis, 43Nikky Guninder Kaur Singh, “A Feminist Interpretation of Sikh Scripture,“ Proclaiming a Witnessing Christology: A Comparative Study in Offering in Pashaura Singh and Louis E. Fenech, The Oxford Handbook of Sikh Studies, Hospitality of Holy Food in Sikhism and Christianity, Bangalore UTC 2016. p. 616. 47Ramesh Chander Dogra and Urmila Dogra, Sikh Cultural Traditions, Customs, 44Charan Singh, “Ethics and Business. Evidence from Sikh Religion,” p. 350. Manners and Ceremonies, p. 12.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 48Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 49 48 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 49 machine from Lebanon, which can produce up to 3000 chapattis the poor and the needy serves me. The mouth of the poor is the in an hour, but even that is not enough for the average 75,000 Guru’s receptacle of gifts.”51 hungry guests, who double on festival days.48 Each person eats Munshi Suraj Rai of Batala, who lived at the time of Guru Gobind an average of 3 to 5 chapattis. The food in the gurdwara is always Singh wrote about the hospitality of the Sikhs in their houses: vegetarian; not because Sikhs are vegetarians, but in order that The faith which the Sikhs have in their Guru is seldom met within everybody can participate. They also do not use eggs in the food. other religions. They consider it as an act of devotion to serve the In the beginning the gurus were vegetarians, but Guru Gobind passer-by in the name of their Guru, whose word they repeat Singh permitted to eat the flesh of wild animals during war. Dalits every moment of their life. If a person turns up at their door at as a norm were already eating meat. But Guru Gobind Singh midnight, and calls in the name of baba Nanak, though he may be a excluded any meat which was slaughtered in an Islamic halal way, stranger, or even a thief, robber or a scoundrel, they serve him according but permitted only meat which was slaughtered jhatka, which to his need, as they would serve a brother and friend.52 means “decapitation by a blow at the back of the head,”49 from This extreme demand of the tenth guru is expressed today in a sheep, goat, pig or chicken. In league with the Hindus cow meat culture of great hospitality. Portions are extremely generous, during is taboo. In each gurdwara there are large store rooms where celebrations total strangers are invited to join from the street.53 donations like rice, dal, flour, salt, tea, etc., are kept. The food Hungry and begging Sikhs are unknown. Bhangra, a dance form which is offered is free of cost, those who want and can afford traditionally performed during weddings and harvest festivals, is give a donation. In addition to this daily food cooked and in its modern avatar mixed with Afro-Caribbic influences picked distributed in most Gurdwaras at least once a day or on Sundays, up by British migration communities. This dance transgresses all on festival days well-to-do families and companies come forward boundaries. Although the youth is most active, the elder Sikh ladies and offer free of cost in make-shift tents on the gurdwara premises and men also join to some extent. The fact that bhangra is or on the street excellent freshly cooked food, which is many traditionally limited to males is no more true.54 times superior to the quality of the food in gurdwara kitchen. They distribute the food to the patiently waiting crowds including beggars 51Maclauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol. V., p. 105. Quoted after: Parkash Singh, The Sikh Gurus and the Temple of Bread, p. 97. and sannyasins without discrimination. All those who donate have 52Cited in Parkash Singh, The Sikh Gurus and the Temple of Bread, p. 9. to cook the food themselves with some helpers, while no food 53Sikh festivals and weddings are full of music and dance. For celebrations many from catering companies is allowed.50 families in Delhi erect tents in the side streets in front of their houses. They also invite total strangers from the street to the celebrations, all neighbours for The tenth Guru Gobind Singh asked the believers not only to sure. Those who do not want to join in the celebrations exclude themselves like practise langar in the gurdwara but also in their houses. He said: orthodox thinking Brahmins or Jains, who only eat vegetarian food without eggs. “If a hungry person calls at your door and you turn him away, Although theoretically forbidden, a lot of alcohol is drunk in such private festivals. Once I asked the famous author Kushwant Singh about the rule which says that remember that you are turning out not him but me. He who serves alcohol is forbidden in Sikhism. He answered: “You are correct, alcohol is forbidden in Sikhism. This we strictly implement in the Sikh Gurdwaras, but otherwise 48http://www.goldentempleamritsar.org/guru-ka-langar-amritsar, seen 3/9/2016. we Sikhs need alcohol like the fish need the water.” He explained this fact giving 49Ramesh Chander Dogra and Urmila Dogra, Sikh Cultural Traditions..., p. 14. excuse to the hard labour many Sikhs do in construction and agriculture. 50Interview with an Officer in the information office of the Bangla Sahib Gurdwara 54Nicola Mooney, “Dancing in the Diaspora Space,” in Michael Hawley, ed., in New Delhi on 5th July 2016. Sikh Diaspora. Theory, Agency, and Experience, pp. 279-318.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 50Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 51 50 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 51 The believers are expected to take part in langar as well as a steel cup and a spoon. Volunteers serve the food from steel in satsang (meeting of the believers). The famous story of the buckets. Traditionally women and men were sitting in different Mughal Emperor Akbar (1542-1605) is told again and again. rows in the dining hall as well as in the worship place. Today, in Akbar had come to meet Guru Amar Das in Goindwal. The Guru most places the genders are mixed. The rich and the powerful sit said: “Pahle pangat piche sangat, i.e. first sitting and eating next to beggars and people of other faiths. A typical meal consists together and then take part in the fellowship.”55 So the most of chapattis,58 dal (different varieties like mungi, masur, motth, powerful Indian Emperor had to sit on the floor in a row, called harhar), a vegetable curry matching the season and a sweet dish pangat and had to share with the others a simple vegetarian meal.56 like jalebi59 or kheer.60 On festival days, instead of water, lassi For the Muslim it was an affront, because he knew langar only is served, a refreshing dahi drink. The spicy food with a lot of as a custom of feeding the poor and the pilgrims at the graves of chillies becomes very tasty through the adding of ghee,61 which the Sufi saints. is dropped on the food. The amount depends on the available An additional story is told about Guru Nanak, who met a donations. The chappattis can also be replaced by rice or puris, carpenter, called Lalo, who belonged to a so called low caste and which are fried in fat. The rows are marked by the long carpets the guru ate with him. Malik Bhago, a rich so called high caste where the hungry sit down. When the food is distributed to Hindu heard about it and immediately invited Guru Nanak to a everybody, then a prayer is said to God (Vaheguru). Only after special festive meal. He rebuked the Guru that he had accepted the prayer the whole group starts to eat together. Normally one food from a ‘low caste’ carpenter. Guru Nanak requested Lalo eats with the right hand and liquid sweets are eaten by a spoon. and Malik Bhago to bring some food. Then he took a chapatti Everybody is barefooted and covers his/her head. Men have (bread) which Lalo had brought into his right hand, pressed it and turbans or handkerchiefs to cover their heads; women carry milk flowed from the bread. He took into his left hand the food dupattas in all colours or put a piece of the sari over their heads. of Malik Bhago. When he pressed this food, blood emerged from In this colourful sea of people some men are sticking out. They it. Then Guru Nanak declared that Lalo was an honest man, who are the men with the blue turbans, called Nihangs, they are some feared God, whereas Malik Bhaga was a corrupt human being. sort of a gurdwara police or security service, who are visible from Malik Bhago was so impressed that he converted and followed far by their large swords. They are employed by the gurdwara the Guru.57 and in the villages they also use the land of the gurdwara for The rows, called pangat, are till today symbols of equality. agricultural purposes. Nobody is allowed to bring along cigarettes, Everybody sits next to each other on a simple coconut carpet on cigars, drugs or alcohol into the dining area. Whoever has once the floor, in front of him/her are placed an individual steel plate, experienced the hospitality of the Sikhs will agree to the judgement of Sardar Harjeet Singh: “The culture of langar expresses the ethics 55James Massey, A Contemporary Look at Sikh Religion, p. 106. 56Anita Ganeri, Sikh Stories (London: Picture Window Book, 2001), pp. 14-15. 58Flat bread made of full wheat. It must be baked always fresh in order to be 57Karta Singh, Life Story of Guru Nanak, 9th ed. (New Delhi: 2008), pp. 36-41. tasty. Old chapattis are often fed to cows. Every person eats between 2-5 I want to thank my former MTH student Harrison R. Massih for pointing this chappatis in one meal. story out to me. He used it in his unpublished MTH Thesis Proclaiming a 59An oil backed sweet, the dough is dipped in sugar syrup and deep fried. Witnessing Christology: A Comparative Study in Offering Hospitality of Holy 60Milk rice with almonds, cashew nuts and sugar. Food inSikhism and Christianity, Bangalore UTC 2016. 61Ghee can be heated at a high degree.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 52Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 53 52 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 53 of sharing, community, inclusiveness and oneness of all to say: “Jesus has fed 5000 people once and we are still talking humankind.”62 about it. The Sikhs are feeding every day one lakh in Amritsar There is no doubt that langar is in addition to the five visible and nobody talks about it.”65 signs of the khalsa Sikhs, the most important symbol of the Sikhs. 8.2 The Origin of the Langar Praxis This is true although distribution of food is also common in many Let us look back in order to study how the concept of langar Hindu temples. But these feedings do not happen everywhere, got started. Already Guru Nanak, the first guru, broke the caste also they only happen occasionally, mostly during festivals. An barriers while dining with so called low caste people like the exception is the gigantic Jagannath Temple in Orissa, where 700 carpenter Lalo. If the first Guru Nanak already institutionalised cooks are employed to cook daily six meals with 56 different the community food or if this was done by the third Guru Amar dishes. They cook around 10,000 meals daily which are first Das is not known.66 Guru Nanak liberated himself of rituals and presented to the gods then they are distributed to the staff and are his dead body disappeared simply so that it had to be neither sold to the believers in pottery pots, called, chhappan bhog.63 burnt nor buried.67 An identical story is told of the dead Sufi saint To take part or not in the food is entirely voluntary and limited to Kabir. Both Nanak and Kabir “deliberately occupied an Indian Hindus, as they are only allowed to enter the temple. There ambiguous space between Hindu and Muslim communities.”68 is no participation of volunteers in the production of the food. In Today Kabir’s heritage belongs to the Hindus, but the Kabir Panth Hindu temples there is distribution of food to the poor regularly, sticks further to the common food and continues to fight against which is organised by the believers on an individual basis. They casteism. This is not surprising as the majority of its members are donate cooked vegetarian food. They distribute the food in order Dalits, mostly daily labourers of rural North India.69 to get a better karma. Cooking is not a common seva of the believers In contrast to this the third Guru believed in the necessity of of a particular temple as it is the custom in the Sikh Gurdwaras. institutionalisation and created new rituals. He gave order to dig Only prasad, a sweet dish which is eaten only in small pieces an artificial lake called amrit lake in Amritsar, he founded new and is offered in Hindu temples to gods and believers alike and congregations called sangats and established the system of can be also carried home, can be compared with the Kara Prasad supervision and fundraising through the masand system. One can of the Sikhs. Prasad is a symbolic food, it is not intended to feed imagine that the common meals existed right from the beginning, a person. The regular food is eaten additionally in the langar. This will be described in detail later. In Amritsar alone every day 65James Massey repeatedly said in his talks in the German Church in Delhi between 2000 and 2007. He has written his PHD thesis at the Frankfurt a minimum of 75,000 meals are prepared and in the dormitories University, Germany on Sikhism. one can sleep free of cost up to three days. So one is not surprised 66W.H. McLeod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion (New Delhi: Oxford about the Punjabi proverb: “Nobody can die in Punjab of University Press, 5th edition 2009), p. 210. 67 64 Guru Nanak died in 1538 or 1539, Hindu and Muslim believers were fighting hunger.” The wellknown Dalit theologian James Massey used for his dead body. When they lifted the shroud they only found fresh flowers. 62Sardar Harjit Singh, Faith and Philosophy of Sikhism (Delhi: Kalpaz, 2009), p.34. Then they divided the shroud in the middle. The Hindus burnt their part and the 63Charmaine O’Brien, The Penguin Food Guide to India, 2012. Muslims buried it. Hew McLeod, Sikhism (London: Penguin Books, 1997), p. 5. 64Harrison R. Masih, Proclaiming a Witnessing Christology: A Comparative 68Linda Hess, Bodies of Song. Kabir Oral Tradition, and Performative Worlds Study in Offering Hospitality of Holy Food in Sikhism and Christianity. Bangalore in North India (New York: BlackSwan 2015), p. 315. UTC 2016, MTH unpublished p. 35. 69Linda Hess, Bodies of Song. Kabir Oral Tradition ... p. 318.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 54Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 55 54 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 55 but more in the sense of offering hospitality, not as a ritual with for example, donated to the Dargah of Moinuddin Chishti in Ajmer, a large logistic input. It can be regarded as nearly certain that Rajasthan in the year 1574 an iron vessel (called deg) in which Guru Amar Das followed the example of the Sufis,70 who ate one can prepare 4800 kg food at once and which is used regularly together with people of all castes.71 The Muslim Sufis knew the till today. His son and successor Jahangir donated a smaller vessel, term “langar” long before Sikhism existed. At the graves of the where around half the amount of food can be prepared. The Chishti Sufis, called dargahs, free food is distributed on the death Dargah asks today for donations of around 2000 Euros for sweet anniversary of the saint, called urs, to all the waiting people. Till saffron (Kesaria Bhat) for the big deg and 1000 Euros for the today the praxis of langar is “a key organizing feature of Sufi small deg, in order to be able to give mostly daily free food to the lodges in South Asia,”72 particularly in India, Pakistan, but also in poor and poor pilgrims.75 Akbar undertook 14 pilgrimages to the the British Diaspora. Important dargahs /Sufi lodges distribute Dargah of Moinuddin Chishti in Ajmer76 and listened to the food nearly daily. This cooked food is either brought along by the qawwali music which is typical of Sufis. The close connection believers or donated or cooked by the administration. When the between Sufism and Sikhism is visible not only in the adoption of place is of importance, both happen simultaneously. Langar is the langar concept but also in the musically accompanied recitation for the poor people a social net, a type of life insurance. Werbner of the Holy Scriptures similar to the qawwali music in the Darghas. writes: “The langar objectifies the moral community embodied by the The Holy Book of the Sikhs, called the Adi Granth contains, in saint himself as a figure of infinite generosity.”73 The generosity of the addition to the hymns of the gurus, 534 hymns of Kabir,77 a Sufi saints does not only extend itself to food, but includes also healing. renowned mystic of the 15th century and 41 hymns of Ravidas, Even the sacrificing voluntary service for preparing the food an ‘untouchable’ Bhakti saint who advocated the breaking of caste follows the example of the Sufis, who practise it till today. Langar barriers in order to reform Hinduism. I would describe Kabir as is understood as a “perpetual sacrifice” by the Sufis.74 The Mughal a ‘patchwork-saint’, because he combines the Muslim Sufi culture Emperor Akbar, who was a strong admirer of the Chishti Sufis, with the Hindu Bhakti devotion.78 Originating from Ravidas, an 70Hew McLeod, Sikhism, p. 230. “The Sufis already practiced this form of ensuring that independent group of Sikhs has developed this in their own all who came and took food on their premises would abandon all notion of eating separately.” temples.79 This has to be seen also in the context of their so called 71 Ibid., p. 23. “Distribution of langar is a common exercise in the South Asian untouchable origin. In their temples they also practise langar. mazar tradition. The tradition is said to have been originally sustained by the Saints .... organized for the welfare of the people.” Uzma Rdeman, “Sacred Spaces, Rituals and Practices. The Mazar of Saiyid Pir Waris Shah and Sha’Abdul 75http://www.khawajardha-ridnawaz.com/thedegs.html (seen on 3.9.2016). Latif Bhitai,” in Catharina Randvere and Leif Stenbing, eds. Sufism Today (London: 76Sadia Dehlvi, Sufism Heart of Islam (Noida: Harper, 2010). Akbar built a L.B. Tauris, 2009), p. 150. palace next to the Dargah for his stays in Ajmer. He undertook many pilgrimages 72Pnina Werbner and Helene Basu, Embodying Charisma: Modernity, Locality to Ajmer on foot. See p.174ff. and the Performance of Emotion (London, New York: Routledge, 1998), p. 106. 77Ramesh Chander Dogra and Urmila Dogra, Sikh Cultural Traditions..., .121. 73Ibid., p. 111. 78Linda Hess, Bodies of Song. Kabir Oral Tradition ... . See also The Bijak of 74Ibid. About modern well-to-do Sufi women, Werbner writes “They held and Kabir, translated by Linda Hess and Sukdev Singh (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass hold in this part, many of the top administrative positions in the town. They Publishers, 2002). own large houses ... Yet these very women are willing to take on the most menial, 79Ramesh Chander Dogra and Urmila Dogra, Sikh Cultural Traditions ..., p. 74. dirty, unpleasant tasks, hard tiring, physical labour, and live in crowded condition, The followers are called today Ravidasi, Ramdasi, Raodasi or Raidasi. Most of sleeping on mats on the floor if they come from some distance, in preparation them believe only in the writings of Guru Nanak. They do not partake in the for the sacrificed feast of the ‘urs’.” pahul celebration, the Sikh baptism.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 56Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 57 56 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 57 9. Karah Prasad – Blessed Food Around 1920 an intensive discussion still existed if Dalit Sikhs More important for the Sikhs than the main meal in the langar should be allowed to distribute the Karah Prasad. The argument is the Karah Prasad also called blessed food or Guru’s food. It was that nobody should be hindered by the origin of the distributor is a sweet dish, halwa, which is prepared newly every day in from partaking in the Karah Prasad.81 Today this discussion is each gurdwara, a practising which has continued from the time of totally silenced and occasionally you can see here and there even Guru Nanak till today. The recipe consists of three ingredients, women distributing the holy food. After the five exemplary Sikhs namely full wheat flour (atta), sugar and ghee, each of the same get the Karah Prasad it is distributed without any ceremony to all amount, which have to be heated to a high degree. The male or the people present either at the entrance or at the exit.82 female cook, who must be a Sikh, first of all cleans the cooking Nowadays many gurdwaras, including the Amritsar gurdwara, place nicely, then says the prayers like Japji, pours in the iron have developed an additional distribution scheme. The believers vessel (karah) fresh water equal in measure to the three ingredients stand in a queue at the counter and buy the Karah Prasad in an together. When the water is being heated the sugar has to be environment-friendly leaf plate. Before handing over the leaf plate added and to be brought to a boiling point. In a separate iron one of the Nihangs who hands over the Karah Prasad takes vessel the ghee is also heated and when it is brought to a boiling away half und throws it in a large stainless steel container. As point, the flour is added and continuously turned, so that no lumps soon as the container is filled it is carried near the gurdwara exit can possibly develop. When the flour is well cooked it takes a and there it is distributed by hand to everybody free of cost. It yellowish/brown colour and a smell of “freshly baked cookies”80 is also given to tourists, beggars and children irrespective of their starts to develop. At this very moment, the already dissolved sugar religion – no question asked.83 The prasad bought by the devotees has to be added as syrup and everything has to be turned nicely, is mostly taken back home, in order to distribute it among family because otherwise no union happens between the flour and the members, who did not go themselve to the gurdwara. The blessed sugar. food should be a blessing for all. After the Karah Prasad is ready six verses from Anand, a Whenever something important happens the Karah Prasad ‘thank you’ hymn, are recited and the food is turned in a ceremonial is distributed. That begins at the naming ceremony of a baby. The way with the Kirpan (Sikh sword) and it is blessed. Either then baby is given a few drops of the amrit into his/her mouth, and the or before according to the amount, the Karah Prasad is carried letter with which the name will start is determined by randomly into the worship room. Then the Adi Granth is opened randomly opening the Guru Granth Sahib. The first letter on the page is and the first part of the left page is read aloud. Then the administrator the letter with which the name of the child has to start. Afterwards of the gurdwara (no priest) takes a little Karah Prasad and the Karah Prasad is distributed. When youth, whether male or distributes it to five Sikhs, who are known to keep the rules of female, are taking part in the Khalsa rites, the Sikh baptism, the the Sikh baptism really well. At that moment they represent the 81Martin Kämpchen ed., Aus dem Guru Granth Sahib und ..., p. 197. Panj Piaras, the five beloved who were ready to sacrifice their 82Parkash Singh, The Sikh Gurus and the Temple of Bread ... p.109; W. Owen life for the guru. Cole and P.S. Sambhi, Sikhism and Christianity (London: Macmillan, 1993), p. 125f.; Ramesh Chander Dogra and Urmila Dogra, Sikh Cultural Traditions..., 80Parkash Singh, The Sikh Gurus and the Temple of Bread, p.108. There you p.175. can also find the detailed recipe. 83The amount is around 2 to 3 teaspoons.
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 58Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 59 58 GUDRUN LÖWNER HOLY FOOD IN SIKHISM 59 distribution of the Karah Prasad marks the end of the ritual, which who contribute to this experience through their sacrifices of food, has its climax in the drinking of and being sprinkled with the amrit money and work. What once upon a time started as a symbol of water.84 The wedding celebrations are also closed with the Kara a fight against castes has become the trademark of Sikhism, as Prasad.85 When somebody dies, the dead body is burnt, then the they all share the same food from one vessel, making all believers mourners return to the house, wash at least their hands or take and even non-believers to be equal before God in the gurdwara. a full bath. When all have dressed in new clothes, then the Karah It does not surprise one that this hospitable God is a missionary Prasad is distributed.86 God who gave birth to a religion which stands for democratisation, The Karah Prasad is part and parcel of every visit to a anti-clericalism, anti-asceticism, a this-worldly orientation, self- gurdwara and of every Sikh ritual. In this context, parallels to the determination, social justice, community service, upward mobility Eucharist in the Catholic Church emerge automatically. But and a strong work ethos. Although there are shortcomings to these whereas in Catholicism the consecrated host is exclusively goals, definitely Sikhism is an option for the marginalized people designated for those initiated in the Church through baptism, the in India, who do not lose their government privileges when they Sikhs according to their Scriptures and today also in praxis, join this religion. exercise everywhere an extremely generous hospitality, which includes everybody and does not exclude anybody, except those who come drunk or smoking to a gurdwara. Like this the spirit MUL MANTRA OF GURU NANAK of the Khalsa, of equality and brother- and sisterhood is The Guru Granth Sahib begins with the mul mantra: experienced everywhere when the Sikhs assemble for kirtan in 1 (Ek) omkar sati namu karata purakhunirbhau nirvairu the gurdwaras and share without any boundaries their holy Karah akal murati ajuni saibhan gur parsadi. Prasad with everybody who comes. Through this sharing of the holy food, the Karah Prasad goes across boundaries of all types God is one; call Him Eternal truth; He is the Supreme creator; He knows no fear and is at enmity with none; – the Sikhs and with them the visitors of the gurdwaras. This is His being is Timeless and Formless; very clear in the Golden Temple in Amritsar as people experience He is autogenous, attainable through the grace of the Guru. the fellowship of the community among themselves and with The mul mantra may be understood as an invocation or a prayer for Vaheguru, the only God of the Sikhs. God’s grace. It is also a description of the nature of the Supreme Being. It tries to express in a compact formula the mystical experience of 10. Conclusion Nanak at Sultanpur in which he is believed to have encountered the Through the langar and the Karah Prasad they experience Supreme Being who commissioned him to preach the gospel of the brother- and sisterhood and, equality irrespective of caste, race Name. Practically, the mul mantra is a compendium of Guru Nanak’s and gender in the name of the hospitable Vaheguru. All this has doctrine of God and functions like a credal formula for Sikhs. In the Sikh initiation ceremony which admits the believers to the Khalsa Panth, been possible only because of the voluntary service of his followers, the initiated are formally taught the mul mantra which they solemnly 84Ramesh Chander Dogra and Urmila Dogra, Sikh Cultural Traditions ..., p. repeat five times. The Mul Mantra is said on all important occasions 187. to invoke divine aid, to bless or to sanctify. 85Ibid., p. 181. 86Ibid., p. 190.
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VJTR 82 (2018) 60-72 Christian theology; (c) to foster research in matters concerning DOCUMENT religion and society; and, (d) to offer theologians the encouragement and support they need through its powerful and insightful annual Indian Theological Association – Statement 2017 seminars and the statements issuing therefrom. 3. The annual seminars of the ITA have dealt with themes like: FORTY YEARS OF INDIAN THEOLOGICAL Theological Education in India; Indian Theologies of ASSOCIATION: MILESTONES AND SIGNPOSTS Liberation; Theology of Religions; Christian Commitment to Nation Building; Task of Inculturation; Methodology of The members of the Indian Theological Association Theologizing; Concerns of Women; the Identity and Legitimate gathered together for the celebration of its Ruby Jubilee from 26- Autonomy of the Local Churches; Dalit Concerns, Threats of 29 April 2017, at Montfort Spirituality Centre Bengaluru. The theme Hindutva and Religious Fundamentalism; Ecological chosen for this memorable event was: Forty Years of the Indian Integration; Marriage and Family Today and so on, which Theological Association: Milestones and Signposts. Over the manifest the ITA’s attempts to address the concerns of the Church past 40 years, the ITA has striven to live its prophetic call to respond in India and society. These theological encounters opened up to the signs of the times, indicative of the fresh phases of the Reign avenues for developing an indigenous theology which would foster of God in new terrains and climes. In retrospect, the ITA has left the process of ecclesiogenesis or the birth of the Local Church a mark not only on the theological landscape of the Church in India, in the Indian context. but also on the Universal Church, through its commitment and dedication to theologizing in the Indian context and its consistent quest 4. To date, the Indian Theological Association has 200 members for a more relevant theological method. The Jubilee provided an occasion including 43 women and a few lay theologians. Based on the for introspection on its trajectory thus far and a critical examination of deliberations of its Annual Meetings, the ITA has published 28 books, its relevance to the Church in India and society at large. and 2 volumes exclusively of its Annual Statements. Its identity is acknowledged by the Church in India and various bodies abroad, I JOURNEY OF THE ITA HITHERTO and its statements and books are widely referred to. (a) Significant Milestones on this Journey 5. The ITA is a pointer to a new model of the Church in India in 1. The origins of the ITA go back to the post-Vatican II springtime. the making. It offers structural support to individual theologians It was the fruit of long years of fecundation and experimentation and helps them familiarize themselves with issues of contextual on indigenizing Christian faith and praxis in the Indian subcontinent. theology and its methods, which have influenced their teaching The seed was already sown before Vatican II, in the mind of Fr. and writing. Through its contextualized theological methodology it Joseph Constantine Manalel CMI, the great visionary behind this tries to counter various forms of discrimination based on language, venture, whose dream saw its realization at the first meeting, held gender, rite, region or caste. It fosters the creation of an inclusive at Hyderabad in1976. The registered Society of the Indian space where differences and plurality are not merely tolerated, but Theological Association came into existence in 1986 under the respected. Karnataka Societies Registration Act (Act no. 17of 1960). 6. The ITA has brought the issues of the periphery to the centre 2. From its very inception, the ITA attempted to realize its objectives: and stirred up a sense of urgency and restlessness in confronting (a) to be a forum for theologians to meet and discuss current and addressing the realities of the people at the margins. It has theological issues; (b) to promote the development of an Indian encouraged radical thinking by creating an awareness of the
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 62Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 63 62 INDIAN THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION STATEMENT 2017 63 emerging challenges in society and in the Church and motivated 9. In the light of recent scholarship, and taking into consideration its members with respect to personal and collective commitment the plurality that makes up the socio-cultural fabric of Indian for the transformation of oppressive elements. society, ITA theologians propose Interculturation as an appropriate 7. The ITA has made a specific contribution in articulating category to articulate the Gospel-culture encounter in the Indian Christology from an Indian perspective. It has shown that no dogma, context. They are strongly in favour of developing a theological no theological articulation rooted in a particular worldview can make approach that looks at multiplicity, duly nuanced, not as a threat but an exclusive claim to have disclosed exhaustively the mystery of as a blessing, with respect to the growth of gospel values. In the God revealed in Jesus Christ. It has furthermore pointed out that opinion of some of these scholars, such a theology that fosters the the plurality of Christologies in the NT itself gives us an indication mutual enrichment of Christian faith and other cultures ought to of the possibility and necessity of articulating the Christic experience become a counter-cultural project by offsetting the negative values from different worldviews and communicating them in a language embedded in Indian culture like casteism, manifold expressions of meaningful to those to whom they are addressed. The poor and Indian patriarchy, bonded labour and other forms of injustice inflicted the plurality of religions are the hermeneutical keys to open the on the poor and other vulnerable sections of Indian society. It is revelation of the mystery of God in the Indian setting. only when one engages in this process of Interculturation that takes seriously the commitment to integral liberation, does the celebration 8. Resonating with the multifarious challenges posed by the Indian of the Liturgy unfold fully all its prophetic depth. context with its amazing plurality of cultures, religions and spiritualties, Indian Christians have experienced Jesus Christ in a 10. While the ITA takes pride in these contributions, it is, however, variety of ways. Indian theologians have attempted to articulate deeply aware of its limitations. Despite having held seminars these experiences using models drawn from Indian philosophies dedicated to the concerns of women, the feminist issues have not such as Advaita, Vishistadvaita, Saiva Siddhanta and the less been adequately addressed. Inclusive language and inclusive images articulated visions of reality embedded in the lives, struggles, folklore of God have not yet become sufficiently mainstreamed in the ITA of the marginalized and victimized sections of society. Among such discourse. Furthermore, a re-reading of marginalization in Indian significant Christological models there figure: Jesus the society has not been done using a gender lens, nor in the light of Jeevanmukta, Avatar, Sadguru, Iraivakkuchittat and Karma the religio-cultural sources of the subalterns. Even though Yogi (liberator). Such models are not only complementary in approximately 8 per cent of Indians are Adivasis belonging to various expressing the inexhaustible riches of the mystery of Christ, but tribes, tribal concerns have not figured significantly as a major theme also enable us to transcend the God-human, heaven-earth, religion- in the ITA’s seminars. The inadequacy to deal with tribal issues, society, mystic-prophetic dualisms often present in traditional the question of gender justice, and other concerns of the Western Christologies. These presentations of Jesus Christ offer marginalized are indicative of the fact that, despite being progressive us an integrated vision of life in which God is envisaged as the in its theological involvement, the ITA has not fully succeeded in companion in our life’s journey, co-sufferer in our trials and taking a bold prophetic stand on issues of major concern in the participant in our struggles. These Christologies help us to perceive Church. God’s grace as a gift and a call to a life of inter-relatedness and (b) Describing the Context Today communion with the others, despite differences and an invitation to be in harmony with the whole of creation, under God, the Father- 11. Since the Ruby Jubilee of the ITA is a historical milestone of Mother of all. contextual and liberative theologizing in India, it is imperative to take stock of the factors that make up the social fabric of this
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 64Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 65 64 INDIAN THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION STATEMENT 2017 65 country today, particularly in view of charting its path ahead. We 15. The situation of the Adivasis/Tribals in our country is not very take a look at the Indian context from the economic, political, religious different. In the name of development and mega projects, Adivasi and social angles in order to spell out the challenges this situation lands have been taken over by the government and given to poses for theologizing in India today. multinational companies for mining or other industries. Many 12. India, having a population of 1.27 billion persons, has in the Adivasis, displaced by mega projects like the Narmada dam have recent past grown into the 10thmost industrialized country in the not been rehabilitated so far. The Adivasis are becoming world. Even so, it is home to 1/3rd of the world’s poor, since around increasingly landless in the process and their culture, which is 27.1 per cent of Indians live below the poverty line. The dominant intimately linked to jal, jungle and jamin (water, forest, land), is economy of India today is capitalism, which is a profit maximizing gradually disappearing. global system of industrial production and exchange based on a 16. Indian women too experience diverse forms of oppression and system of unequal relations of human transactions. We also observe subjugation. Sexual violence continues unbridled. India has become the open withdrawal of the State from most sectors of people’s one of the most unsafe places for women in this world. Besides welfare and a steady intensification of the privatization of public the unimaginable forms of discrimination and violence women are assets. This public sector disinvestment is forging ahead under the subjected to, many religions sanction the devalued status of women pretext of a reform; transferring national resources into the hands through their scriptures, cult and rituals. In the churches, women of a few like the corporates, multinational companies and the are denied opportunities to mediate the Divine and are excluded business class without sufficient care for social equity and ecological from the important decision-making processes. sustainability. 17. A ghastly situation that threatens India today is the appalling 13. The affluent classes – corporates, landlords, businessmen, rise of religious communalism. Promoters of the Hindutva ideology, bureaucrats and industrialists – manipulate elections, create which is a section of extremists within the broader framework of powerful lobbies in the assemblies and control the local government Hinduism, interpret Indian identity as Hindu identity; consequently, bodies. With the economic policies that are geared to the advantage the place of the minorities in the new scenario is questioned. The of the business class, stock market deals and the underground life of the minority communities and marginalized groups like Dalits mafias, farmers are at a losing end, being denied the rightful support and Adivasis/Tribals and other subalterns are under real threat, as for their labour or a just price for their products. Thousands of the proponents of Hindutva, under the pretence of defending their farmers committing suicide every year in the country illustrates ideology and related symbols, take the law into their own hands this point. and do so with impunity. 14. The majority of the people affected by the present politics of 18. With the Hindutva ideology penetrating every aspect of public exclusive development belongs to the Dalit and Adivasi/Tribal life, there is an increasing saffronisation of socio-economic, political communities. At least 80 per cent of the Dalits who form 16 per and cultural life in India today. The saffronisation of education and cent of our population, are landless and illiterate. The dehumanizing other national institutions, the distortion of history, and attempts to caste system with its overt and covert ways of operation in our alter even the Indian Constitution are among some of the alarming Indian society, ensures that Dalit people have very little opportunity threats which would result in the erosion of the secular and for upward mobility. The internalized casteist mentality prevalent among democratic fabric of our country. Any resistance to this agenda is many Indians constitutes a real hindrance for the Dalits to come out labelled as anti-national. The divisive Hindutva ideology is having of their present socio-economic and other forms of backwardness. disastrous effects even on young minds in colleges, universities
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 66Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 67 66 INDIAN THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION STATEMENT 2017 67 and nationwide. On the one hand, any voicing of differing opinions agenda and strategy. It should address religious extremism of various and forms of democratic protest on campuses are snuffed out with kinds and of different groups. It needs to engage the Church gross violence, and, on the other, students are forced to either remain constructively in dealing with religious nepotism within and without. silent or support the saffron ideology; or else be the target of insults, It has the obligation to wipe out the fear from the hearts of our intimidation, beatings and even imprisonment. Frontline Universities brothers and sisters of other religions through the promotion of a have been labelled anti-national, unpatriotic and ‘Marxist’ and have ‘relational identity’. Joining hands with persons of goodwill in civil become battlegrounds with the State allowing its student-affiliates society and within the broader framework of Hindus; it needs to to attack staff and students at will. address the Hindutva ideology, not in a confrontational mode, but 19. In the face of Hindutva rejecting Semitic religions and opting in a spirit of dialogue. exclusively for the Indic traditions, Christians and other minority (b) A Contextual Mode of Theologizing: religious groups live in a culture of fear as they are vulnerable to extreme forms of violence and destruction for following a religion 22. While the ITA speaks on behalf of God’s poor, it needs to be different from what is being proclaimed as the Hindu Rashtra evangelised further by listening more intensely to the cries of agenda. In this conflicting political scenario, even though Christians subaltern, exploited and marginalised groups, and learning from continue to render their services in the educational, social and health their religio-cultural resources, in order to strengthen its sectors, the Right-based approach is seldom used to effect a change transformative impact at the grassroots. Indian sources and Indian in the existing unjust systems. ways of theologizing, need to be used, and a plurality of theologies that reflect the varied contexts of those who are oppressed and 20. Examining Church life, we see it also divided on the basis of long for liberation, must be encouraged. Local narratives and caste, gender, rite, language and the like. Dalit Christians are the symbols of these groups should be used to inculturate theology. majority in the Catholic Church, numbering around 12 million out The ITA’s theologizing must be more praxis oriented, and liberative of the 19 million members of the Church in India. But their theologies like Dalit Theology, Tribal Theology, Feminist Theology participation at the level of leadership in the diocesan administration, and Eco-Theology must be promoted. Spaces must be created as well as in religious orders is minimal and at the higher levels of within ITA for more voices of Dalit and Adivasi/Tribal theologians decision-making, it is almost non-existent. There is the risk of to be heard. growing institutionalization which is choking the Church. At times, overly obsessed with establishing themselves through the (c) Playing a Prophetic Role in the Church and Society construction of palatial structures and excessive ritualism, the 23. The ITA’s statements are at times not sufficiently prophetic in members of the Church are not always at the service of the Reign nature. They are called upon to courageously denounce and of God. Under the guise of religious renewal, fundamentalism gets challenge anti-human values, and announce an alternative vision a foothold in the Church. This adversely affects the relationship of that promotes human dignity, respect, equality and communion. Christians with the surrounding cultures and religions. Furthermore, the percolation of the ITA’s Statements needs to be II CONCERNS CHALLENGING ITA enhanced if it is to challenge the discriminatory stances present at times in certain sections of the Church with regard to the (a) The Hindutva Agenda empowerment of women, the caste system and an enhanced 21. The ITA is called to respond effectively to the present-day participation of the faithful in the life of the Church. political climate of our country, poisoned as it is by the Hindutva
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 68Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 69 68 INDIAN THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION STATEMENT 2017 69 24. The ITA needs to do something to clear the theological confusion context, it is important that the ITA affirms the cultural heritage of that, at times, exists in theological centres with regard to the teaching India, and work towards realizing the task of interculturation. of contextual theology and classical theology. The daily life struggles 27. The ITA’s commitment to interculturation also demands that of the people and the Scriptures are non-negotiable in the process steps be taken towards creating a Counter Culture with a view to of theologizing. The ITA’s Statements must be made accessible to transforming the present dominant, oppressive, patriarchal, all, in terms of language and reach, to assist in their formation as brahminic, casteist, capitalistic and consumerist society. It has to Church, committed to building the Reign of God in this world. empower the marginalised to challenge unjust structures. It must find ways to express its concern for migrants. It needs to encourage (d) Assisting the Magisterium and support people’s movements and civil society groups. 25. The ITA has a special vocation to hear, to distinguish and to interpret the voices of contemporary world, to discover the presence (f) Ecological Concerns of the Divine in the concrete life-situations of the peoples and to 28. Since advancement by the capitalistic economy in the name of examine them in the light of the Good News announced by Jesus. development goes hand-in-hand with the destruction of nature, the In this ministry of acting like a meaning-making agent for the ITA needs to take a stand in the defence of nature. As a step to community of believers and the society, the ITA wishes to be a link prevent further degradation and destruction of mother earth, it can between the people and the hierarchy. The influence of promote eco-spirituality and eco-theology for better environmental fundamentalism and market forces is on the increase in the Church. sustainability. Fundamentalist interpretations of the Bible are resulting in a decrease in social concern. The erection of monumental Churches III SIGN POSTS FOR THE JOURNEY AHEAD and the central place given to money by some churches are (a) Engaging in Dialogue as a means of Addressing Religious detracting from the Gospel vision. The ITA needs to collaborate with Politics: the Magisterium, while raising a prophetic voice against these evils. 29. In the present political scenario, which is marked by the politicization of religious identities, the ITA needs to evolve various (e) The Complexity of “Interculturation” strategies to counter the Hindutva agenda and other forms of 26. In the world of today marked by pluralism and the phenomenon identity politics. These could include: the mapping of events of of globalization, interculturation presents itself as a better paradigm conflict and the dissemination of facts; dialoguing with the for undertaking a credible and dynamic dialogue between the proponents of Hindutva; studying Hindutva literature and Gospel and the diverse cultures and religions as there is an understanding its agenda; creating an ITA blog to disseminate epistemology of participation and mediation inherent in the process information and to articulate the ITA’s stand on the issues; exploring of interculturation. The ITA has not utilized our Indian resources the possibility of bringing together other Church associations as theologically relevant primarily for two reasons: on the one hand, periodically for a wider discussion on these issues; dialoguing with the Church does not seem to leave space for plurality as it takes Hindus about the negative impact of the Hindutva ideology on an attitude of resistance to Hindutva and its symbols; and on the Hinduism and the development of the nation. other hand, the Hindutva groups also tend to oppose the use of Indian symbols by Christians as improper and deceptive. Here (b) Envisaging Christian Identity and Praxis Anew fundamentalists in both religions – Hindu and Christian – concur 30. The current situation in India being one where State policies as they mix up cultural symbols and religious symbols. In such a deny religious and cultural plurality and curb diversity of thought
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 70Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 71 70 INDIAN THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION STATEMENT 2017 71 and expression, the ITA is called to re-examine its self-understanding to the ITA could be considered. The ITA needs to publish its of Church and help articulate an identity deriving from a Christianity Statements in regional languages and disseminate them in national incarnated in India. With faith, courage and prophetic insight, it will and diocesan training centres. have to discern new ways of witnessing to the Christ event in this environment of exclusion and subjection, especially of the poor (e) Facilitating a Wider Fellowship and marginalized. 35. Even as the ITA engages in examining and developing theologies 31. Given the diversity of living faiths we encounter in India, there that will enable movement towards Christian unity, it needs to is need for interfaith theologising based on a dialogue that proclaims facilitate a wider collaboration beyond Christian boundaries. God’s the Gospel and is informed by other religions. Static meanings and promise to Abraham found expression in a people who formed suppositions with regard to the realities of God, faith and the world community in different contexts. In the First Testament, Israel was of the spiritual must be examined in the light of other religions, and that community in which different tribes formed a unity and carried new models developed for God’s revelation and activity in the world. out God’s purpose for the world. In the Second Testament, the Modalities for nurturing such an inter-religious and inter-cultural Christian Church sees itself as a community that Vatican II situates Christianity must be worked out. A comprehensive study of in the People of God. Vatican II understands People of God as marriages between persons of different faiths, which provides a including not only the Christian Church but the entire human family locus for such interfaith theologizing must be undertaken. with its different religions and faith persuasions. Everyone is called to build community so that concern and respect for the other are 32. Structures of accountability are needed, which must embrace fostered, peace and security prevail, and persons relate to each the non-ordained, including laymen and laywomen in the decision- other in love and forgiveness. The Christian Church, with all others, making structures of the Church, instead of restricting them to the is called to transcend sectarian divides and serve selflessly in the ordained. The ITA must envisage and promote such alternate formation of this world community. The ITA sees itself as a structures. facilitator in bringing about this world community. (c) Supporting Pope Francis’ Initiative and Leadership IV CONCLUSION 33. Pope Francis has offered authentic leadership to the Church, As the ITA continues its journey, its members look for the mystery initiating changes in structures and pastoral practices. However, of God’s saving action unfolding amidst different groups of persons some conservatives, traditionalists and Vatican officials have who are side-lined, marginalized, discounted and oppressed. They questioned his orthodoxy and orthopraxis. The ITA needs to support form the poor, whose faith and hope endure in the face of problems the Pope’s intuitions with rigorous theological reflection to illustrate that seem to have no answer. The ITA’s contextual theologizing is their orthodoxy; hence the need to study his documents in depth. founded on that same faith and hope which are gifted to all. Faith (d) Expanding the Presence of the ITA in India reminds us of our limitations and the need to trust in God in our efforts to bring justice, dignity and equity to all people, but especially 34. The ITA needs to increase its membership in order to stimulate the poor. This task may not be completed in the foreseeable future. theological consciousness adequately. Zonal theological activities But we acknowledge God’s Spirit acting powerfully in creation in collaboration with the ITA could help expand the ITA’s outreach and reassuring us that change and transformation are taking place and feed members to the parent body. A multi-layer approach could even in life’s darkest moments. Hope continually strengthens our be considered, involving the participation of seminarians, diocesan conviction that God’s plan will succeed in the events of human priests and people in the pews. The admission of associate members
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 72Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 73 72 INDIAN THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 73 history and that, in God’s own time, the forces of evil, destruction VJTR 82 (2018) 73-77 and death will be defeated. With this conviction and seeking to Document realize its aims and objectives, the ITA walks in to the future. LETTER OF HIS HOLINESS POPE FRANCIS Fr.VincentKundukulam Fr. Raj Irudaya, S.J. TO THE BISHOPS OF INDIA
President Secretary [With this letter the Pope Francis provides for the creation of two Syro-Malabar dioceses - Shamshabad in Telangana and Hosur in Tamil Nadu and grants to the Syro-Malabar Church the provision to provide for the pastoral care of the Syro- Malabar faithful throughout India. The Pope invites the Latin, Syro-Malabar and Syro-Malankara churches in India to increased cooperation among them with mutual respect. Ed.] WE SEE JESUS IN … … Dear Brother Bishops, We see Jesus in the children of unemployed parents 1. The remarkable varietas Ecclesiarum, the result of a long historical, who struggle to offer their children a secure and cultural, spiritual and disciplinary development, constitutes a treasure of peaceful future. And in those whose childhood has the Church, regina in vestitu deaurato circumdata variegate (cf. Ps 44 been robbed and who, from a very young age, have and Leo XIII, Orientalium Dignitas), who awaits her groom with the been forced to work or to be enrolled as soldiers by fidelity and patience of the wise virgin, equipped with an abundant supply unscrupulous mercenaries. of oil, so that the light of her lamp may enlighten all peoples in the long We see Jesus in the many children forced to leave night of awaiting the Lord’s coming. their countries to travel alone in inhuman This variety of ecclesial life, which shines with great splendour conditions and who become an easy target for throughout lands and nations, is also found in India. The Catholic Church human traffickers. Through their eyes we see the in India has its origins in the preaching of the Apostle Thomas. It drama of all those forced to emigrate and risk their developed through contact with the Churches of Chaldean and Antiochian lives to face exhausting journeys that end at times traditions and through the efforts of Latin missionaries. The history of in tragedy. Christianity in this great country thus led to three distinct sui iuris Churches, corresponding to ecclesial expressions of the same faith I see Jesus again in the children I met during my celebrated in different rites according to the three liturgical, spiritual, recent visit to Myanmar and Bangladesh, and it is theological and disciplinary traditions. Although this situation has my hope that the international community will not sometimes led to tensions in the course of history, today we can admire cease to work to ensure that the dignity of the a Christian presence that is both rich and beautiful, complex and unique. minority groups present in the region is adequately protected. 2. It is essential for the Catholic Church to reveal her face in all its beauty to the world, in the richness of her various traditions. For this reason Jesus knows well the pain of not being welcomed the Congregation for the Oriental Churches, which celebrates its and how hard it is not to have a place to lay one’s centenary year, having been established through the farsightedness head. May our hearts not be closed as they were of Pope Benedict XV in 1917, has encouraged, where necessary, the in the homes of Bethlehem. restoration of Eastern Catholic traditions, and ensured their protection, Pope Francis, “Urbi et Orbi” Message, Christmas 2017 as well as respect for the dignity and rights of these ancient Churches. 3. The Second Vatican Council embraced this vision of the Church and reminded the faithful of the need to protect and preserve the treasure of
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 74Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 75 74 POPE FRANCIS LETTER TO THE BISHOPS OF INDIA 75 the particular traditions of each Church. “Moreover, within the Church established), a fruitful and harmonious cooperation between Catholic particular Churches hold a rightful place; these Churches retain their bishops of the different sui iuris Churches within the same territory has own traditions, without in any way opposing the primacy of the Chair taken place. This cooperation not only offers an ecclesiological of Peter, which presides over the whole assembly of charity (cf. Ignatius justification for such a solution, but also demonstrates its pastoral of Antioch, Ad Rom., Praef.), and protects legitimate differences, while benefits. In a world where large numbers of Christians are forced to at the same time assuring that such differences do not hinder unity but migrate, overlapping jurisdictions have become customary and are rather contribute toward it” (Lumen Gentium, 13). increasingly effective tools for ensuring the pastoral care of the faithful 4. As Lumen Gentium teaches, it is for the Bishop of Rome to promote while also ensuring full respect for their ecclesial traditions. unity in the diversity of the Body of Christ. In this task, the Roman 6. In India itself, overlapping jurisdictions should no longer be Pontiffs faithfully interpret and apply the voice of the Second Vatican problematic, for the Church has experienced them for some time, such as Council, which expressed the ardent desire that the Oriental Churches, in Kerala. Saint John Paul II’s Letter authorized the erection of a Syro- venerated for their antiquity, should “flourish and with new apostolic Malabar eparchy in the Bombay-Pune region, which became the Eparchy vigour execute the task entrusted to them” (Orientalium Ecclesiarum, 1). of Kalyan. In In 2012 the Syro-Malabar Eparchy of Faridabad was erected Their responsibility is not only to become ever more effective instruments in the region of Delhi and its neighbouring states, while the boundaries of that “special duty of promoting the unity of all Christians, especially of the Eparchy of Mandya were extended in 2015 to include the Eastern Christians” (Orientalium Ecclesiarum, 24), but also to promote metropolitan area of Bangalore. In the same year, an Eparchy and an their “equal dignity […] for they enjoy the same rights and are under the Apostolic Exarchate were erected for the Syro-Malankar faithful, so that same obligations, also in respect of preaching the Gospel to the whole by these ecclesiastical circumscriptions the Syro-Malankar Church could world” (Orientalium Ecclesiarum, 3). provide pastoral care for its faithful throughout the territory of India. All Thirty years ago, my beloved predecessor Saint John Paul II wrote these developments show that, albeit not without problems, the presence a Letter to the Bishops of India. Drawing on the Second Vatican Council, of a number of bishops in the same area does not compromise the mission he sought to apply the conciliar teaching to the Indian context. In India, of the Church. On the contrary, these steps have given greater impetus even after many centuries, Christians are only a small proportion of the to the local Churches for their pastoral and missionary efforts. population and, consequently, there is a particular need to demonstrate 7. In 2011 my predecessor Benedict XVI wished to provide for the pastoral unity and to avoid any semblance of division. Saint John Paul II also needs of the Syro-Malabar faithful throughout India, and I confirmed his stated that the need for unity and the preservation of diversity are not intention following the plenary session of the Congregation for the opposed to one another: “This need to be faithful to the traditions and Oriental Churches in 2013. There is currently an Apostolic Visitor, in the patrimony of one’s own rite must not be interpreted as an interference person of Bishop Raphael Thattil, for those Syro-Malabar faithful in India with the Church’s task of ‘gathering into one the children of God who who live outside their own territory, and he has provided detailed reports are scattered abroad’ (Jn 11:52) or with the mission of the Church to to the Apostolic See. This issue has been examined in meetings at the promote the communion of all people with the Redeemer” (Epistula ad highest levels of the Church. Following these steps, I believe the time Indiae Episcopos, 28 May 1987). is now right to complete this process. 5. Five decades ago, when the Syro-Malabar Church expanded to some I have therefore authorized the Congregation for the Oriental central and northern parts of India with “missionary eparchies”, it was Churches to provide for the pastoral care of the Syro-Malabar faithful generally thought by the Latin Bishops that there should be just one throughout India by the erection of two Eparchies and by the extension jurisdiction, that is, one bishop in a particular territory. These eparchies, of the boundaries of the two already in existence. created from Latin dioceses, today have exclusive jurisdiction over those I decree also that the new circumscriptions, as with those already in existence, territories, both of the Latin and Syro-Malabar faithful. However, both be entrusted to the pastoral care of the Major Archbishop of Ernakulam-Angamaly in the traditional territories of the Eastern Churches, as well as in the vast and to the Synod of Bishops of the Syro-Malabar Church, according to the norms area of the so-called diaspora (where these faithful have long been of the Code of Canons of the Eastern Churches.
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8. I hope that my decision will be welcomed with a generous and peaceful Latin rite Church can continue to generously offer hospitality to members spirit, although it may be a source of apprehension for some, since many of the Syro-Malabar communities who do not have church buildings of Syro-Malabars, deprived of pastoral care in their own rite, are at present their own. The cooperation among all the sui iuris Churches should fully involved in the life of the Latin Church. I am convinced, however, continue, for example in the area of retreats and seminars for clergy, Bible that all those involved will understand that there is no need for concern: conferences, celebrations of common feast days and ecumenical the Church’s life should not be disrupted by such a provision. Indeed endeavours. With the growth of spiritual friendship and mutual it must not be negatively interpreted as imposing upon the faithful a assistance, any tension or apprehension should be swiftly overcome. requirement to leave the communities which have welcomed them, May this extension of the pastoral area of the Syro-Malabar Church in sometimes for many generations, and to which they have contributed in no way be perceived as a growth in power and domination, but as a call various ways. It should rather be seen as an invitation as well as an to deeper communion, which should never be perceived as uniformity. opportunity for growth in faith and communion with their sui iurisChurch, In the words of Saint Augustine, who sang the praises of the Trinity and in order to preserve the precious heritage of their rite and to pass it on of the wonderful communion of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, to future generations. There is already an instruction by the Congregation I also ask you: dilatentur spatia caritatis (Sermon 69, PL 5, 440.441). for the Oriental Churches to the Eparchy of Faridabad, which indicates May there be a growth in love, communion and service. that a member of the Syro-Malabar faithful, by virtue of the law itself, Dear brother Bishops, I commend all of you to the intercession of belongs to the Syro-Malabar parish where he or she is domiciled (Code the Blessed Virgin Mary and I assure you of my closeness in prayer. To of Canons of the Eastern Churches, Can, 280 §1); yet at the same time, all of you, the Church and the faithful in India, I impart my Apostolic he or she can remain fully involved in the life and activities of the parish Blessing, and I ask that you pray for me. of the Latin Church. No dispensation is required from the law currently in force for the faithful to practice their faith serenely, but only the solicitude From the Vatican, 9 October 2017 of both the Latin and the Syro-Malabar pastors (cf. Prot. No. 197/2014, 28 FRANCIS January 2016). 9. The path of the Catholic Church in India cannot be that of isolation [Source: http://w2.vatican.va/content/francesco/en/letters/2017/documents/ and separation, but rather of respect and cooperation. The presence of papa-francesco_20171009_vescovi-india.html] several bishops of the various sui iuris Churches in the same territory will surely offer an eloquent witness to a vibrant and marvellous communion. This is the vision of the Second Vatican Council, which I quote once again: “Between all the parts of the Church there remains a bond of close communion whereby they share spiritual riches, apostolic workers and temporal resources. For the members of the people of God are called to share these goods in common, and of each of the Churches the words of the Apostle hold good: ‘According to the gift that each has received, administer it to one another as good stewards of the manifold grace of God’ (1 Pet 4:10)” (Lumen Gentium, 13). It is in this spirit that I urge all the beloved Churches in India to be generous and courageous as they witness to the Gospel in the spirit of fraternity and mutual love. For the Syro-Malabar Church, this continues the valued work of their priests and religious in the Latin context, and sustains their availability for those Syro-Malabar faithful who, although choosing to attend Latin parishes, may request some assistance from their Church of origin. The
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 78Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 79 78 BOOK REVIEW 79 Book Review nominal status of having become “a while dharma in itself implies lost since our reception of baptism, Christian” and of a numerical increase “appropriate way of ordering one’s as well as, of growing in and nurturing Rediscovering Rebirth and of membership in the Church attained life” (p. 174, f.n. 1). our baptismal consciousness and existence. Discipleship in Baptism by with a new addition to its fold. In other Also very importantly, a Rajakumar Joseph S.J. Bengaluru: words, its focus is to put in evidence commendably ecumenical intent of The distinct contribution of the author to the sacramental science, Asian Trading Corporation, 2017. Pp. what the sacrament of baptism entails the author in the redaction of the xxvi + 307. ISBN 9788170867548. in terms of making effort on the part contents of the book so as to also by way of his own claim of relevance of the book, is both This book instructs as much as of every baptised person towards highlight “the foundational nature of it inspires. Kudos and thanks to the actually –not merely officially – baptism” (p. xxi), which as per the praiseworthy and noteworthy. With its “interdisciplinary and inter- author. In three parts comprising sets ”being a Christian” worthy of the conviction of all Christian Churches of chapters with a rich bibliography name, that is, by reason of merit. A has implications for the rest of one’s religious” approach and method, and interdenominational reach and plus an index of significant words methodological highpoint of the work life, is seen to give visibility to the intended for quick references, the is its documentation of doctrinal, baptismal existence and discipleship relevance, the book’s uniqueness, firstly, lies in its painting and author renders his research findings scriptural and conciliar texts, as well as a common call of all the baptised as simple takeaways ensuring, as, other religious and non-religious no matter which Christian Church or presenting of Baptismal discipleship as lex vivendi (law of life), and, however, they are not shorn of their insights and expert opinions of ecclesial community they belong to. scholarly sheen. Deep and profound, various writers in support of the This ecumenical intent shines forth secondly, in its very act of highlighting of the Christian the contents of the book consistently arguments that are cogently and from the manner the author cites many evoke contemplation on and commit- convincingly coalesced. Christian non-Catholic authors imperative of on-going discipleship as corollary to the ontological ment to the baptismal consecration Though primarily a book of whose insights inspire every reader – and the coherent discipleship it sacramental theology, it dynamically Christian or any other. His highest relationship between baptism and discipleship (pp. xxii-xxvi). entails. The book evidences the interlaces its dimensions with focus is on the “ontological author’s intent to take the reader to ecclesiological, pneumatological, transformation” occurring in the Assessed from all angles, therefore, this book is an asset worth the depths of the calling s/he has Christological and soteriological individuals at baptism arising, as it is, received in baptism and to bring to aspects of baptism. An outstanding from “regeneration” which is nothing having in one’s possession. In particular, catechetical and catechu- pivotal focus the life-long discipleship feature, moreover, of the book is its but obtaining of a sonship or arising from baptismal rebirth or endeavour in finding parallels in daughtership or spiritual citizenship, menal animators so also faith formators would greatly draw from the regeneration or new life. Hinduism, a renowned religion born simply called “new life” or “second As has been well brought out in in the motherland of the author. birth” (pp. xix-xx), and from many insights it houses to impart instructions on discipleship to the author’s general introduction, the Punctuated thus by author’s attitude “illumination”, which is nothing but bookwith all its richness invites the of learning from interreligious receiving of the abiding presence of catechumens and neophytes. Pastors and professors will also find it a readers, to understand that none resources with a view to streng- the Holy Spirit and the Logos in order should accord to baptism the status thening one’s own under-standing of to illumine or enlighten the baptised valuable help in their respective areas of on-going faith formation. Lastly, merely of an event of “one moment” one’s faith tradition by way of finding (p. xx). From here the baptismal but rather see it as “a state of grace” homological parallels in the religiously consciousness springs into being needless to say, this book will be a great addition to books on and “a process” of life in Christ both other traditions, this book becomes a and it needs a growing and a nurturing for individuals ascribed to the Church unique example of interreligious for a genuinely lifelong Christian Sacramental Theology and on Christian Commitment in libraries, and for the entire Church as People of appreciation structured on shared discipleship. Fortunately, through this God (pp. xvii-xviii). The book roots of “rebirth–experience” calling book the author leads us in the right both personal and institutional. pointedly lays emphasis on the for a life of Samskâradharma, “a life direction of finding the treasure troves sacramental consequences of baptism based on the principles of of baptismal graces which most Christopher G. P. that go well beyond acquisition of a sacraments” (p. xxiv, footnote n. 26) among us may have or seem to have
Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection,Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 80Vidyajyoti Journal of Theological Reflection, Vol.82/1 January 2018 p. 81 80 81
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