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Pushing the Next Level: Investigating Digital Content Creation in India

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Pushing the Next Level: Investigating Digital Content Creation in India This may be the author’s version of a work that was submitted/accepted for publication in the following source: Mehta, Smith& Kaye, Bondy (2021) Pushing the next level: Investigating digital content creation in India. Television and New Media, 22(4), pp. 360-378. This file was downloaded from: https://eprints.qut.edu.au/130655/ c Consult author(s) regarding copyright matters This work is covered by copyright. Unless the document is being made available under a Creative Commons Licence, you must assume that re-use is limited to personal use and that permission from the copyright owner must be obtained for all other uses. If the docu- ment is available under a Creative Commons License (or other specified license) then refer to the Licence for details of permitted re-use. It is a condition of access that users recog- nise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. If you believe that this work infringes copyright please provide details by email to [email protected] Notice: Please note that this document may not be the Version of Record (i.e. published version) of the work. Author manuscript versions (as Sub- mitted for peer review or as Accepted for publication after peer review) can be identified by an absence of publisher branding and/or typeset appear- ance. If there is any doubt, please refer to the published source. https://doi.org/10.1177/1527476419861698 Pushing the Next Level: Investigating Digital Content Creation in India Mehta, Smith Kaye, Bondy The recent availability of affordable internet-enabled multimedia devices, reduction in data charges, and growing rates of digital video consumption have created new opportunities for India’s digital economy (Kay 2018; Mukherjee 2019). Moreover, the participatory framework of platforms like YouTube and Facebook has changed the landscape of content production in India (Kumar 2016). The production of digital video content has shifted in recent years with the emergence of streaming media services that have intensified competition in the television and film industries (Bhushan 2017; Vikas 2018). This shift has prompted Indian “legacy” broadcasters, meaning those that have existed prior to the widespread adoption of digital technologies (see Havens and Lotz 2012, 19), such as Viacom18, Star, and Zee, to rethink their distribution and creation practices in India. This shift has culminated in these companies introducing their own over-the-top (OTT) platforms in India. These new practices, in turn, have led to a unique co-existence of content produced by industry professionals and by emerging online creators. Audiences in India, like in other global entertainment markets, now have a variety of options for films, television, and other screen media content. The film and television industries have responded to these digital developments by “placing ever-greater emphasis on digital platforms as key touchpoints where audiences can engage with content” (Doyle 2016, 693). In this context, “television industries” refers to public service broadcasters (PSBs), free-to-air channels (FTA), and pay-per-view channels. When discussing television industries in a digital context, we distinguish the streaming service 1 supported by legacy broadcasters from traditional television. These streaming businesses are operated by different personnel that employ specific strategies to create and distribute content online. In this study, we shift away from a platform-centric view of content creation to foreground how creators understand, perceive, and approach the different platforms with which they engage. We argue that the current scholarship of creative labor in the new media economy fails to consider the everyday culture of online content creation. This study exemplifies creators’ ability to navigate through this new economy to achieve their professional aspirations in India. Craig and Cunningham (2019) delineate open-ended and close-ended platforms, defining platforms such as Amazon, Netflix, and Voot as close- ended digital media platforms while platforms such as YouTube and Facebook as open-ended social media platforms that allow users to freely upload content: YouTube was launched and quickly engaged in competing with Hollywood film and television for audiences and advertisers through a mix of professionally generated (PGC) and user-generated content (UGC) strategies. But YouTube encountered competition from emerging PGC video portals, like iTunes, Netflix, Amazon, and Hulu and turned to fostering the rise of creators through partnership agreements and programmatic advertising. (Craig and Cunningham 2019, 37) As we are adopting a creator-centric perspective, for the purposes of this study, we will refer to both digital and social media platforms as “streaming media services” throughout this article. We use the term “streaming media services” to incorporate both “social and digital media” and “UGC” and PGC”. As we will argue, understanding creators on the basis on platform logistics undermines our ability to understand how they negotiate affordances across 2 these various classifications. We define online content creators as those who are creating content for streaming media services. Our objective is to map trajectories and highlight distinctive practices of content creators across various streaming media services. We begin by situating online content creators in context of previous studies and describe how the present creator-centric approach deviates from previous studies. Positioning Online Creators Advances in communication and technology have generated much scholarly interest with respect to the new media affordances (e.g. Hutchby 2001; Postigo 2016; Nagy and Neff 2015). It is imperative that media businesses evolve and pivot to cater to the shift in media consumption and creation practices (Cunningham and Silver 2013). In addition, the new wave of media globalization also allows for frictionless content creation and sharing seamlessly across boundaries, or mediascapes (Cunningham 2013, 119; Appadurai 1990). New norms of content creation have exposed viewers to themes, narratives, and ideas for content creation. This has led to a rise in content creators, with no prior professional experience in the creative industries. A staggering number of videos, songs, and other types of creative content has been uploaded to various platforms by amateur creators over the past decade (Ritzer and Jurgenson 2010; Bruns 2008). Creative content is no longer constrained by the availability of high production budgets or the influence of various media gatekeepers, such as film and TV studios (Hargittai and Walejko 2008). This shift has disrupted traditional models of content creation and catalyzed changes in socio-cultural content creation and consumption patterns. 3 Previous studies distinguish these creators with labels such as “producers” (Bruns 2008), “creative workers, bloggers, content creators” (Duffy and Hund 2015), “alternative media producers” (Caldwell 2009), “influencers” (Abidin 2016), “micro-celebrities” (Senft 2008), “amateur digital content creators” (Jenkins et al. 2013), and “vloggers” (Burgess and Green 2018). Moreover, Craig and Cunningham (2019, 49) distinguish between creators on social media platforms who create UGC and those insiders who create PGC for platforms such as Amazon Prime and Netflix. Keen (2007, 2-3) critiques the former as “mediocre” or “low- quality” content, while Craig and Cunningham (2019, 52) highlight how, “most creators are not writer-director-producer wannabees,” or “hobbyists.” These are all meaningful distinctions that operate within the online media space. In this study, however, we profile the practices and strategies of creators in India who are transforming their UGC into PGC licensed to digital streaming services like Amazon and Netflix (Bhushan 2017). Rather than focusing on the differences between platforms in the online screen media space, this study emphasizes online content creators’ perception of the streaming media eco- system and their distinct approaches to sense-making. As we discuss below, content creators on social media platforms fluidly shift from the “inexperienced amateur,” creating UGC or fan content, to the insider-professional, in some cases operating as full-fledged media entities. By examining creators’ original content creation and organization practices, we intend to explore another facet of the participatory culture on the internet that goes beyond narratives of fandom practices (see Jenkins 2006; Punathambekar 2012). In doing so, we intentionally steer away from online fandom practices that are centered on creation and dissemination of content in relation to the film industry. 4 While these creators may be lacking in scale and volume, they consistently engage their audiences with novel content, enticing wider audiences, corporate brand partnerships, and ‘legacy media’ companies such as traditional film producers and Indian OTT platforms. These creators explore commercial avenues for content creation on other platforms as part of their everyday activity (Sharma 2017). As we argue below, these affordances assist creators to navigate unchartered territories outside of social media platforms and create sustainable business practices while challenging preconceptions of what constitutes ‘amateur’ or ‘professional’. This is especially interesting to track in the Indian video on demand market, which is predicted to rank among the top ten OTT markets in the world by 2022 with an estimated revenue of over $803 million
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