The Phonology of Mada

MINISTRY OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND INNOVATION

Eszter Ernst-Kurdi

SIL

BP 1299 Yaoundé Cameroon

2017

This paper concerns the Mada language, spoken in the District of Tokombere, Department of Mayo-Sava, in the Far North Region of Cameroon.

ISO 639-3 language code: mxu

Table of Contents

Table of Contents ...... 3

Abbreviations ...... 5

1 Introduction ...... 7

1.1 Population ...... 7

1.2 Classification ...... 8

1.3 Previous research ...... 8

1.4 The present research ...... 8

2 Phonology ...... 9

2.1 The skeleton of roots ...... 9

2.1.1 Nouns ...... 9

2.1.2 Verbs ...... 10

2.2 Consonants...... 11

2.2.1 Interpreting complex consonants ...... 12

2.2.2 Plosives ...... 14

2.2.3 Implosives ...... 16

2.2.3 Prenasalised plosives ...... 16

2.2.4 Laminals and fricatives ...... 18

2.2.5 Labialised velars ...... 23

2.2.6 Nasals ...... 24

2.2.7 Liquids ...... 26

2.2.8 Semi-vowels ...... 27

2.2.10 Geminate consonants ...... 28

2.3 Vowels ...... 36

2.3.1 Evidence of contrast between /V/ and /Ø/ ...... 37

2.3.2 Variants and distribution ...... 37

2.3.3 Vowel raising ...... 38

2.3.4 Long vowels ...... 41

2.4 Prosodies ...... 42

2.4.1 Palatalisation ...... 44

2.4.2 Labialisation ...... 46

2.4.3 Palatalisation and labialisation together ...... 49

2.4.4 Lexical meaning of prosodies ...... 50

2.5 Tone ...... 50

2.5.1 Lexical tone ...... 51

2.5.2 Grammatical tone ...... 52

2.6 Metrical structure ...... 56

2.6.1 Vowel raising caused by metrical structure ...... 57

2.6.2 Variable length morphemes ...... 57

3 Conclusion ...... 59

4 Suggestions for further research ...... 60

References ...... 61

Appendix ...... 63

Abbreviations

[……] Phonetic data

/……/ Phonemic data

<….> Orthographic form

/j……/ The word carries palatalisation prosody

/……w/ The word carries labialisation prosody

/j……w/ The word carries both palatalisation and labialisation prosody

C Consonant phoneme

DIR Directional suffix

DIR.OBJ Direct object

H High tone

IMP Imperative

IPFV Imperfective

IRR Irrealis

L Low tone

LAB Labialisation prosody

NEG Negation

OBJ Object

PAL Palatalisation prosody

PFV Perfective

PL Plural

POSS Possesive

POT Potential

REA Realis

SBJ Subject

SF Surface form

SG Singular

TAM Tense, Aspect, Mood

UF Underlying form

V Vowel phoneme

/Ø/ Zero, absence of phonemic value

 is realised as…

~ Free variation

# Syllable or word boundary

. Syllable break

V́ High tone on the vowel

V̄ Mid tone on the vowel

V̀ Low tone on the vowel

V̏ Lowered low tone on the vowel

1 Introduction

1.1 Population

The Mada language is spoken in the District of Tokombere, Department of Mayo-Sava, in the Far- North Region of Cameroon. The number of the Mada population has been estimated at 17.000 (Simons & Fennig, 2017).

The Mada are one of the larger ethnic groups among the kirdis1 of this region. They are neighbours with the Mouyang, Zoulgo and Ouldeme (Richard, 1977).

Figure 1: Linguistic map of the area (LACITO, 2014)

The people group is made up of 13 clans, all descendants of the same man, the founder of the tribe whose name was Mada2 (Richard, 1977). Some clans settled on the plain while others stayed in the Mada mountains till this day. From a sociolinguistic point of view the distinction between the mountain groups and the groups from the plain is rather important. There are several dialects, but all of them understand each other and claim to speak the same language. According to the Ethnologue’s Language Cloud, Mada is classified on the EGIDS3 scale, that is designed to measure language vitality, as a language belonging to the category ‘6a, vigorous’ that is ‘unstandardized and in vigorous use among all generations’ (Simons & Fennig, 2017).

1 A collective name used for indigenous people groups of the surrounding mountains.

2 For a detailed description of the linage, please see the Appendix.

3 Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale

1.2 Classification

According to the Ethnologue, Mada is an Afro-Asiatic language, further specified as Chadic, Biu- Mandara, A, A5 with the international ISO code [mxu] (Simons & Fennig, 2017). The Atlas Linguistique du Cameroun classified Mada as Afro-Asiatic, Chadic, Centre-West, Wandala-Mafa, South, 153 (Dieu, 1983, p. 357).

1.3 Previous research

A lot of research has been done previously in Mada starting from the 1970s. First André Brunet from the Catholic Mission of Mayo-Ouldeme studied and analysed the language in depth. Later on, in 2000, Barreteau and Brunet published the Dictionnaire mada containing a brief phonological and grammatical description as well as a bilingual Mada-French, French-Mada dictionary with about 8000 entries altogether. In 2003, in the framework of a NACALCO4 project, Hubert Nkoumou was sent to do further research and to standardise the language. He wrote his MA (Nkoumou, 2003) thesis on the phonology of Mada. Nkoumou also created a tentative alphabet and some orthography rules.

1.4 The present research

The present research was undertaken with the authorisation of the Ministry of Scientific Research and Innovation (research permit number: 021/MINRESI/B00/C00/C10/C11) in Cameroon as a response to the invitation of the Mada Language Committee. The Committee asked for help in order to solve some orthography problems that they had encountered.

I am very grateful to my friends and language experts: Telemke Jean-Baptiste, Oumate Pierre, Moussa Guézoué, Mbekire Elisabeth and Guimkal Fefe for their help and encouragement. I am indebted to many people who helped me collect and record words and stories for the analysis.

This research benefitted greatly from the insight and encouragement of Dr Melanie Viljoen and Dr Ginger Boyd, linguistics consultants working with SIL Cameroon. Thank you, Melanie. Thank you, Ginger.

4 National Association of Cameroonian Language Committees (NACALCO); in French : Association Nationale de Comités de Langues Camerounaises (ANACLAC)

2 Phonology

2.1 The skeleton of roots

In Chadic languages consonants are the basic phonological units around which words are formed. These consonant skeletons are built up into ‘full’ words by adding vowels, prosodies and tone to them. Mada lexemes can be made up of one or more consonants and one underlying vowel. Verb roots can be vowel-less, however noun roots always contain at least one underlying vowel. Consonant clusters are not allowed in the coda.

As in many other Chadic languages, syllabification is a ‘surface structure phenomenon’ (Roberts, 2001, p. 16) and therefore unstable in Mada. Syllable boundaries can change according to the speed of speech and the metrical structure of phrases. In Mada the last syllable of a word has to have a full vowel. This can be due to the fact that the language prefers metrical structures where the final syllable is stressed5.

2.1.1 Nouns

Simple noun roots can contain one to three consonants. If all complex consonants are interpreted as units, it seems that Mada only allows for two adjacent consonants in nouns. For a discussion on the interpretation of ambiguous sequences, see section 2.2.1.

5 For a more detailed description of metrical structures, go to section 2.6.

Table 1: Skeleton structure of simple noun roots N. of cons. Structure SF UF Gloss 1C CV [ma] /mV/ ‘topic marker’ VCV [aha] /VhV/ ‘millet’ 2C CVC [ɗaf] /ɗVf/ ‘millet couscous’ CCV [kla] /klV/ ‘child’ CVCV [dide] /ʲdVdV/ ‘father’ VCVC [adak] /VdVk/ ‘thorn’ VCCV [afta] /VftV/ ‘ashes’ VCVCV [agaba] /VgVbV/ ‘inside of house’ 3C CCVC [bram] /brVm/ ‘threshing floor’ CVCVCV [belere] /ʲbVlVrV/ ‘duty’ CVCCV [dambəla] /dVmblV/ ‘door’ CVCVC [balak] /bVlVk/ ‘hangar’ VCVCVC [abawaɬ] /VbVwVɬ/ ‘shaft of arrow’ VCCVC [aɗəmak] /VɗmVk/ ‘weaver’ VCVCVCV [agʷaraɮa] /VgʷVrVɮV/ ‘star’ VCCVC [atəlar] /VtlVr/ ‘a type of ant’

2.1.2 Verbs

Mada verb roots are composed of one to three consonants. According to Barrateau & Brunet (2000, p. 39) 8,5% of verb roots contain one consonant, 59,8% two consonants, 30,6% three consonants and only 1% of verb roots are made up of four consonants, but these words can also be analysed as compound words. Verb roots tend to be mono- or disyllabic.

Table 2: Skeleton structure of verb roots Structure 3SG Imperfective 3SG Perfective Gloss SF UF SF UF 1C CV [efe] /ʲV-fV/ [efeá] /ʲV-fV-V́/ ‘give birth’ 2C CC [aɓal] /V-ɓVl/ [aɓəlá] /V-ɓl-V́/ ‘aim’ CVC [adzal] /V-dzVl/ [adzalá] /V-dzVl-V́/ ‘bite’ CVCV [abala] /V-bVlV/ [abalá] /V-bVlV-V́/ ‘wash’ CCV [eftʃe] /ʲV-ftsV/ [eftʃeá] /ʲV-ftsV-V́/ ‘cut’ 3C CCVC [aɓraɮ] /V-ɓrVɮ/ [aɓraɮá] /V-ɓrVɮ-V́/ ‘faint’ CVCVC [aɮawal] /V-ɮVwVl/ [aɮawalá] /V-ɮVwVl-V́/ ‘respect’ CVCVCV [andzaraba] /V-ndzVrVbV/ [andzarabá] /V-ndzVrVbV-V́/ ‘wake up’ CCVCV [ahəlaɗa] /V-hlVɗV/ [ahəlaɗá] / V-hlVɗV-V́/ ‘lie down’

As Table 2 illustrates, the perfective form reveals the skeleton structure of the verb root and from it one can easily deduce whether the root has an underlying vowel. The perfective form is marked by the suffix /-V́/ which fulfils the requirement of a full vowel word-finally, so a verb root which underlyingly contains no vowel can be realised in its surface form without a vowel.

Some more examples include the following very common verbs.

UF of root 3SG Imperfective 2SG Imperative 3SG Perfective Gloss /sl/ [a-sal] [sal] [a-səl-á] ‘know’ /zm/ [a-zam] [zam] [a-zəm-á] ‘eat’ /zɗ/ [a-zaɗ] [zaɗ] [a-zəɗ-á] ‘do’ /dz/ [a-daz] [daz] [a-dəz-á] ‘run’

In other words, in the last syllable, a full vowel has to be realised even if in the underlying structure that vowel does not exist.

CC  CVC/last syllable of a word

A similar neutralisation can be observed in Zoulgo, a neighbouring language, in an utterance final position (Haller, 1980). In Mada, however, it takes place in non-utterance final positions as well. The reason for this rule in Mada could be historical or a result of the metrical structure of the language. Unfortunately the scope of this paper does not allow for a deeper analysis of this phenomenon.

2.2 Consonants

Consonants are the basic phonological units in Mada.

Table 3: Consonant phones in Mada Bilabial Labio- Alveolar Post- Palatal Velar Labialised Glottal dental alveolar velar Plosives p t k kw b d g gw Prenasalised mb nd ŋg ŋgw Implosives ɓ ɗ Nasals m n ŋ ŋw Trills r Fricatives f s ʃ h hw v z ʒ Lateral ɬ fricatives ɮ Affricates ts͡ t͡ʃ dz͡ d͡ʒ Prenasalised ndz͡ nd͡ʒ Approximant w j Lateral appr. l

The following sounds are in complementary distribution:

[s]  [ʃ]/palatalised words [z]  [ʒ]/palatalised words 11

[ts]  [tʃ]/palatalised words [dz]  [dʒ]/palatalised words [ndz]  [ndʒ]/palatalised words

All consonants can be lengthened.

Table 4: Consonant phonemes in Mada Labials Coronals Velars Glottal Alve- Lami- Palatal Lab Lab olar nal Obstruents vcless. /p/ /t/ /ts/ /k/ /kʷ/ gem. /pː/ /tː/ /tsː/ /kː/ /kʷː/ voiced /b/ /d/ /dz/ /g/ /gʷ/ gem. /bː/ /dː/ /dzː/ /gː/ /gʷː/ prenas. /mb/ /nd/ /ndz/ /ŋg/ /ŋgʷ/ gem. /mbː/ /ndː/ /ndzː/ /ŋgː/ /ŋgʷː/ Fricatives vcless. /f/ /ɬ/ /s/ /h/ /hʷ/ gem. /fː/ /ɬː/ /sː/ /hː/ /hʷː/ voiced /v/ /ɮ/ /z/ gem. /vː/ /ɮː/ /z:/ Implosives /ɓ/ /ɗ/ gem. /ɓː/ /ɗː/ Nasals /m/ /n/ /ŋ/ gem. /mː/ /nː/ /ŋː/ Liquids /l/ gem. /lː/ /r/ gem. /r:/ Semivowels /w/ /j/ gem. /wː/ /jː/

2.2.1 Interpreting complex consonants

Ambivalent sequences can be interpreted as either single units or as a series of two segments. The following criteria (shown in Table 5.) can be used to determine whether affricates, pre-nasalised consonants, labialised velars and geminate consonants should be interpreted as units or as sequences in Mada. The first two criteria (insertion of an epenthetic vowel and reversed order) show the tendencies of the segments of complex consonants to behave as units. The third criterion of word final position works together with the allowed syllable structures in the language. Since complex codas are not attested, word final complex consonants must be interpreted as units.

Table 5: Criteria for interpreting ambivalent sequences Type of complex Word final Epenthetic vowel Reversed order consonant position never inserted in not allowed except Affricates voiceless only between for [st] Pre-nasalised never inserted in never never consonants between only across syllable never inserted in Labialised velars or morpheme voiceless only between boundary Geminate never inserted in n/a never consonants between

An important factor in interpreting complex consonants is the system of syllable structures in the language. The allowed syllable structures in Mada are the following:

Table 6: Allowed syllable structures Type SF UF Gloss Structure Distribution

V [a.maɗ] /V.mVɗ/ ‘wind’ V.CVC Word initial [e.ɗɛl] /jV.ɗVl/ ‘peanut’ V.CVC only

VC [ar.ɓa] /Vr.ɓV/ ‘well’ (adj.) VC.CV Word initial [am.tak] /Vm.tVk/ ‘millet porridge’ VC.CVC only

CV [ʃe] /jsV/ ‘drink!’ CV Everywhere [di.de ~ de.de] /jdV.dV/ ‘father’ CV.CV

CVC [ɗaf] /ɗVf/ ‘millet couscous’ CVC Everywhere [ʃɛk] /jsVk/ ‘leg’ CVC

CCV [kla] /klV/ ‘child’ CCV Everywhere [ɬⁱme] /jɬmV/ ‘ear’ CCV

CCVC [mlak ~ məlak] /mlVk/ ‘wound’ CCVC Words [vlom] /vlVmw/ ‘clay pot’ CCVC containing one [klɛf] /jklVf/ ‘fish’ CCVC syllable only

When interpreting the segmental nature of complex consonants it is useful to see how they would best fit the existing syllable structures. If possible, it is desirable to not increase the number of possible syllable structures in the language.

Table 7: Complex consonants and syllable structures Type of consonant Fits into the existing syllable structures if interpreted as a UNIT SEQUENCE Affricates yes no Pre-nasalised consonants yes no Labialised velars yes no Geminate consonants yes no

The following words demonstrate why complex consonants should be interpreted as units and not as sequences in Mada.

SF UF Gloss Allowed Not-allowed [ftʃe] /jftsV/ ‘cut!’ CCV *CCCV [mbra] /mbrV/ ‘leave!’ CCV *CCCV [slakw] /slVkw/ ‘broom’ CCVC *CCVCC [mːbak] /mːbVk/ ‘present!’ CCVC *CCCVC

Based on the above evidence complex consonants are analysed as units in Mada.

2.2.2 Plosives6

Table 8: The phonetic description of plosives in Mada Phonemic Phonetic Description

/p/ [p] bilabial voiceless plosive with egressive lung air

/b/ [b] bilabial voiced plosive with egressive lung air

/t/ [t] alveolar voiceless plosive with egressive lung air

/d/ [d] alveolar voiced plosive with egressive lung air

/k/ [k] velar voiceless plosive with egressive lung air

/g/ [g] velar voiced plosive with egressive lung air

6 Labialised velar plosives are treated in section 2.2.5.

Evidence of contrast p/b word initially [pakaba] ‘close!’ [bakala] ‘light (fire)!’ /pVkVbV/ /bVkVlV/ word medially [mapala] ‘to pick up one by one’ [mabala] ‘to wash’ /mVpVlV/ /mVbVlV/ word finally [okop] ‘cup’ n/a /VkVpʷ/ t/d word initially [taba] ‘woven basket’ [dabala] ‘mud’ /tVbV/ /dVbVlV/ word medially [matam] ‘namesake’ [madaga] ‘red millet’ /mVtVm/ /mVdVgV/ word finally [fat] ‘sun’ n/a /fVt/ k/g word initially [katsakar] ‘sword’ [gadza] ‘porcupine’ /kVtsVkVr/ /gVdzV/ word medially [aka] ‘on’ [aga] ‘for’ /VkV/ /VgV/ word finally [ʃlɛk] ‘war’ n/a /ʲslVk/

Voiceless plosives can occur in initial, intervocalic and word-final positions. They are twice as common word initially as word finally. In word final position they are clearly released. /p/ is far less common than the other voiceless plosives7.

Voiced plosives occur word initially and intervocalically but they never take a word-final position. When /b/, /d/ and /g/ are followed by another consonant – both word initially and medially – the second consonant is always a liquid or a semi-vowel. This is in agreement with the sonority scale of sounds, according to which more sonorous sounds tend to appear closer to the syllable nucleus.

[dram] /drVm/ ‘horn’ [ʒɪgla] /ʲzVglV/ ‘god’ [mabrah] /mVbrVh/ ‘bald person’

7 /p/ is thrice less common than /t/ and almost seven times less common than /k/.

2.2.3 Implosives

Table 9: The phonetic description of implosives in Mada Phonemic Phonetic Description

/ɓ/ [ɓ] bilabial voiced plosive with ingressive pharynx air

/ɗ/ [ɗ] alveolar voiced plosive with ingressive pharynx air

Evidence of contrast b/ɓ word initially [balak] ‘hangar’ [ɓaf] ‘fat’ (adj.) /bVlVk/ /ɓVf/ word medially [mabala] ‘to wash’ [maɓala] ‘to sew’ /mVbVlV/ /mVɓVlV/ word finally n/a [mahtaɓ]̚ ‘traditional /mVhtVɓ/ decoration’ d/ɗ word initially [dava] ‘stupid’ [ɗava] ‘get wet!’ /dVvV/ /ɗVvV/ word medially [madaga] ‘red millet’ [maɗaf] ‘sorcerer’ /mVdVgV/ /mVɗVf/ word finally n/a [hoɗ]̚ ‘stomach’ /hVɗʷ/

Implosives occur freely in all positions. In general /ɗ/ is three times as common as /ɓ/. Word finally the alveolar implosive is about eight times more frequent than its bilabial counterpart. They are often unreleased in word-final position, however still audibly distinct from voiceless stops.

2.2.3 Prenasalised plosives

Table 10: The phonetic description of prenasalised plosives in Mada Phonemic Phonetic Description

/mb/ [mb] voiced prenasalised bilabial plosive with egressive lung air

/nd/ [nd] voiced prenasalised alveolar plosive with egressive lung air

/ŋg/ [ŋg] voiced prenasalised velar plosive with egressive lung air

Evidence of contrast b/mb word initially [balak] ‘hangar’ [mbaja] ‘manioc’ /bVlVk/ /mbVjV/ word medially [kolobo] ‘bottle’ [obʊlmbo] ‘nine’ /kVlVbVw/ /VbVlmbVw/ word finally n/a n/a d/nd word initially [dide ~ dede] ‘father’ [ndikndɛk] ‘slow’ /ʲdVdV/ /ʲndVkndVk/ word medially [madaga] ‘red millet’ [mandakʷ] ‘old’ /mVdVgV/ /mVndVkʷ/ word finally n/a n/a g/ŋg word initially [gadza] ‘porcupine’ [ŋganaba] ‘repeat!’ /gVdzV/ /ŋgVnVbV/ word medially [magasa] ‘fisherman’ [maŋgala] ‘beggar’ /mVgVsV/ /mVŋgVlV/ word finally n/a n/a

Prenasalised plosives occur more frequently word-medially than word-initially. Word-initially /mb/ and /ŋg/ is about twice as common as /nd/. No examples can be found in the data where the prenasalised alveolar plosive is followed by another consonant. However, the prenasalised bilabial and velar plosives can be followed by liquids or lateral fricatives.

[mblor] /mblVrʷ/ ‘tamarind’ [ŋglar] /ŋglVr/ ‘pole’ [ŋgɬe] /jŋgɬV/ ‘spit!’

Prenasalised plosives – just like other voiced plosives (see section 2.2.2) – do not occur word-finally.

There are only six words in the data where prenasalised plosives follow another consonant without an inserted vowel. In all of these cases there is a syllable break between the consonant and the prenasalised stop.

[gɪdɪmndeʒ] /ʲgVdVm.ndVz/ ‘a type of ant’ [kɛlndew] /ʲkVl.ndVw/ ‘harp’ [gɛlndew] /ʲgVl.ndVw/ ‘a type of water insect’ [ndikndɛk] /ʲndVk.ndVk/ ‘slow’

[gomohndoɗo] /ʷgVmVh.ndVɗV/ ‘toad’ [obʊlmbo] /ʷVbVl.mbV/ ‘nine’

2.2.4 Laminals8 and fricatives

Table 11: The phonetic description of laminals and fricatives in Mada Phonemic Phonetic Description

/ts/ [ts] voiceless alveolar grooved affricate with e. l. a.9

[tʃ] voiceless postalveolar grooved affricate with e. l. a.

/dz/ [dz] voiced alveolar grooved affricate with e. l. a.

[dʒ] voiced postalveolar grooved affricate with e. l. a.

/ndz/ [ndz] voiced prenasalised alveolar affricate with e. l. a.

[ndʒ] voiced prenasalised postalveolar affricate with e. l. a.

/s/ [s] voiceless alveolar fricative with e. l. a.

[ʃ] voiceless postalveolar fricative with e. l. a.

/z/ [z] voiced alveolar fricative with e. l. a.

[ʒ] voiced postalveolar fricative with e. l. a.

/ɬ/ [ɬ] voiceless alveolar lateral fricative with e. l. a.

/ɮ/ [ɮ] voiced alveolar lateral fricative with e. l. a.

/f/ [f] voiceless labiodental fricative with e. l. a.

/v/ [v] voiced labiodental fricative with e. l. a.

/h/ [h] voiceless glottal fricative with e. l. a.

8 Laminals are coronal consonants articulated by using the blade of the tongue.

9 e. l. a. stands for egressive lung air

Evidence of contrast t/ts word initially [tatah] ‘cough!’ [tsatsah] ‘learn!’ /tVtVh/ /tsVtsVh/ word medially [matam] ‘twin’ [matsam] ‘namesake /mVtVm/ /mVtsVm/ word finally [arat] ‘scorpion’ [ɬəjats] ‘flat rock used for /VrVt/ /ɬjVts/ covering graves’

d/dz word initially [dala] ‘plain (n), flat ground’ [dzagʷan] ‘clay pot for /dVlV/ /dzVgʷVn/ carrying water’ word medially [adara] ‘3SG came’ [adzaka] ‘3SG lasted’ /VdVrV/ /VdzVkV/ word finally n/a n/a nd/ndz word initially [nda] ‘swallow!’ [ndzah] ‘be wise!’ /ndV/ /ndzVh/ word medially [mandavara] ‘end’ [mandzajeva] ‘colour’ /mVndVvVrV/ /mVndzVjVvV/ word finally n/a n/a dz/ndz word initially [dzagʷan] ‘clay pot for carrying water’ [ndzarawa] ‘net’ /dzVgʷVn/ /ndzVrVwV/ word medially [madza] ‘to drop sg’ [tandza] ‘if’ /mVdzV/ /tVndzV/ word finally n/a n/a

ɬ/s word initially [ɬal] ‘blow your nose!’ [sal] ‘know!’ /ɬVl/ /sVl/ word medially [aɬaɬ] ‘bone’ [sasal] ‘jackal’ /VɬVɬ/ /sVsVl/ word finally [hohoɬ] ‘a part of the millet plant’ [osos] ‘hedgehog’ /hVhVɬʷ/ /VsVsʷ/

ɮ/z word initially [ɮawal] ‘respect!’ [zam] ‘eat!’ /ɮVwVl/ /zVm/ word medially [maɮala] ‘to pound’ [mazala] ‘to call’ /mVɮVlV/ /mVzVlV/ word finally [agʷaɮ] ‘rooster’ [daŋgʷaz] ‘thigh’ /VgʷVɮ/ /dVŋgʷVz/

s/z word initially [sasal] ‘jackal’ [zavar] ‘guinea fowl’ /sVsVl/ /zVvVr/ word medially [masa] ‘to surround’ [maza] ‘to take’ /mVsV/ /mVzV/ word finally [osos] ‘hedgehog’ [agaz] ‘3SG flows’ /VsVsʷ/ /VgVz/ s/h word initially [solo] ‘jealous’ [horo] ‘brother-in-law’ /sVlVʷ/ /hVrVʷ/ word medially [tasa] ‘plate’ [saha] ‘hour’ /tVsV/ /sVhV/ word finally [osos] ‘hedgehog’ [koɬpoloh] ‘a type of fly’ /VsVsʷ/ /kVɬpVlVhʷ/ f/v word initially [fat] ‘sun’ [vaɗ] ‘day’ /fVt/ /vVɗ/ word medially [afa] ‘on, about’ [ava] ‘by, at’ /VfV/ /VvV/ word finally [klɛf] ‘fish’ [eʒɛv] ‘bone marrow’ /ʲklVf/ /jVzVv/

ɬ/ɮ word initially [ɬal] ‘blow your nose!’ [ɮawal] ‘respect!’ /ɬVl/ /ɮVwVl/ word medially [aɬapa] ‘handmade rope’ [aɮaba] ‘axe’ /VɬVpV/ /VɮVbV/ word finally [enɛɬ] ‘brain’ [ɛmbɛɮ] ‘trap’ /ʲVnVɬ/ /ʲVmbVɮ/ p/f word initially [plɛʃ ~ pⁱlɛʃ] ‘horse’ [flɛr] ‘directly’ /ʲplVs/ /ʲflVr/ word medially [kotsopo] ‘thatch’ [ofol] ‘flea’ /kVtsVpVʷ/ /VfVlʷ/ word finally [okop]10 ‘cup’ [araf] ‘clay pot for the /VkVpʷ/ /VrVf/ sauce’

10 borrowing from English but widely used

b/v word initially [boho] ‘carp’ [voto] ‘path’ /bVhVʷ/ /vVtVʷ/ word medially [taba] ‘woven basket’ [dava] ‘stupid’ /tVbV/ /dVvV/ word finally n/a [olkov] ‘baboon’ /VlkVvʷ/ t/s word initially [tasa]11 ‘plate, bowl’ [saha] ‘hour’ /tVsV/ /sVhV/ word medially [mata] ‘to tear’ [masa] ‘to surround’ /mVtV/ /mVsV/ word finally [arat] ‘scorpion’ [hamas] ‘plant for making /VrVt/ /hVmVs/ sekko’ d/z word initially [dala] ‘plain (n)’ [zal] ‘man’ /dVlV/ /zVl/ word medially [madaga] ‘red millet’ [mazardah] ‘worms used for /mVdVgV/ /mVzVrdVh/ fishing’ word finally n/a [dangwaz] ‘thigh’ k/h word initially [karkata] ‘praying mantis’ [hamas] ‘plant for making /kVrkVtV/ /hVmVs/ secco’ word medially [aka] ‘on’ [aha] ‘millet’ /VkV/ /VhV/ word finally [ʊ̆ɗak] ‘soon’ [ʊ̆ɗah] ‘condolences’ /wɗVk/ /wɗVh/ t/ɬ word initially [takala] ‘duck’ [ɬakama] ‘friend’ /tVkVlV/ /ɬVkVmV/ word medially [kʷatar] ‘language’ [aɬar] ‘tooth’ /kʷVtVr/ /VɬVr/ word finally [mat] ‘die!’ [paɬ] ‘peel!’ /mVt/ /pVɬ/ d/ɮ word initially [dabala] ‘mud’ [ɮaɮaɗa] ‘difficult’ /dVbVlV/ /ɮVɮVɗV/ word medially [vadagʷo] ‘magot’ [baɮa] ‘lizard’ /vVdVgʷV/ /bVɮV/ word finally n/a [ɛmbɛɮ] ‘trap’ /ʲVmbVɮ/

11 borrowing from French/Fulfulde but widely used

An important and integral feature of the language is the influence of two prosodies on the pronunciation of many sounds. Prosodies apply to the whole word and therefore have an influence on both vowels and consonants12. When the palatalisation prosody attaches to alveolar fricatives and affricates they are realised as post-alveolar.

PLACE

[coronal]

[+distributed]

Consequently, the following sounds are in complementary distribution.

[s]  [ʃ]/palatalised words, everywhere else it is realised as [s] [z]  [ʒ]/palatalised words, everywhere else it is realised as [z] [ts]  [tʃ]/palatalised words, everywhere else it is realised as [ts] [dz]  [dʒ]/palatalised words, everywhere else it is realised as [dz] [ndz]  [ndʒ]/palatalised words, everywhere else it is realised as [ndz]

Fricatives occur freely in all positions. Voiceless fricatives are four times as common in word-final positions as their voiced counterparts. [h] and [x] are in free variation. [h] is by far more common than [x] in all positions.

Voiceless affricates occur in all positions but they are very rare in word final position. Voiced affricates never occur word finally. In some rare cases voiceless affricates can be directly followed by a consonant. This consonant is either a /k/ or an /h/. Voiced affricates can be followed by /r/ or by /h/.

[tskaɗa] /tskVɗV/ ‘sit down!’ [tʃitʃhe] /jtsVtshV/ ‘suffering’ [dzraba] /dzrVbV/ ‘pick from!’ [mandzha] /mVndzhV/ ‘wisdom’

12 For a more detailed description of prosodies in Mada see section 2.4.

2.2.5 Labialised velars

Table 12: The phonetic description of labialised velars in Mada Phonemic Phonetic Description

/kw/ [kw] voiceless labialised velar plosive with e. l. a.

/gw/ [gw] voiced labialised velar plosive with e. l. a.

/ŋgw/ [ŋgw] voiced prenasalised labialised velar plosive with e. l. a.

/hw/ [hw ~ xw] voiceless labialised glottal fricative ~ voiceless labialised velar fricative with e. l. a.

Evidence of contrast kʷ/k word initially [kʷatar] ‘language’ [kaka] ‘and then’ /kʷVtVr/ /kVkV/ word medially [mɪtʃkʷɛr] ‘chicken’ [elkeɗ] ‘hunting bow’ /ʲmVtskʷVr/ /ʲVlkVɗ/ word finally [slakʷ] ‘broom’ [məlak] ‘wound’ /slVkʷ/ /mlVk/ gʷ/g word initially [gʷala] ‘my’ [gatala] ‘their’ /gʷVlV/ /gVtVlV/ word medially [argʷat] ‘feather’ [agara] ‘yesterday’ /VrgʷVt/ /VgVrV/ word finally n/a n/a

ŋgʷ/ŋg word initially [ŋgʷara] ‘snore!’ [ŋgar] ‘head’ /ŋgʷVrV/ /ŋgVr/ word medially [daŋgʷaz] ‘thigh’ [aŋgar] ‘bean’ /dVŋgʷVz/ /VŋgVr/ word finally n/a n/a hʷ/h word initially [hʷa] ‘race (n)’ [hamas] ‘plant for making /hʷV / /hVmVs/ sekko’ word medially [pahʷa] ‘run!’ [ahal] ‘arm’ /pVhʷV/ /VhVl/ word finally only LAB words ‘surprise’ [ʊ̆vah] ‘field’ [grohʷ] /wvVh/ /grVhʷ/ 23

As seen in section 2.2.1 labialised velars are interpreted as units in Mada. Labialised velars have to be phonemes in their own right as they occur in words that do not carry the labialisation prosody and in positions where they are not adjacent to rounded vowels. Their presence is clearly not caused by these other factors.

[argwat] /VrgwVt/ ‘feather’ [kwatar] /kwVtVr/ ‘language’ [gwedʒegwer] /jgwVdzVgwVr/ ‘cage for chickens’

In certain cases labialised velars have a rounding effect on adjacent vowels but do not influence the rest of the vowels in the word.

[adzʊgo] /VdzVgwV/ ‘hat’ [gʊko ~ gokwa] /gwVkwV/ ‘your’

Barreteau & Brunet (2000, pp. 14-16) attempted to give a summary of the environments that influence the rounding effect caused by labialised velars, but due to many unpredictable variations no clear rules can be postulated.

2.2.6 Nasals

Table 13: The phonetic description of nasals in Mada Phonemic Phonetic Description

/m/ [m] voiced bilabial nasal with egressive lung air

/n/ [n] voiced alveolar nasal with egressive lung air

/ŋ/ [ŋ] voiced velar nasal with egressive lung air

Evidence of contrast m/n word initially [maɗaf] ‘sorcerer’ [nalbata] ‘headscarf’ /mVɗVf/ /nVlbVtV/ word medially [ama] ‘but’ [ana] ‘that’ /VmV/ /VnV/ word finally [matam] ‘name sake’ [dzagʷan] ‘clay pot for /mVtVm/ /dzVgʷVn/ carrying water’

n/ŋ word initially [nakʷ] ‘you’ n/a /nVkʷ/ word medially [anaf] ‘heat’ [aŋaj]13 ‘where?’ /VnVf/ /VŋVj/ word finally [dzagʷan] ‘clay pot for carrying [avaŋ] ‘stalk of maize /dzVgʷVn/ water’ /VvVŋ/ plant’

The bilabial nasal is by far the consonant with the highest number of occurrences among all consonants. It is much more common word initially than word finally. The alveolar nasal /n/ is about five times less frequent than /m/ in word initial position and the velar nasal /ŋ/ never appears in this position. There is a significant difference in the distribution of /m/ and /n/ in the word final position. In monomorphemic words, /n/ appears only five times word finally in the data. This data on the infrequent word-final occurrence of /n/ in Mada is significantly different from Gravina’s statistics on Proto-Chadic (Gravina, 2014, p. 290).

[banan] /bVnVn/ ‘banana’ [kʷʊman] /kʷmVn/ ‘try!’ [mombronon] /ʷmVmbrVnVn/ ‘selfish, unreliable with money’ [dz͡ agʷan] /dzVgʷVn/ ‘clay pot for carrying water’ [madz͡ əgʷan] /mVdzgʷVn/ ‘joint animal farming’

Based on the evidence above one might think that [ŋ] is the word final allophone of /n/. However, they do contrast in all positions except word initially. According to Gravina (2014, p. 289) /ŋ/ cannot be reconstructed in Proto-Chadic. Historically [ŋ] and [n] might have been allophones – as it is the case in other neighbouring languages (e.g.: Mouyang and Mbuko in Smith & Gravina, 2010) – but in Mada they seem to have developed into separate phonemes. Barrateau & Brunet (2000, p. 14) also mention the fact that a certain level of neutralisation can be observed word finally: n  ŋ/_#, but they still presented the three nasals separately in their phoneme inventory. To account for the above, in the present paper the three nasals are interpreted as separate phonemes.

13 Few monomorphemic words have [ŋ] word medially. It mostly appears in words that contain the extremely productive suffix [-aŋa].

2.2.7 Liquids

Table 14: The phonetic description of liquids in Mada Phonemic Phonetic Description

/l/ [l] voiced alveolar lateral approximant with e. l. a.

/r/ [r] voiced alveolar trill with e. l. a.

Evidence of contrast l/r word initially [lokʊdo] ‘garden’ [ram] ‘daughter’ /lVkVdVw/ /rVm/ word medially [ɗala] ‘plain’ (n) [warata] ‘inheritance’ /ɗVlV/ /wVrVtV/ [kla] ~ [kəla] ‘child’ [kra] ~ [kəra] ‘dog’ /klV/ /krV/ word finally [aswal] ‘spear’ [aswar] ‘a type of ant’ /VswVl/ /VswVr/ d/r word initially [dazaŋ] ‘boa’ [rawak] ‘gazelle’ /dVzVŋ/ /rVwVk/ word medially [adak] ‘thorn’ [ara] ‘iron’ /VdVk/ /VrV/ word finally n/a [ʊ̆mar] ‘hair’ /wmVr/ d/l word initially [deʏdew] ‘talking drum’ [lele] ‘well’ /ʲdVwdVw/ /ʲlVlV/ word medially [nide] ‘1SG cook’ [nile] ‘1SG dig’ /ʲnVdV/ /ʲnVlV/ word finally n/a [eɗɛl] ‘peanut’ /ʲVɗVl/ l/ɬ word initially [lⁱmɛʃ] ‘song’ [ɬⁱme] ‘ear’ /ʲlmVs/ /ʲɬmV/ word medially [nɪle] ‘1SG dig’ [eɬe] ‘3SG suffice’ /ʲnVlV/ /ʲVɬV/ word finally [eɗɛl] ‘peanut’ [enɛɬ] ‘brain’ /ʲVɗVl/ /ʲVnVɬ/

l/ɮ word initially [limɛʃ] ‘song’ [ɮəma] ‘Friday’ /jlmVs/ /ɮmV/ word medially [maŋgala] ‘beggar’ [maŋgaɮa] ‘to pick (fruits)’ /mVŋgVlV/ /mVŋgVɮV/ word finally [melmel] ‘muscle’ [embeɮ] ‘trap’ /ʲmVlmVl/ /ʲVmbVɮ/

Both /r/ and /l/ have a high frequency rate. They rarely occur word-initially14, but are common intervocalically and word-finally. They often follow consonants in word initial and word medial consonant clusters without an epenthetic vowel being inserted between them.

[bram] /brVm/ ‘threshing floor’ [mohrov] /mVhrVvw/ ‘chest’ [mambra] /mVmbrV/ ‘to leave’ [mambla] /mVmblV/ ‘to heal’ [sla] /slV/ ‘two’ [œhlœ] /VhlVw/ ‘cactus’

2.2.8 Semi-vowels

Table 15: The phonetic description of semi-vowels in Mada Phonemic Phonetic Description

/j/ [j] voiced postalveolar approximant with e. l. a.

/w/ [w] voiced labio-velar approximant with e. l. a.

Evidence of contrast w/j word initially [wal] ‘woman’ [jam] ‘water’ /wVl/ /jVm/ word medially [awak] ‘goat’ [aja] ‘squirrel’ /VwVk/ /VjV/ word finally [jaw] ‘question marker’ [ahawaj] ‘how?’ /jVw/ /VhVwVj/

14 They take word-initial position mainly in loanwords from Fulfulde such as [limu] ‘lime’, [lipri] ‘needle’ etc.

b/w word initially [balak] ‘hangar’ [wal] ‘woman’ /bVlVk/ /wVl/ word medially [mabala] ‘to wash’ [mawala] ‘to build’ /mVbVlV/ /mVwVlV/ word finally n/a [ajaw] ‘grasshopper’ /VjVw/

The semi-vowels have consonantal status because they occupy consonant slots in the word structure. The semi-vowels can occur in all positions and in each position /w/ is much more frequent than /j/. The palatal semivowel only occurs in a handful of words as a first consonant. As the last sound of a word /j/ can only be found in question words.

2.2.10 Geminate consonants

An interesting feature of Mada is the presence of geminate consonants, which makes it unique among the neighbouring languages. Geminate consonants never occur word finally.

Evidence of contrast b/bː word initially [balak] ‘hangar’ [bːa] ‘chief’ /bVlVk/ /bːV/ word medially [dabala] ‘mud, clay’ [ɮabːa] ‘colleague’ /dVbVlV/ /ɮVbːV/

ɓ/ɓː word initially [ɓal] ‘aim!’ [ɓːal] ‘leftover’ /ɓVl/ /ɓːVl/ (quantity) word medially [aɓal] ‘3SG aims’ [aɓːal] ‘door of the /VɓVl/ /VɓːVl/ granary’ ts/ts͡ ː or tʃ/tʃ͡ ː word initially [tʃeŋ] ‘hear!’ [tʃ͡ ːɛk] ‘can, able to’ /ʲtsVŋ/ /ʲtsːVk/ word medially not available at this point d/dː word initially [da] ‘not’ (NEG) [dːa] ‘pick up!’ /dV/ /dːV/ word medially [adara] ‘3SG came’ [adːa] ‘3SG picks up’ /VdVrV/ /VdːV/

ɗ/ɗː word initially [ɗaf] ‘millet couscous’ [ɗːom] ‘full’ /ɗVf/ /ɗːVmʷ/ word medially [eɗɛl] ‘peanut’ [eɗːɛɬ] ‘3SG hatches’ /ʲVɗVl/ /ʲVɗːVɬ/ f/fː word initially not available at this point word medially [ofol] ‘flea’ [ofːoɗ] ‘ring’ /VfVlʷ/ /VfːVɗʷ/ g/gː word initially [gavaŋ] ‘python’ [gːak] ‘big, strong’ /gVvVŋ/ /gːVk/ word medially [govʊgo] ‘frog’ [ogːop] ‘3SG boils’ /gVvVgVw/ /VgːVpw/

h/hː word initially [hamas] ‘plant for making sekko’ [hːama] ‘yawn!’ /hVmVs/ /hːVmV/ word medially [ahaf] ‘medication’ [ahːaŋ] ‘soil’ /VhVf/ /VhːVŋ/ dz/dz͡ ː or dʒ/dʒ͡ ː word initially [dʒive] ‘grave’ [dʒ͡ ːɛk] ‘must, have to’ /ʲdzVvV/ /ʲdzːVk/ word medially [gadza] ‘porcupine’ [adz͡ ːak] ‘neck’ /gVdzV/ /VdzːVk/ k/kː word initially [kaka] ‘and then’ [kːa] ‘big quantity of /kVkV/ /kːV/ sg’ word medially [okop] ‘cup’ [okːo] ‘fire’ /VkVpw/ /VkːVw/ l/lː word initially [lele] ‘well’ [lːak] ‘later, after’ /ʲlVlV/ /lːVk/ word medially [ɗala] ‘plain’ (n) [talːa] ‘shiny’ /ɗVlV/ /tVlːV/ m/mː word initially [ma] ‘topic marker’ [mːaj] ‘what?’ /mV/ /mːVj/ word medially [gomohndoɗo] ‘toad’ [romːo] ‘little’ /ʷgVmVhndVɗV/ /rVmːVʷ/

mb/mbː word initially [mbaɗa] ‘talk!’ [mbːak] ‘present!’ /mbVɗV/ /mbːVk/ word medially [ambal] ‘skin’ [ambːak] ‘3SG presents’ /VmbVl/ /VmbːVk/ n/nː word initially [nakʷ] ‘you’ [nːɛk] ‘lick!’ /nVkʷ/ /ʲnːVk/ word medially [dine] ‘clan’ [hinːe] ‘this’ /ʲdVnV / /ʲhVnːV/ nd/ndː word initially [nda] ‘swallow!’ [ndːak] ‘block!’ /ndV/ /ndːVk/ word medially [manda] ‘throat’ [andːa] ‘intestines’ /mVndV/ /VndːV/ ndz/ndz͡ ː or ndʒ/ndʒ͡ ː word initially not available at this point word medially [mondzovjok] ‘a type of mouse’ [ondz͡ ːor] ‘intestinal worms’ /mVndzVvjVkʷ/ /VndzːVrʷ/

ŋ/ŋː word initially n/a n/a word medially [gaŋa] ‘his/hers’ [laŋːa] ‘freely’ /gVŋV/ /lVŋːV/

ŋg/ŋgː word initially [ŋgar] ‘head’ [ŋgːala] ‘beg!’ /ŋgVr/ /ŋgːVlV/ word medially [aŋgar] ‘beans’ [aŋgːa] ‘if not, in order /VŋgVr/ /VŋgːV/ not to’

ŋgw/ŋgwː word initially not available at this point word medially [goŋgwom] ‘box’ [oŋgwːo] ‘elder, big’ /ʷgVŋgwVm/ /VŋgwːVw/ p/pː word initially [pⁱlɛʃ] ‘horse’ [pːeŋ] ‘fast’ /ʲplVs/ /ʲpːVŋ / word medially [epɪtɪke] ‘clothes’ [epːeŋ] ‘he heals’ /ʲVpVtVkV/ /ʲVpːVŋ /

r/rː word initially [rawak] ‘gazelle’ [rːokw] ‘all’ /rVwVk/ /rːVkʷ/ word medially [ara] ‘iron’ [arːa] ‘tongue’ /VrV/ /VrːV/ s/sː or ʃ/ʃː word initially [saɗama] ‘lie!’ [sːak] ‘sift!’ /sVɗVmV/ /sːVk/ word medially [ʃeʃe] ‘shade’ [eʃːe] ‘a type of spirit’ /ʲsVsV/ /ʲVsːV/

ɬ/ɬː word initially [ɬala] ‘tribe’ [ɬːats] ‘very close by’ /ɬVlV/ /ɬːVts/ word medially [eɬe] ‘it is enough’ [eɬːe] ‘egg’ /ʲVɬV/ /ʲVɬːV/ t/tː word initially [taka] ‘so’ [tːœɬ] ‘short’ /tVkV/ /ʲtːVɬw/ word medially [etɛt] ‘louse’ [etːɛw] ‘work’ /ʲVtVt/ /VtːVw/ v/vː word initially [vaɗ] ‘day’ [vːaɗ] ‘again’ /vVɗ/ /vːVɗ/ word medially [gavaŋ] ‘python’ [ɗavːa] ‘still, without /gVvVŋ/ /ɗVvːV/ moving’ w/wː word initially [wal] ‘woman’ [wːal] ‘women’ /wVl/ /wːVl/ word medially [awak] ‘goat’ [awːa ~ uwːa] ‘head protection /VwVk/ /VwːV/ when carrying water’ j/jː word initially not available at this point word medially [aja] ‘squirrel’ [ejːam ~ ijːam] ‘monitor lizard’ /VjV/ /VjːVm/

ɮ/ɮː word initially [ɮaka] ‘help!’ [ɮːam] ‘five’ /ɮVkV/ /ɮːVm/ word medially [aɮah] ‘3SG shouts’ [aɮːaɓ] ‘3SG hits’ /VɮVh/ /VɮːVɓ/

z/zː or ʒ/ʒː word initially [za] ‘feces’ [zːa] ‘take!’ /zV/ /zːV/ word medially [eʒeve] ‘sesame’ [eʒːɛŋ] ‘he smells sg.’ /ʲVzVvV/ /ʲVʒːVŋ/

This distinctive feature of the language is a very interesting one. The fact that geminate consonants can take word initial position historically might indicate a vowel loss. This lost vowel could have been either at the beginning of the word or between the initial consonants, which by now fused into one long consonant (Pearce, 2014, personal communication). Another theory is that the gemination in Mada began with a compensatory reduplication process due to the loss of a consonant that used to be there in Proto-Central-Chadic (Gravina, 2014a). This is illustrated by the Merey examples found in Table 16 below provided by Gravina (2014b, p. 154). Mada takes this reduplication process a step further by inverting the word initial CV structure to VC resulting in a lengthened consonant.

Table 16: Historical changes resulting in geminate consonants in Mada Proto-Mofu Merey Mada Gloss

[heɬeɓ] [ɬeɬeɓ] [eɬːeɓ] ‘saliva’

[fɨr] [fəfar] [ofːor] ‘itch (v)’

During a written orthography test15 it came to light that the Tazang dialect is more sensitive to geminate consonants and vowel length than the other dialects. Geminate consonants might be on their way to disappearing in Mada because the younger generation seems to be less perceptive of them and they know of much fewer minimal pairs than the older generation. While this might indicate that the language is changing, presently, there is still enough evidence for interpreting geminate consonants as part of the phonological structure.

As shown in the graphs below16, the length of geminate consonants can vary significantly. It seems that in adjectives, where the meaning can be exaggerated by the pronunciation, the geminate consonant tends to be longer than in other words.

15 The orthography test was conducted among the Mada population in the Far-North Region and in Yaoundé. This opinion is based on 51 completed questionnaires from all Mada dialects.

16 The scale on the different graphs is not identical.

Surface form Gloss Measurement [bːa] ‘chief’ [bː] lasts 297.5 ms [balak] ‘hangar’ [b] lasts 205.6 ms

Figure 2: An example for the length of [b] and [bː] word-initially

Surface form Gloss Measurement [dːɛɬ ~ dːœɬ] ‘short’ [dː] lasts 507.2 ms [dide] ‘father’ first [d] lasts 108.9 ms and the second one 149.5 ms

Figure 3: An example for the length of [d] and [dː] word-initially 33

Surface form Gloss Measurement [hodːom] ‘serving spoon’ [dː] lasts 203.1 ms [mododokw] ‘thumb’ first [d] lasts 132.1 ms and the second one 150.0 ms

Figure 4: An example for the length of [d] and [dː] word-medially

Surface form Gloss Measurement [eʃːe] ‘spirit’ [ʃː] lasts 288.7 ms [ʃeʃe] ‘shade’ first [ʃ] lasts 125.0 ms and the second one 150.0 ms

Figure 5: An example for the length of [ʃ] and [ʃː] word-medially

Surface form Gloss Measurement [eɬːe] ‘egg’ [ɬː] lasts 313.7 ms [eɬe] ‘it is enough’ [ɬ] lasts 177.5 ms

Figure 6: An example for the length of [ɬ] and [ɬː] word-medially

Surface form Gloss Measurement [vːaɗ] ‘again’ [vː] lasts 325.8 ms [vaɗ] ‘day’ [v] lasts 232.5 ms

Figure 7: An example for the length of [v] and [vː] word-initially

A more in depth analysis of the timing of geminate consonants goes beyond the scope of this study. In the future, it would be interesting to do further research on the acoustic and phonological features of geminate consonants in Mada as well as a sociolinguistic and historical analysis of their changing features.

2.3 Vowels

Mada has only one underlying full vowel, the vowel /a/ or /V/. This ‘simplistic’ analysis is not uncommon among Chadic languages (Roberts, 2001, p. 99). Even though there is only one phonemic vowel, the array of phonetic vowels is much more varied. In order to break up consonant clusters, an epenthetic vowel – phonetically [ə], [ɪ] or [ʊ] – is inserted. Epenthetic vowels are about three times shorter17 than full vowels and native speakers generally are not aware of them. Epenthetic vowels are not phonemic.

The quality of the vowels can be influenced by prosodies18 and the local rounding effects of labialised consonants. Sometimes these effects combine. Mohrlang compares these influences to mathematical vectors ‘which can pull the quality of the vowel in various directions from its basic timbre. If more than one influence is being exerted on a given vowel, the net phonetic effect can be plotted by adding the vectors corresponding to the different effects’ (cited in Roberts, 2001, p. 100). The combination of the prosodies results in at least eight surface vowels. ‘Experimental phonetic research has shown […] that within each vowel category an enormous variability exists in the physical realizations of vowels’ (van Bergem, 1995, p. 5). Therefore, in fast speech there are many more than eight vowel phones that occur in Mada and they often change depending on metrical structure, speed, phrase structure and the speaker.

Table 17: Vowel phones in Mada Front Central Back -Round +Round -Round +Round close i y u ɪ ʏ ʊ close-mid e ø o mid ə open-mid ɛ œ ɔ open a

17 Epenthetic vowels last about 30 ms or less. (Pearce, 2014, personal communication)

18 For the discussion on prosodies, see section 2.4.

2.3.1 Evidence of contrast between /V/ and /Ø/

Table 18: Minimal pairs showing contrast between /V/ and /Ø/ [sala] /sVlV/ ‘church’ [sla ~ səla] /slV/ ‘two’ [maɓala] /mVbVlV/ ‘catfish’ [maɓəla] /mVblV/ ‘support’ [tsaka] /tsVkV/ ‘taste!’ [tskaɗa] /tskVɗV/ ‘sit down!’ [ɗava] /ɗVvV/ ‘get wet!’ [ɗva ~ ɗəva] /ɗvV/ ‘squash’ [aɗaba] /VɗVbV/ because [aɗba ~ aɗəba] /V-ɗbV/ 3SG looks for [daɓa] /dVɓV/ platform, bed [dəɓa] /dɓV/ termite made from clay

2.3.2 Variants and distribution

When no prosody applies: /V/  [a] and /Ø/  [ə]. When labialisation applies: /V/  [o] or [ɔ] and /Ø/  [u] or [ʊ]. When palatalisation applies: /V/  [e] or [ɛ] and /Ø/  [i] or [ɪ]. When both palatalisation and labialisation applies: /V/  [ø] or [œ] and /Ø/  [y] or [ʏ].

In the case of the epenthetic vowel the central variants occur in unstressed syllables.

The phoneme /V/ can occur in any position of a word, while the underlyingly zero /Ø/, phonetic schwa – with all its different realisations – can only take interconsonantal positions.

Under the influence of PAL or LAB prosody the phoneme /V/ is realised as an open-mid vowel in the environment of a closed syllable.

[e]  [ɛ] / C_C [o]  [ɔ] / C_C

When both prosodies apply [ø] and [œ] are in free variation: [ø] ~ [œ]

[eʒeve] /ʲVzVvV/ ‘sesame’ [eʒɛv] /ʲVzVv/ ‘bone marrow’ [voto] /vVtVw/ ‘path’ [hɔɗ] /hVɗw/ ‘stomach’ [œhœɗ] ~ [øhøɗ] /jVhVɗw/ ‘finger nail’

The effect of the different prosodies on the vowels is well illustrated in the following minimal pairs.

/V/ when no prosody applies: [aɬ:a] /Vɬ:V/ ‘cow’ /V/ when PAL applies: [eɬ:e] /ʲVɬ:V/ ‘egg’ /V/ when LAB prosody applies: [oɬ:o] /Vɬ:Vʷ/ ‘meat’

It is also possible for the prosodies to combine in a word.

/V/ when PAL+LAB prosodies apply: [hœdœdœm] /ʲhVdVdVmʷ/ ‘knee’

Some other examples for the effect of prosodies include the following:

No prosody: [aɗəmak] /VɗmVk/ ‘weaver’ [ɬəlah] /ɬlVh/ ‘bed’ Palatalisation: [limɛʃ] /ʲlmVs/ ‘song’ [ɬire] /ʲɬrV/ ‘root’ Labialisation: [boho] /bVhVʷ/ ‘bag’ [ɓʊrom] /ɓrVmʷ/ ‘wood’ PAL+LAB: [hʏndœr] /ʲhndVrʷ/ ‘nose’ [œhʏlœ] /ʲVhlVʷ/ ‘cactus’

Sometimes labialised velars (as previously mentioned in section 2.2.5), the bilabial nasal consonant /m/ and the semi-vowel /w/ have a rounding effect on the adjacent vowels. No clear rules can be observed about when the vowels get rounded and when they do not. There are many irregularities. Nonetheless, the spreading of the rounding to a preceding vowel seems to be more attested than the spreading to a following vowel.

[lʊgo ~ lʊgwa] /lgwV/ ‘field’ [gœkʏle] /jgwVkwVlV/ ‘yours (pl)’ [momːa] /mVmːV/ ‘mouth’ [myːtetɛr] /mVwtVtVr/ ‘a type of ant’ [uwːa ~ awːa] /VwːV/ ‘head protection when carrying sg.’

2.3.3 Vowel raising

At first glance, the neat distribution of vowels according to prosodies and height outlined above does not seem to work in many Mada words. In some circumstances, full vowels can be realised as [ə], [i], [y] or [u] giving rise to several different interpretations as to the underlying structure of words. The following three tables show examples of various possible interpretations.

Table 19: Interpreting vowel raising when no prosodies apply SF Interpretation 1 Interpretation 2 Gloss [mabəlza] /mVblzV/ /mVbVlzV/ ‘a type of insect’ [ndəlka] /ndlkV/ /ndVlkV/ ‘herd’ [səmtal] /smtVl/ /sVmtVl/ ‘plastic water container’

Table 20: Interpreting vowel raising when PAL applies SF Interpretation 1 Interpretation 2 Gloss [dide] /ʲddV/ /ʲdVdV/ ‘father’ [iɮe] /ʲɮV/ /ʲVɮV/ ‘people’ [eviɗe] /ʲVvɗV/ /ʲVvVɗV/ ‘slave’ [iʒɪne] /ʲznV/ /ʲVznV/ ‘rope’ [bike] /ʲbkV/ /ʲbVkV/ ‘next year’ [ilːe ~ elːe] /ʲlːV/ /ʲVlːV/ ‘sauce’ [-ire ~ -ere] /-ʲrV/ /-ʲVrV/ ‘directional suffix’

Table 21: Interpreting vowel raising when LAB applies SF Interpretation 1 Interpretation 2 Gloss [dodo ~ dʊdo] /ddVʷ/ /dVdVʷ/ ‘leopard’ [voto ~ vʊto] /vtVʷ/ /vVtVʷ/ ‘path’ [okːo ~ ukːo] /kːVʷ/ /VkːVʷ/ ‘fire’ [gʊdʊgo] /gdgVʷ/ /gVdgVʷ/ or ‘head’ /gVdVgVʷ/ [-oro ~ -uro] /-rVʷ/ /-VrVʷ/ ‘directional suffix’

Barrateau & Brunet (2000, pp. 17-18) describe this phenomenon in eight points. Occasionally they keep the ambiguities between the different interpretations in their dictionary resulting in various spellings for the same word. According to Barrateau & Brunet, vowel raising occurs in the following cases:

 before consonant clusters  between two identical consonants  before liquids  in certain consonant clusters  in the sequences CVwC and CVjC  in the word final CVj sequence  different interpretations are possible for the weak, unstressed positions  the words described in the above mentioned terms also accept a pronunciation with more open vowels.

Yet another observation could be added to this list which is broader and can encompass most lines of the list above. It seems to be a pattern that the raising of the full vowel appears almost always in the penultimate syllable of the word. This change in the quality of the vowel is post-lexical because native speakers who have not had training are not aware of the sound change.

Beside the intuition of native speakers, the length of the vowel can also give a clue about its underlying nature. In the case of an epenthetic vowel, the vowel sound is extremely short: ≤30 ms. The raised full vowel however is several times as long as the epenthetic vowel (for exact measurements, see Table 22).

Another interesting aspect that could be the cause of this vowel raising lies in the metrical structure of Chadic languages. Both Pearce (2007) and Gravina (2010) write about the preferred, right-headed foot structures of Kera and Mbuko finding that both languages like to have the last syllable as stressed. This stressed or heavy syllable is preceded by one (in the case of Kera) or one or two (in the case of Mbuko) unstressed syllables. According to Pearce (2007, p. 66) a language’s preference for a certain foot structure can have an effect on the quantity and quality of the vowels. I believe that the preference that Mada has for iambic or anapestic foot structures could be a good reason for the raising of the full vowel in non-stressed syllables. There will be a more detailed discussion of the metrical structure in section 2.6.

Table 22: The timing of raised vowels SF Timing UF Vowel Gloss [emɪne] e=79.7 ms /ʲVmnV/ full vowel ‘we’ (incl) ɪ=29.2 ms epenthetic e=116.2 ms full vowel [egile] e=88.1 ms /ʲVgVlV/ full vowel ‘ours’ (excl) i=66.3 ms full vowel e=102.3 ms full vowel [eɓile] e=128.3 ms /ʲVɓVlV/ full vowel ‘slave’ i=105.9 ms full vowel e=143.8 ms full vowel [ɗəva] ə=24.8 ms /ɗvV/ epenthetic ‘squash’ a=147.5 ms full vowel [iʒɪne] i=83.8 ms /ʲVznV/ full vowel ‘rope’ ɪ=23.8 ms epenthetic e=151.7 ms full vowel [dʊgʊko] ʊ=124.3 ms /dVgVkVw/ full vowel ‘clay pot’ ʊ=90.2 ms full vowel o=139.5 ms full vowel

2.3.4 Long vowels

Based on acoustic measurements, phonetically speaking, Mada vowels fall into three different categories: 1) very short, epenthetic vowels, 2) full vowels19 and 3) long vowels.

These phonetically speaking long vowels are rare in the data and where they do occur, the lengthening results from the environment. Most often it is caused by the fusion of two vowels or a vowel and a semi-vowel.

At morpheme boundaries

a. Affixation [myːde] /mV-/ ‘nominalising prefix’ + /ʲwdV/ ‘speak’ ‘word’ [uːɓa] /V-/ ‘subject marker’ + /wɓV/ ‘dance’ ‘3SG dances’ [eɬiːre] /V-/ ‘subject marker’ + /ʲɬV/ ‘return’ + /-ʲVrV/ ‘DIR’ ‘3SG returned’

b. Compounding [ɓzaːgam] /ɓzV/ ‘small (ones)’ + /VgVm/ ‘house’ ‘children’

c. Mode marking [kaːgra] /kV-/ ‘subject marker’ + /-V́-/ ‘POT’ + /grV/ ‘do’ ‘2SG will do’ [neːde] /nV-/ ‘subject marker’ + /-V́-/ ‘POT’ + /ʲdV/ ‘cook’ ‘1SG will cook’

Through partial reduplication (Barreteau & Brunet, 2000, p. 17)

[kaːka] /kVkV kVkV/ ‘a little’ [naːka] /nVkV nVkV/ ‘now’

In combination with semi-vowels

[ɬyːʒe] /ʲɬVwzV/ ‘coton’ [biːka] /bVjkV/ ‘rabbit’

19 There is a tendency to slightly lengthen word final vowels but they are still simple vowels.

The timing of these ‘long vowels’ can vary significantly.

Table 23: The timing of long vowels SF Timing UF Vowel Gloss [uːɓa] uː=255.8 ms /V-wɓV/ long vowel ‘3SG dances’ resulting from assimilation a=144.2 ms full vowel [kaːbala] aː=165.2 ms /kV-V-bVlV/ long vowel ‘3SG will resulting from wash’ assimilation a=102.4 ms full vowel a=150.6 ms full vowel [biːka] iː=167.3.8 ms /bVjkV/ long vowel ‘rabbit’ resulting from assimilation a=117.4 ms full vowel

2.4 Prosodies

Since the 1960s phonologists of Chadic languages have benefitted greatly from the prosodic approach (Roberts, 2001, p. 102). Roberts (2001, p. 101) defines prosodies in Chadic languages as ‘distinctive building blocks of the phonological system’ similarly to consonants and vowels but independent of them. Prosodies are ‘suprasegmental’ because they ‘spread over several segments and syllables’. The real advantage to such an analysis is that it shows that PAL and LAB affect both consonants and vowels in a very predictable way and the particular co-occurrence restrictions on vowels and consonants apply not just to the syllable but to the entire word.

In Mada, there are two prosodies: Palatalisation (PAL) and Labialisation (LAB). Both are well attested throughout the different word classes.

Figure 8: Frequency of prosodies on noun roots20

Figure 9: Frequency of prosodies on verb roots21

20 Based on 681 noun roots in my data.

21 Based on data provided by Barrateau & Brunet (2000, p. 40).

The following two diagrams show how these two prosodies attach to words and affect the pronunciation of the vowels as well as the alveolar sibilants and velar plosives.

Default PAL LAB PAL+LAB

[asːa] [eʃːe] [osːo] [œʃːœɗ] /VsːV/ /jVsːV/ /VsːVw/ /jVsːVɗw/ ‘fox’ ‘spirit’ ‘bucket’ ‘small branch’

Default PAL LAB PAL+LAB

[dəba] [kɪʃɛm] [ɓʊrov] [hʏndœr] /dbV/ /jksVm/ /ɓrVvw/ /jhndVrw/ ‘termite’ ‘death’ ‘wood’ ‘nose’

2.4.1 Palatalisation

Palatalisation attaches to the phonological word and affects both consonants and vowels in all word classes. Under the influence of this prosody the vowels get fronted to [e/ɛ] (in the case of full vowels) or [i/ɪ] (in the case of epenthetic vowels).

PLACE

[dorsal]

[-back]

As explained in section 2.2.5, when PAL attaches to alveolar fricatives and affricates, they are realised as post-alveolar.

PLACE

[coronal]

[+distributed]

It is convenient to treat this phenomenon as a prosody (as opposed to separate phonemic vowels or vowel harmony) because PAL attaches to the whole phonological word and covers it like a blanket, modifying the pronunciation of all vowels and all alveolar sibilants. There are no examples in my data where palatalised and non-palatalised vowels occur together in the same root. Wherever PAL vowels occur, all the coronal consonants of the word gain the feature [+distributed]. The only exceptions are borrowings from languages of wider communication such as French or Fulfulde. Because these features occur together it is impossible to say whether the vowels influence the consonants or the other way around. PAL prosody affects both consonants and vowels at the same time.

PAL in nouns

[ɬⁱme] /ʲɬmV/ ‘ear’ [emɛʒ] /ʲVmVz/ ‘blood’ [ʃⁱlɛk] /ʲslVk/ ‘war’ [mɪtʃkwer] /ʲmVtskwVr/ ‘chicken’

PAL in verbs

Table 24: Palatalised and non-palatalised verb roots Non-Palatalised Palatalised SF UF Gloss SF UF Gloss [atsa] /V-tsV/ ‘3SG hunts’ [etʃe] /ʲV-tsV/ ‘3SG dries out’ [adza] /V-dzV/ ‘3SG drops’ [edʒe] /ʲV-dzV/ ‘3SG gets’ [andza] /V-ndzV/ ‘3SG is’ [endʒe] /ʲV-ndzV/ ‘3SG stays’ [asa] /V-sV/ ‘3SG [eʃe] /ʲV-sV/ ‘3SG drinks’ surrounds’ [aza] /V-zV/ ‘3SG takes’ [eʒe ~ iʒe] /ʲV-zV/ ‘3SG smells’

Palatalisation can spread leftward across morpheme boundaries.

PAL

/V/ + /mV/ + /ʲtsVŋ/  [emitʃeŋ] ‘he will hear’ 3SG.SBJ.IRR POT hear

PAL

/nV/ + /ŋgV/ + /ʲVrV/  [niŋgire] ‘I come’ 1SG.SBJ go DIR (ventive)

Some prepositions have both palatalised and non-palatalised forms to go with the noun they are referring to, which can also be interpreted as a leftward spread of the prosody across morpheme boundaries.

[eve gile] /VvV jgVlV/ ‘at our place’ [ava gwala] /VvV gwVlV/ ‘at my place’

2.4.2 Labialisation

Labialisation is a prosody that causes the rounding of all vowels and velar consonants in the phonological word.

It is important to differentiate LAB from the rounding caused by the bilabial nasal, the bilabial semi- vowel and the labialised velar consonants on adjacent vowels. In the case of the latter, the [+round] feature only spreads to adjacent vowels and not all native speakers follow this phonological rule to the same extent.

V C V

PLACE PLACE PLACE

[labial] [labial] [labial]

[+round]

The following words are examples of the local rounding effect of labialised velar consonants on adjacent vowels.

[adzugo] /VdzVgwV/ ‘hat’ [guko ~ gokwa] /gwVkwV/ ‘2SG.POSS’

On the other hand, in the case of labialisation prosody, all vowels and consonants in the phonological word gain the feature [+round]. LAB prosody is needed to interpret words that have only rounded vowels and no consonants that would cause the rounding.

[osos] /VsVsʷ/ ‘porcupine’ [dodo] /dVdVʷ/ ‘leopard’ [voto] /vVtVʷ/ ‘path’ [ofːoɗ] /VfːVɗʷ/ ‘ring’ [solo] /sVlVʷ/ ‘jealous’

Labialisation spreads to the left in multimorphemic words. The extent to which it spreads depends on the speaker. Here is an example of the variable scope of the spreading of LAB caused by the first person direct object pronoun [no].

No prosody: [awalakaba naɗ] /VwVlVkVbV nVɗ/ ‘He is angry’ Speaker 1: [owolokobo no] /VwVlVkVbV nVw/ ‘I am angry’ Speaker 2: [awolokobo no] /VwVlVkVbV nVw/ ‘I am angry’ Speaker 3: [awalakabo no] /VwVlVkVbV nVw/ ‘I am angry’

An autosegmental representation of the utterance by Speaker 1:

LAB

/V/ + /wVlVkVbV/ + /nVw/  [owolokobo no] 3SG.SBJ angers 1SG.DIR.OBJ

An autosegmental representation of the utterance by Speaker 2:

LAB

/V/ + /wVlVkVbV/ + /nVw/  [awolokobo no] 3SG.SBJ angers 1SG.DIR.OBJ

An autosegmental representation of the utterance by Speaker 3:

LAB

/V/ + /wVlVkVbV/ + /nVw/  [awalakabo no] 3SG.SBJ angers 1SG.DIR.OBJ

A preliminary orthography test22 showed the following results for the spreading of the LAB prosody across morpheme boundaries in a phrase.

[nyɛl o ~ a wol ~ wal no] /ʲnwVl V- wVl wnV/ hunger 3SG.SBJ hurt 1SG.DIR.OBJ ‘I am hungry.’

However, one has to note that these results – as interesting as they might be – cannot be taken as solid phonological evidence for the extent to which LAB spreads because the focus of the test was the written language. Nevertheless, since Mada speakers are not yet used to writing their language in a systematic way but tend to write everything according to their pronunciation, these results might well be a reflection of the varied scope of LAB prosody among native speakers. More recordings and research is needed to verify these assumptions about the scope of the LAB prosody.

22 The test results are based on 43 responses from Mada native speakers.

2.4.3 Palatalisation and labialisation together

Sometimes both prosodies attach to a word. In this case the full vowel is realised as [œ], the epenthetic as [y] or [ʏ].

[hœdœdœm] /jhVdVdVmw/ ‘knee’ [hʏndœr] /jhndVrw/ ‘nose’ [œhlœ] /jVhlVw/ ‘cactus’ [œhœɗ] /jVhVɗw/ ‘finger nail’

The verb root [tɛŋ] /jtVŋ/ ‘to see’ is a palatalised word. As we have seen in previous examples, the first person singular direct object pronoun [no] has a strong labialising effect. The following conjugation demonstrates the effect of both prosodies in a phrase.

[œ-tœŋ no] /V-jtVŋ nVʷ/ 3SG-see 1SG.DIR.OBJ 'He/she sees me.'

PAL LAB

/V/ + /jtVŋ/ + /nVw/  [œtœŋ no] 3SG.SBJ see 1SG.DIR.OBJ

[kœ-tœŋ-mœŋ no] /kV-ʲtVŋ-mVŋ nVʷ/ 2PL-see-2PL 1SG.DIR.OBJ 'You (pl) see me.'

PAL LAB

/kV/ + /jtVŋ/ + /mVŋ/ + /nVw/  [kœtœŋmœŋ no] 2PL.SBJ see 2PL.SBJ 1SG.DIR.OBJ

When both prosodies affect a segment, their effects are combined resulting in LAB+PAL vowels.

It is interesting to note that while LAB spreads throughout the phrase, the PAL prosody does not spread onto the direct object pronoun. It is possible to posit that PAL attaches to the phonological 49

word while LAB attaches to the phonological phrase. However, LAB seems to be less predictable than PAL in terms of its scope. Further research is needed to examine the exact spreading patterns of both prosodies.

2.4.4 Lexical meaning of prosodies

Sometimes the prosodies carry lexical meaning. When applied to verbs the PAL prosody usually implies a direction towards the speaker. The LAB prosody usually conveys the meaning of a direction away from the speaker.

When the prosodies convey directional meaning all vowels in the verb23 will be affected even across morpheme boundaries.

[ahaɗafaŋara] /V-hVɗV-fVŋ-VrV/ ‘he approaches somebody’ [ohoɗofoŋuro] /V-hVɗV-fVŋ-VrVʷ/ ‘he approaches somebody’ Dir.: itive [eheɗefiŋire] /ʲV-hVɗV-fVŋ-VrV/ ‘he approaches somebody’ Dir.: ventive

[atalatalkabara] /V-tVlV-tVl-kVbVrV/ ‘he sends them’ Dir.: from high [otolotolkoboro] /V-tVlV-tVl-kVbVrVʷ/ ‘he sends them’ Dir.: from below up [eteletelkebere] /ʲV-tVlV-tVl-kVbVrV/ ‘he sends them’ Dir.: horizontal

In some frequent verbs the prosodies became lexicalised as it is the case in the following example.

[adara] /V-dVrV/ ‘3SG came’ [oduro] /V-dVrVw/ ‘3SG went’

The palatalisation prosody can also be used to form diminutives when applied to adjectives (Boho, 2013, p. 72).

[sratat] /srVtV/ ‘discouraged, depressed’ [ʃretet] /ʲsrVtV/ ‘a little bit discouraged’

2.5 Tone

Barreteau and Brunet (2000, p. 41) as well as Nkoumou (2003, p. 81) describe Mada as having three level tones, however they admit that with further analysis it might be possible to reduce the number of tones to two.

23 The prosodies can be applied to any verb that expresses a motion in order to refine its directional meaning.

The new analysis offered here takes into consideration the pitch-lowering effect of depressor consonants and therefore posits that Mada has only two underlying tones, even if phonetically speaking three level tones can be observed. The depressor consonants in Mada are all the voiced obstruents and they lower the pitch of adjacent vowels.

SF Gloss CV pattern Tone First vowel Second vowel

[kòdȍ] ‘vulture’ CVDV L L 104,0 Hz 102,4 Hz

[vȍtò] ‘path’ DVCV L L 102,2 Hz 106,1 Hz

Figure 10: The pitch-lowering effect of depressor consonants in two nouns with a LL tone pattern

Tone carries a relatively low lexical load as there are only a few minimal pairs found in the data. However, in the verb phrase, tonal differences signal very important grammatical distinctions.

2.5.1 Lexical tone

The following two examples are common minimal pairs found among Mada nouns. These examples do not show a three-way distinction of Low, Mid and High tones, so they underscore the argument that there are only two underlying tones.

[àkwːàr] LL /VkwːVr/ ‘kidney’ [àkwːár] LH /VkwːVr/ ‘stone’

[bòhó] LH /bVhVw/ ‘bag’ [bòhò] LL /bVhVw/ ‘carp’

Among verbs, the imperative – which is the barest form of the verb – usually carries low tone. However, there are a handful of examples where the imperative form of two verbs is only distinguished by tone.

[tʃèŋ] L /jtsVŋ/ ‘listen.IMP’ [tʃéŋ] H / jtsVŋ / ‘cut.IMP’

[ɬà] L /ɬV/ ‘slaughter.IMP’ [ɬá] H /ɬV/ ‘return.IMP’

According to Barreteau and Brunet (2000, p. 19), the most common tone melodies are isotones and L-H, H-L combinations.

2.5.2 Grammatical tone

Tone plays a significant role in the Mada verb phrase in distinguishing different aspects and moods. Most verb roots are toneless and receive their tone from the suprasegmental melody that marks the various aspects and moods in the language.

In order to facilitate the understanding of the following examples, it is necessary to very briefly describe the major TAM distinctions in the Mada verbal system. The modal system is built along the dichotomy of Realis and Irrealis. The aspectual system is structured around the Imperfective- Perfective contrast that can be further divided into several other secondary aspects.

The following examples demonstrate the importance of tone in marking mood and aspect. The processes that result in these surface tone melodies will be explained in more detail in the following sections.

IMP 1SG-REA.IPFV 1SG-REA.PFV 1SG-IRR.POT Gloss

[tèŋ] [né-tèŋ] [nē-téŋ-á] [nè-téŋ] ‘see’

[bȁ] [ná-bȁ] [ná-bá] [nǎː-bá] ‘pass’

[cà] [ná-cà] [nā-cá] [nà-cá] ‘chase’

2.5.2.1 The tone melody for realis-imperfective

Realis is always marked by an underlying high tone on the subject prefix. In the imperfective aspect the verb root usually receives low tone. After non-depressor consonants this low tone is realised as low, after depressor consonants24 the low tone is realised as lowered low.

[ná-càkà] [ná-gȁrȁ]

/nV́-cV̀kV/ /nV́-gV̀rV/

1SG.REA-taste.IPFV 1SG.REA-hunt.IPFV

‘I taste’ ‘I hunt’

The process can be represented in the following way.

H L H L

[ná – càkà] [ná – gȁrȁ]

2.5.2.2 The tone melody for realis-perfective

The perfective is marked by a /-V́/ suffix carrying high tone. In verbs where the root ends with a vowel, the perfective suffix fuses with the root final vowel but keeps its high tone. In realis- perfective the depressor consonants significantly influence the tone melodies on the verbal word by not only lowering the pitch of adjacent vowels but also blocking tone spreading.

[nā-cáká] [ná-gārá]

/nV́-cV̀kV́/ /nV́-gV̀rV́/

1SG.REA-taste.PFV 1SG.REA-hunt.PFV

‘I tasted’ ‘I hunted’

H L H H L H

[nā – cáká] [ná – gārá]

As demonstrated in the first word [nā-cáká], when there are no depressor consonants in the root, the high tone of the perfective suffix can freely spread from right to left to the vowels of the root.

24 In the following examples, [g] illustrates the effects of depressor consonants.

Due to this, the original low tone of the root gets cut off and attaches to the subject prefix. The H tone of the realis mode as well as the L tone of the root are now both attached to the subject prefix producing a ‘mid’ surface tone.

The second word in the example above, [ná-gārá], contains the depressor consonant [g]. In the case of verb roots with depressor consonants, the high tone of the perfective tries to spread to the verb root and if there is no depressor consonant ‘in the way’, the high tone attaches to the vowels of the root until it finds a depressor consonant that blocks its spreading. As the high tone of the perfective maps from right to left, the low tone of the verb root moves along to the left until it is also blocked by a depressor consonant. At that point both the high tone of the perfective and the low tone of the root attach to the given vowel resulting in a ‘mid’ surface tone.

2.5.2.3 The tone melody for irrealis-potential

Irrealis is marked by a low tone on the subject prefix as opposed to realis that is marked by high tone. The irrealis marking low tone prefix spreads from left to right. The potential aspect is marked by a high tone. In irrealis-potential the verb root does not have an underlying tone. It is assigned a tone based on the nature of the last consonant of the verb root. If the last consonant of the root is non-depressor, the verb root will have a high surface tone. If the last consonant of the root is a depressor, the verb root will have a low surface tone. In irrealis-potential a similar spreading process takes place as described above in section 2.5.2.2. however, this time, it happens in the opposite direction.

[nà-cáká] [nǎː-gárá]

/nV̀-_́-cVkV/ /nV̀-_́-gVrV/

1SG.IRR-POT-taste 1SG.IRR-POT-hunt

‘I will/might taste’ ‘I will/might hunt’

L H L H H

[nà – cáká] [nǎː– gárá]

As seen in these examples, when there are no depressor consonants in the verb root, the pre-root potential marker attaches to the first vowel of the verb root. However, when there is a depressor consonant present in the root, the potential marker cannot attach to the first vowel in the verb root

because the depressor consonant blocks it. It therefore attaches to the subject prefix which results in a lengthened vowel carrying a rising surface tone. This rising tone is only attested in this context in Mada.

It is worth noting that in this case the low tone (irrealis) and the high tone (potential) do not attach to the same short vowel of the subject prefix resulting in a ‘mid’ surface tone as it was the case in the realis-perfective tone melody. One reason for this could be that if they both attached to the subject prefix, in many verbs there would be no means to distinguish the realis-perfective form from the irrealis-potential one. The presence of the rising tone noticeably marks the irrealis-potential form in verbs where the root contains a depressor consonant.

2.5.2.4 The tone melody in negation

Negation is marked by a floating low tone that is attached to the end of the verb root and spreads leftward. In addition, a negative particle is also used at the end of the phrase.

[nà-ká] [nâː-kà dà]

/nV̀-_́-kV/ /nV̀-_́-kV-_̀ dV̀/

1SG.IRR-POT-build 1SG.IRR-POT-build-NEG NEG

‘I will/might build’ ‘I will/might not build’

L H L H L

[nà – ká] [nâː– kà]

In this example the floating low tone marking negation spreads from right to left, cuts off any underlying tones in its way and attaches to the vowels of the verb root. As a result, the floating high tone of the potential attaches to the subject prefix. The floating low tone marking negation also attaches to the subject prefix which originally already has a low tone as it is the marker for irrealis. Based on the Obligatory Contour Principle (Yip, 2002, p. 100), two low tones cannot be associated to the same segment, so the low tone of the irrealis is deleted. Hence, the floating high tone of the potential and the floating low tone marking negation both attach to the subject prefix resulting in a modulated HL surface tone. This principle holds true regardless of depressor consonants.

2.6 Metrical structure

Stress is challenging to determine phonetically. In the case of Mada, stressed syllables contain a full vowel as well as have a higher pitch and increased volume. Stress is not a feature of the word. Native speakers perceive stress as ‘the rhythm of the language’ which is essential to the correct way of speaking.

Rhythmic stress in Mada runs from right to left and is right-headed. Feet consist of two to three syllables. In other words, starting from the right, the last syllable of a phrase is stressed and then every second or third syllable as well. A similar system can be found in Mbuko, a neighbouring language (Smith & Gravina, 2010, p. 237). Mada prefers iambic (weak-strong) or anapaestic (weak- weak-strong) foot structures. Strong syllables are usually closed syllables and/or carry high tone. There seems to be a correlation between stressed syllables and high tone, but more research is needed in the future in order to establish the complex rules that govern and influence stress in Mada.

[ā-ká-bàlá ə̀ɬár gə̀ŋá] (WS.WS) (WS WS)25 /V-kV-bVlV VɬVr gVŋV/ 3SG-PROG-wash tooth 3SG.POSS ‘He is brushing his teeth.’

[dèmkèl ɬiméː ākō kʊ̄trá jā mádə̄ɗáː] (WS WS) (WS WS) (W S W S) /jdVmkVl ɬmV VkV kwVtVr yV mVdɗV/ listen.IMP ear on word of fall ‘Listen to the story of my accident!’

This metrical stress can cause resyllabification as well as change in the vowel quality and length. Native speakers are very sensitive to the rhythmic system of the language and are much more aware of it than of different vowel qualities.

25 W stands for weak syllable and S stands for strong syllable.

2.6.1 Vowel raising caused by metrical structure

In fast speech the full vowel can be realised as a more closed vowel in order to give the phrase the right metrical rhythm. In an unstressed position the rhythm requires a shorter pronunciation of the full vowel which naturally leads to a higher realisation of the vowel since it is more economical.

[a mɪʃɛk əva] S (WS WS) V jmVsVk VvV/ in pot in ‘in the pot’

Sometimes it is not just the quality of the vowel that changes but even the syllable structure as it is the case in the following example.

[kʊtra maɗa gime] WS (WS WS) /kwVtVr mVɗV jgVmV/ language mada 1PL.POSS ‘our Mada language’

In this phrase [kwa.tar] is pronounced as [kʊ.tra] and [ge.me] is realised as [gi.me]. In the first word, the first syllable [kwa] is heavy because it contains a labialised velar and an open vowel. In order to fit this heavy segment into the time frame of an unstressed, weak syllable resyllabification takes place and the first syllable is realised with a short vowel [kʊ] while the second syllable is started with a consonant cluster. The pronunciation of the word [gi.me] is another example of vowel raising triggered by the metrical structure of the language.

2.6.2 Variable length morphemes

The preposition ‘with’ has two forms: [ārā] and [āráː] and the speaker chooses to use one or the other depending on which one fits the metrical structure of the phrase better. Interestingly, in old manuscripts both of these options were written – even though their meaning is exactly the same – in order to facilitate the reading with the correct metrical rhythm.

The lengthened vowel draws stress to itself.

[àmàmà ná kónōmkwáː āráː zàdà may] (S)(WW S) (W W S) (WS) (WW S) /VmVmV nV kV-nV-m-kVwː VrVː zVdV mVy/ Q.why 2PL-come-2PL-1SG.IND.OBJ with rod Q.why ‘Why do you come to me with a rod?’

3 Conclusion

Mada, a Central-Chadic language spoken in the Far-North Region of Cameroon, exhibits numerous interesting phonological features.

Morphemes are formed from a consonant skeleton containing one to three consonants to which vowels, prosodies and tone are added. Mada has 32 consonants. All consonants can be lengthened. Complex consonants behave as units in order to best fit the allowed syllable structures. Unusual consonants include two implosives /ɓ/ and /ɗ/, as well as the well-known Chadic lateral fricatives /ɬ/ and /ɮ/. Mada has prenasalised plosives in three points of articulation as well as four labialised velar plosives. Laminal fricatives and affricates are palatalised under the influence of the PAL prosody.

The vowel system is based on one underlying vowel and a phonemically zero, epenthetic vowel that is used to break up consonant clusters. Vowels can be coloured by prosodies – palatalisation, labialisation or both – and by local rounding effects resulting in at least 8 surface vowels. An interesting feature of the vowel system is that in the penultimate syllable the vowel is raised. This can be explained by the metrical structure of the language which prefers iambic (weak-strong) foot structures. Long vowels are not phonemic because they can be analysed as the fusion of vowels from two different morphemes or of a vowel and a semi-vowel.

The two prosodies – palatalisation and labialisation – apply to the phonological word. The prosodies affect certain consonants and all vowels in the word. Sometimes they can even spread across morpheme boundaries. Prosodies can carry lexical meaning as well.

Mada is a tonal language, it has two level tones: High and Low. There are depressor consonants that have a pitch-lowering effect on adjacent vowels and significantly affect the tonal melodies in the verb phrase. Tone plays a very important role in the verb phrase where it carries essential grammatical information about mood and aspect.

Mada has a metrical stress pattern. Rhythmic stress runs from right to left and is right-headed. Iambic or anapaestic foot structures are preferred. Certain common, post-lexical phonological processes (such as vowel raising, vowel lengthening and resyllabification) are motivated by the metrical structure of the language.

4 Suggestions for further research

Due to the limited time available for this study, some topics mentioned above will need more data and analysis. Suggestions for further research include the following:

 historical linguistic research about the existence of geminate consonants in Mada

 the timing of geminate consonants

 a deeper analysis of changes in vowel quality and length

 factors that influence the extent to which prosodies spread

 the tone system

 phrase level phonology and the metrical structure

 sociolinguistic study of the dialectal differences with special attention to the Tazang dialect that seems to differ the most from the other ones

 the effectiveness of the orthography that is based on this phonological study.

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Appendix

The 13 Mada clans (Richard 1977:77)