SECURITIZATION of IDENTITY in TURKEY DURING the AKP ERA Didem Aydindag1 Huseyin Isiksal2
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Vol nº 02 | nº 01 | ISSN: 2675-7451 https://www.periodicojs.com.br/index.php/gei/index SECURITIZATION OF IDENTITY IN TURKEY DURING THE AKP ERA Didem Aydindag1 Huseyin Isiksal2 Abstract: This article analyses some of securitization in particular. The latter the key political discussions in Turkey, sections evaluate the transformation of which are identity dichotomy, religious and secular identities through securitization and desecuritization cycle securitization and counter securitization of religion under the rule of the Justice by certain segments of the public. The and Development Party particularly in transformation is analyzed through the the post-2007 period. The article argues ruling periods of the AKP. The data that mostly from 2007 onwards, the consists of the AKP party manifestos, ruling party started the de-securitization official reports, election campaigns and process of religion as a referent object. speeches given by former Prime Minister The article further points out that from and current President Recep Tayyip 2014 onwards a shift in threat perception Erdoğan between the periods of 2002- can be analyzed utilizing anti- 2019. Westernization. The West interchangeable meant and homogenized Keyswords: Islamophobia, religious as the Christian world, is framed as discussions, prejudices, Christianity Islamophobic and therefore the new 1. INTRODUCTION threat to Islamic identity is not coming National identities have from the domestic secular identity but consistently been on the agenda of from the outside, the Western Christian international relations. Although identity/civilization. The national identity is an entrenched aspect conceptualization of the theoretical of the domestic policy orientations framework is built upon the Copenhagen regarding security, in some cases, the School’s societal securitization aspect. factors that define the overarching The first part focuses on the Copenhagen national identity are not always clearly School of security in general and identity 1 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4752-5037, University of Kyrenia 2 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2870-147X, Near East University 498 Vol nº 02 | nº 01 | ISSN: 2675-7451 https://www.periodicojs.com.br/index.php/gei/index defined and the dyad of identities may The study is particularly useful lead to a dichotomy and clashes, as in the in explaining the securitization cycle of case of Turkey. Deriving from this point, multiple identities in constructing threat this article analyses some of the key perceptions. The research is also political discussions in Turkey, which important in analyzing the structural are identity dichotomy, securitization transformation at the unit and subunit and desecuritization cycle of religion levels in Turkey. Thirdly, the article is under the rule of the Justice and important in elucidating the power Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma relationship between the secular identity Partisi – hereafter AKP), particularly in and the Islamic identity in Turkey. the post-2007 period. The conceptualization of the The article argues that mostly theoretical framework is built upon the from 2007 onwards, the ruling party Copenhagen School’s societal started the de-securitization process of securitization aspect. The first part religion as a referent object. The effects focuses on the Copenhagen School of of the top-down desecuritization of security in general and identity religion, which was also ironically a securitization in particular. The latter counter securitization move against the sections evaluate the transformation of dominant secular identity, enabled the religious and secular identities through secular audience who felt threatened by securitization and counter securitization the Islamic identity to act as securitizing by certain segments of the public. The actors in a counter-securitization move. transformation is analyzed through The article further points out different time periods based upon the that from 2014 onwards a shift in threat ruling periods of the AKP, namely 2002- perception can be analyzed utilizing anti- 2007, 2007-2011, 2011-2014 and finally Westernization. The West 2014-2019. The data consists of the AKP interchangeable meant and homogenized party manifestos, official reports, as the Christian world, is framed as election campaigns and speeches given Islamophobic and therefore the new by former Prime Minister and current threat to Islamic identity is not coming President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan from the domestic secular identity but between the periods of 2002-2019. from the outside, the Western Christian identity/civilization. 499 Vol nº 02 | nº 01 | ISSN: 2675-7451 https://www.periodicojs.com.br/index.php/gei/index 1.1. Copenhagen school of fixed single national identity. Thus, even security when a securitizing actor’s securitization The Copenhagen School move is analyzed, the researchers usually conceptualized securitization as the presume that the actor’s identity is part discursive and political process through of the already existing fixed overarching which an inter-subjective understanding national identity. This ontological is constructed within a political assumption cannot explain how two community to treat something like an differing securitizing actors have an existential threat to a valued referent impact on the perception of national object, and to enable a call for urgent and identity. It causes national identities to exceptional measures to deal with the be treated as monolithic and unitary and threat (Buzan, Waever, and de Wilde prevents that the observation that 1998, 30). In that respect, the ‘Referent identities are dependent on perceptions, object’ is the object that is claimed to be receptions, and actions of the agents. threatened and holds a general claim on Deriving from these points, this ‘having to survive.’ Additionally, there article argues that the post-2007 are ‘securitizing actors’ who make the desecuritization of Islamic identity claim through speech acts and audience. through institutionalization and Speech acts point to an existential threat discursive practices led Islam to be a to this referent object and thereby threat perception to the dominant secular legitimize extraordinary measures identity. In return, it caused a counter (Buzan, Waever, and de Wilde 1998, securitization from the secular audience 32). through securitizing secularism at the As significant representatives subunit and individual level. of the Copenhagen School of security, Ole Wæver and Barry Buzan argue that 1.2. The peculiarity of the societal security is the defense of a Turkish case community against a perceived threat to In contemporary Turkey, the its essential character that is identity desecuritization of Islamic identity is not (Waever 2008, 581-593). Approached a result of the top-down military- from this perspective, threats to identity bureaucracy desecuritization. The symbolize external threats. This transformation is a result of the assumption is understandable if there is a desecuritization of Islam through 500 Vol nº 02 | nº 01 | ISSN: 2675-7451 https://www.periodicojs.com.br/index.php/gei/index transformation of the political and social In that respect, the Takrir-i structure, particularly from 2007 Sükun Law of 1925 is worth mentioning, onwards. In early Republican Turkey, since it was aimed specifically against threat perception was built upon the the Islamic establishments. Until the late pillars of the Ottoman era, such as Islam 1940s, the main threat perception of the and the Eastern way of life. Once the state elite was religion, which meant that republic was established, Westernization securitization measures implemented became an identity marker for the newly were aimed at protecting the secular founded state. On the construction of its identity of the state. In addition to the secular and Western identity, the ‘other’ Takrir-i Sükun Law in 1925, with the was shaped by differences inherent to introduction of another law, all orders, Turkey’s historical and social reality as lodges, and other religious brotherhoods the Ottoman past. In other words, the were officially banned, and sheikhdom other of the new identity was not directly and discipleship were prohibited. In the from the outside, but from within the 1928 Constitution, the clause that Ottoman history. This ‘past as other’ defined the Turkish state’s official (Diez 2005, 613-636) was the main logic religion as Islam was removed. Sharia behind legitimizing or securitizing the and the Islamic lifestyle were replaced religious and ethnic identities. As with the Western lifestyle and religious explained by Tanıl Bora (1996); tutors were considered illegitimate in the The ‘other’ image of the aftermath. Turkish national identity is intrinsic to Since the establishment of the Turkey's historical-social reality. The multi-party period from the 1950s other is the ‘old Turkey’. That is onwards, the securitization against Ottoman Empire; it is the old civilization Islamic identity has always been on the framed by the religious world view. In agenda of Turkish domestic politics this new ‘old identity’ the Ottoman is (Aydındağ and Işıksal 2018, 301). The perceived as oppressing the Turk. Islam threat perception of Islam was mostly is also thought of primarily in terms of constructed by military and bureaucratic the potential of this ancient civilization establishments. In this respect, and the balance of the Ottoman Empire significantly, the military intervened in (hence the ‘danger of the reaction’). domestic politics three