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EDUCATION SYSTEM IN MUSLIM INDIA (1206-1707 A.D.)

SUBMITTED BY

ANILLA MOBASHER

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB FEBURARY, 2013

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EDUCATION SYSTEM IN MUSLIM INDIA (1206-1707 A.D.)

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY

BY

ANILLA MOBASHER

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY GOVT. POST GRADUATE ISLAMIA COLLEGE (W) COOPER ROAD, LAHORE

SUBMITTED TO DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB FEBBURARY 2013

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DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this Ph. D. dissertation is the result of my individual effort and that it has not been submitted concurrently to the other University for any other Degree.

ANILLA MOBASHER

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DEDICATED

TO

PROPHET MUHAMMAD (PBUH)

WHO ILLUMINATED MANKIND THROUGH OUT THE AGES.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First and foremost I would like to thank Allah Almighty, the most Gracious, most Merciful. It was with His will, grace and guidance that this entire project came into existence.

I would like to express extreme gratitude to my Supervisor Professor Dr. S. Qalib-i-Abid for his encouragement and support, without whom this project would not have been possible. It was my good fortune to work under such a scholarly, knowledgeable personality and no words can express my gratitude to him.

I am thankful to Professor Dr. M. Iqbal Chawla for his vital suggestions in the write up of this thesis.

I would also like to express my tremendous gratitude to Dr. Faraz Anjum who took out precious time to read through some of the chapters and provided invaluable suggestions. His advice, guidelines and remarks proved very fruitful, for which I am extremely grateful.

I am indebted to the entire Department of History at University of the Punjab for their collaboration and assistance. I am obliged to the Library staffs of Department of History and Central Library, University of the Punjab. The cooperation of Madam Faiqa Bhatti, Chief Librarian Chaudary Muhammad Hanif, Ijaz Ahmad Malik Bhai and Khurshid Bhai was exceptional and very moving.

I would also like to acknowledge the help provided by the stenographer Mr. Imran in editing the references.

I am thankful to my entire family: my husband Dr. Mobasher Ahmad who supported me throughout this work and whose cooperation strengthened me throughout the years. My vii daughters Afroze, Fizza, Arooj and Abeer who were my helping hands whenever I needed them. Last but not least my mother, Mrs. Dr. Zamir Hasan, whose prayers for my well being have always kept me going.

February, 2013. Anilla Mobasher

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CONTENTS

DECLARATION------iii CERTIFICATE------iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS------vi ABSTRACT------ix MAPS------x INTRODUCTION------1 CHAPTERS 1. PATRONAGE OF LEARNING AND ...... 16 EDUCATION UNDER THE DELHI SULTANS 2. PATRONAGE OF LEARNING AND ...... 48 EDUCATION UNDER THE GREAT MUGHALS 3. CURRICULUM AND METHOD OF IMPARTING .... 96 EDUCATION UNDER THE DELHI SULTANS AND GREAT MUGHALS 4. MEANS OF EDUCATION, LIBRARIES ...... 160 AND THE AVAILABILITY OF BOOKS 5. EDUCATION AND CONTRIBUTION OF ...... 209 FEMALES AND HINDUS UNDER THE DELHI SULTANS AND GREAT MUGHALS

CONCLUSION ...... 240 GLOSSARY ...... 246 GENEOLOGICAL TABLE OF DELHI SULTANS AND GREAT MUGHALS ...... 247 APPENDIX ...... 251 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 255

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ABSTRACT

This research provides an in depth analysis of the course and changes through which

Muslim India’s educational system passed through from 1206 A.D. to 1707 A.D. It gives a detailed account of how the curriculum, patronage from Rulers, methods of teaching and learning institutes of five centuries together formed a system of education. Four institutes are identified as the prime centres that played a pivotal role in dispensing knowledge and creating an environment of learning: the madrassas, mosques, khanqahs and private homes of scholars. Their complementary roles are discussed and appreciated. This study also highlights the excellent dynamics between the Rulers, students and teachers that led to the development of a remarkable teacher- student-ruling elite triad that gradually flourished to become the key element of this system. Finally the attention paid to female education and the provisions made to

Hindus in this period are also addressed in detail. This research argues that the system of education was an adequate mix of transmitted and rational sciences. Even without examinations, its ijazah system successfully produced learned students. The system proved at par to prepare its students to seek higher studies abroad. Education, far from being ignored by the Rulers of this period, received their constant attention and support in the form of endowments. Though this system had an air of stagnancy and lacked practical subjects, it was successful in the general education of Indians, in the honest bond that existed between pupil and master, in the numerous literary works produced in this period and in producing encyclopaedic intellectuals whose literary standards equaled those of the Safavids or Ottomans of the same period.

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The Delhi Sultanate under Sultan Muhammd Tughluq (1351 A.D.)

Source: Karl J. Schmidt, An Atlas and Survey under South Asian History (New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1995), 41.

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The Mughal Empire 1707 A.D.

Source: The Magnificent Mughals, Ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002). 1

INTRODUCTION

If we observe Muslim philosophical thought from the inception of Islam onwards, we witness an immense emphasis laid on educational aspirations.1 This phenomenon was a consequence of the centrality that knowledge had in Islam. Prophet Muhammad

(PBUH), the last Messenger of Monotheism, had great devotion to knowledge and science which distinguished him from his predecessors and brought him to close affinity with the modern world of thought.2 He preached the value of knowledge through numerous traditions, “The seeking of knowledge is obligatory for every

Muslim” 3 and “The learned are the heirs of the Prophets.”4 The formation of an educational system began during the Prophet’s life. Nine mosque-schools were established in Madinah and the Prophet (PBUH) himself would go to these for talks and discussions with students. Women were also taught along with men. In each neighbourhood of the city primary schools were established for the education of little children.5 It was these traditions set by the Prophet (PBUH) that generations of coming Muslims would ardently take to heart and follow. The format of primary schools imparting religious education became the basic foundation from which centuries of Muslim education would grow.

With knowledge holding such a significant position in their religion, Arab Muslims began to make immeasurable contributions to the wisdom of the world in medieval years.6 7 No wonder Robert Briffault claimed in the Making of Humanity that

1Mansoor A. Quraishi, Some Aspects of Muslim Education (Lahore: Universal Books, 1983), 3. 2Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam (Lahore: Ilm-o-Irfan Publishers, ) 314. 3Al-Tirmidhi, Hadith Number 74. 4Abu Dawood, Book of Knowledge, Book Number 25, Hadith Number 1631. 5Dr. Muhammad Hamidullah, Uhd-e-Nabi Main Nizam-e-Huqamrani (Karachi: ,1987), 198-199, 206. 6George Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science, vol. 1 (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins Company, 1927), 17. 2 renaissance owed its birth to Islam.8 The spiritual encouragement of religion, the resourcefulness of Arabic language and a driving force of genuine curiosity kindled the intellectual advancement of Muslims in the ninth, tenth and eleventh century.9

Though the Ummayyad Caliphs focused more on territorial expansion than the literary development of the empire, many more branches of learning, grammar, history, geography and science sprang up during their period.10 Basra and Kufa became centres of intellectual activity where students from all around gathered for learning Arabic pronunciation and the recitation of poems. The Basra school produced well known personalities like Hasan al-Basri and Muhammad ibn Sereen who were the leading lights of Basra in their days. In Kufa, the school of Abdullah ibn Masud also produced well known students of the Quran.11

Under the Abbasid Caliphate, education and learning reached the climax of its development. The enlightened Caliphs were distinguished patrons of learning and the learned.12 Both elementary schools and the schools for higher education were established throughout the Caliphate. Elementary schools were usually attached to mosques where the Quran was used as a textbook. Maktabs also served as elementary schools.13 These schools usually taught reading, writing, arithmetic, traditions of the

Prophet (PBUH) and devotional poems.14 Particular emphasis was laid on Arabic

7The term Arab here refers to Arabic speaking people and not to any particular geographic location. 8Robert Briffault, Making of Humanity (New South Wales: G. Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1919), 188-201. See also Fernand Braudel, A History of Civilizations, translated by Richard Mayne (New York: Penguin Books, 1995), 73-81, Gustav Karpeles, Jewish Literature and Other Essays (1895) (Montana: Kessinger Publishing, 2003), 147 and T. Walker Arnold and A. Guillaume, The Legacy of Islam (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1968), 354 who similarly describe the brilliance of Arab intellect in this period and acknowledge them as pioneers of Europe’s renaissance. 9Howard R. Turner, Science in Medieval Islam: An Illustrated Introduction (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997), 18. 10Ali, 317. 11Quraishi, Some Aspects of Muslim Education, 13. 12Ali, 317. 13Philip K. Hitti, History of Arabs (London: Macmillian and Co. Ltd, 1950), 409. 14Quraishi, Some Aspects of Muslim Education, 12-16 3 grammar.15 Institutes for higher education taught Arabic classical works, rhetoric, mathematics, astronomy and other sciences. Along with these institutes of general learning, professional institutes for specialised learning were also present, such as for medicine etc.16 The political victories over foreign lands had a benefit of exposing the

Arabs to new concepts and ways of thinking. Their approach towards knowledge was inventive and innovative which led to an outstanding original contribution on their part to both sciences as well as arts.

An increase in abstract learning, debates and discussion made it essential for schools to be expanded beyond mosques. The initiation of madrassas took place, which was both natural and necessary.17 Nizam-ul-Mulk, a famous vizier in the administration of

Seljuk Sultans of the eleventh century, was a strong promoter of these madrassas.18

With the exception of Spain and Sicily, standardised madrassas were established in all large cities of the Caliphate. The greatest of these academies was the famous

Madrassa-e-Nizamiyyah established in 1066 A.D. (459 AH) in Baghdad. Another important educational institution was the Bait-ul-Hikmah established by the Abbasid

Caliph Mamun in 830 A.D. It was a combination of library, academy and translation bureau.19 It was the first university of both the medieval and modern world before

Prague, Oxford or Cambridge.20

Muhammad bin Qasim’s conquest of Sindh brought India’s first political contact with

Islam. Three centuries later, western Punjab came under the Islamic rule of the

Ghaznavids.21 Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznah became the first Muslim ruler to exert a

15John William Draper, History of the Intellectual development of Europe (New York: Harper & Bros., 1863), 352. 16Ibid. 17Ahmad Shalaby, History of Muslim Education (Karachi: Indus Publications, 1979), 55. 18Jamal Malik, Madrasas in South Asia: Teaching Terror? (London: Routledge, 2008), 4. 19Hitti, 310. 20Quraishi, Some Aspects of Muslim Education, 91-92. 21Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1942), 2-3. 4 cultural and educational influence over India. He had a learned predisposition and proved to be a magnificent patron of the arts.22 He encouraged scholars, poets and literary men to immigrate into and decorate his capital.23 The successors of the

Ghaznavids, the Ghoris followed their footsteps of establishing educational institutes.

Thus the tradition of establishing schools and promoting education, which had existed for years amongst Muslims, and was a tradition that could be traced back to the

Prophet (PBUH) himself, was finally flourishing in India. In this same period the immigration of men of letters and mystics such as Sheikh Hussain Zanjani and Sheikh

Ali Hujwîrî to Lahore, raised the city’s status as a seat of learning.24

The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate25 was a landmark in Indian History, marked by Qutb-ud-Din Aibak’s ascent as an independent Sultan in 1206 A.D.26 27 After the

Slave rulers (1206-1210 A.D.) the Sultanate was ruled by six dynasties, the Shamsids

(1210-1266 A.D.), Ghiathids (1266-1290 A.D.), Khalajis (1290-1320 A.D.),

Tughluqs (1320-1414 A.D.), Syeds (1414-1451 A.D.) and Lodhis (1451-1526 A.D.).

22Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994:1040 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963), 131-132. 23Ibid., 134. 24G. M. D. Sufi, Al-Minhaj, being the Evolution of the Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1981), 13-14. 25A suitable definition of the term Delhi Sultanate is as follows, “The Delhi Sultanate could not, perhaps, be clearly defined in spatial terms. During the thirteenth century it should be seen as a collection of sub-kingdoms, some ruled by Hindu potentate who periodically rendered tribute, others by princes of the sultan’s dynasty or by Muslim amirs and muqta’s. What ultimately determined the extent of the monarch’s rule was recognition by the provincial governors, particularly those of outlying regions.” Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 87. 26Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, 1. 27Sources for the Delhi Sultanate include Hasan Nizami’s Tâj al-Maâsir, the Sultanate’s first official History. It gives an account of the years 1191-1217 A.D. Tabakat-e-Nasiri by Minhaj-ud-Din Siraj Jurjani, is a source of History of Ghor, Ghaznin and Delhi up till 1261 A.D. In the words of Rosenthal it is a vast dynastic Historiography. Tarikh-e-Firoz Shahi by Ziauddin Barani describes the period from Balban’s rule to Firoz Tughluq’s (1266-1357 A.D.). Amir Khusrau versified History in masnavi form with his Qiran-ul-Saadain: The Ashiqa, The Nuh Sipihr and The Tughluqnama. His Khazan-ul-futuh narrates History in prose. Futah-us-Salatin is another original historical source, poetic in nature, composed in M. Tughluq’s life. Tarikh-e-Firoz Shahi by Shams Afif deals with Firoz Shah Tughluq’s reign only. Tarikh-e-Mubarak Shahi by Yahya bin Ahmad Sarhandi is a primary source for the Syed dynasty from 1400-1134 A.D. See Peter Jackson The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003) for a recent detailed account of the political and military History of the Delhi Sultanate. 5

28 By the period of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq, excluding the south, the Sultanate stretched throughout the subcontinent.29

The Delhi Sultans had inherited from Sultan Mahmud a theoretical authority of the

Islamic Caliph which tied Muslim India to the rest of the Islamic world.30 The Delhi

Sultans were supporters of the Abbasids and maintained this authority of the Caliph.

For this reason they preferred the title ‘Sultan’ to King for themselves.31 32 Amongst other features inherited from the Ghaznavids, the Sultanate possessed a distinct

Muslim cultural identity, superiority of Muslim law and constant migrations of men of genius.33

With the advent of the Delhi Sultans, education became more organized.34 The Delhi

Sultans proved to be great patrons of culture and education. Through their monetary generosity, they endorsed the progression of knowledge. They ardently honoured scholars, poets and litterateurs and so, warmly welcomed the erudite who fled the

Mongol invasions of Central Asian regions.

28Francis Robinson, The Mughal Emperors: And the Islamic Dynasties of India, Iran and Central Asia (1206-1925) (London: Thames & Hudson, 2007), 75. See Muhammad Aziz Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290 A.D.) (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, 1987) and Ishwara Topa, Politics in Pre- Mughal Times (Delhi: Idarah-I Adabiyat-I Delhi, 2009) and Lal, Twilight of the Sultanate (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1963) for a recent general account of the Sultanate. See Also J. M. Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq (Lahore: Progressive Books, 1976) , Mahdi Husain, Tughluq Dynasty (Calcutta: Thacker Spink & Co., 1963) and Ishwari Prasad, History of the Qaraunah Turks in India, vol. 1 (Allahbad: The Indian Press Limited, 1936) for a more recent account of the Tughluqs. 29Ibid. 30Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1970), 5. 31Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, 25 and 27. With the sack of Baghdad, Caliphate was used less for a state, and the terms ‘dawlat’ or ‘sultanate’ became more popular. Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, 7. 32Sultan Iltutmish was the first to receive official recognition by Caliph al-Mustansir whose name was struck on the Sultanate’s coins. Al-Musta’sim’s name remained on Delhi’s coinage forty years after his death. Ibid., 27-29. Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq had to send an envoy to Egypt to determine the new Caliph. He too had coins struck in the Egyptian Caliph’s name, after receiving official recognition. Edward Thomas, The Chronicles of The Pathan Kings of Delhi (Lahore: Qausain, 1975), 257. For titles styled by the Delhi Sultans see Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, 6-9. 33Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, 3. 34Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 52. 6

The Muslim society in the Sultanate was divided from the very beginning into men of the sword ahl-i-saif and men of the pen or ahl-i-qalam. The most influential of the latter were the theologians or ulema. Respected and empowered by the Delhi Sultans, they presided over judicial and religious matters as well as over the educational system.35 Their influence led to the system of education consisting primarily of transmitted sciences.36 It was in the period of Sultan Sikander Lodhi that rational sciences also achieved popularity amongst scholars and students.37

The Turko-Timuri prince Zahir ud Din Babur in 1526 A.D.38 defeated Sultan Ibrahim

Lodhi and established the Mughal Empire that lasted till the year 1857 A.D.39 It was the longest dynastic rule over India and one of the largest centralized states of pre- modern history that surpassed Ottoman Turkey and Safavid Persia. With its unique etiquette, ceremonies, art, music and poetry it constituted a culture so richly flavoured, that it retained its recognition and appeal even after its decline.40

The Mughals were the fruit that grew from the roots of a period of experimentation, the Delhi Sultanate, before them.41 They were an outcome of nine centuries of

35A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India (Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1961), 296-297. 36See Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Delhi Sultanate: Urbanisation and Social Change (New Delhi: Viva Books, 2009), 140-145 for an overview of the subjects taught by ulema. The most authentic and detailed list of the curriculum of the Delhi Sultanate is provided in G. M. D. Sufi, Al-Minhaj, being the Evolution of the Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1981). 37Francis Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia (London: Hurst and Co., 2001), 42. 38Zahiru-d-din Muhammad Babur Padshah Ghazi, Memoirs of Babur, translated by Annette Susannan Beveridge, 2 volumes (London: Luzak and Company, 1922) is Babur’s exclusive autobiography. See L. F. Rushbrook Williams, An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century (Delhi: S. Chand & Co., N.D.) , Mohibbul Hasan, Babur: Founder of the Mughal Empire in India, (New Delhi: Manohar, 1985) and Stephen F. Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530), (The Netherlands: Brill Leiden Boston, 2004) as secondary sources for Babur’s life. 39Stephen F. Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530), (The Netherlands: Brill Leiden Boston, 2004), 15. 40Gordon Johnson, ed., The New Cambridge History of India, vol. 1, The Mughal Empire by John F. Richards, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 1. 41Mahdi Husain, Tughluq Dynasty (Calcutta: Thacker Spink & Co., 1963), 1. For a comparison of the Sultanate dynasties and Mughal dynasty See Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughal Empire (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1966), 2-3. 7

Muslim invasions and occupations in India. The Mughals were the heirs of countless

Muslim military victories and social interactions, from which they benefited. They inherited from their predecessors the ambition and mechanism of establishing a centralized empire. Their own successful military conquests along with the constant flow of immigrants and the Hindu Muslim conversions spread their empire both in terms of size and diversity. 42

The reign of the six Great Mughals over India, starting from Emperor Babur and ending with Emperor Aurangzeb, lasted from 1526 A.D. to 1707 A.D.43 In these one hundred and seventy years the Mughal Empire flourished as a dynamic, powerful organization. It featured territorial expansion, military conquests and strong internal

42John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad, (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 3-4. 43The first six Mughals of the Mughal dynasty have been coined ‘the Great Mughals’, a term used throughout this study. Emperor Babur (1526-1530 A.D.) was followed by his son Humayun (1530- 1540 A.D.) (1555-1556 A.D.). His sister Gulbadan Begum’s Humayun-nama (The History of Humayun with Persian Text) translated by Annette S. Beveridge, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2002) and Jouher Aftabchi’s The Tezkereh al Vakiat or Private Memoirs of the Moghul Emperor Humayun, translated by Charles Stewart (London: Oriental Translation Fund, 1832) are original books on his period. For further work See S. K. Banerji, Humayun Badshah, (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1938). The third Emperor was Akbar the Great (1556-1605 A.D.) whose official history is documented in the biographical book Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, translation from Persian by H. Beveridge, 2 volumes (New Delhi: Low Price Publications, 2002). For administrative steps See Abul Fazl Allami, The Ain-I Akbari translated by H. Blochmann, 3 volumes (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2004). A strikingly different view of the period is recorded in Abdul Qadir bin Muluk Shah Al-Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, translated by G. S. A. Ranking, W. H. Lowe, T. Wolsey Haig (Karachi: Karimsons Publishers, 1976-78) See Vincent A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul 1542-1605 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917) for a secondary source’s account though Smith is unnecessarily critical in many matters. Jahangir (1605-1627 A.D.) He wrote his own memoirs as The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, translated by Alexander Rogers (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2001). See also Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, (Allahabad: The Indian Press Ltd, 1940). See M. A. Alvi, A. Rahman, Jahangir-The Naturalist, (New Delhi: National Institute of Sciences of India, 1968) for an account of Jahangir’s naturalist interests. Shah Jahan (1628-1658 A.D.) was the fifth Great Mughal. See Muhammad Sahle Kamboo, ShahJahannama translated by Mumtaz Liaqat (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1982) for a chronology of his period. See Bernarsi Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi (Lahore: Book Trader, N.D.) as a biography and Fergus Nicoll, Shah Jahan (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2009) for a more recent work. Aurangzeb (1658-1707 A.D.) was the last Great Mughal. See Mustad Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, translated by Jadu Nath Sarkar (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1947) as a contemporary source. See also J. N. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib Mainly Based on Persian Sources, 5 Volumes, (Calcutta: M. C. Sarkar & Sons, 1912.) and Zahiruddin Faruki, Aurangzeb His Life and Times (Lahore: Al Biruni, 1977) as biographies. For a record of Aurangzeb’s letters See Rukaat-i-Alamgiri or Letters of Aurangzebe, translated by Jamshid H. Bilimoria (London: Luzac & Co., 1908). 8 administration led by pro active rulers.44 In efficiency, extent of rule and strength of order they dominated over all preceding Indian rulers.45 Although the first two Great

Mughals and their officials were primarily immigrants, yet their interests as well as that of their successors remained indisputably Indian.46 This period witnessed the unification of Turko-Mongolian traditions and Iranian culture with the riches and talents of the Indian subcontinent. The outcome was a period of power and patronage in which Persianate high culture achieved a new height.47 The influence of this culture spread over a much wider terrain than any Empire could claim to.48

This extensive Mughal Empire was managed by centralized, efficient administration which consequently required the backing of a strong educational system. The inherited system of education of the Delhi Sultans underwent new flavours and alterations under the liberal minded Great Mughals who brought their own unique cultural trends. The system imbibed reforms and rationalist studies, which flourished parallel to the ever popular transmitted sciences that came to be mirrored in the curricula. The impetus of the Great Mughal Emperors to literature, poetry, historiography and calligraphy produced a never before seen extensiveness of work in these fields. The amalgam produced added to the identity of the Mughal Empire as a cultural state possessing an active intellectual environment.

The objectives of this study are to describe the course of the Muslim educational system for five centuries (1206-1707 A.D.) and to describe the system of education, outline of curriculum, learning institutes founded and method of imparting education

44Johnson, ed., The New Cambridge History of India, vol. 1, The Mughal Empire by Richards, 1-2. 45Stephen P. Blake, Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India, 1639-1739 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 1. 46Johnson, ed., The New Cambridge History of India, vol. 1, The Mughal Empire by Richards, 1-2. 47Foreword by Francis Robinson in The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, translated by Corinne Attwood (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005), 7. 48Richard C. Foltz, Mughal India and Central Asia (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 88. 9 followed in the period of Delhi Sultans. It also aims to illustrate the role played by

Delhi Sultans in promoting education in India. Furthermore, this study also aims to portray the system of education in the Great Mughal period, with emphasis to each individual Great King, inclusive of the education, literary contributions and patronage in their periods of rule. The curriculum and its objective, classification, changes and flaws are brought to light along with the various methods of teaching. The four means of education: madrassas, mosques, khanqahs and private homes of scholars and the

Sadr-us-Sudoor’s financial aid to the system is also highlighted.

The system of education under the Delhi Sultans and Great Mughals (1206-1707 A.

D.) is an area of History that is either overlooked, poorly described or incompletely discussed. Information in the primary sources is scattered and under emphasized while all the secondary books pertaining to this topic fail to discuss every aspect of the system together. A study has yet to be done that describes each and every aspect of this area: the curriculum, patronage, institutes, methods of teaching and so on in one place. And until every aspect is researched, discussed and equally emphasized in a single place, the system of education cannot be determined.

The reason behind studying such an extensive period of five centuries (1206-1707

A.D.) is that a system cannot be determined by merely studying a few years of it. It can only be adequately appreciated if it is studied from its initial phase, if the transmissions of knowledge, trends and social experiences occurring over its course are taken into account and if the socio-political conditions present throughout the centuries are considered.

Furthermore, this study challenges traditional concepts such as the belief that the

Delhi Sultanate was trivial in comparison to the Great Mughals, that education had been left abandoned by the Rulers, that it was confined due to orthodox dogmas, that 10

Indians had a shortage of books before the arrival of the printing press, that Fiqh was preferred over Hadith before Shah Walliullah’s time and that the curriculum was only religious.

It is necessary to elaborate the chronological limits of this thesis, which covers a vast period of 1206-1707 A.D. The year 1206 A.D. marks the ascent of Qutb-ud-Din

Aibak as an independent Sultan of Delhi while the year 1707 A.D. marks the end of the reign of the Great Mughals. Soon after the establishment of the Mughal Empire,

Sher Shah Suri defeated the second Great Mughal Humayun in 1540 A.D. and established the Suri Empire in India till Humayun’s recapture in 1555 A.D. from

Sikander Shah Suri. This period of Suri reign is excluded from the chronological limits of this thesis. The discussion of education in this study pertains to the transmitted and rational subjects that constituted the curriculum then, and were taught in the madrassas of this period. The education of fields such as music and architecture, that were absent from the curriculum of this period, have been excluded from the scope of this thesis.

REVIEW OF LITERATURE:

A commendable research has been done by Narendra Nath Law in his book

Promotion of Learning in India49, published in 1916. It is the first book on the history of Muslim patronage for learning and education in India. It starts with Sultan

Mahmud of Ghaznah and ends with the close of the eighteenth century. Law has aptly detailed the patronage for learning given by minor Muslim kingdoms, Delhi Sultans and the Mughal dynasty. But the book completely lacks any mention about the curriculum that was taught, the institutes of education, how education was imparted

49Narendra Nath Law, Promotion of Learning in India (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1916) 11 and how the education system worked. The author focuses more on the role of

Muslim rulers and ignores the parts played by ulema and sufis in dispensing knowledge. The trends through which the curriculum passed through and the books that were taught are also ignored.

Education in Muslim India50 by S. M. Jaffar is a simple straightforward book, which covers topics similar to the Promotion of Learning in India. From 1000 A.D. to 1800

A.D., it discusses the same aspects of Muslim patronage as Law does, often using

Law’s work as his main source of information. Curriculum, methods of imparting education and the aim of education are discussed in this book, but at a very minor level. It has a broader range of topics yet is surpassed by Promotion of Learning in

India in terms of original research. It was first published in 1936 and reprinted in

1972, so it does not offer any recent analysis of the medieval Indian educational system.

A History of Education in India and Pakistan51 by F. E. Keay discusses education from ancient Indian times to the year 1947. The period that concerns us is discussed in the form of dynasties, not individual rulers. The author emphasizes on Akbar’s liberal and rational educational reforms as well as Bernier’s unfavourable views of Muslim education. Other topics discussed are women education, the seats of learning and

Hindu colleges. The book touches these aspects in a fine manner, but doesn’t discuss the educational system in totality.

Abul Hasnaat Abdul Shakoor Nadvi’s book Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami

Darasgahain52 provides a detailed description of Muslim madrassas and educational institutes. The book compiles information related to the means of Muslim education.

The author made a personal effort of extensive travelling throughout India to compile

50S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India (Delhi: Idarah-I Adabiyat-I Delhi, 1972) 51F. E. Keay, A History of Education in India and Pakistan (Oxford University Press, 1959) 52 Abul Hasnaat Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain (Lahore: Milli Printers, 1979) 12 this work. Abul Hasnaat Nadvi has used Maulana Abdul Hai’s research regarding curriculum to describe the syllabus taught in these institutes. Thus this book acts as a guide for the institutes and curriculum of Muslim India.

Al-Minhaj: Being the Evolution of Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent53 by G. M. D. Sufi is a very significant book that discusses the evolution of curriculum from the period of the Delhi Sultans to the

British rule in India. Its importance lies in the detail with which it mentions the books in the curriculum. The curricula of elementary, secondary and higher education are stated in this book. Curriculum is the main theme of the book; it refrains from discussing all other aspects of the educational system.

There are some other works regarding this period which have discussed this topic as a chapter, such as the books The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi54 and The

Administration of the Mughal Empire55 by Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi. Both these books are considered an authority on this period but they discuss education merely in one chapter. The chapter Religious Affairs, Education and Public Works in the former book and Religious Affairs, Education and Public Works in the latter discuss education from an administrative perspective only by describing the Rulers’ patronage, the grant system and the role of the Sadr-us-Sudur in this matter.

Aziz Ahmad in his book An Intellectual History of Islam in India56 briefly discusses both medieval and modern Muslim education in India, covering both the Sultanate and Mughal periods. He also gives an overview of the important Arabic, Turkish,

53G. M. D. Sufi, Al-Minhaj: Being the Evolution of Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1981) 54Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Asraf, 1942) 55Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughal Empire (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1966) 56 Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969) 13

Persian and Urdu Literature written in these periods. The author also consicely discusses Sufism in India. The book is very authentic and informative but doesnot discuss education as a system and has brief chapters.

Manazir Ahsan Gilani’s book Hindustan Mein Musalmano Ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-

Tarbiyat57 discusses the curriculum and course of rational and transmitted sciences, providing much information to the reader. As the author himself has been taught at a madrassa, his analysis of the books taught in these institutes is both wise and authentic. He praises the private homes of scholars. Although the book provides much detail regarding the education system prevalent in India, it has been written more from a personal and less from a research oriented aspect. As a result the division of the book lacks order and rhythm. Information gathered by Manazir Ahsan in this book has been used liberally by modern historians.

METHODOLOGY AND DIVISION OF CHAPTERS:

Comparative, analytic and especially descriptive methods were used to make this research comprehensive and thoroughly researched regarding historical facts. A thorough analysis of descriptive facts is made to ascertain the overall system of education. A large number of primary as well as secondary sources were utilised for the study.

The first chapter discusses in detail the individual benefaction provided by the Sultans of Delhi to Muslim education and educationists as well as describes select scholarly men and their work as examples of this period. The institutes funded and the type of learning promoted by each Delhi Sultan is also discussed.

57 Manazir Ahsan Gilani, Hindustan Mein Musalmano Ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbiyat, vol. 1, (Delhi: Nadwatul Musanafeen, N.D.) 14

The second chapter aims to discuss the educational upbringing of each of the Great

Mughal Kings, their subjects of interest, their literary achievements and the patronage they provided for the progression of learning and education of their people. The nobility that followed their footsteps as well as prominent men of letters in each Great

King’s reign will also be discussed.

In the third chapter the course of primary, secondary and higher studies is explained.

An outline of the curriculum under the Delhi Sultans and Great Mughals is provided.

The transmitted as well as rational subjects and the preferred books through which they were studied are mentioned. The educational trends of this period and the tilt towards transmitted or rational sciences in various years are discussed. The aims, achievements and drawbacks of the curriculum are analysed. The methods of imparting education that instructors employed such as discussion, research, revision etc are discussed in the chapter’s close.

In the fourth chapter we discuss the four types of institutes present in the Delhi

Sultanate and Mughal India that facilitated in the diffusion of knowledge: madrassas, mosques, khanqahs and the private homes of scholars. In the end, the libraries of royals, nobles and scholars as well as the art of calligraphy, book illustration and the role of Indian scribes are discussed.

The fifth chapter is divided into two portions, the former is a review of female education and contribution during our period and the latter is a discussion of Hindu education and contribution.

The state of female education both in the Delhi Sultanate and the Great Mughal period is discussed in the fifth chapter. Prominent female figures, their educational background, literary talents and patronage for the learning and learned are also discussed individually and extensively. The Hindus constituted a majority community 15 and an important body in India. An account of their curriculum, centres of learning and education is made in this chapter. Their literary contributions are also mentioned.

The grants and provisions bestowed to them by the Muslim rulers of our period are discussed.

Lastly a conclusion follows these chapters, wherein an overall conclusive analysis of the system and its course over five centuries is made.

16

CHAPTER I

PATRONAGE OF LEARNING AND EDUCATION

UNDER THE DELHI SULTANS

To some, the Delhi Sultanate may be considered trivial in comparison to the world famous Great Mughals that succeeded it. But the Delhi Sultans proved great patrons to culture and education. Through their monetary generosity, they endorsed the progression of knowledge. They ardently honoured scholars and litterateurs and so, warmly welcomed the erudite who fled the Central Asian regions. After the decline of

Baghdad, Samarkand and Bukhara, Delhi rose as a seat of eminence and an epicentre of learning. And none but the Delhi Sultans are to be credited. This chapter will discuss in detail the benefaction provided by the Sultans of Delhi to Muslim education and educationists as well as describe select scholarly men and their work as examples of this period.

Mahmud of Ghaznah’s (ruling reign 997-1030 A.D.) successful Indian campaigns brought western Punjab under Islamic rule.1 This marked the first direct Muslim cultural and educational influence of a ruler, on India. He had a learned predisposition and brought back libraries to Ghaznah from Ray and Isfahan. He was a magnificent patron of the arts and his court was regularly visited by four hundred poets.2 The author of Tarikh-I Guzida, Hamdu-lla Mustaufi, states that,

1Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 3. 2Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994:1040 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963), 131-132. 17

He was a friend of learned men and poets, on whom he bestowed munificent

presents, in so much that every year he expended upon them more than

400,000 dinars.3

Mahmud of Ghaznah encouraged scholars, poets and literary men to immigrate into and decorate his capital.4 The Sultan’s court had a consortium of stars namely the

Arab Historian Al-Utbi.5 The renowned poets in his court included Unsuri, Ghadairi,

Farrukhi, Asjadi, Manuchiri and Firdousy who composed the Shahnama Islam.6

Unsuri was his Poet Laureate who presided over the other poets.7 Allama Abu Rihan

Al-Biruni, the greatest genius of the age, was also a part of the Ghaznah court. He wrote two of his celebrated books Qanon-e-Masudi and Tarikh-ul-Hind in this period,8 completing them in the period of Masud of Ghaznah.

Sultan Mahmud founded a university in Ghaznah as well, that contained an enormous collection of books in various languages and had an attached museum. He appointed an appropriate sum of money for the students to instruct them in sciences and arts, besides an adequate fund to sustain the university.9

Along with Ghaznah, for nearly two centuries from the tenth to the twelvth, Lahore marked the definite stage at which Muslim learning flourished on Indian soil. The definite literary predilections of the Sultans of Ghazna and the application of the resources of the state to the promotion of learning benefited Lahore, and it rose as a

3Hamdu-lla Mustaufi, “Tarikh-I Guzida,” In The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. 3, translated by Sir Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson (Lahore: Islamic Book Service 1979), 61. 4Bosworth, 134. 5Philip K. Hitti, History of the Arabs (London: Macmillian and Co. Ltd., 1950), 465. 6Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, History of the Rise of the Mohomedan Power in India, translated by John Briggs, vol. 1 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1977), 74. 7Bosworth, 131. 8Al-Biruni, “Tarikh-ul-Hind,” In The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. 2, translated by Sir Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson (Lahore: Islamic Book Service 1979), 1. 9Ferishta, vol. 1, 64. 18 seat of learning.10 Sultan Mahmud and his successor Masud of Ghaznah were thus the pioneering Muslim rulers of India to make efforts of developing a literary environment in their Sultanate. Their contacts with the Abbasids influenced Arabic literature and learning in the region.11 The literary styles and patterns set in their period would be popularised under succeeding Sultans.

The successors of the Ghaznavids were the Ghorids, and they inherited the tradition of knowledge from the former. Muiz-ud-Din Muhammad Ghori (1171-1206 A. D.) after his conquest, began establishing mosques and colleges in Ajmer12. He paid great attention to the learned men around him.13 Muhammad Ghori took pleasure in educating his Turkish slaves in the best possible manner and raised them to the highest merit possible.14 Qutb-ud-Din Aibak was one of these fortunate slaves. In his childhood, Qutb-ud-Din Aibak was brought from Turkistan to Nyshapur and sold by a merchant to Qazi Fakhr-ud-Din bin Abdul Aziz Kufi.15 Qazi Fakhr-ud-Din, who belonged to Imam Abu Hanifa’s lineage and was prominent for his academic abilities, gave Qutb-ud-Din his initial education.16 In his youth he was purchased by Sultan

Muiz-ud-Din Muhammad Ghori.17 Under the supervision of his master he was appointed the chief commander of the royal army, to look-over the Sultan’s conquests in India 1191 A.D. He remained at this post till the death of his master Muhammad

Ghori in 1206 A.D.

10G. M. D. Sufi, Al-Minhaj, being the Evolution of the Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1981), 13-14. 11Bosworth, 133. 12Hasan Nizami, “Tâj al-Maâsir,” The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. 2, translated by Sir Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson (Lahore: Islamic Book Service 1979), 215. 13Ferishta, vol. 1, 108. 14Ibid., 113. 15Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabakat-e-Nasiri, translated by H. G. Raverty (Lahore: Amir Publications, 1977), 513. 16Ibid. 17Ferishta, vol. 1, 109. 19

The Delhi Sultanate marks a new chapter in the political, educational, social and cultural history of the subcontinent, and it began with the establishment of Sultan

Qutb-ud-Din’s reign. As an independent ruler Qutb-ud-Din reign lasted for four years stretching from 1206-1210 A.D.18 As a monarch, he held a cultured court and a society of educated men. He was a patron of letters.19 He respected ulema and learned men to the greatest degree.20 Qutb-ud-Din took over the throne in Lahore,21 and remained retired there for a prolonged time due to his ongoing battle with Taaj-ud-

Din Yalduz.22 The Sultan’s love for education resulted in Lahore becoming a central city for noble, learned and religious men. His benefaction resulted in the city becoming ripe with scholars and Islamic clerics. Hasan Nizami narrates that such was the standard of Lahore that ninety out of every hundred people in the city, were scholars.23 He spent his scanty free time snatched from the conduct of arduous campaigns in the company of men of learning and distinction. His generosity to poets and litterateurs earned him the title of ‘Lakh-bakhsh’.24

One of the prominent learned men of that time was Hasan Nizami Nishapuri who had great command over Literature, History, Arabic and Serat. He completed his education in Nishapur,25 but due to the unstable political condition of Nishapur he came to Delhi during the reign of Qutb-ud-Din. Upon the request of the Sultan he wrote a history of his reign and dedicated it to him. It was entitled ‘Tâj al-Maâsir’,26

18Ibid., vol. 1, 112. 19Muhammad Aziz Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290 A.D.) (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, 1987), 148. 20Ibid., 124. 21Siraj, 525-526. 22Jackson, 28-29. 23Tâj al-Maâsir cited by Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century (Aligarh: Department of History Muslim University Aligarh, 1961), 265. 24Ferishta, vol. 1, 112. Lakh-bakhsh is one who bestows lakhs. 25Maulana Syed Abdul Hai, Nuzhut-ul-Khawatir, vol. 1, translated by Abu Yahya Imam (Lahore: Maqbol Academy, 1965), 298. 26Ferishta, vol. 1, 111. 20 which is the first documented Islamic history of the subcontinent. It recorded the years 1191-1217 A.D.27 Forthcoming historians of Tabakat-I-Akbari, Muntakhab-ul-

Tawarikh, Ain-e-Akbari, Tarikh-e-Ferishta took advantage of and consulted Tâj al-

Maâsir.

Muhammad bin Mansoor bin Syed Mubarak Shah commonly known as Fukhar-e-

Mudabir wrote his book Silsila-ul-Insaab or Behr-ul-Insaab and presented it to Qutb- ud-Din Aibak. This book contained one hundred and thirty six shujrey from the

Prophet Mohammad (PBUH)’s time to the authors. The author studied one thousand books to write his work.28 His other work on history is the Tarikh-e-Fukhr-ud-Din

MubarakShah. It details the era of Qutb-ud-Din. He also wrote a book in Iltutmush’s era and dedicated it to him. Its name was Adaab-ul-Hurb.29

Another scholar of this period was Imam Ruzi-ud-Din Al-Hassan Saghani, the author of the much acclaimed book Mushariq-ul-Anwar. His father came to the sub-continent from Saghan. He was born in Lahore wherein he got his early education from his father. Qutb-ud-Din recognizing his intellectual and academic capabilities offered him the position of ‘The Qazi of Lahore’. Imam Ruzi-ud-Din turned down this proposal and instead went to other places such as Iraq, Makkah and Baghdad to further pursue knowledge.30 Qazi Hamid-ud-Din Iftikhar Ali bin Umar al-Mahmudi and Maulana

Baha-ud-Din Ushi were also individuals who added to the décor of the Sultan Qutb- ud-Din’s court.31 According to Tabakat-e-Nasri, Bukhtiyar Khalaji’s conquest of

27Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India (New Delhi: Munshram Manoharlal Publishers, 1983), 55-60. 28Ibid., 74. 29Ibid., 66. 30Hai, Nuzhut-ul-Khawatir, vol. 1, 208. 31Muhammad Ufi, Lubab-ul-Albab, vol. 1, 188-203 cited by Syed Subah-ud-din Abdur Rahman, Bazm- e-Mumlookia (Azam Ghar: Mutba-e-Mauraf, 1955), 9-13. 21

Bengal resulted in many mosques, madrassas and khankahs being built there.32 The qazis and ulema also benefited from this trend. Sultan Qutb-ud-Din founded the

Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque in Delhi in 1191 A.D. to mark the city’s capture.33 Ibn

Battuta mentions and describes this mosque in his travels.34 Another mosque, the

Arai-Dhin ka Jhompra was established in the year 1200 A.D. at Ajmer by the Sultan.

It was later beautified by Sultan Iltutmish.35

Qutb-ud-Din's son in law, Nasiruddin Qabacha, another Turkish slave of Muhammad

Ghori,36 ruled over Uch, Multan and the surrounding areas from 1203-1228 A.D. first as a governor and later as a Ruler.37 Multan at this time was a vibrant centre of learning, education, religion and culture. According to the author of Siyar-ul-Aulia, in this era Multan was considered the 'Qubat-ul-Islam' (Islamic center) of the ‘Alam’

(region) and many eminent scholars were gathered there.38

Nasiruddin Qabacha and Sultan Iltutmish were political rivals, which is why it was

Nasiruddin Qabacha's desire to promote only Multan culturally and religiously in comparison to the Delhi Sultanate. Nasiruddin Qabacha's court lasted for twenty two years and during this time besides the local/indigenous scholars and sufi saints, literary geniuses, poets and scholars from Central Asia also clustered into his court and made it a heaven for cultural and educational activities. According to the author of Tabakat-i-Nasri,

32Siraj, 559-560. 33Sir John Marshal. “The Monuments of Muslim India,” In The Cambridge History of India: Turks and Afghans, vol. 3, ed. Sir Wolseley Haig (Delhi: S. Chand & Co. And Arrangement with Cambridge University Press, 1958), 576. 34Ibn Battuta, Ibn Battuta: Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354 A.D. ed. E. Denison Ross and Eileen Power, translated and selected by H. A. R. Gibb (London: George Routledge & Sons Ltd., 1929) 195. 35Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290 A.D.), 136. 36Ferishta, vol. 4, 860. 37Siraj, 532. 38Ameer Khord, Siyar-ul-Aulia, translated by Ijaz-ul-Haq Qudsi (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1980), 150. 22

...during the calamities of the infidels of China, a great number of men from

Khurasan, Ghaur and Ghaznin presented themselves before him, (Nasiruddin

Qabacha) and he bestowed upon the whole of them ample presents and provided liberally for them.39

Mohammad Ufi commented in detail about the numerous poets and contemporaries in

Qabacha’s court.40

The erudite people affiliated with Nasiruddin Qabacha’s court were Fazl-e-Multani,

Shums-ud-Din Muhammad Bulkhi, Zia-ud-Din Sunjhari also Minhaj-ud-Din Siraaj the author of Tabakat-e-Nasiri and Sadeed-ud-Din Muhammad Ufi.41 Muhammad Ufi was the most renowned literary genius of the lot. He was the author of two greatly acclaimed books:

1) Lubab-ul-Albab: It was the first or most olden book written on Persian poets, giving an introductory and critical review of them. Being one of the only few books on Persian poets, it has immense importance even today. Muhammad Ufi dedicated his book to Nasiruddin Qabacha’s vizier Ain-ul-Mulk Hussain al- Ashari.42

2) Jawami-ul-Hikayat wa Lawami-ur-Riwayat: It is greatly renowned in Persian literature. This immense collection of stories was written on the request of Nasiruddin

Qabacha, but it was completed only after the death of Nasiruddin Qabacha. He dedicated the book to Shams-ud-Din Iltutmish.43

39Siraj, 534. 40Edward G. Brown, A Literary History of Persia, vol. 2 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2003), 479. 41Muzaffar Alam, The Languages of Political Islam (London: Hurst & Company, 2004), 117. 42Brown, vol. 2, 478-479. 43Ibid., 477-478 and Brown, vol. 1, 283. 23

Another significant History book of this era ‘Chuchnama’ was also translated from

Arabic to Persian by Mohammad bin Ali bin Hammid bin Abi Bukkar Kufi in

Qabacha’s reign and dedicated to his vizier Ain-ul-Mulk.44

In this era Uch, Multan and Thatta were the seats of learning. Education was imparted by scholars and Muslim divines (sufis) in shrines, mosques and the personal madrassas of scholars. The two major governmental madrassas that are mentioned include one as Madrasaa-e-Ferozi. Minhaaj-ud-Din Siraj attended the court of

Nasiruddin Qabacha in 1227 A.D., where the control of this madrassa was handed over to him.45 Apart from this another madrassa was the one established by

Nasiruddin Qabacha when Qutb-ud-Din Kashani migrated from Mavra-ul-Nahar to

Multan.46 Nasiruddin Qabacha defeat at the hands of Iltutmish47 diminished the scholarly status of the seats of learning of Multan and Uch.

Sultan Shams-ud-Din Iltutmish (1210-1236 A.D.) reigned for twenty six years and was a real consolidator of the Sultanate. Termed the greatest sovereign of the early

Turkish empire of India, he excelled all other Delhi Sultans with his intelligence and excellence as a ruler. He was a patron of the learned.48 His court in grandeur and finery brought back memories of the courts of Mahmudi and Sanjani, possessing immense repute and prestige.49 There were three types of religious congregations held

44Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Delhi Sultanate: Urbanisation and Social Change (New Delhi: Viva Books, 2009), 165-166. 45Siraj, 541. 46Hai, Nuzhut-ul-Khawatir, vol. 1, 275-276. 47Ferishta, vol. 4, 862. 48Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290 A.D.), 155. 49Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-e-Feroz Shahi, translated by Syed Moin-ul-Haq (Lahore: Urdu Science Board, 1991), 74. 24 in his court: sermons, religious debates and zikr gatherings. Normally he heard sermons thrice a week but in Ramadan he frequented them to once every day.50

Iltutmish's profound generosity is displayed by his tremendous effort to gather holy men and scholars in his court at Delhi. He would spend ten million each year on them.51 He showed deep respect and utmost faith to them. He particularly held mystics and sufi saints in high regard.52 Whenever he would hear about the arrival of a saint from Central Asia, he would make an effort to welcome him personally. On an occasion Sheikh Badr-ud-Din Ghaznah went to Sultan Iltutmish’s residence, and was received at the palace door by the Sultan. In the same warm way he received Qutb-ud-

Din Kashani.53 He cordially welcomed Sheikh Qutb-ud-Din Bakhtiar Kaki on his coming to Delhi and he went out quite a distance to receive the sufi saints Baha-ud- din Zakariyya and Jalal-ud-Din Tabrizi.54 He would reverently address Sheikh

Najeeb-ud-Din Nakhbandi as ‘Father’.55

Changez Khan’s invasions led to a migration of many religious men, sufis, ulema and many elite into Northern India56 Iltutmish’s court transformed into an asylum for the learned who were driven from their homes by the Mongols and gathered lustre from the new-comers.57 Giving an account of these proceedings in Iltutmish's era, the author of Tabakat-i-Nasiri narrates that people from all over the world gathered at

Delhi, the capital, the centre of Islam and the government of India.58 He further states,

50Siraj, 175. 51Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290 A.D.), 155. 52Tanvir Anjum, Chishti Sufis in the Sultanate of Delhi 1190-1400: From Restrained to Calculated Defiance (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011), 111. 53Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 117. 54Anjum, 111. 55Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 117. 56Alam, 117. 57Siraj, vol I, 599. 58Ibid., 598-599. 25

The misfortunes caused by the infidel Mughals, made the capital - the asylum of the universe- of that sovereign their asylum, refuge, resting place, and point of safety; and, up to the present day, those same rules are observed and remain unchanged.59

The traditions of these learned men became deeply rooted in the Indian society.60

Iltutmish not only welcomed these scholarly and erudite men but also brought in foreign books of high learning into India. He acquired books from Baghdad for his sons like Adaab-ul-Salateen and Maasr-ul-Salateen.61 Sultan Iltutmish in his era also patronized the penning and translation of many books. Muhammad Ufi completed his famous book Jawami-ul-Hikayat wa Lawami-ur-riwayat in Iltutmish’s reign and dedicated to him.62 Fakhri Mudbar dedicated his book Adab-ul-Hurb to Sultan

Iltutmish.63 Muhammad Jajarmi translated Imam Ghazali’s famous book on religious sciences ‘Ihyâ-ul-Ulûm’ into Persian and dedicated it to Sultan Iltutmish.64 Sultan

Iltutmish’s vizier Nizam ul-Mulk Junadi had asked Jajarmi to translate the book in order to spread Islamic learning in the region.65

Khawaja Abu Nasr Nasri, Amir Roohani and Tajuddin Rezah were poets of distinguished merit who belonged to the Sultan’s period. Taj-ud-Din Rehza, the

Dabir-I-Khas, was a man of high calibre and talent in the sphere of old Persian poetry. He was an indigenous gem of the subcontinent as he was born and educated in

India.66 He mirrors the refinement of education imparted in the subcontinent.

Iltutmish’s vizier Nizam-ul-Mulk Qawaam-ud-Din Muhammad Junaidi was a man of

59Ibid. 60Alam, 117. 61Barani, 237. 62Brown, vol. 1, 283. 63Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India (New Delhi: Munshram Manoharlal Publishers, 1983), 55-60. 64Siddiqui, 168-169. 65Ibid. 66S. M. Ikram, History of Muslim Civilisation in India and Pakistan (Lahore: Star Book Depot, 1961.), 173. 26 scholarly disposition and his court, like the Sultan’s, was a haven for literary geniuses, scholars and poets, among which writers of the calibre of the aforementioned Taj-ud-

Din Rehza were present.

Sultan Iltutmish being of a scholarly disposition established numerous madrassas. He established a madrassa at Delhi called Madrassa-e-Muizzi67 named after Muizuddin

Mohammad Ghori. A madrassa of the same name was founded at Badaun which was a centre of Muslim learning in Northern India.68 Iltutmish built another madrassa at

Delhi which was later repaired by Firoz Shah Tughluq and furnished with sandal wood doors.69 During this era another madrassa of renowned magnificence and grandeur existed, called Nasiriyya, which was named after Prince Nasir-ud-Din

Mahmud. In various periods Minhaaj-us-Siraj, the celebrated author of Tabakat-e-

Nasiri, was appointed the principal of this madrassa.70 Mosque building had also become a trend by this period. Stipends were provided by Sultans, officers and other wealthy people to build mosques and uplift the religious spirit of the people. Qazis and ulema benefited from this trend.71

Sultan Iltutmish’s son Ruknudin Feroz Shah, in his short reign (1236 A.D) ordered the translation of Imam Razi’s book ‘Sir-e-Muktoom’ into Persian.72 Razia Sultana

(1236-1240 A.D.), Iltutmish’s daughter, was the first ruling female of India. Razia

Sultana’s distinguished intelligence and abilities have been detailed in the Tabakat-e-

67Siraj, 646. 68Abul Hasnaat Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain (Lahore: Milli Printers, 1979), 17. 69Firoz Shah Tughluq, Fatuhat-i Firoz Shahi, translated by Dr. Muhammad Abdullah Chughtai (Lahore: Kitab Khana Nauras, 1952), 27. 70Siraj, 644, 667. 71Simon Digby. “The Sufi Shaikh of Authority in Medieval India,” In India’s Islamic Traditions 711- 1750 A.D., ed. Richard M. Eaton (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004), 237. 72The translator’s name is not known though he mentioned Iltutmish and Ruknudin Feroz Shah as his patrons. Siddiqui, 171. 27

Nasiri and they can be used as proof of her being well educated.73 Iltutmish had firm belief in the wisdom of his daughter Razia Sultana; he even gave preference to her over his sons and chose her to be his successor rather. On his preference for Razia, the

Sultan is quoted to have said:

“After my death it will be seen that not one of them [my sons] will be found to be more worthy of the heir-apparent ship than she, my daughter.”74

What we do know is that Razia could read the Quran with correct pronunciation.75

She exercised authority even during the reign of her father.76 She was a patron of the learned.77 Razia Sultana’s excellent sense of judgement and eye for talent can be figured by her decision to appoint the learned Minhaaj-us-Siraj to the honourable position of principalship of Nasiriyya College of Delhi.78 The Mu’izzi College of

Delhi was thriving during her reign and it was once attacked by the Karmathians who were under the impression that it was a Jamia-Masjid. Their impression is indicative that the College must have had immense magnificence and grandeur.79 Amongst her reign’s scholars and poets, the names of two have been traced: Nasir-ud-Din Ai-yitim

Balarami and Amir Imam-i-Nasiri, the Poet.80

Sultan Nasiruddin Mehmood (1246-1265 A.D.) was Iltutmish’s youngest son. He was educated under his mother and was trained in the art of government.81 But it is said he cared more for manuscripts than campaigns. Twice a year he would write the Holy

73Siraj, 637-638. 74Ibid., 639. 75Ferishta, vol. 1, 119. 76Siraj, 638. 77Ibid., 637. 78Rafiq Zakaria, Razia, queen of India (New Delhi: Popular Prakashan, 1966), 134. 79Siraj, 646. 80Ibid., 647. 81Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290 A.D.), 221. 28

Quran in elegant, sophisticated calligraphy and sell the copies, using the money as his only means of subsistence.82 He possessed saint like qualities, with noted forbearance, benevolence, justness and was popular among the scholarly, loving both the learned and learning.83 At his coronation many Syeds and ulema rushed to present themselves.

He greatly endowed scholarships and it was his patronage that led the erudite Minhaj- us-Siraj to write the famous Tabakat-e-Nasiri which was named after Sultan

Nasiruddin.84 Minhaj-us-Siraj mentions in his book that he presented a Kasidah to the

Sultan. Minhaj also wrote a poetic piece Nasiri Namah for which he received a grant yearly.85 The ulema of his era included Jamal-ud-Din Shafarkani, Qazi Jalal-ud-Din

Kasani, Qazi Shams-ud-Din Bharaij, Jamal-ud-Din Bustami.86 Renowned poets included Ameed-ud-Din Sanami87 and Minhaj-ud-Din Siraj. Numerous mosques were constructed in his era.

Gias-ud-Din Bulban (1266-1287 A.D.) was an Al-Bari Turk of Turkistan like

Iltutmish. Being captured by Mongols, he was sold on the streets of Baghdad.

Khawaja Jamal-ud-Din Basri bought him and sold him to Iltutmish in India.88 From here on, Bulban progressed to eventually become a vizier in Nasir-ud-Din

Mehmood’s period.89

After Iltutmish, the Delhi Sultan who showed interest in the progression of knowledge was Sultan Bulban.90 Sultan Bulban’s court was rich in divines, poets, physicians and

82Ibid., 250-251. 83Siraj, 674. 84Barini, 73. 85Siraj, 670-71, 681. 86Ibid., 681, 685-686, 694 and 702. 87Syed Subah, 192-193. 88Siraj, vol. 2, 56-57. 89Ibid., 64-68. 90Siddiqui, 140. 29 astronomers who were unparalleled in their respective branches.91 It ranked higher than the courts of Mahmud and Sanjar.92 The Sultan’s benefaction is evident in his provision of shelter and asylum to the fleeing rulers of Iraq, Ajum, Khurasan,

Afghanistan, Turkistan, Mawur-un-Nehr and Azerbaijan. He gave them princely allowances and named neighbourhoods after them.93

Sultan Bulban was on the best of terms with theologians and saints. He was particular about his company with regard to his status as a ruler. But he had no hesitation in keeping his meals with men of learning and providing his support to these cultured men.94 Sultan Bulban highly respected scholars and on their demise, would not only attend their funeral but financially support their family as well.95 Men of different walks of life received patronage from the court of Sultan Bulban such as jurists, physicians, astronomers, mathematicians and theologians. The capital Delhi was also a haven for numerous craftsmen, artists and learned men who were fleeing the

Mongols. According to Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui, the scholars of this period were very devoted to the teaching profession and preferred it over working for state posts.96 The prominent teachers included Qazi Sharif-ud-Din who was shown special respect by the Sultan, Shamsuddin Kharezmî, Maulana Burhan-ud-Din Balkhi who the Sultan would visit after Friday prayers and Maulana Najm-ud-Din Damishqî, all of which were held in high regard by the Sutlan.97

91A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India (Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1961), 309. 92Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290 A.D.), 264. 93Ferishta, 131. 94Barani, 102. 95Barani, 103. 96Siddiqui, 140. 97Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi (1206-1290 A.D.), 260. 30

The Sultan showed equal esteem to saints as he did to teachers. He had great faith in

Sheikh Farid-ud-Din Masud Ganj Shakar of Ajodhan. Before becoming Sultan,

Bulban personally visited him in his far away abode to attain his blessing. The renowned Sheikh Nizam-ud-Din Aulia could not refrain from complementing the

Sultan, in a gathering, of his regularity in prayer and devotion to religion.98 After

Iltutmish, the only Sultan to whom the Sheikh showed respect was Bulban. Sheikh

Baha-ud-Din Zacharia and his son Sheikh Budr-ud-Din Arif, Qutb-ud-Din Bukhtiar

Kaki, Baba Farid Ganj Shakr, Siddy Maula and many other mystic divines lived in

Sultan Bulban’s reign and supplemented the mysticism of the era.

Barani provides a list of professors who taught in the most renowned colleges and were the finest instructors of the period. Theologians, physicians, mathematicians, philosophers, astronomers, musicians and jurists bustled in large numbers in the city.

Every subject known was taught in the city of Delhi by its illustrious teachers, leading it to be entitled by the contemporary historian as Khair-ul-Asaar ‘The Best Period’.99

Although he preferred divines and ulema over the scholarly, still poetic and literary work wasn’t overlooked in Sultan Bulban’s court. On the occasion of Jashn-e-Nauroz the works of the best poets of the time were sung by musicians. Once the musicians sang a poem by Khawaja Shams Moin that stirred the noble Kashli Khan Ala-ud-Din so much, he rewarded the poet with a gift of horses.100 Sultan Bulban’s love for the scholarly is exhibited further by his advice to his son, prince Sultan Muhammad:

98Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 120-121. 99Barani, 192-194. 100Ibid., 195-196. 31

Spare no pains to discover men of genius, learning and courage. You must cherish them by kindness and munificence, that they may prove the soul of your councils, and the instruments of your authority.101

Similarly he advised his second son Kurra Khan Bagera, to beautify his domain as ruler with ulema, mystic saints, Muhadaseen, Tafseer writers, religious orators and

Hafiz.102 A society of dancers, actors, musicians and story tellers were known to frequently meet at the prince’s palace.103 The nobility followed his doing and soon an atmosphere of societies sprung up in Delhi.

Sultan Bulban focussed especially on the education of his sons and grand sons. Tutors would strictly teach his sons. Their education included religious subjects, Grammar and syntax, Calligraphy and History. Khawaja Taj-ud-Din Bukhari taught Khan

Bagera the book Adab-ul-Salateen for which the tutor was rewarded with two villages and one hundred thousand jateel coins.104

While Bulban entertained his learned protégés, his son Prince Sultan Muhammad also called Khan-e-Multan105 in the company of scholar friends indulged in philosophic discourses- thus giving a lead to the formation of literary societies, which under his initiative, honeycombed the whole Sultanate in a short time and became a valuable asset to education. Barani calls Prince Muhammad as the most cultured prince of the time.106 The prince was a youth of promising talent with much taste in literature. This is exhibited by his writing down a choice collection of poetry by his own hands,

101Ferishta, vol. 1, 137. 102Barani, 181. 103Ibid., 131. 104Barani, 237-238. 105Ibid., 189. 106Ibid., 132. 32 belonging to the most well known authors. His piece of work amounted to twenty thousand couplets, with each of exceptional quality.107

According to Francis Robinson, he was a dependable son, an able administrator and a patron of poets and scholars.108 The Historian Barani narrates that the court of the young prince was frequently visited by the most learned, excellent and talented men of the age. There the merits of the most prominent poets were discussed by the learned members, and the Shahnamah, the Diwan-i-Khaqani, Khamsa-e-Sheikh

Nizami and the Diwan-i-sanai were regularly recited and discussed upon.109 His court flourished with eminent scholars the most prominent of which were Khawaja

Hasan Sanjari and Amir Khusrau. They would oft accompany him on his many expeditions. His palace was the meeting place of his literary society, of which Amir

Khusrau was the honourable president.110

Prince Sultan Muhammad also invited Sheikh Sadi of Shiraz twice to his court in

Multan on hearing of his splendid work, but the celebrated elder had to excuse himself due to old age.111 Similarly he insisted Sheikh Uthman Turmudi, the age’s most learned man and saint, to come to Multan and settle there. He invited many other lettered erudite men to add to the glamour of Multan as a seat of learning.112

Along with literary events, spiritual gatherings were also held in the Sultan’s court.

Ferishta narrates an occasion when Arabic poems were recited in court that bewitched all the saints present into a hypnotic state, and held the prince awake and tearful the

107Ferishta, vol. 1,134. 108Francis Robinson, The Mughal Emperors: And the Islamic Dynasties of India, Iran and Central Asia (1206-1925) (London: Thames & Hudson, 2007), 85. 109Barani, 132. 110Ferishta vol. 1, 134. 111Barani, 133-134. 112Ibid., 133. 33 entire night.113 In a Mongolian invasion near Lahore, the young prince met an early death with Amir Khusrau amongst many others, being imprisoned.114 The beloved martyr prince Muhammad’s court was long remembered in the annals of the

Sultanate.

To conclude, Amir Khusrau and Khawaja Hasan shed accurate luster on the prince’s entourage commenting that the martyrdom of Khan-e-Shaheed had rendered all the lettered men of the Sultanate unlucky; had he still lived the talented would have continued to be supported.115

Regarding Malik Ala-ud-Din Kashli Khan, the cousin of Bulban, it is stated that Amir

Khusrau commented to Barani once that no mother could give birth to another Kashli

Khan so far as generosity and virtues were concerned.116 Malik Qutb-ud-Din Hasan

Ghauri, Malik Amad-ul-Mulk, Malik-ul-Umra Fakhr-ud-Din Qotwal-e-Delhi, Malik

Amir Ali Sarjan Daar all were mentioned by Barani by virtue of their generosity.117

Through Sultan Bulban’s court in Delhi, prince Muhammad’s court in Multan and the societies that engaged the nobility, scholars and poets found a showcase for their talent. They received ample respect as well as monetary benefits from these platforms.

Through these courts and societies the spread of knowledge gained much speed and so in Sultan Bulban’s era the Delhi Sultanate, after the fall of Baghdad, began to be called the Muslim seat of learning. The city Delhi rose in esteem as a centre of

113Ferishta, vol. 1, 134. 114Barani, 190. 115Ibid., 135. 116Barani,194-195. 117Ibid., 204. 34 learning, racing neck to neck with the likes of Bukhara.118 This status would not have been possible without the attention of the Sultans.

The next Sultan Kaiqubad ruled for a mere two years during which the high literary tone of the region could not be maintained.119 Progress of learning was not discouraged in his period, but with lack of interest from the Sultan, it also did not receive encouragement.120

The dawn of the Khalajis, resulted in redemption of the spread of literary knowledge.

An immense number of belles-lettres in different branches of learning were produced in the Khalaji period and an all-round literary activity was seen.121 Jalal-ud-Din Firoz

Khalaji (1288-1295 A.D.), the dynasty’s first Sultan, loved both learning and the learned.122 He wrote poetry to a degree and had a habit of inviting poets to his private gatherings to hear verses from them. Musicians and ghazal readers flocked to his court.123 Those who companioned him in his court included the great Amir Khusrau attended gatherings with a newly prepared poem each time, on the Sultan’s instructions.124 Taj-ud-Din Iraqi, Moeed Jurjami, Pisar Aibak Duagoh, Moeed

Dewana, Sadar-e-Aali Amir Arsalan Kalahi, Ikhtiyar Bagh and Taj-i-Khatib worked as historians, political writers and literary authors and also attended the royal court.125

Even as a noble Jalal-ud-Din valued Amir Khusrau greatly; he kept him financially assured with a pension 1200 tankas126 In his period of rule, Amir Khusrau was exalted from his previous status to that of a noble along with a royal gift of white robes. He

118Ibid., 192-196. 119Ibid., 218. 120Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Asraf, 1942), 170. 121Kishori Saran Lal, History of the Khiljis A. D. 1290- 1320 (Karachi: Union Book Stall, N. D.), 339. 122Barani, 305. 123Ibid., 307. 124Ferishta, vol. 1, 147. 125Barani, 306-307. 126Ibid., 305. 35 was also bestowed the duty of Muashaf Dari: the Head of the Imperial Library.127

Indeed, Sultan Jalal-ud-Din’s efforts resulted in the creation of a strong intellectual atmosphere both in the royal chambers and out.

His nephew Ala-ud-Din Khalaji (1295-1316 A.D.), the successor was a man of different predisposition. Barani writes of him as being unlettered and actually hostile towards the patronage of education.

He (Ala-ud-Din) was a man of no learning and never associated with men of

learning.128

Barani believed he refrained from giving teachers their rightful dues. Nevertheless it is a fact that the Sultan possessed a shrewd economic sense and handled the finances of the Sultanate well.129 As a reform he ordered all government granted lands, endowments and free gifts be returned by the people.130 This action compelled students and teachers, whose needs used to be met by the government before, to now seek employment. Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi is of a different view that the Sultan did not discontinue the benefits given to teachers but merely reduced them.131 The author argues that the literary standard of his reign was actually quite high due to the wonderful galaxy of scholars in the Sultanate. The calibre of these scholars equalled or exceeded those of Central Asian or Arab regions.132 Barani himself gives the names of forty six professors belonging to the capital Delhi city, who he believed excelled more than the scholars of Egypt, Turkistan, Samarkand, Bukhara, Baghdad,

Damascus and Tabraiz and Isfahaan.133 The masses too had great regard for these scholars. When new texts arrived in the Sultanate the scholars would read them and

127Ferishta, vol. 1, 147. 128Barani, 434. 129Ibid., 445-468. 130Barani, 416. 131Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, 170. 132Ibid. 133Barani, 513. 36 then declare or deny their approval of them. Every book approved became popular while a disapproved book would vanish from the markets.134

Barani enlists numerous artists, physicians, philosophers, saints, professors, historians, astronomers and poets of this time period. Amongst the historians Amir

Arsalan Kohi135 and Kabi-ud-Din are mentioned with Kabi-ud-Din being the writer of an official history of Ala-ud-Din’s reign. Unfortunately this work has been lost.136 In the healing art Maulana Baruddin Damashqi, Maulana Sadruddin and many others made themselves well known.137

Calligraphers, qaris, ghazal singers and music artists mentioned in the list shows that these arts too weren’t ignored in Ala-ud-Din’s time and they elaborated the capital

Delhi. Poets like Amir Hasan Sijzî, called the ‘Sadi of India’ wrote many pieces in this period, and became quite renowned for writing ghazals. In prose his book

Fawâid-ul-Fuâd that chronicled the meetings and sayings of Nizam-ud-Din Aulia earned widespread appreciation in India.138 Amir Khusrau is known to have written some of his finest writings in this reign, and it is termed as the most productive period of his life. His poetry had reached a sense of maturity and flawlessness, with him writing the Khamsa as well as completing his third diwan.139 Sudr-ud-Din Aaly,

Fukhr-ud-Din Khowaas, Humeed-ud-Din Raja, Maulana Arif, Abdul Hakim, Shahb- ud-Din Sudr-Nisheen are the poetic stars of his court and most of them received pensions from the court.140 Thus Sultan Ala-ud-Din’s reign was abounding with more learned men, poets, saints and scholars than that found in the reign of any Sultan of

134Ibid., 516. 135Barani, 524. 136Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, 171. 137Barani, 525-526. 138Barani, 522-523. 139Dr. Muhammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau (Lahore: Punjab University Oriental Publications, 1962), 105. 140Ferishta, 176. 37

Delhi.141 India in this period, could boast of scholars having the eminence of Ghazzali and Razi.142

According to Ferishta the informed men of Sultan Ala-ud-Din’s court helped soften his hard mind towards literary men occasionally. For instance one day he rewarded

Qazi Mughisuddin for providing advice regarding Islamic jurisprudence, with 1000 tankas and a gold embroidered vest against expectations.143 It is also apparent from

Khusrau’s poem that the Sultan favoured him often even once with a village as a present for a poem.144 These favours were for only a select few. The Emperor failed to have his own offspring educated which resulted in their developing a profligate living.145

Sultan Ala-ud-Din’s Deccan policy resulted in the formation of new connections with the South. Many Hindu authors praised the Sultan’s valour in their works.146

Thus Sultan Ala-ud-Din’s period can be termed as a paradox: he himself focussed less on education and gave a priority to other state issues primarily finance while the people of the state themselves produced some of the best literary works the Delhi

Sultanate would be remembered for.147

Qutb-ud-Din Mubarak Shah, though as a ruler brought reminiscence of Sultan

Kaiqabad, had the ability to compose verse and he raised the number of benefits and scholarships that his father had reduced.148

The rule of the Tughluq dynasty furthered the literary aspects of the subcontinent.

Sultan Giyas-ud-Din Tughluq (1321-1325 A.D.) possessed a warm heart and a liberal

141Mirza, 107. 142Barani, 514. 143Ferishta, vol. 1, 167. 144Mirza, 108. 145Barani, 532-533. 146Kishori Saran Lal, History of the Khiljis A. D. 1290- 1320 (Karachi: Union Book Stall, N. D.), 280. 147Barani, 515. 148Ibid., 553. 38 mind. He was a model of justice and goodness and was highly considerate in his treatment of others.149 Barani relates of him that on special festivities he would gather the scholars, muftis and madrassa teachers of the city and gift them by hand. The sufi saints who were unable to leave their khanqahs were sent presents to their abodes.150

Amir Khusrau is said to have lived a life of great prosperity under him by receiving a pension of one thousand tankas monthly and he wrote the history of this prince under the title of Tughluk Nama, but the work is inadequate.151

Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq (1325-1351 A.D.), the son of Ghiyas-ud-Din

Tughluq, was considered a researcher and philosopher first and a Muslim afterwards.152 He was encyclopaedic and well versed in rational as well as theological sciences.153 He was a man of great ability, expert in philosophy and dialectics. He was authoritative and seldom listened to any dictation of another. In many ways he was ahead of his age.154 In term of religion he was a pure intellectualist.155 Barani writes that he knew the entire Quran as well as Hidaya-e-Kamil by heart. He was also familiar with Philosophy, Astronomy and poetry. His generosity and large- heartedness knew no bounds and the rewards he would bestow often left the recipient astonished. The Sultan’s bountifulness attracted many a scholar and artist to Delhi to receive stipends. Ibn-e-Fazl AlDamishki relates that in his period thousands of teachers were engaged in the act of teaching qirat and writing in madrassas and they were paid through the Royal treasury.156 Sultan Muhammad Tughluq possessed a

149Ishwari Prasad, History of the Qaraunah Turks in India, vol. 1 (Allahbad: The Indian Press Limited, 1936), 53. 150Barani, 623. 151Ferishta, 187. 152Mahdi Husain, Tughluq Dynasty (Calcutta: Thacker Spink & Co., 1963), xxiv. 153Barani, 659-662. 154Prasad, History of the Qaraunah Turks in India, vol. 1, 257. 155Ishwara Topa, Politics in Pre-Mughal Times (Delhi: Idarah-I Adabiyat-I Delhi, 2009), 192. 156Al-Damishki, 25.

39 rational frame of mind. Ishwari Prasad praises his liberalism and contacts with

Hindus. The Sultan’s relationship with the ulema though was strained.157

The Sultan’s achievements are mentioned well in numerous texts belonging to various regions such as the Ayan-ul-Asr, the Durar-ul-Kaminah, the Masalik-ul-Absar, and the Subh-ul-Asha.158Near the end of his reign, he developed the unsuitable idea of shifting the Sultanate’s capital from Delhi to Daulatabad, the old Hindu city of

Deogiri.159 He directed the scholars and poets of the city to emigrate into the new capital. They naturally refused but the Sultan had his order implemented. He faced mass rebellion as a result, in Gujrat and Daulatabad.160 The efflux of the learned cream from Delhi dimmed its literary standard. The Sultan to make amends ordered scholars from other cities to settle in Delhi though this didn’t prove fruitful much. The efforts of Firoz Shah Tughluq would later bring back literary glory to Delhi.161

Firoz Shah Tughluq (1351-1388 A.D.), Muhammad bin Tughluq’s successor and cousin took a sharp and constant interest in the promotion of arts and learning. The cultural achievements that he left behind are the combined cultural sum of the entire

Tughluq dynasty.162 Sultan Firoz Tughluq left his predecessors far behind in the amount of bounties and scholarships that he bestowed. He began to bestow not just rewards but actually grants to both teachers and pupils alike. Barani narrates that teachers obtained thousands of rewards and villages from him. The recipients of a hundred, two hundred tanka scholarship began to receive four, five or seven hundred

157Prasad, History of the Qaraunah Turks in India, vol. 1, 257-258. 158Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture (Allahbad: Kitab Mahal, N.D.), 55. 159Robinson, The Mughal Emperors: And the Islamic Dynasties of India, Iran and Central Asia (1206- 1925), 96. 160Isami, Futah-us-Salatin, ed. Agha Mehdi Husain (Agra: 1938), 481-523. 161F. E. Keay, A History of Education in India and Pakistan (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1959) 110-111. 162Jamini Mohan Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq (Lahore: Progressive Books, 1976), 180. 40 tankas of fixed scholarship. And the students who requested ten tankas were now given a hundred, two hundred or three hundred tankas of grant.163

The number of ulema and the level of learning in the Sultanate both soared because of his policies.164 The people who received these grants included ulema, saints, madrassa instructors, muftis, muzakars, those working in mosques, students, hafiz and qaris.

The grants soared into the thousands.165

Along with renewing old endowments, land too became an item of donation.166 All these reforms left the learned men of the Sultanate self sufficient and so with no financial worries to occupy their minds, they focussed entirely on gaining ilm and spreading it.167

The Sultan also had three palaces built where he would sit publicly, named the Palace of Grapes (Mehal Sehan-e-Gulban), the Palace of the Wooden Gallery (Mehal Chaja

Chobees) and the Palace of the Public Court (Mehal Aam Bagh). The first was kept specifically for the purpose of meeting distinguished literary men.168 The Sultan conversed with them on many important topics.169

Additionally, the Sultan directed his attention to rebuilding old madrassas and mosques, and constructing many new ones. His efforts bore fruit and teachers and pupil flocked to the newly made buildings to give or gain education.170 Ferishta counts forty mosques, thirty madrassas and twenty khanqahs built by the Sultan.171

The Sultan himself quotes in his book:

163Barani, 784. 164Yahya bin Ahmad Sarhandi, Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi, translated by Dr. Aftab Asghar (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1976), 204. 165Barani, 784. 166Tughluq, 30-31. 167Barani, 785. 168Afif, 343. 169Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq, 180. 170Barani, 784. 171Ferishta, vol 1, 515. 41

I built many mosques, colleges and monasteries that the learned and the elders,

the devout, and the holy might worship God.172

The buildings reconstructed included Jamia Mosque Delhi, a madrassa belonging to

Sultan Iltutmish’s period that he had furnished with sandal wooden doors, the tomb of

Ala-ud-Din Khalaji and the mosque and madrassa attached to it.173

Sultan Firoz Shah also had the work places or karkhanas that supplied provisions to the government offices and royal chambers converted into vocational institutions.

Prisoners of war were taught different crafts in these institutions so that they could develop a means of livelihood when released. At a point twelve thousand slaves were learning various crafts or kasib in these institutions. Some of the slaves spent their time in reading and memorising the holy book, others in religious studies while others in copying books.174 The thus Sultans made great efforts to impart both literary and technical education.175

The newly created institutes included firstly the magnificent Firoz-Shahi Madrassa built at Firozabad. The Emperor financed its construction with enormous funds resulting in the creation of a college with hugely extraordinary architecture and an exalted level of learning. Both professors and students resided at the college with provisions being given to the needy amongst them. Travellers too could seek its abode. A mosque and reservoir were also attached to it, with the mosque always humming with the recitation of the Quran by students. Maulana Jalaluddin Rumi was the college’s worthy principal who taught Fiqh, Tafsir and Hadith to the residing pupils.176

172Tughluq, 24. 173Ibid., 27-28. 174Shams-i Siraj Afif, Tarikh-e-Firoz Shahi, ed. Wilayat Husain (Calcutta: Bibliotheca Indica, 1891), 270-271. 175 Ibid. 176Barani, 788-791. 42

Secondly we have Balaband Sayri, a beautifully built madrassa run by the principal

Maulana Syed-ul-Aima Wal-Ulma Najm-ul-Millat Wald-Deen Samarkandi.

Arrangements of free food were present in this institute.177 According to Banerjee, it was an institute that symbolised strength.178

And thirdly the Sultan had a mosque and madrassa built near the tomb of Fath

Khan.179

Sultan Firoz Tughluq utilised his innovatory intelligence in creating inventions. He invented the Tas-i-Ghariyal which was placed on the roof of the Firozabad palace, from where it announced the hours of the day.180 He also had an observatory constructed and financed the conversion of its devices into more efficient models. 181

Many books were written in Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq’s period. He himself authored the Fatuhat-e-Firoz Shahi. He also dictated the Sirat-i-Firoz Shahi.182 Ziauddin

Barani dedicated his renowned work to the Sultan. Ain-i-Mulki was another literature work penned by Ain-i-Mulk. Poetry found contribution from Maulana Mutahhar

Kara, Malik Ahmad, Maulana Khwaigi, Qazi Abid and others. Other books written on subjects other than literature in this period include Maktubat-i-Ahmad Munyari,

Irshad-u-Salikin, Khulasat-ul-Alfazi, Fiqh-i-Firoz Shahi, Tibb-i-Firoz Shahi, Fawood- i-Firoz Shahi, Patur bazi, Rahat-ul-Insan and Manaqib Makhduma-i-Jahaniyan. Two astronomical books that were written included the Zikr-Munsobat-Kawakib and Ziqr-

Munsobat-Burooj. Sultan Firoz Shah was an astronomy enthusiast himself and drew up astrological charts.183 His interest in the field promoted research in the science,

177Ibid., 791-792. 178Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq, 190. 179Carr Stephen, The Archaeology and Monumental Remains of Delhi (Michigan: Aryan Books International, 2002), 147. 180Ibid., 142. 181Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, 173. 182C. A. Storey, Persian Literature: A Bio-Bibliographical Survey, Section 2, Fasciculus 3 (London: Luzac & Co., 1939), 508-509. 183Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq, 180-181. 43 resulting in many works being written on the subject.184 From the days of his rule onwards many translations from Sanskrit to Persian were carried out.185 The Sultan had a Hindu book that discussed astrology, philosophy and divination translated into

Persian by Iz-ud-Din Khalid Khany, designating it as Dulayil Firoz Shahi.186 Last but not least, he concentrated much on the education of his son prince Fath Khan and had tutors arranged to instruct him.187

The credits to Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq include making education cheaper and easier to attain for the masses. With the numerous madrassas and mosques he had constructed, without a doubt the level of learning in Delhi soared after its decline in

Muhammad Tughluq’s period. Delhi began to transform back to its past brilliance.

Sutan Firoz Shah is also credited with adding a new centre of learning and culture to

India, Jaunpur.188 He strived to promote learning both in the Sultanate’s capital Delhi as well as the provincial capitals. This later proved very beneficial for India, with

Delhi undergoing deterioration as a result of Timur’s invasion. From then on, the provincial capitals acted as centres of learning, and this would have been impossible had they not been furnished by Sultan Firoz Shah in his period.

The progress of learning is ambiguous in the Syed dynasty that followed the

Tughluqs. The most significant feature of this period is that Badaun, a city within a hundred miles of Delhi, became a seat of learning.189 The last Syed Sultan, Syed Ala- ud-Din stayed at Badaun for thirty years. With regard to the extraordinary attention given to the place, Francklin writes:

184Siddiqui, 126. 185Kishori Saran Lal, Twilight of the Sultanate (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 246. 186Ferishta, vol.1, 203. 187Ibid., 202. 188Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, 173. 189Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 53. 44

In this ancient city of Badaun, many prince of the Pathan Dynasty kept

their Courts for a series of years during the reign of that dynasty of

Hindustan. There, as in many parts of Cuttar, are to be seen the remains of

magnificent edifices, palaces, gardens, mosques, colleges and

mausoleums.190

The dawn of the Lodhi dynasty began with Sultan Bulul Lodhi. Even though he had to focus on consolidating his domain more, he still pleasured the company of scholars.

He enjoyed their company and bestowed them according to their merits.191

The successor, Sultan Sikandar Lodhi (1489-1517 A.D.) was a poet himself who wrote under the alias of GulRukh, and highly valued literary merit. His period saw the writing of much prose and poetic works including Furhung Sikandari.192 The renowned biography on saints Siyar-ul-Ârifîn was also authored in this time by the

Sultan’s court poet, Jamali Dehlawi.193 When Jamali Dehlawi returned from the Hijaz he received a verse from Sultan Sikander Lodhi.194

The Sultan refashioned and remodeled the establishment of all the mosques throughout his territory and gave great encouragement to learning so that most of his military officers were well educated men. The Sultan also pensioned holy men throughout the Sultanate and sent them stipends twice a year.195

He patronized musicians and handicraftsmen.196 Sultan Sikander Lodhi established madrassas throughout the Sultanate, with a desire to raise the educational level of his

190William Francklin, The history of the reign of Shah-Aulum (London: R. Faulder, 1798), 51. 191Ferishta, vol. 1, 245. 192Ferishta, vol.1, 253. 193Ahmad Yadgaar, Tarikh-I-Shahi, translated by Syed Nazir Niazi (Lahore: Urdu Science Board, 2004), 47. 194Ibid. 195Ferishta, vol.1, 254. 196Abdullah, “Tarikh-i-Daudi,” in The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. 4, translated by Sir Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson (Lahore: Islamic Book Service 1979), 24. 45 people.197 Distinguished scholars were appointed as the heads of these institutes.

Schools were found in Mathura and Narwar that were open to all.198

After capturing Fort Nurwur, Sultan Sikandar stayed there for six months to build mosques. He also established a college and placed in it, many holy and learned personages.199

His ground-breaking administrative reforms included an insistence on a certain educational level for all his civil and military officers. All the army officers promoted during the period were scrutinized with regard to their origin and education by the Sultan. The other was his famous decree of substituting Hindi by Persian as the language of the lower administration, a step which forced the administrative Hindus to learn Persian and for that objective to attend schools. Hindus who had hitherto never learned Persian, commenced in his reign to study Muhammadan literature.200 According to Abdul Qadir Badaoni a Hindu Brahmin professor actually taught Muslim transmitted sciences in a Muslim college; indeed a rarity that can be credited to the Sultan’s reform.201 Many Sanskrit-to-Persian translations were written and compiled under the instruction of the Sultan. For instance, Tibb-i-Sikandari was created which was a translation of the granths of Vedic medicine, written under the supervision of minister Miyan Buhwah.202 The Waqiati Mushtaqi adds that Miyan

Buhwah’s house had turned into a meeting place for scholars and philosophers who arrived from various Muslim countries. He also had calligraphists and learned men employed to writing books on every science.203

Another feature of Sultan Sikandar’s educational policy was a growing emphasis on

197Lal, History of the Khiljis A. D. 1290- 1320, 244. 198Yusuf Husain, Glimpse of Medeival Indian Culture (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962), 76. 199Ferishta, vol. 1, 252. 200Ibid., 254. 201Badaoni, vol 2, 323. 202Abdullah, “Tarikh-i-Daudi,” ,” in The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. 4, translated by Elliot, ed. Dowson , 451. 203Rizqullah Mushtaqi, “Waqiati-Mushtaqi,” In The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. 4, translated by Sir Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson (Lahore: Islamic Book Service 1979), 451. 46 rational sciences. The pioneers of rational sciences of that time were Sheikh Abdullah and

Sheikh Aziz-Ullah, both of whom received immense respect from the Sultan. Badaoni narrates the greatness of the Sultan, who would come to attend their gatherings and show the utmost respect on entering by quietly settling in a corner to avoid disturbing the students.204 Thus, owing to the two administrative steps he took, the reign of Sikander

Lodhi is now a landmark in the history of medieval Indian education.

The encouragement of Delhi Sultans led many works of poetry, essay and history writing to be produced in this period. The following Historical works of this period are significant not only because of the information they provide, but also because they were used extensively by Mughal historians as a basis of Indian history. Hasan Nizami’s Tâj al-Maâsir, was the

Sultanate’s first official History. It gave an account of the years 1191-1217 A.D. Tabakat-e-

Nasiri by Minhaj-ud-Din Siraj Jurjani, detailed the History of Ghor, Ghaznin and Delhi up till 1261 A.D. In the words of Rosenthal it is a vast dynastic Historiography. Tarikh-e-Firoz

Shahi by Ziauddin Barani describes the period from Balban’s rule to Firoz Tughluq’s

(1266-1357 A.D.). Amir Khusrau versified History in masnavi form with his Qiran-ul-

Saadain: The Ashiqa, The Nuh Sipihr and The Tughluqnama. His Khazana-ul-Futuh narrates History in prose. Futah-us-Salatin is another original historical source, poetic in nature, composed in Muhammad Tughluq’s life. Tarikh-e-Firoz Shahi by Shams Afif dealt with Firoz Shah Tughluq’s reign only. Tarikh-e-Mubarak Shahi by Yahya bin Ahmad

Sarhandi is a primary source for the Syed dynasty from 1400-1134 A.D. 205 Along with these histories, a lasting attribute of the Sultanate was Persian poetry that reached its pinnacle in the form of the eternal Amir Khusrau. His poems suggest the pivotal role he

204Badaoni, vol. 1, 213. 205See Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar (Harbans Mukhia, 1976), 1-14 for a summary of Histories produced in the Delhi Sultanate. See also Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India (Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1983). See also P. Hardy, Historians of Medieval India: Studies in Indo-Muslim Historical Writing (London: Luzac & Co., 1960) and Storey, 493-529. 47 played in unifying the cultural identity of Muslims in India.206 For him, India was superior to all other nations in science and wisdom; a feeling he expressed passionately in his verses.207

To conclude, the Delhi Sultans were enlightened and generous Sultans who left behind a definite cultural tradition of learning. They showed a sustained interest in learning and education. Their patronage of scholars, writers and poets promoted the socio-cultural advancement of the Indian society. In the fourteenth century, the rule of the Khalaji and

Tughluq dynasties was a turning point for the Sultanate. Their policies, such as

Daulatabad’s appointment as the new capital, introduced foreign Islamic traditions into the predominantly Hindu south for the first time. Furthermore the widespread mosques and madrassas that they established or rebuilt led to a higher level of general education. The imperial court at Delhi turned the city into a cultural centre wherein intellectuals from far and wide gathered.

206Hardy, 93. 207Dr. Muhammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau (Lahore: Punjab University Oriental Publications, 1962), 183. 48

CHAPTER II

PATRONAGE OF LEARNING AND EDUCATION

UNDER THE GREAT MUGHALS

The Mughal Empire was founded by Zahir ud Din Babur in 1526 A.D. and lasted till the year 1857 A.D. It was the longest dynastic rule over India and one of the largest centralized states of pre-modern history that surpassed Ottoman Turkey and Safavid

Persia. With its unique etiquette, ceremonies, art, music and poetry it constituted a culture so richly flavoured, that it retained its recognition and appeal even after the realm’s decline.1 As Francis Robinson puts it, it was one of the greatest Muslim empires that saw the unification of Mongolian traditions and Iranian culture with the riches and talents of the Indian subcontinent.

The outcome was an extraordinary period of power and patronage in

which Persianate high culture was brought to a new peak.2

The reign of the six Great Mughals over India, starting from Emperor Babur and ending with Emperor Aurangzeb, lasted from 1526 A.D. to 1707 A.D. In these one hundred and seventy years the Mughal Empire flourished as a dynamic, powerful organization. Territorial expansion, military conquests and strong internal administration lead by pro active rulers featured in this period.3 In efficiency, extent of rule and strength of order they dominated over all preceding Indian rulers.4

Although the first two Great Mughals and their officials were primarily immigrants,

1Gordon Johnson, ed., The New Cambridge History of India, vol. 1, The Mughal Empire by John F. Richards (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 1. 2Foreword by Francis Robinson in The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, translated by Corinne Attwood (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005), 7. 3Richards, 1-2. 4Stephen P. Blake, Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India, 1639-1739 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 1. 49 yet their interests as well as that of their successors remained indisputably Indian.5

This chapter aims to discuss the educational upbringing of each of the Great Mughal

Kings, their subjects of interest, their literary achievements and the patronage they provided for the progression of learning and education of their people. The nobility that followed their footsteps as well as prominent men of letters in each King’s reign will also be discussed.

EMPEROR ZAHIR UD DIN BABUR:

Zahir ud Din Muhammad Babur Padshah6 was born in Farghana on the 14th of

February 1483 A.D.7 His father Umar Shaikh Mirza was descended in the fourth generation from the illustrious Temur or Tamerlane.8 His mother, Qutlaq Nigar

Khanum, the second daughter of Yunus Khan, was descended from Chagtai Khan, the son of Chingiz Khan.9 Regarding his father, Babur himself described him to be religiously aware:

Umar Shaikh read the Qur'an very frequently and was a disciple of His

Highness Khwaja Ubaidullah who honoured him by visits and even

called him son. His current readings were the two quintets ('quintets'

are meant for the famous Khamsas of Nizami and Khusrau), and the

5Richards, 1-2. 6Babur styled the word Padshah for himself, as a mark of his influence over his comrades and tribe. On occupying India, he refrained from the title of sultan that the former Delhi Sultans had used due to its limitations. See L. F. Rushbrook Williams, An Empire Builder of the Sixteenth Century: A Summary Account of the Political Career of Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad surnamed Babur (Delhi: S. Chand & Co., 1918), 95 and 160. 7Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, translation from Persian by H. Beveridge, vol. 1& 2 (New Delhi: Low Price Publications, 2002), 224. 8Stephen Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530) (The Netherlands: Brill Leiden Boston, 2004), 15-16. 9Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 224. 50

Masnawi; of histories he read chiefly the Shah Nama. He had a poetic

nature but no taste for composing verses. 10

Of Umar Sheikh’s literary nature Abul Fazl states,

He had a great liking for poets and could recite poetry. He had a

poetical temperament but was not solicitous of writing verses and

spent most of his time in reading books, historical and poetical. The

Shahnama was often recited before him and he was an excellent

companion; of open brow and good disposition and fond of quoting

good poetry. 11

These statements indicate that Babur’s father was of a literary temperament, spending time studying books on literature, history and morals. His favorites comprised of the

Holy Quran, the Shah Nama of Firdausi and the Quintets of Nizami and Khusrau as mentioned above and the sufi Masnawi of Maulana Jalaluddin Rumi.12 Babur’s mother Qutluq Nigar derived her early education from the cultured and learned nature of her father’s court. Yunus Khan was known to exceed in music, calligraphy and painting. To no surprise Babur inherited much of his artistic and intellectual capabilities from his mother.13 Thus the scholastic inclination of Umar Sheikh and

Qutluq Nigar had a primary effect on influencing their son’s literary taste.

As per the tradition of his family, Babur received no systematic education, his home was his school. He did have learned men as his masters.14 His significant private tutors were Khudai Birdi Beg 15 Sheikh Mazid16, Baba Quli 17 and Maulana Abdullah

10Zahiru-d-din Muhammad Babur Padshah Ghazi, Memoirs of Babur, translated by Annette Susannan Beveridge, vol. 1(London: Luzak and Company, 1922), 15. 11Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 219. 12Babur, Memoirs of Babur, vol. 1, 15. 13S. M. Edwardes, Babur: Diarist and Despot (London: A. M. Philport, 1926), 19. 14Williams, 29-30. 15Babur, Memoirs of Babur, vol. 1, 53. 16Ibid., 27. 17Ibid. 51 surnamed Khawaja Maulana Qazi 18. Babur’s Turkish was a composite language that reflected his Turkish upbringing in Andijan as well as his Persian literary influence and Arabic reading of religious Islamic texts.19 Persian was not the usual language of the Mongols or Turks, but they were familiarized by it during their stay in Central

Asia. It gradually became their medium of communication, and even replaced their native tongue Turki, upon their invasion and settlement into India. Babur was a polished Persian poet though he had a high regard and preference for Turki as it connected him with his Turkish roots. Says, Lane Poole,

In Persian, the language of culture, the Latin of Central Asia he was

an accomplished poet; and in his native Turki, he was master of a pure

and unaffected style alike in prose and verse.20

Babur was thoroughly familiar with Arabic and not only understood it, but utilized its words in his work. Many Arabic words were integrated into the Turkish verses of his diwan. His memoirs too were interspersed with Arabic vocabulary, especially when he discussed religious or ethical issues. The phrases he used were Arabic words that had found their way into the speech of educated Turks.21

Babur’s literary accomplishments are in both quality and quantity, astonishing. As listed by Abul Fazl, he wrote a Turkish diwan by the name of Diwan-i-Turki, a critically acclaimed collection of Turkish Masnawi verses the Mubin, a treatise on the science of prosody called Mufassal and the Walidiyyah-risala, a translation of

Khawaja Ubaidullah Ahrari's Parental piece, as well as his famed Waqiat (memoirs).22

18Ibid., 89. 19Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530), 154. 20Lane Poole, Babur (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1899), 10. 21Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530), 154-155. 22Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 278. 52

Babur grew up in an environment where aristocratic Turco-Mongols were expected to compose verse. As far as poetry went, he composed nearly six hundred poems, the majority of which were in Turkish, a few in Persian and one in Urdu. His verses reflected his in depth reading of renowned poets: Hafiz, Rumi, Nizami, Saadi, Amir

Khusrau and the sufi poet Jami.23 He would compose verses about life, war and wine, sufism and religion and experiment with different poetic styles: ghazal, rubai, masnawi. Along with the Turki poet Ali Sher Navai, he started a new trend in

Chaghtai Turkish of composing verses that were original and spontaneous.24

According to Stephen Dale,

Some verses are conventional, stylized and stereotypical, but others

can be characterized as existential, where the force of his personality

and the trauma of his circumstances break through the literary

etiquette of time to reveal a distinct individual.

The verses in Babur’s diwan were uniquely arranged in chronological order. He also openly wrote them under his own signature, instead of using a pseudonym as was the style of that period.25 Babur had the ability to compose extempore verses. He also exchanged verses with individuals of repute such as the great court poet of Timurid

Herat Ali Sher Navai.26 He would make witty verses in the form of a reply, such as the following composition he wrote as a response to Khawaja Kalan’s derogatory verse regarding Hind,

23Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530), 255, 262. 24Mohibbul Hasan, Babur: Founder of the Mughal Empire in India (New Delhi: Manohar, 1985), 192. 25Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530), 248. 26Richard C. Foltz, Mughal India and Central Asia (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 71. 53

Give a hundred thanks, Babur, that the generous Pardoner

Has given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom.

If thou (that is the Khawaja) have not the strength for their heats,

If thou say, “Let me see the cold side,” Ghazni is there. 27

The following is an example of an exquisite verse composed by Babur, based on love for life’s luxuries, mentioned by Ferishta,

“Give me but wine, and blooming maids,

All other joys I freely spurn:

Enjoy them, Babur, while you may-

For youth once past will ne’er return”28

Mirza Haider, author and cousin of the great Babur, commended his Turkish poetry,

27Babur, Memoirs of Babur, vol. 2, 526. 28Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, History of the Rise of the Mohomedan Power in India, translated by John Briggs, vol. 2 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1977), 297. 54 calling its language pure and lucid. He praised the mubaiyan verse style created by

Babur.29

The greatest attest to Babur’s literary mastery is provided by his memoirs or the

Tûzuk-a Baburî. His memoirs are the first autobiography in a Muslim language as well as are the greatest prose in length in the Chaghatai Turki.30 It is perceived as the finest produced memoir of the medieval Islamic civilization31 to be reckoned amongst the “most enthralling and romantic works in the literature of all times.”32

Babur’s autobiographical work is accredited for its simple yet sinewy prose. Its range of subjects is extraordinary: geography, astronomy, family chronicles, battles, flora and fauna, military strategies, music, paintings and parties, social customs, the human nature are all keenly recorded and acutely detailed in the memoirs. His descriptions are graphic and of informed composition, yet no form of embellishment or exaggeration is used despite that being the popular style of writing then.33 A salient feature of Tûzuk-a Baburî is its directness and openness.34 The Persian clauses in the

Tûzuk highlight the authority of Persian literary tradition in Babur’s life while the

Turkish medium of the Tûzuk points to the author’s Turkish comrades and relatives as his target audience. The Turkish usage reflects Babur’s desire of recognition more as a Turco-Mongol Central Asian conqueror and less as an Indian ruler.35 Regardless, the memoirs provide a unique window into the Asian sovereign’s personality and

29Mirza Muhammad Haidar Dughlat, Tarikh-i-Rashidi, ed. N. Elias, translated by E. Denison Ross (London: Sampson Low, Marston and company ltd, 1895), 173. 30Wheeler M. Thackston, “Literature,” in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 85. 31Francis Robinson, The Mughal Emperors: And the Islamic Dynasties of India, Iran and Central Asia (1206-1925) (London: Thames & Hudson, 2007), 120. 32Sir Denison Ross quoted in Muhammad Tariq Awan, History of India and Pakistan, vol. 2, Great Mughals (Lahore: Ferozsons, 1994), 57. 33Dilip Hiro’s introduction in Annette Susannah Beveridge, Baburnama Journal of Emperor Babur (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2006), xxv-xxvii. 34Stephen Frederic Dale, “Steppe Humanism: The Autobiographical Writings of Zahir Al-Din Muhammad Babur, 1483-1530,” International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 22 No. 1, (1990): 37. 35Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Babur and the Culture of Empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483-1530) 149-151. 55 achievements. His honest and frank narration prove him to be a man of genius and observation, a skilled warrior of uncommon dare and resilience yet also a man of piety and principle, a sensitive poet and an enthusiastic naturalist.

Gulbadan Begum informs us that Babur would sit and write his book in a Tur khana36 placed in the Sikri garden.37 The abruptnesses with which some parts break off indicate that Babur would set to writing his memoirs off and on.38 The early portions seemed to have been corrected and revised by the author at a different date39 whilst the last section seemed to be a raw diary draft.40 41 The future Mughal descendents of

Babur held his memoirs with high regard, Akbar in particular spent much in its beautiful illustration and reproduction.42

Last but not least of Zahir ud Din Babur’s literary capabilities was the innovative handwriting called the Baburi Khatt that he invented. The Emperor wrote a copy of the Quran in this hand and sent it to Makkah.43 Babur made an obvious effort to promote his literary reputation to his relations and companions. Close to his life’s end he distributed copies of his verses to his sons in order to immortalize his literary ability.44

36Tur khana is a place enclosed by a low railing. 37Gulbadan Begum, Humayun-nama (The History of Humayun with Persian Text), translated by Annette S. Beveridge (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2002), 102-103. 38Poole, 13. 39Ibid. 40Robinson, The Mughal Emperors: And the Islamic Dynasties of India, Iran and Central Asia (1206- 1925), 120. 41The memoirs were translated faithfully by Khan Khanan Abdur Rahim into Persian in 1589 A.D on Akbar’s orders. The copies of the memoirs present today have gaps from the years 1508-1519, from 1519 to 1525 and 1530 A.D. Zahirud-Din Muhammad Babur Badshah Ghaznvi, Babur-nama, translated by Annette S. Beveridge (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2002), 30-33. 42Robinson, The Mughal Emperors: And the Islamic Dynasties of India, Iran and Central Asia (1206- 1925), 120. 43Abdul Qadir Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, translated by George S. A. Ranking, vol. 1 (Karachi: Karimsons, 1976), 450. 44Stephen F. Dale, “Poetry and Autobiography of the Babur-nama,” The Journal of Asian Studies, 55, No. 3, (1996): 640. 56

Babur as Emperor supported those scholarly and learned. In his memoirs he mentions of remaining in interview with many ulema. He describes in the Tûzuk of being on a raft with a group of literary men who contented themselves by composing poetry.45 46

Ferishta narrates that Babur bestowed official jobs to the Islamic clerics Akhund Mir the author of the Habibul-Siyar, Maulana Shahabuddin and Mirza Ibrahim Qanoni who had just returned from Heart, and included them in his inner scholastic circle. He bestowed them with many presents and instructed them to remain about his person in the future.47 Sheikh Zain ud Din was the Sudr-us-Sudood in Babur’s period. An expert scholar in Arabic, Persian and Turkish, he was always held in high regard by

Babur.48 He was the first to translate the Emperor’s memoirs into Persian, according to Badaoni. He also wrote a commentary or sharh on Babur’s Mubin.49 He would write Babur’s 'farman' with a style and letter that pleased the King much. The

Fathnama or letter of victory he created regarding the triumph over Rana Sanga’s army, earned him much praise from Babur, and the latter included it in his memoirs.50

He died in 1533 A.D. and was laid to rest at a madrassa he founded.51

Badaoni brings up Maulana Baqai and Maulana Shahabuddin of Babur’s period.

Maulana Baqai wrote a poetic treatise in the same metre as Makhsan and presented it to Emperor Babur.52 Babur sent a literary piece of his own to Maulana Shahabuddin,

Maulana Zain ud din and Khwand-amir and invited them to join in the Eid celebrations.53

45Babur, Memoirs of Babur, vol. 2, 448. 46There were several verse makers on the raft, such as Shaikh Abu’l wajd, Shaikh zain, Tardi Beg Khaksar, Mulla Ali Jan and Babur himself. Ibid. 47Ferishta, vol. 2, 295. 48Badaoni, vol. 1, 448 and 609. 49Ibid., 448 and 450. 50Babur, Memoirs of Babur, vol. 2, 559-560. 51Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 1, 610. 52Ibid., 449. 53Babur, Memoirs of Babur, vol. 2, 683. 57

In his descriptions, Babur describes India as having no colleges.54 Although this may have been due to inadequate observation on Babur’s part, it may have been this that stimulated him to establish Department of Architecture. Its three leading responsibilities were to deliver post, publish a Gazette and most importantly construct schools and colleges. This department continued to function throughout the succeeding reigns of Mughal Kings.55 Zahir ud Din Babur was thus a genius of outstanding intellect, a keen observer, proficient poet, adept autobiographer and imposing ruler and founder of the Mughal dynasty. He kept the literary flame of the house of Timur alive in himself and passed it onto his descendents. What came naturally to him writing, composition, lettering etc were later seen as the necessary customs and traditions befitting of rulers for his successors to follow. Composition of verse, prose writing, literary exchanges, a passion for painting and calligraphy were all traits of the Great Mughal Kings, the roots of which were seeded by none other than their grand founding father, Babur.

EMPEROR NASIR UD DIN HUMAYUN:

Humayun’s place as the second Great Mughal King is often not fittingly appreciated.

Yet his well timed restoration of the Mughal rule was an achievement indeed that cemented the way for his son Akbar’s glorious rule to come.56 Nasir ud din

Muhammad Humayun Mirza was born at Kabul, on March 6, 1508 A. D., to Maham

Begam whom Babur had married in Herat (1506 A. D.) when he went on a visit to

54Ibid., 518. 55See G. Sastri’s article in Navya Bharata, (1305): 71 cited in Narendra Nath Law, Promotion of Learning in India (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1916), 127. 56M. H. Syed, History of the Glorious Mughal Empire, vol. 1 (New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 2004), 33. 58

Sultan Husain Mirza.57 Little is known about Humayun’s early education, but it is certain that Babur procured the best tutors available for his son.58 Babur paid much interest in the upbringing of his fondest child. As per the tradition of that period, it may be estimated that Humayun’s official start of education was initiated at age four years, four months and four days.59 Babur was mindful of Humayun’s spellings and composition. He once advised him well on his diction,

You certainly do not excel in letter-writing; and you fail chiefly

because you have too great a desire to show off your acquirements.

For the future write unaffectedly, clearly, and in plain words, which

will give less trouble to writer and reader.60

As a boy the subjects of astronomy, mathematics, astrology and philosophy interested him particularly. He was taught fluency in Persian, Turkish as well as Arabic and

Hindi languages.61 He had verses of the Quran memorized by heart that he would quote later in life.62 His teachers included his father’s secretaries Khawaja Kalan and

Sheikh Zainuddin.63 Maulana Ilyas and Mulla Nuruddin were his tutors of

Astronomy.64 Unlike his father, Humayun preferred Persian over Turkish and would compose many a verse in this language.65

57Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 285. 58Ishwari Prasad, The Life and Times of Humayun (Calcutta: Orient Longmans, 1955), 5. 59S. K. Banerji, Hu`mayun Badshah (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1938), 3. 60Gulbadan, 14-15. 61Banerji, Humayun Badshah, 4. 62Jouher Aftabchi, The Tezkereh al Vakiat or Private Memoirs of the Moghul Emperor Humayun, tr. Charles Stewart (London: Oriental Translation Fund, 1832), 22. 63Muhammad ‘Abdul Ghani, A History of Persian Language & Literature at the Mughal Court with a brief Survey of the Growth of Urdu Language[Babur to Akbar] Part II. – Humayun (Allahbad: The Indian Press, 1930), 5. 64Ibid., 29. 65Ibid., 5. 59

As a grown up man, Badaoni informs us that Humayun’s polished personality reflected his training and upbringing. He described him as extremely cultured, a man of many qualities who valued poets and scholars to a great extent.66

Humayun was a keen reader of Persian poetry. Gulbadan Begum informs us that even in the battle field, the camels belonging to Humayun’s camp would be laden with

Persian diwans. 67 Humayun was a skilful Persian poet himself. His ghazals are considered his finest, though he also composed rubai and masnawi styles too. His style of expression was simple, compact and clear.68 Some of his verses were built on puns, others were mystic or devotional.69 Like his father, he had the ability to construct extempore verses, but unlike Babur, he preferred to do so in Persian and not his native Turkish. An example of his verses is the following, composed in the melancholy of defeat:

‘Although one’s image be shown in the mirror,

It remains always apart from one’s self.’

‘It is wonderful to see one’s self in another form:

This marvel will be the work of God.’70

66Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 1, 602-605. 67Gulbadan, 48. 68Ghani, A History of Persian Language & Literature at the Mughal Court with a brief Survey of the Growth of Urdu Language[Babur to Akbar] Part II. – Humayun, 10-25. 69Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, 71-73. 70Gulbadan, Humayun-nama,145. 60

Badaoni too praises Humayun as a poet.71 Abul Fazl speaks of his diwan that he wrote using Humayun as a pen-name.72 73A copy of the diwan was present in the Imperial

Library. The diwan had two hundred and forty six verses in the form of sixteen ghazals, sixty quatrains, a masnawi and fards.74 Ferishta quotes Humayun’s Persian poetry in his work. 75 Humayun was a great Mathematics and Astronomy enthusiast and expert.76 He took lessons in Mathematics from Shaikh Abul Qasim Astrabadi, for whom he allotted a property stipend.77 As quoted by Abul Fazl,

...Especially was he distinguished in the mathematical sciences. He

always consorted with philosophers. Illustrious mathematicians obtained

bliss at the foot of his throne. 78

Even in exile his instructors continued to instruct him in this science. Such was his expertise in the subject that he even taught it (as well as Astronomy) to the noble

Nuruddin Tarkhan.79 Geography was an area of interest too for him, and he had globes constructed to further his keenness in the subject.80 The Emperor also engaged in intellectual discussions with learned men.81

Mysticism, magic and astrology played a key role in Humayun’s life.82 He would plan events and design arrangements according to astronomical horoscopes. As ruler he categorized his people into three factions, then allocated specific days of activity for

71Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 1, 602. 72Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 665. 73A copy of the diwan was present in the Imperial Library. Ibid. 74Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, 69. 75Ferishta, vol. 2, 300-301. 76Ahmad Yadgaar, Tarikh-I-Shahi, translated by Syed Nazir Niazi (Lahore: Urdu Science Board, 2004), 349. 77Ghani, A History of Persian Language & Literature at the Mughal Court with a brief Survey of the Growth of Urdu Language[Babur to Akbar], Part II. – Humayun, 27. 78Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 665. 79Shamsad-ud-Daula Shahnawaz Khan, Masiu-ul-Umra, translated by Muhammad Ayub Qadri (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1968), 473. 80Ghani, A History of Persian Language & Literature at the Mughal Court with a brief Survey of the Growth of Urdu Language[Babur to Akbar], Part II. – Humayun , 29. 81Yadgaar, 349. 82Annemarie Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, translated by Corinne Attwood (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005), 27. 61 them, that were deemed astronomically the most favourable. Royals, nobles, military men as well as men of administration were placed in one group Ahli Daulat (officers of the state) as they were believed to be bearers of wealth. Sunday, linked with the sun and Tuesday, linked with Mars were selected for them as these celestial bodies were believed to protect rulers and aid valour respectively.83 Regarding the Ahli Saadat

(good men) group, Khwandamir writes,

The holy persons, the great Sheikhs, the respectable Syeds, the learned

men, the Qazis of Islam, the band of philosophers and poets, the

judges, the nobles and worthy people were called Ahli Saadat as a

regard for this honourable band and an association with this revered

class secures eternal prosperity and enables one to rise to everlasting

dignity and rank.84

Thursday that was associated with Jupiter and Saturday that was associated with

Saturn were selected for them, as these planets protected the learned the most. Ahli

Murad (people of pleasure) comprised the third group that consisted of musicians, singers, and all those who symbolized beauty. Monday, associated with the moon and

Wednesday associated with Mercury were selected for them. Friday was a day in which the Emperor met with people of all classes. 85 This arrangement of the Emperor proved both his stern belief in the science of astronomy as well as his reverence for the scholarly and learned. Humayun also had an interest in constructing astrolabes.

His interest initiated a trend amongst the Indian folk to build astrolabes. He even used one to determine the date of his marriage.86 87

83Khwandamir, Qanun-i-Humayuni, translated by Bani Prashad (Calcutta: the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1940), 25 and 27. 84 Ibid., 26. 85Ibid., 26-28. 86Gulbadan, 151. 87His personal astrolabe came to be known as Astarlab-e-Humayun. Astrolabes built in Humayun’s 62

Another arrangement indicative of Humayun’s firm belief in astronomy and astrology is mentioned by Ferishta. The Emperor had seven halls built to accommodate a gathering of people. The seven halls were respectively named after the seven planets.

Men of learning met him in the halls of Saturn and Jupiter, travellers in the hall of the moon, civil officers in the hall of mercury, etc. The furniture and paintings adorning this meeting arena were celestial and planetary too. 88

Humayun remained in exile for fifteen years in Iran. His return and accession to the throne is credited with the immigration of many Iranians into Hindustan the likes of which included numerous poets, bureaucrats, administrators and others.89 His regard for the learned and erudite can be estimated by the fact that bestowed them with the tenth highest ranked arrow. 90 91Despite the troubles and struggles he faced regarding his rule, he was able to found a madrassa at Delhi that emphasised his subjects of interest: mathematics, geography and astronomy. One of the teachers at this institute was Sheikh Hussain.92 Sheikh Zain, the author of Fathnama, built his own personal madrassa at Agra, in this period.93

According to C. A. Storey, four prose works were the most significant regarding

Humayun’s era. Firstly, Khwandamir’s Humayun-namah or Qanun-i-Humayun that revealed the Emperor’s various constructions, inventions and ideas. Abul Fazl quoted some of the Qanun in his book Akbarnama. 94 Khwandamir, author, historian and poet was greatly respected by Humayun and was bestowed the title, Amir-ul-Akhbar by

period are present to this date at Darul-Aloom Nadwa’s Library. Sabahuddin Abdul Rehman, Bazm- eTaimoria (Azam Garh: Darul Musanafeen, 1948), 49. 88Ferishta, vol. 2, 299. 89Thackston, “Literature” in The Magnificent Mughals, 84. 90Khwandamir, 31-32. 91Emperor Humayun distributed arrows of gold with different proportions of alloy in them amongst twelve subclasses of people. The twelfth arrow, of the purest gold, belonged to the King himself, giving him the highest rank. The eleventh arrow belonged to his royal relations and the tenth to the learned and religious, the ninth to nobles. Ibid. 92Yusuf Husain, Glimpse of Medeival Indian Culture (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962), 79. 93Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 1, 611 and 617. 94Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 642-651. 63 him.95 Secondly, Jouher Aftabchi’s The Tezkereh al Vakiat is an account of the trekking and battles of Humayun and his comrades. Jouher was a loyal bottle bearer for the King and later Treasurer under the government.96 His work is a rare, detailed and honest insight into Humayun’s journeys though it is chronologically deficient.97

Tarikh-1-Humayun recorded the reigns of Humayun and Akbar and was written by

Bayazid Bayat who was chosen for the task by Emperor Akbar.98 The fourth significant prose work was authored by Humayun’s half sister Gulbadan Begum in the form of the Humayun-nama or Ahwal-i-Humayun Padhshah. The memoirs were written on Akbar’s request to aid Abul Fazl in writing the Akbarnama.99 Other writers of this period include Shaikh Abdul Wahid Bil-gram an author as well as poet who wrote two books, a treatise on the terminology of Sufism called Sanabil and a commentary on Nuzhat-ul-Arvâh.100 Muhammad Ibn-i-Ashraf al Husain ar

Rustamdan a writer of both Babur and Humayun’s time, wrote the Jawahir-nama-i-

Humayuni. 101 Mir Abdul Latif Qazwini who was also appointed as Akbar’s tutor, authored the book entitled Nafis ul Maâsir that detailed the events and on goings of that period. Maulana Muhammad bin Ali Fazl authored the renowned Persian work

Jawahir ul Ulum. Divided into numerous chapters and sections, the book dealt with one hundred and twenty different subjects that touched topics pertaining to mathematics, Muslim jurisprudence, logic, history, astronomy, philosophy, medicine and ethics.102 Yusuf bin-i-Muhammad Hirwai was the royal Mughal Physician who

95Khwandamir, 42. 96Jouher Aftabchi, The Tezkereh al Vakiat or Private Memoirs of the Moghul Emperor Humayun, tr Charles Stewart (London: Oriental Translation Fund, 1832). 97Sukumar Ray, Humayun in Persia, vol. 6, (Calcutta: The Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1948), 88. 98C. A. Storey, Persian Literature: A Bio-Bibliographical Survey, Section 2, Fasciculus 3 (London: Luzac & Co., 1939), 537-538. 99Ibid., 538-539. 100Ghani, A History of Persian Language & Literature at the Mughal Court with a brief Survey of the Growth of Urdu Language[Babur to Akbar], Part II. – Humayun , 43. 101Ibid., 45. 102Ibid., 52 and 78. 64 authored books both on medicine and poetry. His books included Riyaz-ul-Insha,

Jamiul Fawaid, Badaiul Insha and the poem Qasula-fi-hifz-i-Sihat. Amongst the poets

Sheikh Amanullah Panipati was the most distinguished. He was the court’s most renowned poet, and had a simple sweet style.103 Shaikh Abul Wahid Farighi Shirazi was another court poet, who held a sufi approach to his work.104 Sheikh Gadal

Dehlevi was an eminent scholar of Humayun’s period. He taught in Gujrat and was an expert in Philosophy and Logic. He was the first to combine Hindi, Arabic and

Persian together. Ghazals were his particular specialty as far as poetry went.105

Similarly, Maulana Nadir Samarqandi was an accomplished scholar and poet who composed ghazals, rubai and qasidas while Humayun was Emperor.106 Shah Tahir

Dhakani was a poet known to make compositions by merging poetry with astronomy.107 108 Therefore, we learn that despite the prodigious difficulties Humayun had to pass through, literary activities were not neglected by him. He engaged numerous poets and painters during his exile in Kabul and Kandahar, whom he brought back on his return to India. The Persian immigration that occurred alongside

Humayun’s restoration to the throne resulted in the employment of thousands of artists both in the royal court as well as by the nobility. India turned into a gold mine for poets from Iran, a phenomenon that would eventually result in the cultural enrichment of the region in the years to come.109 Hindi, Persian and Central Asian styles would merge with each other and the amalgam produced would later be

103Ibid., 36. 104Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 1, 616. 105Ghani, A History of Persian Language & Literature at the Mughal Court with a brief Survey of the Growth of Urdu Language[Babur to Akbar], Part II. – Humayun , 38-40. 106Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 1, 611-612. 107Ibid., 624-626. 108Badaoni gives a list of nine poets in Humayun’s period. Ibid., 605-637. 109Schimmel, 243. 65 recognized forever as distinctly Mughali and Humayun’s niche in these developments cannot be neglected.

EMPEROR JALAL UD DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR:

It was on the 15th of October 1542 A.D. that Hamida Banu Begum gave birth to a baby boy, ordained to be one of the most illustrious of Kings the world would see.110

Humayun, exiled and destitute, celebrated the occasion by distributing a pod of musk amongst his comrades and predicting that his son’s fame would spread the world over one day, as the fragrance of this musk.111 The child was bestowed the title of Badr-ud-

Din by Humayun, and Muhammad, his last name was kept as Akbar, meaning ‘very great’ perhaps after Hamida Banu’s father Ali Akbar. 112 Akbar was the first Mughal royal to be born in India and the first to have lived his life amongst Indians.

At the mere age of fourteen Akbar became the ruler of the small portion of India conferred to him by his father. This hindered him in engaging much in studying; nonetheless he was appointed the best tutors.113 At the age of four years, four months and four days a ceremony to mark the initiation of Akbar’s education was held.114

Mulla Asamu-d-din Ibrahim and then Maulana Bayazid were appointed as Akbar’s teachers.115 Mir Abdu-l-Latif also gave Akbar lessons on the diwan of Hafiz.116 Mulla

Ala-ud-Din and Mulla Abdul Qadir were two other scholars arranged to instruct

Akbar. But the young prince preferred physical activities and training to lacklustre

110Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 70 and 377. 111Aftabchi, 45. 112Vincent A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul 1542-1605 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), 14. 113Schimmel, 33. 114Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, 519. 115Ibid., 519-520. 116Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 3, 149. 66 book learning.117 No teacher could change his predisposition and with the untimely death of his father, he eventually had to shoulder problems more urgent than studying.

But despite being an illiterate, he was far from being unlearned. It was a custom dating back to Timur’s time, for books to be read out to the Emperor. Akbar had books on history, books of story, anecdotes and legends in Hindi and Persian read aloud to him by Mir Abdu-l-Latif as well as his son Mirza Ghiyas-ud-Din Aliyi-

Akhund.118 He would record the number of pages read out to him each day and reward the reader accordingly in gold or silver. Among the books read out to him, 119

Abul Fazl names the following, the books indicate the versatile choice and liking of our ‘illiterate’ monarch: Akhlaq-i-Nasiri by Nasir-ud-Din Tusi, Kimiya-i-Saadat by

Imam Ghazaali, Qabus-nama by Kai Kaus ibn Iskander, Gulistan and Bustan of

Sheikh Sadi, Hadiqatul-Haqiqat of Hakim Sanai, the works of Sharaf of Munayr, the masnawi of Maulana Jalalud-Din Rumi, the works of Amir Khusrau and Maulana

Jami, the Shah-nama of Firdousi, the Khamsa of Sheikh Nizami and the diwans of

Khaqani and Anwari.120

Being particularly good at recalling poetry and dates,121 he had selected portions of the Diwan-i-Hafiz and Rumi’s masnawi committed to memory.122 His successor and son Jahangir stated this in his memoirs in the following words,

My father always associated with the learned of every creed and

religion, especially with Pandits and the learned of India, and

although he was illiterate, so much became clear to him through

117See Footnote by H. Beveridge, Ibid., 518. 118Abdul Qadir bin Muluk Shah Al-Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, translated by W. H. Lowe, vol. 2 (Karachi: Karimsons Publishers, 1976), 24 and Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 3, 150. 119Abul Fazl Allami, The Ain-I Akbari translated by H. Blochmann, ed. D.C. Phillott, vol. 1 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2004), 121. 120Ibid., vol. 1, 121. 121Schimmel, 33. 122Muhammad Abdul Ghani, A History of Persian Language and Literature at the Mughal Court with a Brief Growth of Urdu Language [Babur to Akbar] Part II -Akbar (Allahbad: The Indian Press, 1930), 11. 67

constant intercourse with the learned and the wise, in his

conversations with them, that no one knew him to be illiterate, and he

was so acquainted with the niceties of verse and prose compositions

that his deficiency was not thought of.123

Akbar composed in both Hindi and Persian.124 He had immense interest in artillery and had a talent in mechanics.125 His ability in craftsmanship, even impressed the visiting Jesuits to his court with regard to his innovative skill and practical knowledge in the making of wheels and handgun barrels.126 Rudolf Acquaviva, Francis

Henriques and Anthony Monserrate were amongst the Jesuits who praised Akbar as being talented in many crafts and mechanical skills. Their accounts reaffirm Abul

Fazl’s praises of the Emperor in this regard.127

As Emperor, Akbar strived to make his capital the Mecca of culture, art and civilization.128 He gathered erudite men at his court and even issued orders to his nobles to propose scholars to him to be summoned to his court. He was also the first monarch to establish the post of Malik-ush-Shura in the Imperial court.129

Calligraphy, painting, music, philosophy and poetry were all represented at his grand court.130 Countless calligraphists, historians, philosophers, scholars, administrators, theologians, physicians musicians and artists flourished in Akbar’s reign, and decorated his court.131 132 In comparison to the Safavid court that neglected support to

123Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, translated by Alexander Rodgers, ed. Henry Beveridge (London: London Royal Asiatic Society, 1909), 33. 124Robinson, The Mughal Emperors: And the Islamic Dynasties of India, Iran and Central Asia (1206- 1925), 133. 125Richard Garbe, “Akbar, Emperor of India. A Picture of Life and Customs from the Sixteenth Century,” The Monist, 19, No. 2 (April, 1909), 176. 126Ibid. 127Irfan Habib, “Akbar and Technology,” Social Scientist, 20, No. 9/10, (Sep-Oct 1992): 3. 128Syed, History of the Glorious Mughal Empire, vol. 1, 123. 129Yar Muhammad Khan, Iranian Influence in Mughul India (Lahore: Punjab University Press, 1978), 14. 130Syed, History of the Glorious Mughal Empire, vol. 1, 123. 131Muhammad Abdul Ghani, A History of Persian Language and Literature at the Mughal Court with a 68 its poets,133 Akbar warmly patronized and provisioned the countless Irani poets and artists who left their native land, and settled in India.134135 Thousands of poets were continuously at Akbar’s court, at least fifty of which had their own diwans.136 The influx of men of letters from every part of the Persian speaking world lead to Persian literature making express development in Akbar’s period. The poets were immensely versatile and apart from poetry also happened to be learned in philosophy, history, astronomy and religion. Among the poets who composed work in this era, there were some whose work would outstand the test of time and earn immortality, the likes of which included Faizi, Urfi, Saib, Naziri.137 Indeed no Safavid poet could compare to the caliber of the Mughal Persian poets Faizi, Urfi or Saib.138 Poetic Persian literature became very prolific and found new freshness and thought via these geniuses.

Ghazzali was the court’s first Malik-ush-Shura and was sponsored with property by

Akbar.139 Faizi was the second court laureate. Faizi’s poetic brilliance, masterly of thought and supreme diction are considered only second to Amir Khusrau. He was a man of great learning and an esteemed scholar of Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit, very adept medicine. He authored a hundred and one works.140 He also wrote a dot less commentary on the Quran called the Sawati-ul-Ilham. 141 The Indian mathematicians

Brief Growth of Urdu Language [Babur to Akbar] Part II -Akbar (Allahbad: The Indian Press, 1930), 36. 132See Badoni, vol. 3, Abul Fazl, Ain, vol. 1, 451-499, Khawaja Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabakat-i-Akbari, vol. 2 (Calcutta: Asiatic Society Bengal, N.D.) 404-520 and Muhammad Bakhtawar Khan, Mirat-ul- Alam: History of Aurangzeb, vol. 2, ed. Sajida Alvi (Lahore: Idara Tehqeekat-e-Pakistan Danishgah Punjab, 1979), 407-695. 133Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture (Allahbad: Kitab Mahal, N. D.), 123. 134Khan, Iranian Influence in Mughul India, 16. 135 For a list of reasons that led to an Iranian influx into Mughal India See Muhammad Ziauddin, Role of Persians at the Mughal Court: A Historical Study, During 1526 A.D. to 1707 A.D. (Quetta: University of Balochistan, 2005), 157-158. 136Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, 33. 137Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, 131-141. 138Ibid., 123. 139Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, 42. 140Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 3, 411-412. 141Ibid., vol. 2, 407-408. 69 arithmetic work, Lailawati, was translated by him to Persian.142 His most known poetic compositions namely Nal-u-Daman, Makhsan ul Adwar, Haft Kishwar and

Bilqis-wa-Salman.143 144 The Hindi love story of Nal-u-Daman written by Faizi was the first of its kind after 300 years since Amir Khusrau.145 146

Urfi Shirazi was selected as the next poet-laureate after Faizi’s death. Behind Persian, the language next in line to receive regal support was Hindi. Along with a Persian poet-laureate at court, Akbar appointed one for Hindi too.147 The peace Akbar ensured amongst India’s different communities, his partiality for Hindus and the permissible unrestricted practice of Hindu religion that he granted all contributed in promoting

142 Abul Fazl, Ain-I-Akbari, vol. 1, 122. 143Badaoni,vol. 3, 411-412. 144Abdul Aziz, The Imperial Library of the Mughuls (Panjab University Press, Lahore, 1967), 48. 145Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 2, 410. 146His ability to design extempore verse of supreme standard can be estimated by the following incident. An ambassador from the court of Shah Abbas paid a visit to the Mughal court and read aloud verses written by their famous court poet Mulla Wahid which indicated a hit on Akbar:

Zangi prides upon his army, horse and foot, Rumi boasts of his spear, sword and dagger; Akbar is proud of his treasure full of gold, The pride of Abbas is the sword of Ali.

Faizi at once uttered the following verse impromptu, to the awe and admiration of the assembled court:

Paradise prides its streams: Salsabil and Kausar, The sea boasts of its pearls, and the sky of its stars; Abbas takes pride in the sword of Ali, The object of pride to both the worlds is the pure self of Akbar. Ghani, A History of Persian Language & Literature at the Mughal Court with a brief Survey of the Growth of Urdu Language[Babur to Akbar], Part II. – Akbar, 64-65. 147S.M. Ikram, Muslim Civilisation in India, ed. Ainslie T. Embree (London: Columbia University Press, 1964), 243. 70

Hindi as a language. 148 Tulsi Das’s compositions surpassed all in Hindi 149 though

Raja Birbal and Akbar’s general Abdul Rahim made significant contribution to the language too. Abdur Rahim supported other Hindi poets as well.150 Sanskrit literature was given new light under Akbar, owing to his decree for translating Sanskrit epics into Persian. His period marked the greatest Muslim participation in Sanskrit translation and learning.151 The translations, when completed with splendid illustrations and bindings were transferred to the regal library at Agra.152 Turki as a language was initially spoken at Akbar’s court, but it fell out of practise, being replaced by the state’s official language Persian. Urdu, a Persianised form of Hindi that was born out of the communication between soldiers and locals, also went through gradual development in Akbar’s reign.153 Akbar as Emperor made noteworthy changes to the education system prevailing in India then, and was the first

Mughal monarch to do so.

Akbar’s unprecedented patronage and liberal support towards Hindus boosted the educational standard of their community. Hindus studied at madrassas side by side with Muslims, and began to learn Persian. Within a few decades of Akbar’s secular reforms, many Hindu poets, scholars and historians were produced. Hindu teachers began to be given teaching posts in madrassas.154 Many of these educational amendments and improvements were ordered by Akbar at the suggestion of Mir

Fatehullah Shirazi a genius scientist, inventor, scholar and reformist. Badaoni describes him as being a master in the sciences of reason as well as mechanics, and

148Smith, 421. 149Ibid, 418. 150Ikram, 243. 151Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1970), 219. 152Smith, 428. 153Ibid., 11. 154M. P. Srivastava, Social Life under the Great Mughals [1526-1700 A. D.] (Allahbad: Chugh Publications, 1978), 114. 71 being learned in Arabic, Quranic interpretation and traditions, even authoring literary work.155 He had numerous inventions to his name, which included a gun that could be disassembled and then reassembled, a wheel that ground twelve barrels at a time, a looking glass, a millstone that ground corn by turning on itself and a matchlock that could ignite without a match. 156 Appointed as Sadr by Akbar, he initiated the teaching of the children of nobles. He would even give lessons to them himself 157

Being an expert in rational sciences, he paved their way into the madrassa curriculum.

Mir Fatehullah also oversaw the translation of the Ulugh Beg’s astronomical tables.

As head of the Kingdom’s ordinances and factories, he would hold discussions with

Akbar pertaining to artillery, weapons of war and state defense. He was given a free hand by the King to execute scientific experiments in the region’s factories or workshops. 158

Other than poetry and prose, the written work produced in Akbar’s reign included voluminous contribution to the field of contemporary History and biography. The

Emperor preferred commissioned Histories over personal memoirs.159 Abul Fazl was the court Historian and in 1589 A.D. received an order from Akbar to:

…write with the pen of sincerity, the account of the glorious events and of our dominion-increasing victories. 160

Abul Fazl labored strenuously for seven years to collect the narratives of the Emperor and to sieve through official and non official material to create the Akbarnama.161 His exhaustive research was the most advanced effort to record medieval Indian history

155Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 3, 216. 156Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 126-127. 157Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 2, 325-326. 158Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 126-127. 159Ruby Lal, Settled, “Sacred and All-Powerful: Making of New Genealogies and Traditions of Empire under Akbar,” Economic & Political Weekly,36, No. 11, (17-23 March, 2001), 946. 160H. Blochmann’s preface in The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 21-23. 161 Ibid. 72 till that date.162 According to H. Blochmann, it is the greatest work of Muslim history in India. Abul Fazl manages to paint a vivid picture of the Akbarian period. The intricate details of administration, inter department relations, military and civil service, inventions and literary works, the prevalent beliefs, ideas present and principles followed at the time, along with sayings and wisdom words uttered by his

Majesty Akbar are penned by the author. Only Abul Fazl who resided on such a high official post, could have had access to every royal document he wished to refer to, to create this well researched compilation.163 Throughout the History, Abul Fazl maintains an extravagantly ornate literary style that is ripe with flattery.164

Abdul Qadir bin Muluk Shah Al-Badaoni’s Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh was another work produced in Akbar’s time, though it was written in secret, due to the author’s open criticism in it regarding the Emperor’s deviant religious views. It was printed only when Jahangir became King. Badaoni was a distinguished scholar of Persian,

Arabic and Sanskrit. 165 His Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh chronicled the Muslim rule from the Ghaznavids to the fortieth year of Akbar’s rule.166 Badaoni’s memoirs are more original in their approach than Abul Fazl’s and his expression is free from fabricated rhetoric and flattering giving it a prominent place amongst the historical literature of that period. His inclusion of madrassas, khanqahs and discussion of literary men are topics that no other historical works of this period discuss. 167 Historians have used the text to ‘check’ Abul Fazl’s narration or to get a more accurate picture of events.

168

162Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar (Harbans Mukhia, 1976), 88. 163Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 21-23. 164Mukhia, 84. 165Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India (Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1983), 240. 166Mukhia, 112-115. 167Ibid. 168Ruby Lal, “Rethinking Mughal India: Challenge of a Princess' Memoir,” Economic and Political 73

Other works in Akbar’s period include Tuhfa-I-Akbar Shahi by Abbas Sarwani,

Tabaqat-I Akbari by Khawaja Nizamuddin Ahmad169 and work by Arif Qandhari.170

The Tabakat-I Akbari provides a neutral straightforward narrative about the political events of medieval India, though its chronology contains errors. 171 Halat-i-Asad Beg by Asad Beg, Sawanih I Akbar by Maulvi Amir Haider and Nafi al-taliban by M.

Hafiz are the remaining written works mentioned by C. A. Storey of this period. 172

All these written works along with countless others were ordered by Akbar to be placed in his magnificent imperial library, the details of which alongside its efficient

Translation department are discussed in the chapter Means of Education, Libraries and the Availability of Books.

Abul Fazl states that,

All civilized nations have schools for the education of youths; but

Hindustan is particularly famous for its seminaries.173

Akbar was not merely satisfied by the new reforms being executed; he desired an increase in the number of schools and colleges in India. The government as well as various nobles and philanthropists took to helping construct these new institutes. In

1571 A.D. he ordered the foundation of a new capital city, Fatehpur Sikri.174 Many mosques, madrassas and khanqahs were built in it.175 A grand madrassa was built in the city, near the royal residence, the likes of which no traveller had seen.176 177 Chalpi

Weekly 38, No. 1, (2003): 54. 169Mukhia, 132 and 154. 170Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, 231. 171Smith, 6. 172Storey, 554-555. 173Abul Fazl, Ain I Akbari, vol. 1, 230. 174Muhammad Arif Qandhari, Tarikh-i-Akbari, translated by Tasneem Ahmad (Delhi: Pragati Publications, 1993), 185. This particular site was chosen due to Akbar’s mystic tendencies. The tomb of Sheikh Salim Chishti, the sufi saint whose blessings brought prince Salim into the world, was located here. See Ram Prasad Tripathi, “The Turko-Mongol Theory of Kingship,” in The Mughal State 1526-1750, eds. Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001), 131-132. 175Subhan Rai Batalwi, Khalasatul Tawarikh, translated by Dr. Nazir Hasan Zaidi (Lahore: Markazi 74

Beg from Shiraz was designated its principal.178 179 Khair al-Manzil was a madrassa and mosque founded by Akbar’s wet nurse Maham Anga in 1561 A.D. Madrassa

Maqbara Humayun was built by Hamida Banu Begum, Akbar’s mother which reached completion in 1565 A.D. According to Carr Stephen, the college built on the mausoleum’s roof was at one time an institute of significance, headed by men of letters, which once bustled with many students.180 Akbar appointed an expert in rational sciences Maulana Nurud Din Tarkhan as its principal.181 Maulana Ismail, the

Arab and Sheikh Husain were two teachers at the institute.182 Madrassa Abul Fazl was established by the historian at Fatehpur Sikri, near the royal palace.183

Calligraphy and penmanship was an art that Akbar bestowed liberal patronage. His illiteracy did not prevent him from admiring the beautiful delicate lettering created by calligraphists, and he was particularly fond of the Nastalik style, that was entirely cursive. He disliked the samples of printed books presented to him that were printed by a mechanical press.184 This attitude of Akbar prevented mass production or an easy mechanism of book production, yet on the other hand his decision preserved the precious art of book illustration.

Akbar’s imperialism had the benefit of opening new doors of opportunities for Indian students. After the conquest of Gujrat in 1574 A.D. access to the Jeddah Sea port

Urdu Board, 1966), 64. 176Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 84. 177Lala Silchand in Tafrihul –Imarat mentions the same madrassa. Syed Ahmad Marharvi, Asaar-i- Khair (Agra: Matba-e-Azizi, 1323 A.H.), 42. 178Abul Hasnnat Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain (Lahore: Milli Printers, 1979), 29. 179Haji Muhammad Jan Qudsi in Shah Jahan’s period and Mulla Abdul Aziz in Alamgir’s time were Known teachers of this institute. To this date the neighborhood of that area is known as Muhala e Madrassa. 180Carr Stephen, The Archaeology and Monumental Remains of Delhi (Michigan: Aryan Books International, 2002), 118. 181Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 3, 218-219. 182Ibid., 188. 183Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 84. 184Smith, 425. 75 became easier.185 This step permitted students to travel by sea to the Hijaz for purposes of study.

The Mughal nobility took to the practices of their King and lavishly gave away stipends and endowments to men of letters. Abdur Rahim Khan-I-Khanan stood at the head of Mughal nobles who were patrons of literature.186 He was a military commander and court noble whose patronage earned him much praise from Persian poets. The examples of numerous Irani individuals who migrated to India and flourished under Khan I Khanan’s sponsorship are provided by the Persian poet

Rasmi Qalandar.187 Fluent in Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Hindi and other languages himself, he went out of his way to financially support men of letters. He would weigh poets and reward them.188 He also established an academy Bait ul Ulama at

Ahmadabad that attracted men of letters from afar. 189 Other nobles who provided support to the erudite included Khan Zaman who provided patronage to Ghazzali,

Madaami, Muquimi, Ali Quli Khan, Ghazi Khan,190 Hakim Fathiullah Ghallini, Mirza

Aziz Khoka and many others.

In conclusion Akbar’s fifty years of rule will always be regarded as one of the greatest hinges of history ever seen, not just for India, but the entire world. 191 His innovative reforms brought long lasting changes to India’s educational programme and his sumptuous patronage of art and learning enriched India’s culture and education more than ever before. The establishment of educational institutes, the stipends endowed to the erudite and the mere number of literary men that flourished in the period is

185Richards, 31. 186Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir (Allahabad: The Indian Press Ltd, 1940), 18. 187Muhammad Abdul Ghani, A History of Persian Language and Literature at the Mughal Court with a Brief Growth of Urdu Language [Babur to Akbar], Part II –Akbar, 221. 188Khan, Masiu-ul-Umra, 703-704. 189Khan, Iranian Influence in Mughul India, 18. 190Ibid. 191Syed, History of the Glorious Mughal Empire, vol. 1, 122. 76 evidence of the literary prosperity it professed. Calligraphy, painting and architecture bloomed under Akbar’s reign, exhibiting the wonderful blend of Persian and Indian cultures that had been reached, the very symbol of which was Akbar himself.192 193

EMPEROR NUR UD DIN MUHAMMAD JAHANGIR:

Prince Salim, who would later change his name to Jahangir, was born on the 30th of

August 1569 A.D. to Akbar’s Rajput wife Maryam-Uz-zamani. A delighted Akbar ordered the occasion to be marked by a week of festive celebration and rejoicing.194

As per the family tradition, tutors were appointed to overlook the prince’s educational upbringing. Maulana Mir Kalan Harvi initiated the prince’s official education, and had him learn the alphabet. Sheikh Ahmad and Qutbuddin Muhammad Khan Atga were also appointed to guide the prince’s education. 195 But it was Abdur Rahim

Khan-i-Khanan who exercised the most influence over Salim’s early life and learning.

Under his wing, Salim learnt Turkish and gained great command over Persian expression.196 He copied parts of the Babur’s memoirs in his own hand and in addition to that wrote some paragraphs in Turkish at the end to indicate that even though he was raised in Hindustan he was not lacking in reading and writing in the

Turkish language.197 He engaged in conversation with the foreigner William Hawkins in Turkish.198 He was also acquainted with Hindi language. He developed a fondness for poetry in his early years. History and geography were amongst his favorite

192Ibid. 193A. L. Srivastava, A Short History of Akbar the Great (1542-1605) (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. Private Ltd., 1963), 158-160. 194Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 2, 124-127. 195Prasad, History of Jahangir, 17-18. 196Ibid., 19. 197Jahangir, The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, tr. ed. Wheeler M. Thackston (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 77. 198Michael Fisher, Visions of Mughal India: An Anthology of European Travel Writing (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007), 59. See also William Foster, ed., Early Travels in India 1583-1619 (New York: AMS Press, 1985), 61. 77 subjects. Over the years he cultivated an interest in zoology and botany, and acquired a sense of shrewd observation, curious investigation and quest for experiment.199 He would study the habits of animals and birds, categorise them in groups and even dissect them to learn about their physiology. 200 He also developed a hand for calligraphy and painting.201 In his father’s studio, he was able to watch artists at work202 and receive lessons from the great masters amongst them.203 He practiced drawing with Abdus Samad Shirin Qalam.204 Later in life he would be able to recognize painters from their styles and even identify the various artists of a single picture. He would use paintings as a guide to physiognomy and to assess the personalities of the nobles around him.205 Jahangir occupied the throne of Mughal

India in 1605 A.D.206 Following the literary blood of his great grandfather Babur that ran through his veins, Jahangir took to chronicling his reigning days. He continued to do so personally throughout the first twelve years of his rule after which the diary was maintained by his military officer Motamad Khan. Motamad Khan would narrate events till the nineteenth year of Jahangir’s rule under the Emperor’s name. He recorded the happenings of the years after that in his own Iqbalnama.207 The Tuzuk-i-

Jahangiri narrated a thorough chronological account of the wars, state affairs, imperial orders, administrations, inter-state relations as well as detailed on goings of

199Prasad, History of Jahangir, 19. 200Robinson, The Mughal Emperors: And the Islamic Dynasties of India, Iran and Central Asia (1206- 1925), 141. 201Prasad, History of Jahangir, 19. 202Schimmel, 274. 203J. L. Mehta, Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India: Medieval Indian Society and Culture (Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1999), 293. 204Nur-ud-Din Jahangir, The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, 41. 205Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, 274. 206Nur-ud-Din Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, translated by Alexander Rogers, Ed. Henry Beveridge (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2001), 1. 207Preface by H. Beveridge in The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, vii. 78 the royal family and daily activities of the Emperor himself. 208 He wrote in a candid, fluid, colloquial style, free from rhetoric that Mughal historiographies of that time had.209 The diary reveals Jahangir to be a gifted naturalist, who had a keen observation for flora and fauna.210 He noted the weights of grains and fruits in his diary, talked of the plague that hit his people and suggested reasons for its spread, as well as recorded the changing shape of a comet and the occurrence of solar and lunar eclipse.211 His strong visual sensations are apparent in the minute details with which he gives descriptions.212 The memoirs also reveal Jahangir’s poetic disposition and that he sometimes intentionally or involuntarily composed couplets and quatrains:

“Turn not thy cheek, without thee I cannot live a moment;

For thee to break one heart is equal a hundred murders.” 213

When compared to Babur’s memoirs, Jahangir’s autobiography is of lesser literary merit, with extravagant self praise and an exaggeration of the author’s achievements, yet the book is the best source of the socio political history of Jahangir’s period of rule. Henry Beveridge highlights the autobiography’s significance in these words,

They give a lively picture of India in the early decades of the

seventeenth century and are a valuable supplement to the Akbar-

nama… the Memoirs of Babur and Jahangir are far more human and

fuller of matter than the story of the Gallic Wars. 214

208J. L. Mehta, Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India The Mughal Empire (Vol II 1526- 1707) (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 2003), 55-58. 209Translator’s Preface by Wheeler M. Thackston in The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, 275. 210Schimmel, 42. 211M. A. Alvi, A. Rahman, Jahangir-The Naturalist (New Delhi: National Institute of Sciences of India, 1968), 6-7. 212Preface by Milo Cleveland Beach in The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, vi. 213Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, 228. 214Preface by H. Beveridge in The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, vii. 79

Jahangir had the sense not to confine his narrative to an account of

himself… but his account of himself has also its charm, for it reveals

the real man, and so he lives for us in his Memoirs just as James VI.215

It should be remembered that the European biologists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries of this period had not yet developed an intellectual scientific attitude. Not all the contents of the works of these scholars were completely original, they were repeatedly reproduced. In comparison to them, Jahangir however displayed a good degree of originality in his approach. 216

The Emperor was fond of receiving and giving literary gifts. While on tour in Gujrat

Jahangir gifted each of the Sheikhs of Gujrat books that included the following from the Imperial Library: Tafsir-i-Kashshaf, Tafsir-i-Husayni and Raudatu’l-Ahbab.217 An exquisitely beautiful, rare, small sized Quran written by Yaqut was bestowed to Mir

Sayyid Muhammad by Jahangir. The Emperor signed his name and date on the back.

218 There is also the instance of Abdu’s-Sattar presenting a Majmu’a (Miscellany) written by Humayun to Jahangir. The King was overjoyed over this precious gift and rewarded Abdu’s-Sattar by giving him a cash prize of one thousand rupees and an increase in rank. 219

Khawaja Hashim Dihbidi, an affiliate of one of Central Asia’s sufi families sent

Jahangir a couplet Babur had written for Dihbidi Sheikh in addition to a letter and gifts. In his delight, Jahangir returned the favour with a verse of his own and 1000 muhrs. 220 Khankhanan presented a volume of Joseph and Zulaykha calligraphed by the famed Mulla Mir Ali to the Emperor for inspection. Jahangir noted its exquisite

215Ibid., ix. 216Alvi and Rahman, Jahangir the Naturalist, 13-14. 217Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, 218. 218Jahangir, The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, 275. 219Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, vol. 2 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2001), 82. 220Richard C. Foltz, Mughal India and Central Asia (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998), 71-72. 80 gold binding and illumination.221 Sheikh Abdul Haqq presented his Akhbar-ul-Akhyar to Jahangir who admired the effort put into it.222

Historiography under Jahangir was given less attention when compared to Akbar’s period. This was perhaps a consequence of Jahangir lacking a court historian like

Abul Fazl. 223 Persian literature on the other hand, owing to the exchange of embassies between India and Iran, developed further. Jahangir selected Talib of

Amul, who was of Iranian origin, as his Malik-ush-Shura. 224 Talib Amuli was merely of twenty years of age, yet his rhetoric and unique style impressed Jahangir. 225 Mulla

Shukr Allah Shirazi, Mir Abul Qasim Gilani and Mulla Roz Bhan Shirazi were some of the learned men who decorated Jahangir’s court. Baba Talib Asfahani, Syedai

Gilani and Mulla Naziri Naishapuri were some of the poets who attended his court.226

Similarly Ghiyas Beg, Mutamid Khan, Naqib Khan, Niamatullah and Abdul Haqq

Dhilawi were some of the men of letters of Jahangir’s period. 227 Authors and poets would present their work to Jahangir personally and receive rewards from him. From his memoirs we learn that Jahangir thought Mulla Naziri of Nishapur was a poet who exceeded others. He rewarded him with a robe of honour, a horse and a thousand rupees when the poet presented a poem to the Emperor. 228 Jahangir also weighed

Syedai Gilani in silver when he was pleased by an ode the poet had composed regarding Jahangir and Shah Jahan. 229 Tarikh-i-Jahangir Shahi by Wali Sirhindi,

221Jahangir, The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, 108. 222Ibid., 316. 223Sajida S. Alvi, “Religion and State during the Reign of Mughal Emperor Jahangir (1605-27): Nonjuristical Perspectives,” Studia Islamica, No. 69, (1989): 96. 224Jahangir, The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, 319. 225Khan, Iranian Influence in Mughul India, 21. 226Mirza Muhammad Mutamid Khan, Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri, translated by Muhammad Zikriya (Karachi: Nafees Academy, 1963), 303. 227R.C. Majumdar, H. C. Raychaudhuri, Kalikinkar Datta, An Advanced History of India (Lahore: Famous Books, 1992), 580-581. 228Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, 188. 229Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, 42. 81

Iqbalnamah-i-Jahangiri by Mutamad Khan, Maasir-i-Jahangiri by Kamgar Husaini and Waqai al-zaman by Kami Shirazi are some of the written works of the period. 230

Arts and crafts boomed under Jahangir. The King mentions in his memoirs that,

The inhabitants of Agra exert themselves greatly in the acquirement of

crafts and the search after learning. Various professors of every

religion and creed have taken up their abode in the city. 231

He encouraged all sorts of learning at his court and was generous in his endowments.232 He also took special measures to build new madrassas and renovate new ones. 233 It is stated that he even repaired madrassas that had been out of use for thirty years, and filled them with teachers and students.234 He issued orders that the properties of heirless nobles and travelers would be seized by the state and utilized in educational purposes and charities. 235

Jahangir is unarguably defined as the Mughal connoisseur of painting. Mughal painting reached perfection under him, driven by his personal interest and rewards to painters. 236 He encouraged his painters to develop their own individual styles.237

Along with illustrated manuscripts, he collected albums of Persian paintings as well as European paintings. 238 As a consequence of his immense interest in the field, he ordered schools of paintings in various provinces, to further the art. 239 To conclude,

230Storey, 556-564. Also See Shahpurshah Hormasji Hodivala, Studies in Indo-Muslim History: Supplement vol. 2 (Bombay: Popular Book Depot, 1957), 295-352. 231Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, 7. 232Edward S. Holden, The Mogul Emperors of Hindustan (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2006), 124. 233Brelvi, 153. 234Majumdar, Raychaudhuri, Datta, 579. 235Brelvi, 153. 236A.K.C.,“Mughal Painting (Akbar and Jahangir)” Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin, 16, No. 93 (Feb., 1918): 2-8. 237Joseph M. Dye III, “Imperial Mughal Painting,” in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 170. 238Maurice S. Dimand, “The Emperor Jahangir, Connoisseur of Painting,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 2, No. 6, (Feb., 1944,): 196. 239S. Qalb-i-Abid, “Muslim Civilisations: Some Core Values Revisited,” Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 44, (July, 2007): 14. 82 literature, art and painting thrived under King Jahangir’s enlightened patronage. The boundaries of the Mughal Empire remained as they were during his reign but learning and art undeniably grew in his period.240 His period is best summed up in these words by Beni Prasad,

Painting reached its high-water mark, and literature prospered as it

had never before… A host of remarkable Persian and vernacular poets

all over the country combined to make the period the augustan age of

medieval Indian literature. The political side of Jahangir’s history is

interesting enough but its best virtue lies in cultural development.241

EMPEROR MUHAMMAD SHIHAB-UD-DIN SHAH

JAHAN:

Khurram was born on the 15th of January 1592 A. D. in the imperial mansion at

Lahore fort, during the thirty sixth year of Akbar’s rule as King. The occasion was marked by splendid celebration and cheer. Mughal literati were directed to make offerings of prose and poetry, all consisting of 1000 Persian words, to mark the

Islamic millennium in which the prince was born (1000 A. H.). 242 Khurram’s mother was the Rajput princess Manmati whom Salim had married in 1586 A. D. 243 As was always, Khurram’s maktab ceremony was held at the age of four years, four months and four days. The occasion was marked by the placing of the Holy Quran in his lap.

His first teacher was Mulla Qasim Beg Tabrezi, an eminent scholar and teacher of the rational sciences, who helped in the translation of the geographic book Majmau h-i-

240Syed, History of the Glorious Mughal Empire, vol. 1, 144. 241Prasad, History of Jahangir, 381. 242Fergus Nicoll, Shah Jahan (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2009), 20-21. 243Bernarsi Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi (Lahore: Book Trader, N.D.), 1. 83

Buldan. A physician Hakim Ali Gilani followed him as Khurram’s teacher. The prince grew attached to Hakim Ali who was learned in both theology and medicine.

244 He was also versed in mathematics and was a literary commenter and builder. 245

Sheikh Sufi and Sheikh Abul Khayr were also instructors of the young prince. 246

Khurram went through a rigorous timetable for the next ten years, under Akbar’s keen supervision. Books such as the Gulistan and Bustan were compulsory for a prince to read, Nasr al-Din Tusi’s Contemplation and Action and Jalal al-Din Davani’s Flashes of Illumination on Praiseworthy Ethics were books taught to him on Ethics. The

Mughal dynasty’s history and political campaigns were also taught starting from the

Timurid period right up to Akbar’s time.247 He soon became articulate in Persian language, though to Akbar’s disappointment, showed little interest in their ancestral

Turkish. He proved himself to be a capable, witty student. 248 Shah Jahan occupied the royal throne in February 1628 A. D. 249 Court poets and historians left no stone unturned in praising him as Padshah Ghazi, Khilafat Pinahi (Refuge of the Caliphate) and Zill’ Allahi (the Shadow of God). 250 Shah Jahan’s thirty year rule was a period of unparalleled prosperity and peace. 251 Wealth of unprecedented amount was at Shah

Jahan’s disposal, and the fame of it attracted numerous men of letters from afar, who were amazed by the splendor of the Emperor and the Mughal court. 252

Shah Jahan ordered Farid al-din Dehlawi, the court astronomer, to draw up new astronomical tables based on Ulugh Beg’s. They were named Zij-i-Shah Jahani. 253

244Muhammad Salih Kamboo, ShahJahannama, translated by Mumtaz Liaqat, vol. 1 (Lahore: Sang-e- Meel Publications, 1982), 26. 245Nicoll, 29. 246Kamboo, vol. 1, 26. 247Nicoll, 29-30. 248Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi, 4. 249Schimmel, 46. 250Nicoll, 157. 251Ibid,, 161. 252Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi, 237. 253 Foltz, 84. 84

Like his father, Shah Jahan delighted in receiving and bestowing books. Zhul-qarnain

Farangi presented to Shah Jahan a book he had authored and dedicated to the emperor. He received five thousand rupees and a robe of honour in return. 254

Shah Jahan’s own interest coupled by the peace of the region, brought about a great surge in the Kingdom’s art and literature. Shah Jahan was a generous patron and on hearing so, scholars, poets, artists and philosophers would head towards the Mughal court in search of patronage. Both the King and his courtiers were wise in identifying talent and would reward it lavishly. 255 He weighed Abdul Hakim Sialkoti against silver and rewarded the amount six thousand rupees to him.256 Shah Jahan appointed

Abu Talib Kalim of Kashan as the Court’s poet laureate. He would be the last poet to hold the title as Aurangzeb would later abolish the post. 257 Shah Jahan was fond of

Kalim and had him weighed against rupees, the sum of which came out to be five thousand five hundred. The King bestowed the poet with this amount. In later years,

Shah Jahan would bestow him with two hundred gold mohurs twice as well as a

Rupees 1000 reward. 258 Kalim was a poet of great observation and description. His most noteworthy poem was a description of the Deccan famine.259 His role as poet laureate included recording socio-political events as well as palace news. He penned chronograms relating to the coronation of Shah Jahan, the birth of his sons, the palace completion, the defeat of the Uzbeks and the conquest of Balkh. 260 Amongst the courtiers who attended Shah Jahan’s court, many were men of learning: Abdul Hakim

254Abdul Hamid Lahori, Badshah-nama, vol. 1, ed. Kabir ud Din Ahmad and Abdul Rahim (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society, 1867-1868), 138. 255Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi, 246-247. 256Lahori, Badshah-nama, vol. 1, 138. 257Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, 33. 258Ibid., 42 and 49. 259Schimmel, 248. 260Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value, 37. 85

Sialkoti, Afzal Khan, Fazl Khan, Allama Saadullah Khan, Maulana Abdul Salaam

Lahori and Mulla Mehmood Jawnpuri to name some. 261

As Emperor Shah Jahan directly supported two schools, one at Agra the other at

Delhi, and personally selected their teachers. Several other colleges were repaired by

Shah Jahan.262 Institutions headed by religious scholars were present in Kashmir,

Jaunpur, Lahore, Ahmadabad and Burhanpur. Learned scholars residing in Ambala,

Sirhind and Thanewar attracted many students from afar. Mulla Hasan Faroghi, Mulla

Muhsin Fani and Khawaja Khudavand Mahmud were the prominent scholars settled in Kashmir. The combined educational effort of these institutes and scholars produced two schools of writers, one purely Persian furnished by Persian writers Jalaluddin

Tabatabai and Amini Qazvini and the other Indo-Persian including the great Abul

Fazl, Chandra Bhan and Abdul Hamid Lahori. The Indo Persian style found particular support by the royal court. 263 Dara Shikoh also proved himself a noteworthy writer.264 Along with writing, he was talented in calligraphy and poetry. He authored the book Safinatul Aulia at the age of twenty five (1640 A.D.), that described the sufi way of living from the early years of Islam to the author’s own age. Three years later he penned Sakinatul Aulia, a biographical text written on two Indian Qadriyya saints

Mulla Shah, Mian Mir and their disciples.265 Hasnaat-ul-Arifin was a collection by

Dara of the sayings of sufi saints. He also translated the Sanskrit Vedas and fifty chapters of the Upanishads into Persian, the Sirr-i-Akbar. 266 Another work of his was

261Kamboo, vol. 3, 563-567. 262Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 55. 263Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi, 248-249. 264Christopher Shackle. “Persian Poetry and Qadri Sufism in Later Mughal India,” in The Heritage of Sufism: Late Classical Persianate Sufism (1501-1750), vol. 3, The Safavid and Mughal Period, eds. Leonard Lewisohn and David Morgan (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1999), 439. 265Bikrama Jit Hasrat, Dara Shikuh: Life and Works (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1982), 48 and 65. 266 Syed Mujeeb Ashraf Nadvi, Muqadma Ruqaat-e-Alamgiri (Azam Garh: Darul Musanafeen, N. D.), 357-358. 86

‘the Mixing of the Two Oceans’ or Majmaul Bahrain in which he drew connections between Hinduism and Islam.267 All these works prove Dara Shikoh as a prince of literary orientation who contributed immensely to the literary sphere of his period. He intellectually promoted the ideas once developed by his great grandfather Akbar.268

A number of historians wrote the chronological series of events of Shah Jahan’s reign.

The official account Padshahnama was initially authored by the court historian

Muhammad Amin Qazvini.269 But he later lost his official assignment. Shah Jahan then appointed Abdul Hamid Lahori as the court historian who ably penned the first twenty years of the King’s reign. He incorporated Qazvini’s work after altering it to his own. After Abdul Hamid’s death Muhammad Waris completed the chronicles, even altering the original. 270 The Padshahnama proved to be a great authority on

Mughal history, providing refreshing information about Shah Jahan’s triumphant years and his quest to construct artistic buildings. Other works authored included the

Shahjahannama by Muhammad Tahir Ashna, Muhammad Salih’s Amal-i-Salih and the Tabakat-i-Shah Jahani by M. Sadiq Dehlvi.271 Hindi language gained much development in this period, Shah Jahan himself spoke the language and patronized

Hindi poets. Kavindra Acharya, Chintamani and Sundar Das were the Hindi poets connected to the Mughal court. Kavindra Acharya penned the Kavindra Kalplata in praise of Shah Jahan. Chintamani was a great Hindi poet who earned the support of the King. Kavya Vivek, Kavi-Kul-Kalpataru, Chhand Vichar and Kavya Prakash were some of his compositions. Sundar Das, author of Barahmasa, Singhasan Battisi and

267Hasrat, 105 and 216-217. 268Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, 191. 269Storey, 565-566. 270Mehta, Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India: The Mughal Empire (Vol II 1526-1707), 59-61. 271Storey, 564-581. See also Hodivala, 373. 87

Sundar Sringar was given the title of Kavi Ray Maha by Shah Jahan.272 The fields of medicine, mathematics and astronomy comprised of many intellectuals, such as Mulla

Farid Munajjim for astronomy and Ataullah, Maulana Mahmud Jaunpuri, Mir

Shamsuddin Khiljani and Maulana Yaqub Lahori for mathematics. Ataullah wrote a treatise on algebra, arithmetic and mensuration, dedicating his work to Shah Jahan.273

EMPEROR ALAMGIR MUHIY-ID-DIN MUHAMMAD

AURANGZEB:

Aurangzeb Alamgir I was the third son of Shah Jahan and Mumtaz Mahal,274 born while they were travelling to Ujjain on the 24th of October 1618 A.D. at Dohad. The typical splendid celebrations of a prince’s birth were held upon reaching Ujjain.275

Aurangzeb’s official education began aged ten. One of Shah Jahan’s viziers Sadullah

Khan was known to be one of his teachers, the other Mir Muhammad Hashim of

Gilan.276 Abdul Latif Sultanpuri,277 Sheikh Abdul Qavi278 Danishmand Khan,

Maulana Hashim Gilani, Mulla Jeon Amitwi279 Mulla Mohan Bahari and Syed

Muhammad Qanauji also taught Aurangzeb.280

Aurangzeb was a keen learner, proficient in Arabic and Persian. He could understand and recite quotations in Hindi language. While serving in Qandhar and Balkh he

272Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi, 259-260. 273Ibid., 257-259. 274 Lane Poole, Aurangzib and the Decay of the Mughal Empire (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1930), 26. 275J. N. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib Mainly Based on Persian Sources, vol. 1 (Calcutta: M. C. Sarkar & Sons, 1912.), 1-2. 276Sarkar, History of Aurangzib Mainly Based on Persian Sources, vol. 1, 4. Mir Muhammad had learnt medicine under Hakim Ali and maintained a school at Ahmadabad of well repute, of which he later became Sadr. Ibid. 277Rehman Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, translated by Muhammad Ayub Qadri (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1961), 322. 278Khan, Masiu-ul-Umra, 223-227. 279Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 155. 280Ibid., 475. 88 gained proficiency over Chaghtai Turkish too.281 He was a well read man, an accurate scholar and loved reading books. 282 Along with reading, he was fond of Persian prose writing.283 He also attained ability in verse. He studied the Holy Quran, traditions of the Prophet, Muslim jurisprudence and scholastic literature well. He was also fond of Imam Ghazali’s work and read his Ahya-ul-Ulum under Danishmand

Khan as well as selections from the books of Sheikh Sharf Yahia of Maner, Qutb

Muhi Shirazi and Sheikh Zain-ud-Din.284 After occupying the throne, he committed the Holy Quran to memory.285

Much praise is found in the pages of history regarding Aurangzeb’s exceptional handwriting. His naskh style was said to be well formed and firm. He transcribed two copies of the Quran himself in this calligraphic style and presented them to Madina, after spending 7000 rupees on their binding.286 A copy of his handwritten Quran was preserved at the tomb of Nizam-ud-Din Aulia, while some copies were sold by the

Emperor himself owing to his firm belief that one should earn one’s own livelihood.287 He also gained ability in the nastaliq and shikastah styles.288

Aurangzeb’s writing style is apparent from the numerous letters he penned. They had a natural sense of style and gracefulness, were condensed yet expressive. They had an undeniable flow of remarkable diction, possessed great clarity and phraseology.

Numerous quotations and verses were interspersed within the letters. 289 They also contained maxims, words of advice and wisdom addressed to his sons and insights

281Zahiruddin Faruki, Aurangzeb His Life and Times (Lahore: Al Biruni, 1977), 543. 282Richard Burn ed., The Cambridge History of India, vol. 4, The Mughul period, by Wolseley Haig (New Delhi: S. Chand & Company, 1987), 317. 283Ikram, 323. 284Saqi Must’ad Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, Translated by Jadu Nath Sarkar (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1947), 317. 285Ibid. 286Ibid., 318. 287Sabahuddin Abdul Rehman, Bazm-eTaimoria (Azam Garh: Darul Musanafeen, 1948), 231. 288Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, 318. 289Faruki, 543-544 and 548. See also Qabil Khan, Adab-i-Alamgiri, Ed. Sadiq Ambali (Lahore: Idara Tehqeekat-e-Pakistan Danishgah Punjab, 1971), 10-12. 89 into the daily routine of his father Shah Jahan.290 His prose seemed the best of his age, lacking the artificiality that other prose writers of that age had.291 He was well aware of both prose and poetry, though preferred moral poetry significantly over adulatory ones.292 He would quote Sadi and Hafiz while speaking, having been taught their verses during his formal education. Aurangzeb showed immense appreciation to those who would gift him books. We know of a Diwan-i-Sa’ib comprising of one lakh couplets, written and presented by Bakhshi-ul-Mulk Mukhlis Khan that the King accepted.293 Hafiz Nur Muhammad, Mir Saman of Gauhar Ara Begum, had prepared selections from Ihya-ul-Ulum which he corrected and transcribed and presented to the

Emperor in 1704 A.D. He received one thousand rupees, an elephant and the title of

Hafiz Khan as a reward from Aurangzeb. Mir Muhammad Salih Tirmidhi Mushkin

Qalam presented to the King a book called Manaqib-i-Murtadwai. Aurangzeb rewarded the author five thousand rupees and a female elephant.294 Mir Murtada also offered his book entitled Haq-gu to the King, who praised the work.295

A traveller to India, Francois Bernier, wrote an incident of Aurangzeb later in life as

Emperor, scolding his teacher for not instructing him in practical, useful subjects such as geography and world history and wasting his time in the complexes of grammar,

Philosophy and metaphysics that were a nuisance to understand and had no value in the real world.296 The authenticity of this account can be questioned firstly because

Bernier did not hear this conversation himself rather it was narrated to him by

290Aurangzeb, Rukaat-i-Alamgiri or Letters of Aurangzebe, Translated by Jamshid H. Bilimoria (London: Luzac & Co., 1908), 14-19. 291Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughul Empire (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1966), 217. 292Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, 318. 293Ibid., 381. 294Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, Eds. Kabir al-Din and Ghulam Qadir (Calcutta: Bibliotheca India, 1869), 605. 295Ibid., vol. 2, 564. 296Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire A.D. 1656-1668 A.D (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1996), 154-161. 90 another. Secondly, Bernier like many other European travellers to India, viewed its people and its systems with such prejudice and superficiality that deriving a conclusion based solely on his (or their) statements would be wrong.297 S. M. Ikram,

F. E. Keay and Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi conform to the belief that Aurangzeb must have had this discourse with his teacher.298 But if the arguments of Aurangzeb are scrutinised, it does not seem likely that he said them. According to Bernier Emperor

Aurangzeb expressed anger on not being taught about the Kings of France, Portugal,

England and Andulasia adequately.299 Yet it is unlikely that Aurangzeb had an interest in the monarchs of Europe. In his letters to his sons, he details the life of his own father Shah Jahan to them.300 If Aurangzeb had been interested in the Kings of

Europe, he would surely have directed his sons to learn about them and not Shah

Jahan. Similarly Bernier states that Aurangzeb accused his master of failing to teach him about his illustrious forefathers. This is highly unlikely, as the Mughals had a strong tradition of instructing their sons about their history and political victories starting from Timur onwards.301 King Aurangzeb also complained about being taught

Philosophy, a subject he believed “harassed my brain with idle and foolish propositions, the solution of which yield no satisfaction to the mind... wild and extravagant reveries conceived with great labour, and forgotten as soon as conceived; whose only effect is to fatigue and ruin the intellect.” This cannot be possible as

Aurangzeb supported rational sciences immensely. Mir Zahid Al Kaabli, an expert in

Philosophy and Scholasticism was made the sadr of Kabul by him, wherein he spent

297See Faraz Anjum, Mughal India in the Seventeenth Century: An Historical Study based on the accounts of European Travellers (Lahore: Department of History Punjab University, 2009) for further discussion on the bias of European Travellers and the shortcomings of their travelogues. 298See Ikram, 467 , Keay 130-131 and Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Shah Wali-Allah and his Times: A Study of Eighteenth Century Islam, Politics and Society in India (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 2004), 380. 299 Bernier, 155. 300 Aurangzeb, Letter XII of Rukaat-i-Alamgiri, 14-19. 301Shah Jahan was taught the conquests of his dynasty from Timur till Akbar. See Nicoll, 29-30. 91 his time researching on this subject.302 Had Aurangzeb actually been so thoroughly against Philosophy he would have taken strong measures to stop its study and would have refrained from promoting those learning it. Regarding Arabic Bernier alleges

Aurangzeb of having stated, “A familiarity with the languages of surrounding nations may be indispensable in a King; but you would teach me to read and write Arabic; doubtless conceiving that you placed me under an everlasting obligation for sacrificing so large a portion of time to the study of a language wherein no one can hope to become proficient without ten or twelve years of close application.” “Can we... acquire a knowledge of law and of the sciences, only through a medium of

Arabic? May not our devotions be offered up as acceptably, and solid information communicated as easily, in our mother tongue?” And with regard to Arabic Grammar,

“...you acted as if it were chiefly necessary that he (a prince) should possess great skill in grammar... and thus did you waste the precious hours of my youth in the dry, unprofitable, and never-ending task of learning words!” These statements are outrageous and cannot be furtherer from the truth. Aurangzeb, a devout Muslim, had much respect for Arabic language. He spent many years as Emperor memorising the

Quran in Arabic by heart.303 He also had his children learn the language; they spoke it with great fluency and correctness.304 If he had believed learning Arabic to be such a nuisance he would surely have prevented his children from learning it. Nor would he have strived through his adulthood to memorise the Arabic Quran. Aurangzeb wrote two letters in Arabic, one of which he addressed to his daughter Zeb-un-Nisa. 305 This reinforces the notion that he liked the language and it was understood by his children.

Similarly his special grant to students who read the Meezan – a book on Arabic

302Mir Ghulam Ali Azad Balgarami, Maasir-ul-Ikram, translated by Shah Muhammad Khalid (Karachi: Dairatul Musanafeen, 1983), 289. 303Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, 317. 304Ibid., 319. 305 Nadvi, Muqadma Ruqaat-e-Alamgiri, 108. 92

Grammar and Etymology completely refute his abhorrence to Arabic Grammar. This proves Bernier’s account as being utterly false and self made.

Compared to his predecessors Aurangzeb wasn’t a strong of a promoter of arts. He ended certain modes of expression in the Mughal court namely the court musicians.

He also put an end to the official annals Alamgirnama of the reign.306 Poetry was removed from receiving royal patronage. Yet as it was a field that expressed itself best when independent, this proved beneficial. Removed from the obligations of court tradition, poetry found new developments and ideas. Bedil was one of the greatest poets of that time, and he associated himself with composing metaphysical verses. His originality and depth of thought would later act as an inspiration for Ghalib.307

Aurangzeb was said to have liked Bedil’s poetry and quoted him.308 Poets continued to immigrate into India from Iran. Mir Muiz-ud-Din Muhammad Farhat was one of them. He joined Aurangzeb’s imperial court and was made the yak-hazari mansabdar.

Ismail Binish was another poet of Iranian origins of Aurangzeb’s period.309 Jadunath

Sarkar mentions a satirical poet Mirza Muhammad Niamat Khan who wrote satirical verses related to the Emperor. Instead of punishing him, Aurangzeb provided him with a reward.310 Learning and the learned though were heavily supported by

Aurangzeb as Emperor. A majority of the grants received by Budh, a great religious abode of Hindus, were from Aurangzeb, evidence of which is still present in the form of grant papers.311 But his primary goal as a ruler was the improvement of Muslim education and culture.312 The most wide spread grants for education to pupils and

306Richards, 173. 307Ikram, 320. 308Khan, Iranian Influence in Mughul India, 29. 309Ibid., 27-29. 310Jadunath Sarkar, Anecdotes of Aurangzib (Calcutta: M. C. Sarkar & Sons Private Ltd, 1963), 113. 311 Abul Hasnaat Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain (Lahore: Milli Printers, 1979), 5. 312Schimmel, 52. 93 their instructors were bestowed in his period.313 He ordered daily land grants and stipends to be bestowed to teachers and scholars, and students to be given money for their maintenance.314 Via his liberal patronage for the spread of education, Emperor

Aurangzeb laid down the foundation of the Islamic religious revival of the eighteenth and nineteenth century. He ordered grants from the state treasury for students of all dominions who read the Meezan and Kashshaf. He personally endorsed institutes like the Farangi Mahal of Lucknow. Its Dars-e-Nizamiyya was formulated and most of its books written in this period. The Qazi of Kabul Mir Zahid and Muhibullah Bihari, the

Qazi of Lucknow were responsible for these books, and they were patronised by

Aurangzeb Alamgir.315 Many schools and colleges were established in his period,

Thatta alone had four hundred schools pertaining to different branches of learning.316

Aurangzeb’s greatest contribution was his compilation of Muslim jurisprudence in a single text, the Fatawa-i-Alamgiri. It was India’s greatest digest of Muslim Law.317

Aurangzeb was vigilant of the confusion in religious ruling that existed among the theologians due to the numerous books on Islamic law. Unless an Islamic cleric had read all the available books on jurisprudence and law, he would not be able to make an apt ruling. Sheikh Nizam Burhanpuri was appointed the head of a board of Islamic scholars to review the matter. Aurangzeb provided them with all the needed subsistence and access to all the Law books in the imperial library.318 Along with regular salary, Aurangzeb provided the ulema involved in the project with posts of administration and land grants. Many of them, like Shah Abdul Rahim and Mulla

313Ikram, 320. 314Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, 315. 315Ikram, 320-321. 316Brelvi, 153. 317Richard Burn, ed., The Cambridge History of India, vol. 4, The Mughul period by Wolseley Haig (New Delhi: S. Chand & Company, 1987), 317. 318Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, 318. 94

Qutb-ud-Din, would later found schools.319 After a cost of two lakh rupees the

Fatawa-I-Alamgiri came into being, putting a rest to the numerous confusions associated with following the rulings of clerics.320 As a multi-volume, comprehensive collection of Hanafi fiqh it retained its connection with the past by quoting older authorities and by including work by Indian scholars, it updated the sharia to the current situation. It was quickly translated into Persian that widened its application.321

A key feature of Aurangzeb’s era was the inability of intellectuals to prove themselves equal in par to their predecessors. No intellectuals made it to the top court positions. Nimat Khan Aali was entitled Danishmand Khan by King Aurangzeb yet he was of poor intellectual calibre.322 According to Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi it is wrong to associate the demise of the school of painting in Arungzeb’s period with lack of royal support. Painting declined as it had reached all the possible ripeness it could.

Aurangzeb actually employed painters to send portraits of his imprisoned son regularly.323

His personality may be concluded by Bernier’s quote,

... (Aurangzeb) is endowed with a versatile and rare genius, (that) he is

a consummate statesman, and a great King.324

From the above discussion we can conclude that the Great Mughal Kings were individually very learned and were amongst the most erudite men of their time.

Special attention was paid to the education of not just the heir apparent, but all

319Alan M. Guenther, “Hanafi Fiqh in Mughal India: The Fatawa-i Alamgiri,” in India’s Islamic Traditions, 711-1750, ed. Richard M. Eaton (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), 219. 320Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, 318. 321Guenther, 224-225. 322Ikram, 320. 323Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughul Empire, 220. 324Faruki, 561. 95

Mughal princes. The most learned men of the period were appointed as their teachers.

From their childhood days to adulthood, Mughal princes went through a tough routine of educational training. They were taught a most comprehensive course of study, with subjects including Literature, Poetry, Calligraphy, Painting and War tactics. The father of the prince exerted a considerable influence over his education. For instance

Akbar had his son Murad learn about Christianity. But after their early education,

Mughal princes were free to further study the area of their interest. Dara Shikoh we know leaned towards mysticism and secular sciences yet his brother Aurangzeb inclined towards orthodox subjects, becoming the first Hafiz Mughal prince. The personal subjects of interest of the Mughal King were seen to progress the most in that King’s period. Astronomy, Astrology and Mathematics progressed in Humayun’s rule, Philosophy and Logic rose in Akbar’s period, Poetry and Painting reached their peak in Jahangir’s era as did poetry and architecture in Shah Jahan’s, the momentous compilation of Islamic jurisprudence took place in Aurangzeb’s period etc.

It was thus medieval India’s good fortune to be ruled under these learned and pro- education rulers. Poets and scholars received tremendous patronage from them, an act that drew many men of letters from foreign lands into India. This phenomenon added to the fertility of India’s socio-cultural environment and boosted its literary standards.

The educational and learning requirements of Indians themselves were also adequately catered to under these Great Mughal Kings.

96

CHAPTER III

CURRICULUM AND METHOD OF IMPARTING

EDUCATION UNDER THE DELHI SULTANS AND

GREAT MUGHALS

In this chapter the levels of education and curricula present in the Delhi Sultanate followed by the Great Mughals will be discussed. The popular trends and traditions with regard to the curriculum of each period will be discussed. Towards the end of the chapter the methods of imparting education in both periods will be analysed.

CURRICULUM UNDER THE DELHI SULTANS

The Curriculum taught by scholars and teachers in this period formed the backbone of the educational system. In this half of the chapter the primary, secondary and higher levels of education of the Delhi Sultanate are discussed. The subjects and standard books of the curriculum before Sultan Sikander Lodhi’s period and the additions made during his period are mentioned. Popular books read by scholars that were not in the curriculum are also enlisted. The trends of higher studies toward transmitted or rational sciences along with the reasons behind them are also discussed.

97

PRIMARY EDUCATION:

The centres for primary education were maktabs.1 They were elementary schools often attached to mosques. Even without maktabs, mosques were the basic centres for elementary education. The curriculum at this level comprised of reading, writing and elementary Arithmetic.2 Like in other Islamic regions, Muslim children initiated their education with reading and reciting the Holy Quran. The Holy Quran was always the first basic book taught to Muslim children. According to Ziauddin Barani, he was taught first how to read the Quran and then how to write it, presumably at the age of five.3 The instructors who were expert in teaching the Quran were called as ‘Makri’.

The sufi saint Nizam-ud-Din Aulia learnt to recite the Quran from Qari Shadi Makri, in Badaun who was an expert in seven categories of recitation.4 Ziauddin Barani mentions many Makris of Delhi, the prominent names were Khawaja Zakiud-Din

Maqri, Maulana Illahud-Din Maqri Dhahelvi, Maulana Hamid and Maulana Latif

Makri.5 Regarding the reign of Sultan Muhammad Tughluq, Ibn FazlUllah Al-

Damishki wrote that the Sultan had appointed many paid teachers to teach children.6

SECONDARY EDUCATION:

After learning to read and write Quranic passages, learning Persian language comprised the next or secondary level of education. According to Ameer Khord,

1Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962), 71. 2F. E. Keay, A History of Education in India and Pakistan, (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1959), 108. 3Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-e-Feroz Shahi, translated by Syed Moin-ul-Haq (Lahore: Urdu Science Board, 1991), 314-315. 4Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizam-u’d-Din Auliya (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007), 22. 5Barani, 516-517. 6Ibn FazlUllah Al-Umri Al-Damishki, Masalik-ul-Absar (Delhi: Nadwatul Musanafeen, 1961), 25. 98

When the Sultan-ul-Mashaikh (Nizam-ud-Din Aulia) grew older, his

mother sent him to a maktab. After completing a study of the Quran,

he went on to study other books.7

Manazir Ahsan Gilani interprets ‘other books’ here as Persian books.8 Persian was a language of the court and of the Muslims who had settled in India from Central Asia and Iran. It gradually became the medium of communication amongst Indian

Muslims. Poetic works and numerous translations into the language helped it flourish further.9 Amir Khusrau’s Ijaz-i-Khusrawi sets forth the principles of Persian composition and is probably the first Indo-Iranian textbook of its type.10 Definite data for the Persian curriculum at this stage is rather meagre. But all evidence from stray references points to the fact that secondary education was imparted through the medium of Persian.11

Persian poetry was studied under Persianate teachers. Mir Tahir Muhammad Naisani of Thatta, the author of Tarikh-Tahiri studied the Persian poets Sadi, Jami, Khaqani and Anwari under the Persian scholar Maulana Ishaq.12 When Persian was made the medium of instruction of the administration in Sultan Sikander Lodhi’s period, understanding the language became a necessity to acquire administrative posts.13 The

Sultan issued a decree that made learning Persian an obligation. As a result many

7Ameer Khord, Siyar-ul-Aulia, translated by Ijaz-ul-Haq Qudsi (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1980), 198. 8Manazir Ahsan Gilani, Hindustan Mein Musalmano Ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbiyat, vol. 1, (Delhi: Nadwatul Musanafeen, N.D.), 135-136. 9Muzaffar Alam, The Languages of Political Islam (London: Hurst & Company, 2004), 142. 10M. G. Zubaid Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan To Arabic Literature (Lahore: Sh Muhammad Ashraf, 1968), 208. The book was based on the art of rhetoric and was interspersed with Arabic examples as well. Ibid. 11G. M. D. Sufi, Al-Minhaj: Being the Evolution of Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1981), 35. 12Mir Tahir Muhammad Naysani, “Tarikh-i-Tahiri” ,” in The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. 1, translated by Sir Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson, 253. 13Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 54. 99

Hindus took to studying Persian.14 The writing of Hindustani language in the Persian script also developed by the addition to the Persian alphabets of letters15 like:

The Secondary level was a turning point in an individual’s education. By completing it, a student became capable enough to seek state employment as a clerk, secretary or other administrative post. He could also opt for further studies.

HIGHER EDUCATION:

By the eleventh century A.D. institutions of higher learning, that had a religious bias, had developed in the Muslim countries, called madrassas. They were essentially schools of theology, with secondary linguistic studies.16 In India, unlike secondary education, the subjects of higher studies were taught in Arabic language. They were very difficult to master and could only be studied under a scholar or at a madrassa.

The subjects constituting the curriculum of higher education were:

1. Quranic Exegesis (Tafsir)

2. Traditions of Prophet Muhammad PBUH (Hadith)

3. Islamic Law (Fiqh)

14Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, History of the Rise of the Mohomedan Power in India, translated by John Briggs (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1977), 254. 15Sufi, 35. 16Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 71. 100

4. Principles of Islamic Law (Usul-e-Fiqh) 17

5. Grammar (Ilm-e-Nahf)

6. Literature (Adab)

7. Logic (Mantaq) 18

8. Mysticism (Tasawuff)19

9. Scholasticism (Ilm-ul-Kalam)20

BOOKS INCLUDED IN THE CURRICULA:

The purpose of madrassas was to convey the essence of Islamic knowledge to students and to equip them with the skill to apply this knowledge in their daily lives.

The students were taught great Arabic books, most of which had been written by the end of the eighth century.21 As these texts were quite difficult, pupils rarely learnt them alone. Instead they studied them with the help of commentaries, glosses, super- commentaries and notes. Gradually these commentaries would become more popular

17Islamic books on law fall into three categories: Firstly The Quran and its commentaries or Tafsir. Secondly Collections of Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) sayings and sunnah or Hadith and Athar. Thirdly books on jurisprudence authored by the founders or followers of Muslim schools of law that deal with the sources of Islamic law or Usul-e-Fiqh. See M. J. L. Young, J. D. Latham and R. B. Serjeant, eds., The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, Religion, Learning and Science in the Abbasid Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 139. Usul-e-Fiqh (roots) deals with the four supreme sources of Islamic law: The Quran, Hadith, ijma or consensus and qiyas or reasoning. The education of Fiqh became a critical component of Muslim education from the tenth century onwards. See John L. Esposito, The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, s.v. “Islamic Law” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 148. 18Logic, according to the Quran, is the expression of truth. As a subject its roots arose from the ancient Greeks. It became a subject that dealt with an intuitive or speculative arrival at the truth, later adapting to the mystical illuminationist philosophy. See The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, s.v. “Logic”, 181. 19Mysticism in Islam is the internalisation and intensification of faith. Written expressions of Tasawuff included poetry, hagiographies and literature describing the stations of spiritual ascent on the path to God and their accompanying psychological transformations. Ibid., s.v. “Sufism”, 302. 20It is the science that lies midway between religion and philosophy that confines its investigations to the philosophical discussion of theological doctrines. M. G. Zubaid Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan To Arabic Literature, 107. 21Francis Robinson, “Ottomans-Safavids-Mughals: Shared Knowledge and Connective Systems,” Journal of Islamic Studies, 8, No. 2(1997): 152. 101 than the original texts.22 Books that were specifically part of the curriculum included23:

GRAMMAR:

Al-Misbah by Al-Mutarrizi

Al-Kafiya Fi Nahw by Abu Umro Usmaan ibn al-Hajib

Lubbul Albab by Qazi Nasir-ud-Din al-Baidawi

Irshad by Qazi Shihab-ud-Din of Daulatabad (It was a later addition to the

curriculum.)

LITERATURE:

Maqamatul-Hariri by Abu Muhammad al-Qasim ibn Ali ibn Muhammad ibn

Uthman al-Hariri (1054A.D.-1122A.D.). Literally meaning the ‘Standings of

Hariri’, it was a work of imagination about the fictional adventures of Abu Zaid

as-Saruj narrated by Harith ibn Hammam.24 With language of the highest literary

form, rich in phraseology and anecdotes, it presented an amalgam of Grammar,

history, rhetoric, poetry and tradition.25 The humour and wit of the tales combined

with superior Arabic linguistic and style, established al-Hariri’s Maqamat as the

22Ibid. 23Abul Hasnnat Nadvi enlisted the books of the curriculum of this period that he obtained from Maulana Abdul Hai’s research in Risalah Al Nadwah. The latter was the principal of Nadwatul Ulmah, Lucknow. See Abul Hasnnat Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain (Lahore: Milli Printers, 1979), 89-91. See also G. M. D. Sufi, Al-Minhaj: Being the Evolution of Curriculum in the Muslim Educational Institutions of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf, 1981), 16-29 and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century (Aligarh: Department of History Muslim University Aligarh, 1961), 151. 24A. F. L. Beeston. “Al-Hamadhani, al-Hariri and the maqamat genre,” in The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature ‘Abbasid Belles-Lettres, eds. Julia Ashtiany, T. M. Johnstone, J. D. Latham, R. B. Sergeant and G. Rex Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 127 and 132-133. 25Preface by Theodore Preston in al-Qasim Ibn Ali al Ḥariri, Makamat or Rhetorical Anecdotes of Al- Hariri of Basra, translated with added anecdotes by Theodore Preston (London: Oriental Translation Fund, 1850), ix and vii. 102

best of the genre.26 Sheikh Nizam-ud-Din Aulia studied this book under his

teacher Shamsud-Din al-Khwarizmi, and committed to memory forty Maqamat of

Hariri.27 The fame of Maqamat even spread to Jews who translated it into

Hebrew.28 Al-Hariri of Basra spent many years of his life in writing the fifty

pieces of Maqamat.29

FIQH OR ISLAMIC LAW:

Al-Hidayah fil Furu by Sheikh Burhan-ud-Din al-Marghinani. It was the chief

text on Fiqh for many centuries. Sheikh Burhan-ud-Din composed a book

consisting of eight volumes on Fiqh called the Bidayat ul-Mubtadi. But as it was a

complex book, he wrote a commentary on it to simplify it. This commentary was

the Hidayah.30 The Hidayah was composed by selecting, collecting and shortening

previous works on Islamic jurisprudence. It had the benefit of combining different

views and opinions of commentators on disputed issues.31 The book inclined

towards the doctrines of Imam Abu Hanifa and his disciples.32 33

26Merriam-Webster’s Encyclopedia of Literature, Illustrated ed., s.v. “Hariri, al-”(Springfield: Merriam-Webster, 1995), 515. 27Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizam-u’d-Din Auliya, 33. See also Footnote of same page to know the author’s view about this book. 28Rina Drory, Models and Contacts: Arabic Literature and its Impact on Medieval Jewish Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 215. 29Preston, 5-10. 30Young, Latham and Serjeant, eds., 147. 31Translator’s Preface by Charles Hamilton in Burhan-ad-Din Ali, The Hedaya or Guide; A Commentary on the Mussulman Laws, vol. 1, translated by Charles Hamilton (London: Bensley, 1791), xxxiii. 32Ibid. 33The subjects dealt in the volumes of Hidayah are: Volume I –Purification, Prayer, Alms, Fasting, Pilgrimage. Volume II –Marriage, Fosterage, Divorce, Vows, Punishments, Manumission, Institutes, Foundlings, Troves, Fugitive slaves, Missing persons, Partnership, Larceny, Appropriations. Volume III –Sale, Sirf Sale, Bail, Debt transfer, Duties of Qazi, Evidence, Retraction of evidence, Agency claims, Acknowledgements, Compositions, Deposits, Loans, Hire, Gifts, Vita, Mukatib, Compulsion, Licensed slaves, Institutions, Usurpations. Volume IV –Pre-emption, Partition, Compacts of Cultivation, Compacts of Gardening, Lands, Prohibited Liquors, Cultivation of waste, Abominations, Hunting, Pawns, Offences against the Person, Levying of fines, Wills, Hermaphrodites. Ibid., lii-liii. 103

Muhammad Tughluq is known to have memorised the Hidayah by heart.34 Jurists

looked to Hidayah (and Qudri) for guidance in legal matters. The writer Burhan-

ud-Din died in Samarkand (1197 A.D.). Maulana Burhan-ud-Din Mehmud Balkhi

studied this text under its author, and introduced it into the curriculum of India.

Thus the Hidayah became part of the syllabus of those days and rose to be the

most important book on Fiqh in Muslim India.

PRINCIPLES OF ISLAMIC LAW:

Manar-ul-Anwaar by Hafiz-ud-Din Abul Barakat an-Nasafi. The book discusses

the foundations of Islamic law.35 The author taught in Kirman, migrated to

Baghdad and died in 1301A.D.36

Kanz-ul-wusul ila Marifatil-usul also called the Usul-u-Bazdawi by Ali bin

Muhammad al-Bazdawi who was also born in Bukhara (1006 A.D.)37 The book

discusses the different basis from which ordinances of Islamic law arise. There is

also criticism of the theories of the other three Muslim jurisprudence schools.

Religious law was the speciality of the author. He died in Samarkand (1089

A.D.).38

TAFSIR OR QURANIC EXEGESIS:

Madarikut-Tanzil by Abdullah ibn Ahmad an Nasafi. It was one of the most

popular Quranic commentaries used by Sunnis. It was based on the Kashshaf but

34Al-Damishki, 23. 35Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, 151. 36Sufi, 22. 37Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, 151. 38Sufi, 22-23. 104

was free from any rationalist elements.39 The writer was a jurist of the Hanafi

school and died in 1310 A.D.

Al Kashshaf an Haqaiq al-Tanzil by Mahmud ibn Umar al-Zamakhshari (1075 -

1144 A.D.). The author was a jurist belonging to the Hanafi school. He had

excellent command over Arabic language. His style in the Quranic commentary

had a high emphasis on Grammar and philology.40 It was composed from a

grammatical and rhetorical point of view. Many super-commentaries were written

on it.41 It was widely read by Sunni ulema despite having a rationalistic bias.42

Anwar-ul-Tanzil by Abdullah bin Umar al-Baidâwî (d. 1286 A.D.). It was based

on the Kashshaf but was a shorter version of it. It compressed a large amount of

material adequately into a small volume. Therefore it was not complete in its

exegesis. Nonetheless it was a popular book in Sunni madrassas. 43

HADITH:

Mashariqul-Anwar by Razi-ud-Din al-Hasan Saghani, commonly known as

Imam Razi-ud-din Saghani Lahori (1252 A.D.).44 A collection of 2246 sayings of

the Prophet (PBUH) arranged alphabetically, its conciseness made it popular.45 It

contained Hadith from the standard authorities-Sahih Bukhari and Sahih Muslim.

It became the most popular book on traditions and was introduced in the schools

of Delhi by Maulana Burhan-ud-Din Mahmud b. Abil Khair Asad Al-Balkhi, a

39Juan Eduardo Campo, Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v. “Tafsir” (New York: Infobase Publishing, 2009), 654. 40Ibid. 41Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan To Arabic Literature, 16. 42Campo, s.v. “Tafsir,” 654. 43Ibid. 44Maulana Abdul Syed Hai, Nuzhut-ul-Khawatir, vol. 1, translated by Abu Yahya Imam (Lahore: Maqbol Academy, 1965), 208. 45Nabi Hadi, Dictionary of Indo-Persian Literature (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1995), 530. 105

pupil of Saghani. From then on, it became incorporated in the syllabus of the time.

Eminent scholars of Delhi who taught it to their pupils gave certificates for

following instruction in this book.46 For a while, it was the sole popular source of

traditions. The author was of Indian birth, born in Lahore (1077 A.D.). He

travelled to Baghdad in the pursuit of knowledge, and after his study, returned as

an Imam of Hadith. He acquired the post of consul for Sultan Iltutmish.47 Its

perpetual importance can be realised by understanding that it was read by many

generations of teachers to their pupils; Hadith from Masharak were taught by

Saghani to pupils like Maulana Burhan ud-Din Al-Balkhi who taught from the

similar to his own students such as Allama Kamal-ud-Din Zahid, who taught it to

his students too, namely the renowned mystic saint, Nizam ud-Din Aulia.48

Masabihu’s Sunnah (‘Lamps of the Traditions’) by Abu Muhammad al-Husain

bin Masud al-Baghawi. It was a collection of Hadith obtained from authentic

sources. It consisted of a methodical division of Hadith according to their degree

of authenticity. The author was a native of Khurasan. He was an expert of

traditions, law and exegesis and died in 1122 A.D.49 The text was well-known on

account of its easy arrangement and adequate content. Sheikh Wali-ud-Din at-

Tabrizi made a revised edition of it entitled Mishkatul masabih (the ‘Niche for

Lamps’) 50

46Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 268. 47Hai, Nuzhut-ul-Khawatir. vol. 1, 208. 48Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Delhi Sultanate: Urbanisation and Social Change (New Delhi: Viva Books, 2009), 140. 49Oliver Leaman, The Quran: An Encyclopedia, s.v. “Al-Baghawi” (Philadelphia: Taylor and Francis US, 2006), 108. 50Cyril Glasse, Huston Smith, The New Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v. “Hadith” (Maryland: Rowman Altamira, 2003), 159. 106

MYSTICISM:

Awariful-Maarif by Shiabud-Din Abu Hafs Umar ibn Muhammad as-

Suhrawardiyya.51 Literally meaning ‘Knowledge of the Learned’,52 it was a book

based on the sayings of sufi saints as well as the Quran and Hadith. It reviewed the

principle stages of the Sufis and discussed the dawn of Sufism and the roots of the

word ‘sufi’.53 It had 63 chapters and was authored in Mecca. The author was the

founder of the sufi Suhrawardiyya order.54 Several Sufis studied this book as a

text.55

Fususu-Hikam by Muhyil al-Din ibn Ali al-Arabi. Literally meaning ‘The Bezels

of Wisdom’ it achieved great popularity in India. It consisted of a collection of

sayings and maxims arranged in 27 chapters (each named after a Prophet). 56 The

author was a famous mystic born in Murcia, Spain (1165 A.D.). After numerous

journeys he settled in Damascus where he penned the Fususu Hikam. He died in

1240 A.D. at Damascus. Several ulema took offence from his writings and

accused him of committing heresy. Irrespective of the movement against him, he

still had many followers. His book was a subject of numerous commentaries in

Arabic, Persian and Turkish.57

Naqd-un-Nusûs were explanations and commentaries on Fusus.

Lamat by Fakhr-ud-Din al Iraqi It contained poetry as well as prose. Along with

Nuqdun-Nusus it was added in the curriculum later on.

51Tanvir Anjum, Chishti Sufis in the Sultanate of Delhi 1190-1400: From Restrained Indifference to Calculated Defiance (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011), 38. 52Ibid. 53Sufi, 27. 54Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 1 (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 2004), 190. 55Ibid., vol. 2, 229, 287 and 315. 56Sufi, 27-28. 57Introduction by Ralph W. J. Austin in Ibn al-Arabi, Ralph W. J. Austin, Ibn al-Arabi: The Bezels of Wisdom, translated and ed. Ralph W. J. Austin (New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1980), 1-12 107

SCHOLASTICISM:

Sharhus-Sahaif by an unknown author.

Tamhid-i-Abu Shakur al-Salmi by Abu Shakur Muhammad bin Abdul Saeed Al

Salmi58

Thus the course consisted of nine subjects that were taught through twenty books. The emphasis of Fiqh and Usul-e-Fiqh is evident from the curriculum. The main book for

Hadith studies was Mashariqul-Anwar. Studying this text was considered sufficient.

Those who studied the Masabihu’s Sunnah as well were considered exceptional.

Mysticism was an important subject as studying it was believed to groom the student’s personality. Four books were studied for it. Maqamatul-Hariri was the chief, universal text book for Literature studies. Rational subjects were absent from the course. Sharh Shamsia in Logic and in Sharhus Sahaif in Kalam were two rational books that could be found in this period. Both Sharhus Sahaif and Tamhid-i-Abu

Shakur Salmi were books used for Kalam though in terms of knowledge they were quite inadequate.

Higher studies were categorised into two divisions, ‘Ilm-e-Zarori’ and ‘Ilm-e-Fazl’.

After attaining the first level, the student was certified as a Danishmand59 while after the next level, as Fazl.60 61

58Amir Hasan Sijzî, Fawâid-ul-Fuâd, translated byKhawaja Hasan Sani Nizami (Delhi: Urdu Academy, N.D.), 106. 59Ameer Khord writes that the books read to become a danishmand by Sirajud-Din Uthman were: Meezan, Tareef, Qawaid, Muqadmaat. Qawaid were basic Arabic Grammar books. Further, he writes that Maulana Rukn-ud-Din AndrPuti taught him and Sirajud-Din Uthman Kafiya, Mafsil, Qadoori, Majmaul-Bahrain for the completion of the level of Danishmand. Khord, 450-451. 60Gilani, Hindustan mein Musalmanoun ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbeeyat, vol. 1, 136. 61Saint Nizam ud-Din Auliya, after becoming a Danish, went on to seek ‘Ilm-e-Fazl’. For that, he travelled to Delhi and committed to memory forty Maqamat of Hariri under his teacher Maulana Shamsud-Din al-Khwarizmi. After that he underwent study of the Masharaq from Maulana Kamal ud-Din Zahid, a noted scholar of Hadith, who issued him a certificate or ijazat-namah. Khord, Siyar, 451. Nizam-ud-Din Aulia’s nephew Maulana Kasim wrote in his Lataif-ul-Tafseer that: ‘… he had studied all the required books from the start till the end, and obtained permission to teach Hidayah, Kashaf, Bazodi, Masharaq ul-Anwar and Masabihus.’ Khord, 348. 108

OTHER POPULAR BOOKS OF THE PERIOD:

Other than standard books included in the curriculum, contemporary records show that the following works were what were popular in religious circles and amongst scholars. Students could read them if they desired to do so.

Arabic to Persian translations attained great popularity in this period: Imam

Ghazzali’s book on transmitted sciences Ihya-ul-Ulum-id-Din was translated from

Arabic to Persian by Majd-ud-Din Jarjami. His translation brought popularity to religious sciences. Another work was Qasim Daud Khatib’s translation of the Awarif- ul-Maarif. The book Al-Sirr Maktum was translated into Persian in Sultan Iltutmish’s period.62

Books on Tafsir included Tafsir-i-Lataif,63 Tafsir-i-Imam Nasiri,64Eijaz,65 Umdah66

Tafsir-i-Haqaiq67 Tafsir-i-Maqatil, Tafsir-i-Madarik and Tafsir-i-Zahid.68

Books on Hadith included Sahihain (Sahih Bukhari and Sahih Muslim)69 and

Mulakhkhas70

Additional books on Fiqh included Mukhtasar al-Quduri by Abul Hasan Ahmad b.

Muhammad al-Quduri,71 Shafi,72 Kitab Nafi,73 Fatawa-i-Siraji by Sirâj-ud-Din

Ushî,74 and Nawadir-ul-Usul.75

62Siddiqui, Delhi Sultanate: Urbanisation and Social Change (New Delhi: Viva Books, 2009),168-171. 63Khord, 347. 64Sijzî, Fawâid-ul-Fuâd, 101. 65Ibid., 188. 66Ibid., 187. 67Khord, 748. 68Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 271. 69Khord, 659. 70Sijzî, Fawâid-ul-Fuâd, 181. 71Khord, 41. 72Sijzî, Fawâid-ul-Fuâd, 258. 73Hamid Shair, Khair-ul-Majalis, translated by Ahmad Ali (Karachi: Wahid Book Depot, N.D.), 227. 74Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 271. 75Sijzî, Fawâid-ul-Fuâd,122. 109

There were many books available on Mysticism. These included: Ruh-ul-Arwah and

Qut-ul-Qulub by Maulana Abu Talib Mecci76, Risalah-i-Qushairi or Risala-i-Jamaat

I’l-Sufiya bi Buldan ul-Islam by Abul Qasim Abdul Karim b. Hawazim Qushairi,77

Diwan-i-Sanai Khamsa-i-Nizami,.78Maktubat-i-Ain-ul-Quzzat by Ain-ul-Quzzat

Hamadani79, Suluk-ul-Muridin,80 Kashf-ul-Mahjub by Sheikh Ali Hujwîrî,81 and

The standard curriculum and these popular books were prevalent from about the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. Sultan Sikander Lodhi’s period (1489-1517 A.D.) witnessed a promotion of studying rational sciences. Well written rational books became more easily available and scholars began teaching them. The trends of transmitted and rational sciences are discussed below.

TRANSMITTED AND RATIONAL SCIENCES:

Muslim education was divided into two categories, Manqulat (knowledge based on traditions) or the transmitted sciences such as Tafsir (exegesis), Hadith (traditions), and Fiqh (jurisprudence); and Mauqulat (knowledge based reasoning) or the rational sciences such as Mantiq (logic), Hikmat (philosophy) and Kalam (scholasticism).

Under the Delhi Sultans Manqulat had dominated the madrassa curriculum.82

The dominance of transmitted sciences in the curriculum may be explained in terms of the socio-political history of the region. The first Muslim Ruler to exert a prominent Islamic influence over India was Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznah. He had a deep regard for the Abbasid Caliphate and maintained cultural links with it. By

76Ibid., 467. 77Ibid., 119. 78Khord, 364. 79Sijzî, Fawâid-ul-Fuâd, 467. 80Ibid., 119. 81Ibid. 82Francis Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia (London: Hurst & Co., 2001), 42. 110 acknowledging allegiance to the Caliph, he kept Muslim India bound to the rest of the

Islamic world.83 These ties with the Islamic Caliphate, led to a continuous Arabic influence over Muslim learning in India.84 As transmitted sciences were well flourished in the Caliphate, they received a constant impetus in India to be read and taught. The Mongol sack of Baghdad (1258 A.D.) occurred when the Delhi Sultanate had been established in India. It brought an influx of many Arabic writers into India who would later settle in India and make contributions in Quranic exegesis, Hadith studies, Arabic Grammar, Fiqh and in other transmitted sciences.85

Another reason behind the high regard for transmitted sciences was the fact that teaching as a profession lay in the hands of the ulema of this period.86 It was thus natural that this religious class of society would lay a great emphasis on transmitted sciences. The ulema considered it their sacred duty to deliver Islamic knowledge to their students. They were successful in this matter, as the zeal for studying transmitted sciences was carried on by their subsequent generations.

Additionally, the Muslims were a foreign race in the predominantly Hindu-inhabited

India. With monotheism being challenged so openly by polytheist Hindus, the

Muslims strived to keep their religious beliefs and knowledge preserved.87

Consequently religious texts were read and written passionately throughout this period. Furthermore, literary awareness arose amongst Indian Muslims at a time when their Arab counterparts were in taqleed that is, revising previous works and not making new contributions. With no model to draw inspiration from, Indian scholars

83Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, 5. 84Clifford Edmund Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994:1040 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963), 133. 85Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 67. See also K. S. Lal, Twilight of the Sultanate (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 250. 86A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India (Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1961), 297. 87Yohanan Friedmann, “Islamic Thought in Relation to Indian Context,” in India’s Islamic Traditions, 711-1750 A.D., ed. Richard M. Eaton (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), 50. 111 also fell a victim to taqleed. All these facts and reasons resulted in the development of a curriculum aimed at preserving Islamic traditions and knowledge.

Amongst the Manqulat, Fiqh was principally given a higher status than other categories. With the establishment of Ghaznavid and then Ghor Sultanates in India, traditions that were predominantly related to Fiqh were carried into India. This was due to the emphasis laid on Islamic jurisprudence in western Islamic regions, where being an expert of Islamic law was considered the most worthwhile.88 Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznah himself wrote a book on jurisprudence entitled Al-Farid fil-furu. The preference of Fiqh amongst transmitted sciences under the Delhi Sultans is also cited by Ameer Khord with regard to Nizam- ud-Din Aulia.89 Evidence in historical accounts can be found of an Islamic scholar of Hadith returning back to his native

Egypt, on finding the situation in India unfavourable for proliferative Hadith studies.90

It is a misconception to believe that due to the Fiqh preference, Hadith studies were completely overlooked. It is also wrong to believe that Hadith studies only began to be taught after Sheikh Muhaddas Dehlvi and Shah Walliullah (Scholars of the eighteenth century). Evidence contrary to this can be found. The five standard Hadith works were read and taught in Firoz Shahi Madrassa.91 Furthermore, Maulana Kamal- ud-Din Zahid was trained in the science of Hadith (Ilm-e-Hadis) by his teacher

Maulana Burhan-ud-Din. The latter was a scholar and teacher of Hadith whose pupils

88Nadvi, 92. 89In Sultan Gias-ud-Din Tughluq’s court, a debate over mystic music was held between Sheikh Nizam-ud-Din Aulia on one side and the rest of the ulema on the other. Whenever Nizam-ud-Din Aulia would refer to a Hadis, the ulema would refute by urging that Fiqh was given preference over Hadis in this city. Khord, 128. 90The scholar was the Egyptian Shams-ud-Din Turk who arrived in India along with four hundred books on Hadith. But on hearing that the Ruler of India, Sultan Alauddin Khalaji did not pray and would not even appear for Friday prayers, he returned back. But before so, he wrote a Risalah and sent it to the Sultan stating, “I had arrived in India with the aim of spreading the word of Allah and the Prophet in Delhi, to free the Muslims here from the practices of false jurists. But I am returning from Multan itself, having heard that the Sultan does not pray.” Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-e-Feroz Shahi, Translated by Syed Moin-ul-Haq (Lahore: Urdu Science Board, 1991), 297. 91Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 57. 112 included Nizam-ud-Din Aulia.92 Maulana Fakhr-ud-Din Zaradi was also a scholar who taught Fiqh with many references of Hadith.93

As far as the case of Mauqulat or rational sciences were concerned, it was not until the period of Sultan Sikandar Lodhi that extra attention began to be paid to them. Key works were added in the curriculum on rhetoric, logic and scholasticism 94, details of which are given below.

ADDITIONS IN THE CURRICULUM IN SULTAN

SIKANDER LODHI’S PERIOD:

Additions were made in the curriculum in the period of Sultan Sikandar Lodhi. The

Sultan supported and respected Sheikh Abdullah and Sheikh Aziz-Ullah, the pioneers of rational sciences in this region, who arrived from Multan.95 They made rationalist additions to the curriculum by adding the subjects Logic, Philosophy and the completely new subject Rhetoric.96 Miftahul-Ulum by al-Sakkaki was selected for rhetorics. It was a book written by Sirauju-Din Abu Yaqub Yusuf ibn Ali ibn

Muhammad al-Sakkaki that discussed etymology, syntax and rhetorics.97

Commentaries on it, the Mukhtasir and Mautul were more widely read and were included into the curriculum. The book Matali by Qadi Adud was added in Logic and

Mawaqif by the same author in Scholasticism.98 Commentaries on these books also became popular and were read as curriculum books: Sharhul-Matali and Sharhul-

Mawaqif. Talwih in Usul-e-Fiqh and Sharh Aqaidin-Nasafi in Scholasticism also

92Siddiqui, Delhi Sultanate: Urbanisation and Social Change, 141. 93Khord, 424. 94Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, 42. 95Abdul Qadir Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, translated by George S. A. Ranking, vol. 1 (Karachi: Karimsons, 1976), 213. 96Sufi, 32. 97Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan To Arabic Literature , 207. 98Ibid., 112. 113 made their way into the curriculum. Gradually the books Sharhul-Wiqaya and Sharhul

Mulla Jami came to be studied for Fiqh and Grammar respectively.99

Thus eight books were added to the curriculum in Sultan Sikander Lodhi’s period.

CONCLUSION:

To conclude, an Indian student in the period of the Delhi Sultanate passed through three stages of learning: primary, secondary and higher. Primary education was imparted at maktabs or mosques, which comprised of learning to read and write.

Evidence collected proves that Secondary Education comprised of learning Persian language and studying Persian books. A student who completed this level could either seek employment in administration or he could continue his studies to the Higher level. Madrassas and the private homes of scholars were the institutes that imparted higher learning. The subjects taught included Grammar, Literature, Logic, Fiqh, Usul- e-Fiqh, Tafsir, Hadith, Mysticism and Scholasticism. Learning Transmitted sciences, in particular Fiqh was preferred. As many immigrant scholars helped set the curriculum, it conformed to the syllabus of the rest of the Islamic world. Indian

Muslim scholars devoted their entire lives writing commentaries and glosses to make the Transmitted Sciences easier. These notes and commentaries attained great popularity amongst the students. As far as rational sciences went, it was not until the period of Sultan Sikandar Lodhi that they were added to the curriculum of higher studies. Books on Rhetoric, Logic and Philosophy were added to the curriculum as a result of the rationalist trend. The emphasis on rational studies though, did not undermine Transmitted sciences, which remained popular. By the time the advent of the Great Mughals occurred, the system of education was a blend of both transmitted

99Sufi, 33. 114 and rational sciences. In the beginning of the Delhi Sultanate, most of the learned men were migrants from Central Asia. But through the years the system of education produced numerous men of Indian birth who were outstanding literary figures. Their literary command over Persian expression was extraordinary. Amir Khusrau, Amir

Hasan, Ameer Khord, Ziauddin Barani were some of the exceptional learned Persian poets and writers produced by this educational system.

CURRICULUM UNDER THE GREAT MUGHALS

In this half of the chapter the primary, secondary and higher levels of education under the Great Mughals are discussed. The educational reforms brought under Akbar through Mir Fatehullah Shirazi and the books studied for Secondary education are highlighted. The trends of higher studies toward transmitted or rational sciences and the Iranian influence that brought the latter are also analysed. A discussion of the prominent commentaries and glosses written in this period is also made. In the end, the curriculum of Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya is enlisted and is compared with that of

Farangi Mahall Madrassa.

PRIMARY EDUCATION:

The initial education of a child, in the Mughal era began when he was around five years of age.100 Primary education of both prince and pauper took place in the

Mughal period. For Mughal princes, the start of their primary education was via a ceremony known as the Rasm-e-Maktab, held when they reached the age of four years, four months and four days. It would be announced in the ceremony that the

100Shah Walliullah, Anfas-ul-Arafeen, translated by Syed Muhammad Farooq (Lahore: Islamic Book Foundation, 1978), 404. 115 child’s education would officially begin from now. Teachers were also appointed and announced at the occasion. The purpose of the ceremony was to point to the child that education was a very important aspect of his life.101 The upper class also carried out

Rasm-e-Maktab or Bismillah-Ceremony and so it gradually spread to the common members of society. 102

Elementary education was given in both maktabs as well as private houses for the common people.103 It included learning to read the Quran, understanding the pillars of

Islam, reading and writing Persian and learning elementary mathematics. Like in the period of the Delhi Sultans, Qirat experts known as ‘Makri’ would teach the Quran to children privately 104. Elementary education was also taught at home an instance of which is Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi’s initial education that he mentions in the

Akhbar-ul Akhyar. He started learning under the supervision of his father, in his own house. He learnt the Quran then in a short time learnt how to write it. Of the experience he says,

Without knowing the alphabet, I read two or three chapters of the Quran such that my father would write them down and I would commit them to memory. In this way, I would recite the portion of the Quran I had learnt in that day to my father. It resulted in my learning the Quran in a few months. 105

101The Rasm-e-Maktab of Akbar is mentioned in Abul Fazl, The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, translation from Persian by H. Beveridge, vol. 1 (New Delhi: Low Price Publications, 2002), 519. For Shah Jahan's Maktab ceremony See Muhammad Salih Kamboo, ShahJahannama, translated by Mumtaz Liaqat, vol. 1 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1982), 26. 102K. M. Ashraf, Life and Condition of Hindustan (1200-1550 A.D.) (Karachi: Indus Publications, 1978), 149. 103S.M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India (Delhi: Idarah-I Adabiyat-I Delhi, 1972), 20. 104Rehman Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, Translated by Muhammad Ayub Qadri (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1961), 522. 105Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar, Translated by Maulana Iqbal ud Din Ahmad (Karachi: Daar ul Ashaat, 1963), 510. 116

He further says that after learning to recite the complete Quran, under his father’s supervision he started to write the alphabets. He became able in writing within a month. 106 When he started school, he would attend it twice a day.107 In elementary schools the children were made to write the alphabet and figures on wooden boards called takhtis. They were first taught the alphabet with correct enunciation. After learning this they were taught their combinations and then made to read and write short sentences in which these combinations occurred. Their master gave them exercises daily to read and write on their takhti. This helped them develop the skill of reading and writing.108 The teachers would instruct their pupils by standing before them or sitting on pulpits. The students would write using reed pens or tubes.109

Lessons of basic arithmetic were also given that included memorisation of the multiples of numbers called paharas, which were practised together by the whole class. Stress was laid on developing elegant handwriting and the art of calligraphy was practiced and encouraged. The maktabs functioned in two shifts, one in the morning and one in the afternoon, with an interval for midday meal. A significant feature of the elementary education was that no fees was charged from the pupils. The teacher was supported by grants and donations received from wealthy locals and were respected by all. 110

EDUCATIONAL REFORMS IN AKBAR’S PERIOD:

Akbar evinced great interest in early education and training of children. In one of his sayings, he expressed the great love he bore to children, “Children are the young

106Ibid. 107He would walk two miles in the heat of the summers and cold of the winters, to reach home for the lunch break, and then walk back. Ibid., 510. 108Jaffar, 20. 109Ibid., 21. 110Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962), 94. 117 samplings in the Garden of life. To love them is to turn our minds to the beautiful

Creator.” 111 The education of the young was promoted in Akbar’s era immensely, even Mir Fatehullah Shirazi, the greatest intellectual of the time, would give lessons to small boys of the age of seven or eight. 112 Ain 25 of the Ain-i-Akbari is devoted to the organization of the elementary education for children and runs thus:

In every country, but especially in Hindustan, boys are kept (in school) for years, where they learn the consonants and vowels. A great portion of the life of the student is wasted by making them read many books. His Majesty orders that every schoolboy should first learn to write the letters of the alphabet, and also learn to trace their several forms. He ought to learn the shape and name of each letter, which may be done in two days, then the boy should proceed to write the joined letters. They may be practiced for a week, after which the boy should learn some prose and poetry by heart, and then commit to memory some verses in praise of God, or moral sentences, each written separately. Care should be taken that he learns to understand everything himself; but the teacher may assist him a little. He then ought, for some time, to be daily practicing in writing a hemistich or a verse, and will soon acquire a current hand. The teacher ought especially to look after five things: knowledge of the letters; meanings of words; the hemistich; the verse; repetition of what had been read before.113

This method urged teachers to instruct in a way that was easy for their students to understand. It was a simpler way of teaching. It also prevented excessive time waste of the pupil on alphabets. The teacher was advised to first make his pupils learn the

111Abul Fazl Allami, The Ain-I Akbari, Translated by H. Blochmann, ed. D.C. Phillott, vol. 3 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2004), 1147. 112Shamsad-ud-Daula Shahnawaz khan, Masiu-ul-Umra, tr. Mohammad Ayub Qadri, vol. 1 (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1968), 113. 113Ain 25 in Abul Fazl, Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 258. 118

Persian alphabet with correct punctuation and enunciation. Following that he should teach them combinations of alphabets and give them exercises on them. After this poetic verses or prose that contained combinations of alphabets most frequently were to be taught. The results of this method were very beneficial. These methods brought new light and energy to maktabs and madrassas. Abul Fazl mentions the subjects that were added to the curriculum in Akbar’s era. As they are mentioned in the same Ain

(Ain 25) as the school reforms, it can be estimated that these additions were made at the primary level.114 They include ethics, arithmetic, accounting, agriculture, mensuration, geometry, astronomy, physiognomy, household matters and politics, medicine, logic, higher mathematics, history, the physical and mechanical sciences and theology. To study Sanskrit, the Bayakaran, Niyai-i-Bedanta and Patanjal were recommended.115 Akbar’s major educational reforms can be analysed as follows:

1. He focused on the broadening of primary education to improve the literacy

rate amongst the Indian inhabitants. He suggested new methods of instruction

and provided a new curriculum for maktabs to follow. He ordered teachers to

instruct their pupils in tracing letters, understanding word meanings, learning

their previous lesson, learning the hemistich and memorizing poetic verses.116

2. Along with Arabic, Persian based subjects were promoted that brought in

many secular sciences such as medicine and metaphysics into the curriculum.

Accountancy, astronomy, public administration, agriculture, geometry,

mensuration, arithmetic, logic were included in the course of studies.117

Hindus were permitted to study Patanjali (Hindu mysticism), Viyakaran

114Yusuf Husain also designates them as additions to the primary curriculum. 115Ain 25 in Abul Fazl, Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 258. 116Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 258. 117 Ibid. 119

(Sanskrit grammar) and Vedant (Hindu ideology and philosophy) if they

desired so.118

3. He endorsed technical and medical education, introducing scientific and

rational sciences into madrassas and maktabs.119

4. He tempted Muslim scholars with rewards for translating Sanskrit texts into

Persian.120

5. His finance minister Todar Mal’s reform of making the medium of revenue-

administration into Persian made many Hindus learn the language to acquire

jobs.121

Many of these educational amendments and improvements were ordered by Akbar at the suggestion of Mir Fatehullah Shirazi a genius scientist, inventor, scholar and reformist. He changed the face of the curriculum of this period.122 With his death

(1588 A.D.) experimenting with the curriculum and discovering new methods of teaching came to a halt.

SECONDARY EDUCATION:

The in depth study of Persian language was what comprised Secondary Education. If higher studies were the wish of the pupil, then he would head towards a scholar’s private home or a madrassa for higher education. In cities as well as towns, Persian

Maktabs were set up. Of them, Syed Sulaiman Nadvi comments on the curriculum and books of these maktabs and ranks them equal to the schools of today. He writes:

118Syed Altaf Ali Brelvi, Development of Education in Islam in South Asia, eds. Wahid-uz-Zaman and M. Saleem Akhtar (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1993), 152- 153. 119Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 258. 120Ibid., 122. 121Ibid., 310. 122Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 54. 120

Towns had Persian Maktabs. A usually Muslim or Hindu ‘Mian Jee’ would be the teacher. In the initial stages of education, the books taught were of Persian speech, calligraphy and ethics. Hindu and Muslim boys would study together, with much harmony. Sadi’s Gulistan and Bustan, Yusuf Zulaykha, Akhlaq-i-Nasiri, Anwar-i-

Suhaili, Sikander nama, Shah nama etc. were some of the books included in the curriculum. Lettering and Persian prose were taught. To create a habit of easily comprehending royal orders and correspondence, the ‘Mian Jee’ would keep with himself a scroll of long letters. The scroll had one to two hundred long letters. The students of the maktab would study them. This should be taken as school education.

After this, the students would either seek employment or take to further studies under renowned scholars by migrating to larger cities.123

PERSIAN STUDIES OF SECONDARY EDUCATION:

Due to the insufficiency and scattered nature of information, determining the nature of

Persian studies of this period is difficult. But the manuscript copy of Khulasat-ul-

Makatib provides us a window into the texts that were read.124 The subjects of study were: Literature that consisted of Prose and Poetry, Ethics, Fiction and History.

Simple poetic Persian works like Sadi’s Gulistan and Bustan were studied. The other books to be studied were:

PROSE AND COMPOSITION:

Insha-i-Yusufi by Hakeem Yusufi

123Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, Hinduon ki Taleem Musalmanon ki Aihad Mein (Karachi: Academy of Educational Research, 1958), 55-56. 124The manuscript was apparently written by a Hindu author in 1688 A.D. It was discovered by Abul Hasnnat Nadvi. Abul Hasnnat Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain (Lahore: Milli Printers, 1979), 118-124.

121

Prose compositions of Mulla Munir and Mulla Jami

Letters of Abul Fazl

Booklet of Sheikh Inaayatullah (the Secretary of Shah Jahan)

Bahar-i-Sukhan by Sheikh Muhammad Salih

Letters of Mulla Munir

Writings of Mulla Tughra and Shaida

Lal Chand kai Karnamai

Lilavati translated by Sheikh Faizi.

POETRY:

Books by Amir Khusrau: Qiranu’s-Saadain, Matla-ul-Anwar and I’jaz-i-Khusravi.

Books by Mulla Jami: Nuskha-ul-Abrar, Yusuf Zulaykha and Tuhfatu’l-Ahrar.

Books by Maulana Nizami: Haft Paikar, Shirin Khusrav, Laila Majnun, Makhzanu’l

Asrar and Sikandar-nama.

Diwans of Hafiz, Sheikh Sadi, Badr-i-Chach, Saib, Faizi, Shams-i-Tabriz and Zahir-i-

Faryabi.

Qasaid of Khaqani, Urfi and Anwari.

HISTORY:

Shah-nama of Firdosi. 122

Akbar-nama of Abul Fazl

Razm-nama ( translation of the Mahabharata )

Zafar-nama of Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi

Iqbal-nama-i-Jahangiri by Mirza Muhammad Mautamid Khan

Tarikh-e-Firoz Shahi by Ziauddin Barani

FICTION:

Anwar-i-Suhaili of Husain Waiz Kashifi

Tuti-name of Nakhshabi

Bahar-i-Danish of Sheikh Inayatullah

Iyar-i-Danish of Sheikh Abul Fazl.

ETHICS:

Akhlaq-i-Jalali by Muhammad bin Asad Dawwani

Masnawi of Maulana Rumi

Nuzhatul-Arwah by Muhammad bin Mahmud Shahrazuri

Works of Sarafu’d-Din Maniri

Akhlaq-i-Nasiri by Nasir-ud-Din Tusi

Hadiqah of Sanai.125

125Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 118-124. See also Sufi,76-78. 123

One level of education was completed by learning this Persian work. The students, who wished to attain a government post or secure a job as a clerk or superintendent, necessarily had to study till this level of education. Therefore it is no wonder that the understanding of prose writing and literary correspondence were stressed upon so much in secondary education.126 Raja Todar Mall, the finance minister for Akbar,127 ordered that the government’s records should be written in Persian. This made learning Persian compulsory for Hindus, which opened the doors of administrative employment to them.128

HIGHER EDUCATION:

There were two intellectual trends being pursued by students of higher education in the Great Mughal period. According to Francis Robinson, the first was an amalgam of the teachings of Sheikh Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi (d.1641 A.D.) and his emphasis on Hadith and the Naqshbandiyya-Mujaddidiyya teachings of Sheikh Ahmad

Sarhandi (d.1624 A.D.) on the ‘oneness of perception’ (wahdat ul-shuhud). Maulana

Abdul Rahim (d. 1718 A.D.) kept the study of transmitted sciences alive in the seventeenth century by his Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya. Emperor Aurangzeb also became a part of the movement due to his tilt towards the Naqshbandiyya. The second trend was a combination of the rationalist sciences of Iran, that were introduced into India by Mir Fatehullah Shirazi (d. 1589 A.D.), with the ideas of Ibn Arabi’s ‘oneness of being’ (wahdat ul-wujud) philosophy. This second tradition persisted in the seventeenth century due to the teachings of Chishtiyya sufis of the region. It was also

126Hussain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 90-91. 127Vincent A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul 1542-1605 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), 74. 128Abul Fazl Allami, The Ain-I Akbari translated by H. Blochmann, ed. D.C. Phillott, vol. 1 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2004), 310. 124 maintained by the pro-rationalist madrassas of Awadh (called the ‘Shiraz of India’ by the Great Mughal King Shah Jahan). The second tradition found intellectual support in the form of the Dars-i-Nizamiyya curriculum taught at Farangi Mahall Madrassa.

Spiritually, this trend lived on due to the Qadiriyya Sufi order.129 This research of

Francis Robinson if analysed brings us to the fact that religious studies were comparatively popular in Delhi while rational sciences dominated in the areas of

Awadh. It also indicates that rational sciences were immensely popular from Emperor

Akbar’s reign onward, and that they existed as an option to be opted for alongside transmitted sciences. Transmitted sciences, despite the newfound trend toward rational sciences, did not lose their esteem and were still frequently studied by students.

MAIN ASPECTS OF THE CURRICULUM:

Muslim education was normally divided into two categories, manqulat (knowledge based on traditions) also called transmitted sciences such as Tafsir (exegesis), Hadith

(traditions) and Fiqh (jurisprudence); and maqulat (knowledge based on reasoning) also called rational sciences such as Mantiq (Logic), Hikmat (Philosophy) and Kalam

(scholasticism).

TRANSMITTED SCIENCES AND THEIR COMMENTARIES:

Changes in the manqulat were few throughout the ages. The books used for manqulat did undergo change, though their number and standard always remained the same throughout the years. An instance of this is that Hidayah for Fiqh which remained the standard text throughout our period of study. Read along with it was Majmaul-

129Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, 41-42. 125

Bahrain, which was later replaced by Sharhul-Wiqaya. Similarly in Hadith,

Mashariqul-Anwar and Masabihu’s Sunnah were replaced later on by Mishkatu’l-

Masabih. Likewise for Tafsir the book Kashshaf was initially taken to be the foremost text. Later it was replaced by Madarak and Baidawi. Moving towards the era of Dars- i-Nizamiyya, Jalalain-e-Kamil and Baidawi were then used for Tafsir.130 Tafsir-i-

Baidawi and Jalalain stand very high. The latter owes its fame to its marvellous brevity and conciseness, while the former is a good comprehensive commentary.131

Jalalain was so concise, that its word count equalled that of the Quran. This shows that the religious texts were light in nature. There was no drastic increase in the number of books studied per subject. The length of course of manqulat was less.132

Books written and compiled in India also became famous in other parts of the world as text books. A famed book on Usul-e-Fiqh was Musallam al-Thubut authored by

Qazi Muhibb Ullah of Bihar in 1697. It was appreciated in India as well as Egypt. It was included in the Dars-i-Nizamiyyah curriculum later too. 133 Another work worth mentioning is the reliable and useful compilation Fatawa-i-Alamgiri. It was a consortium of Islamic Hanafi law, collected by diverse ulema from all over India on the orders of Aurangzeb. The compilers reviewed existing fiqh work, weighed authorities, decided between decrees that were contradictory and selected material that was most applicable to the Indian society of that time. In its arrangement it followed the Hidayah.134 It became known outside India as al-Fatawa al-Hindiyyah.

It was superior to all Indian books of this class. 135 The Fatawa-I-Alamgiri, Dars-i-

130Gilani, Hindustan mein Musalmanoun ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbeeyat, 257-259. 131M.G. Zubaid Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature (Lahore: Sh Muhammad Ashraf, 1968), 16. 132Ibid., 258. 133Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 66-69. 134Alan M. Guenther, “Hanafi Fiqh in Mughal India: The Fatawa-i Alamgiri,” in India’s Islamic Traditions, 711-1750, ed. Richard M. Eaton (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003) 214 and 224. 135Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 72-74. 126

Nizamiyyah and other similar efforts reflected the aspirations of the time to summarize accumulated knowledge systematically then make it available universally for all.136

In the seventeenth century of the Islamic era many great books on transmitted sciences were available. The students and scholars of India rarely directly approached them. Instead they were studied through commentaries, super commentaries, glosses and notes. Occasionally a commentary would acquire greater importance than the original text itself.137 The tradition of that time followed that text books were brief, yet difficult to understand. The commentaries on these books were lengthy, tedious and full of uncalled for detail.138 Contemporary histories show that an immense number of commentaries, super commentaries and glosses were written on the original texts by Indian scholars to make them easier to understand. All the scholars related to education would write commentaries. A discussion of the more prominent ones is given below:

Muhibb Ullah’s book on Usul-e-Fiqh Musallam al-Thubut, like many famed text books served as the basis for many commentaries.139

A commentary on Usul-e-Fiqh by Abul Barakat al-Nasafi’s Manar al-Anwar, known as Noor-ul-Anwar was composed by Mulla Jiwan in 1693 A.D. The reason behind the commentary is that Mulla Jiwan delivered a series of lectures on Manar in Madinah that were highly appreciated. So he expanded them into a regular commentary which was completed in Madinah.140 The most important gloss written on Tafsir al-Baidâwî was that composed by Abdul Hakim Sialkoti. As the most important part of Al-

136Introduction in Jamal Malik, Madrasas in South Asia, Teaching Terror? (London: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2008), 5. 137Robinson, “Ottomans-Safavids-Mughals: Shared Knowledge and Connective Systems,” 152. 138Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 69. 139Ibid, 66-69. 140Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 155. 127

Baidâwî was the first two chapters, Abdul Hakim wrote his glosses on these portions only. The gloss was very illuminating.141 For Hadith, a valuable commentary was

Lam’at al-Tanqih ala Mishkat al-Masabih by Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi.142 The commentary gave philosophical explanations, various chains of Hadith, titles of narrators, correct pronunciation of names, etc. The aim of the book was to defend

Hanafi school of thought with Hadith. 143 37 Suyuti collected all the Hadith of the

Prophet (PBUH) in one book entitled Jam al-Jawami. Ali Muttaqi rearranged all the

Hadith contained in it under the title of Kanz al-Ummal. The Kanz contained sections known as books, arranged alphabetically, with forty six thousand one hundred and eighty Hadith. It is correctly said that Suyuti obliged the world by composing his Jam al-Jawami while Ali Muttaqi obliged him by arranging the same.144

RATIONAL SCIENCES:

Before Akbar’s period, Emperor Humayun was known to have a personal interest in subjects of reasoning such as mathematics, astronomy and geography. He made an effort for their spread.145 However the status of maqulat, were transformed by the arrival of many rational intellectuals in the royal court in Akbar’s period. Mir

Fatehullah Shirazi was one amongst them. This extraordinary man, according to

Badaoni, was:

The most learned of the learned men of his time. He was for a long time

the spiritual guide of the rulers and nobles of Fars. He was thoroughly

versed in all those sciences which demand the exercise of the reasoning

faculty, such as philosophy, astronomy, geometry, astrology geomancy,

141Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 36. 142Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 277. 143Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 43. 144Ibid., 49-51. 145Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 79. 128

arithmetic, the preparation of talismans, incantations and mechanics

…He was equally learned in Arabic, traditions, interpretations of the

Qur’an and rhetoric…146

Mir Fatehullah had originally been invited to India by Sultan Adil Khan of Bijapur and only after the Sultan’s death joined Akbar in Fatehpur Sikri. Akbar would often be on watch for such intellectuals. This was because his personal interest towards rational sciences had increased manifold. At court, according to Ghulam ‘Ali Azad

Bilgrami (d. 1785 A.D.), Mir Fatehullah introduced the works of the great Iranian scholars of maqulat studies, Jalal al-Din Dawwani (d. 1502 A.D.), Giyath al-Din

Mansur Shirazi and Mirza Jan Shirazi, which led to the subsequent study of the contemporary scholars Mir Baqr Damad (d. 1631 A.D.) and his brilliant pupil and son-in-law, Sadr al-Din Shirazi (d. 1640 A.D.).147 Moreover, through his own teaching he encouraged their widespread study and played a key role in their incorporation into the curriculum.148

IRANIAN INFLUENCE ON RATIONAL SCIENCES AND THEIR

COMMENTARIES:

At the time of Mir Fatehullah, a long list of Iranian scholars, learned in rational sciences, migrated to India in Akbar’s reign. Badaoni has provided their names. They brought a strong tradition of rationalism with them, and caused it to spread in India.

146Abdul Qadir bin Muluk Shah Al Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh,, vol. 3, Translated by Sir Wolseley Haig (Karachi: Karimsons Publishers, 1978), 216. 147Mir Ghulam Ali Azad Balgarami, Maasir-ul-Ikram translated by Shah Muhammad Khalid (Karachi: Dairatul Musanafeen, 1983), 238. 148S.A.A. Rizvi, A Socio-Intellectual History of the Isna ‘Ashari Shi’is in India, vol. 2 (Canberra: Ma’rifat Publishing House, 1986), 224-226. 129

The most notable of this Safavid (Iranian) influence was in Logic and Scholastic

Theology. This emphasis and their achievements were carried by Safavid scholars into Mughal India resulting in the formation of the Dars-i-Nizamiyya and a further strengthening of the rational sciences 149 Sheikh Hasan Ali Mausili Mulla Noorullah

Shustari, Hakim Ain-ul-Mulk Shirazi, Mir Abdul-Latif Qazwini, Mir Murtaza

Shareefi Shirazi are the names of some of these scholars.150 The efforts of Fatehullah

Shirazi and other Iranian scholar’s lead to a popularization of rational books such as:

1. Shara-e-Adudiyyah by Allama Jalaludin Dawani for Kalaam

2. Shara-e-Aqaid-e-Nasfi by Masud bin Umar, Tafta Zanein

3. Shara-e-Shamsiya by Syed Shareef Jurjani for Logic

4. Amoor-e-Aama by Syed Shareef Jurjani for Kalaam

5. Tehzib-ul-Mantak by Taftazani for logic

6. Shara-e-Tehzib-ul-Mantak by Jalaludin Dawwani

7. Shara-e-Hidayat-ul-Hikmatah by Muslihud-Din al-Lari al Ansari for

philosophy

8. Sharh-al-Mawaqif by Mir Syed Shareef Jurjani for Kalaam

9. Shara-e-Tajdeed

10. Shara-e-Maqassid

11. Shara-e-Hikmatul Ain

12. Hikmat-ul-Ishrak 151

149Robinson, “Ottomans-Safavids-Mughals: Shared Knowledge and Connective Systems,” 156. 150See Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 3, 192, 193-194, 229, 148 and 442 respectively for each of the scholars mentioned. 151See Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 3, 70 for Shara-e-Adudiyyah. Ibid., 109 for Shara-e-Aqaid-e-Nasfi. Ibid., 370 for Shara-e-Shamsiya. Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 112-113 for Amoor-e-Aama. Ibid., 154 for Tehzib-ul-Mantak. Ibid., for Shara-e-Tehzib-ul-Mantak. 130

Most of these books were read in the period of the Great Mughals and were incorporated into the then curriculum. Later on some were used as a part of Dars-i-

Nizamiyya.

In the seventeenth century this new interest in maqulat, and in particular in philosophy, was sustained and further developed especially due to the numerous commentaries by Indian writers on maqulat books Then there was Abdul Hakim

Siyalkoti (d. 1656 A.D.), who wrote notable commentaries in Logic and

Philosophy.152

Outside India many text-books on Scholasticism were written, prominent of which included: Al-Aqa’id al-Nasafiyyah composed by Najm al-Din Abu Hafs ‘Umar b.

Muhammad al-Nasafi (1139 A.D.) and the other, al-‘Aqa’id al-‘Adudiyyah of Qadi

‘Adud al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Ahmad al-Iji (1355 A.D.). On the former, Mas’ud al- ‘Umar al-Taftazani (1389 A.D.) wrote Sharh al-Aqa’id al-Nasafiyyah and on the latter, another famous writer, Jalal al-Din Muhammad al-Dawwani (1501 A.D.) wrote the Sharh al-‘Aqa’id al-‘Adudiyyah. Both these texts with their commentaries were widely read. Many super commentaries and glosses were also authored on these commentaries. The most well known super-commentaries on the previously mentioned commentaries were those by Abdul Hakim Sialkoti. On Sharh al-Aqa’id al-Nasafiyyah Mawla Ahmad b. Musa Khayali (1456 A.D.) wrote a well known super commentary. Abd al-Hakim al-Siyalkuti composed glosses on it known as Al-

Hashiyat Khayali. Hajji Khalifah remarked that it was the best of all the glosses and accepted among the learned.153 Abdul Hakim Sialkoti (1657 A.D.) was an

Ibid., 396 for Shara-e-Hidayat-ul-Hikmatah. Ibid., 112 Sharh-al-Mawaqif. Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, vol. 3, 373 for Shara-e-Tajdeed, Shara-e-Maqassid Ibid., 377 for Shara-e-Hikmatul Ain and Hikmat-ul-Ishrak. 152Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, 43. 153Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 108-109. 131 accomplished and eminent scholar attached to the court of Shah Jahan. His fame as a skilled writer of glosses and commentaries spread so far, that it reached Hajji Khalifah of Constantinople, who has mentioned some of his works in his biography. 154 ‘Adud al-Din al-Iji’s book on Kalam, entitled Mawaqif, is one of the best Arabic text-books.

Upon it, the distinguished scholar Sayyid Sharif ‘Ali b. Muhammad Jurjani (1413

A.D.) wrote a commentary, known as Sharh al-Mawaqif, which served as the basis of a large number of super-commentaries, glosses and super-glosses.155

The first Indian scholar to write a super commentary of Sharh al-Mawaqif was Abdul

Hakim Sialkoti, a skilled and well known name in commentary writing. The other

Indian scholar who wrote another super-commentary on the same work is Mir Zahid

Al Kabuli (1689 A.D.), a prominent author of high philosophical accomplishments, was first attached to the court of Shah Jahan and then later on Emperor Aurangzeb.

The latter bestowed him the post of Sadr at Kabul.156 Of his super-commentary, the portion relating to the second Mawqif (section) on al-Umur al-‘Ammah has held a high position in the ranks of scholastic literature in India.157 For Logic, the two well- known text-books written outside India were al-Shamsiyyah by Najm al-Din ‘Umar b.

‘Ali al-Qazwini, also known as Al-Katibi (1293 A.D.) and the other Tahdhib al-

Mantiq by Sayyid-ud-Din Taftazani (1389 A.D.). The first was commented upon by

Qutb al-Din Mahmud (1364 A.D.) and was further commented upon by Syed Sharif

Jurjani (1415 A.D.). The first commentary was known as the Qutbi and the super- commentary as the Mir Qutbi. Qutb al-Din composed a text-book also, known as al-

Risalah fi’l-Tasawwur wa’l-Tasdiq. The Tahdhib al-Mantiq was commented upon by

154Khalifah, IV, 925,VI, 241 and VII ,914 cited in Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 36. The name of the biography was Kashf-ul-Zunun. Ikram, 500. 155Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 112. 156Balgarami, Maasir-ul-Ikram, 289. 157Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 112-113 132 two scholars, one ‘Abd Ullah Yazdi and the other Jalal al-Din Dawwani. 158 Upon

Jalal al-Din Dawwani’s commentary, Mir Zahid added glosses which were known as al-Hashyat, al-Zahidiyyat al-Jalaliyyah. They became really popular amongst pupils.

He wrote glosses on Sharh Qutbi known as al-Hashiyat al-Zahidiyyat al-Qutbiyyah

.These glosses became very popular among the higher studying students of Logic in

India. Later on, many additions were made to these glosses in the form of supplementary and super supplementary notes.159 He also wrote glosses on Sharh al-

Mawaqif. All these three sets of glosses are generally known as al-Hawashi al-

Thalathat al-Zahidyyah.160 On general Philosophy Hidayat al-Hikmah was a famous book authored by Sheikh Athir al-Din ‘Umar al-Abhari (1261 A.D.). On this text two scholars wrote commentaries, one was Mulla Husayn b. Muin Maybudhi who wrote the Maybudhi and the other was Sadr al-Din Muhammad, known as Sadra-i-Shirazi

(1424 A.D.) who wrote the Sadra. Both these commentaries earned repute and were immensely read by pupils. They were also further commented upon. On the Maybudhi no less eminent a scholar than Abdul Hakim Sialkoti wrote glosses.161 He wrote many commentaries on curricular Philosophy books.162

While discussing Philosophy, Mulla Mahmud of Jawnpur (1651 A.D.) cannot be missed. Mahmud was an eminent scholar and the foremost philosopher of Shah

Jahan’s time, a debater of issues in Shiraz with Mir Baqr Damad himself.163 He authored several works of which the most well known was al Hikmat al-Balighah, a book on logic and philosophy. He wrote a commentary on the same work known as al

158Ibid., 153-154. 159Ibid., 154-155. 160Ibid., 130-131. 161Ibid., 148. 162Balgarami, Maasir-ul-Ikram, 285. 163Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, 43. 133

Shams al-Bazighah.164 Nizam al-Din Farangi Mahall (1748 A.D.) wrote informative glosses on al Shams al-Bazighah. Abdul Rashid (1672 A.D.) Jawnpuri was a contemporary of Mulla Mahmud and he penned a commentary entitled al-

Rashidiyyah on Syed Sharif Jurjani’s treatise on dialectics. This commentary was and still is widely studied in India.165

These scholars were followed by the famous Muhibb Ullah of Bihar (1707 A.D.). He wrote a book on Logic, Sullam al-‘Ulum which became highly esteemed in India. The

Sullam was accepted as a standard work upon which well known scholars wrote independent commentaries. 166 Studying Logic became more popular than metaphysics. It should be noted that they studied Logic for its own sake, though it was originally intended to serve as an instrument for the acquisition of knowledge.167

LINE OF TRANSMISSION OF RATIONAL SCIENCES:

The revolutionary changes brought by Mir Fatehullah Shirazi remained alive by means of his pupils. The importance of these changes can be judged by the fact that the famous curriculum of Nizamiyya was masterminded by Mulla Nizam-ud-Din whose rationalist preference was passed on to him by his teachers, whose line of transmission reached Fatehullah Shirazi himself. The transmission of rationalist studies stems from Fatehullah Shirazi’s disciple Mulla Abdul Salam Lahori (d. 1627-8

A.D.), who studied under Shirazi in the last two years of his life from 1589 A.D.168

Abdul Salam of Dewa (d. 1629-30) was a student of Lahori’s and his student was

Sheikh Daniyal of Chawrasa. The line of transmission was continued by Sheikh

Daniyal’s pupil Mulla Qutb-ud-Din of Sihali, whose descendants were pivotal in

164Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 130. 165Ibid., 149 and 130. 166Ibid, 130-131. 167Ibid., 128 and 132. 168Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 298. 134 consolidating rational sciences in the educational curriculum.169 Qutb-ud-Din

Shamsabadi and Hafiz Aman Allah Banarsi, who had studied under Qutb-ud-Din of

Sihali, became the teachers of Nizam-ud-Din after the early death of his father.170

The line of transmission over the generations is as follows:

Mir Fatehullah Shirazi

Mulla Abdul Salam Lahori

Abdul Salam of Dewa

Sheikh Daniyal of Chawrasa

Mulla Qutb-ud-Din of Sihali

Maulvi Syed Qutb-ud-Din Amethwi (Shamsabadi) Hafiz Aman Allah Banarsi

Mulla Nizam-ud-Din

The locations of these scholars included Dewa, Sihali and Chawrasa which indicate the significance of Awadh in the development of rational sciences.171 The scholars of rational sciences at Awadh, who taught in their own private institutes included Maulvi

Syed Qutb-ud-Din Amethwi, often known as Shamsabadi (d. 1709-10 A.D.); Mulla

169Rizvi, A Socio-Intellectual History of the Isna ‘Ashari Shi’is in India, vol. 2, 224-226. 170Shibli Nomani, Maqalat-e-Shibli, vol. 3, ed. Syed Sulaiman Nadvi (Azam Garh: Darul Musanafeen, 1951), 125. 171Robinson, “Ottomans-Safavids-Mughals: Shared Knowledge and Connective Systems,” 43. 135

Muhibb Allah Bihari (d. 1707-8 A.D.) ; Hafiz Aman Allah Banarsi (d. 1720-1 A.D.) ;

Ghulam Yahya Bihari (d. 1715 A.D.); Mulla Naqshband Lakhnawi (d. 1714 A.D.) ;

Mulla Kamal-ud-Din Sihalwi (d. 1761 A.D.); Mulla Nizam-ud-Din Farangi Mahalli

(d. 1748 A.D.) ; Maulana Hamd Allah Sandilwi (d. 1747 A.D.); and Qazi Mubarak

Gopa Mawi (d. 1748 A.D.).172 The copious amounts of scholars were actually a result of generous patronage from the Mughal government and rich men.173 The descendants of Mulla Qutb-ud-Din Sihalwi were well versed in rational sciences. A reason for this was Qutb-ud-Din Sihalwi’s inherited rationalist traditions that came to him from a direct line of transmission from Mir Fatehullah Shirazi. Another reason was the high land grant (madad-e-maash) that the Mulla was receiving from the government. Later his sons were bestowed a house in Lucknow, the Farangi Mahall by Emperor

Aurangzeb due to their father’s unfortunate death. 174 175 Nizam-ud-Din, one of his sons, was only fourteen years of age at the time and was studying the Sharh Jami. He began to teach when he was twenty five years. Within a few years his fame grew and he attracted pupils from all over India. He wrote many commentaries and notes that became popular amongst students.176 Once established in Lucknow, the sons of Mulla

Qutb-ud-Din taught and instructed students continuously. Their lessons attracted students from all over India and even beyond its borders. Mulla Nizam-ud-Din gave form to a madrassa curriculum which incorporated rational sciences and balanced

172See Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 391, 409, 119, 370-371, 399, 525, 169 and 402 respectively for each scholar. 173Balgarami, Maasir-ul-Ikram cited in Abul Hasnaat Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain (Lahore: Milli Printers, 1979), 37. 174Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, 44-46. 175The land grants received by Mulla Qutb-ud-Din’s madrassa were of a large amount. They resulted in a clash between the Mulla and the local zamindars or land owners. In 1692 A.D., the madrassa was set to fire by the land owners. The Mulla and two of his pupils died in the incident. Nine hundred books in his library’s collection were also burnt. To compensate the tragedy, Emperor Aurangzeb bestowed the Farangi Mahall house to his sons. Over the years, Farangi Mahall Madrassa developed into a renowned centre of rationalist studies. Ibid. 176Sufi, 72. 136 them with traditional transmitted sciences. It was this remarkable curriculum that came to be known as the renowned ‘Dars-i Nizamiyya’.* 177

CURRICULUM IN THE LATE GREAT MUGHAL PERIOD:

Shah Walliullah enlists the books he studied under his father in Madrassa-e-

Rahimiyya. Although Shah Walliullah obtained his education after Emperor

Aurangzeb’s rule, yet he studied the standard course of Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya which had been prevalent in Emperor Aurangzeb’s period. Therefore the curriculum he studied may be taken as an indication of the course of study in the later years of the

Great Mughal period. According to Anfas-ul-Arafeen he completed his course under the supervision of his father, at the age of fifteen.178 This course, of higher studies, is as follows:

Grammar:

(i) Kafiyah

(ii) Sharh Jami

Rhetoric :

(i) Mutawwal

(ii) Mukhtasar

Philosophy :

A Commentary on the Hidayat-ul-Hikmah

Logic :

Commentaries on

(i) Shamsiyyah

(ii) Matali

177Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, 45-46. *See Appendix for the course of Dars-i-Nizamiyya on pages 251-254. 178Walliullah, 404-405. 137

Scholasticism :

Commentaries on

(i) Al-Aqaid of Nasafi

(ii) Mawaqif

(iii) Notes and comments of Khayali

Islamic Law :

(i) Sharhu’l-Wiqayah

(ii) Hidayah

Jurisprudence :

(i) Husami

(ii) Taudih-ut-Talwih

Astronomy and Mathematics :

Several treatises.

Medicine :

An abridgement of Aviceena’s Qanun*.

Tradition:

(i) Mishkat-ul-Masabih

(ii) The Shamayil by Tirmidhi

(iii) A portion of Sahih-ul-Bukhari

Tafsir :

(i) Madarik

(ii) Baidawi

Mysticism :

(i) Introduction to the Commentary on Lam’at

(ii) Introduction to Naqdu’n-Nusus 138

(iii) Commentary on the Rubai (Quatrains) of Jami

(iv) Awarif

(v) Naqshbandiyya Treatises. 179

Thus two significant courses were being taught towards the end of the Great Mughal period. One was the Dars-i-Nizamiyya of Lucknow and the other was the curriculum of Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya at Delhi. The former emphasised rational sciences more while Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya had a stronger tradition of transmitted sciences. These two institutes represented the two major trends the developed in this period, one more traditional and the other not so. A comparison of the curricula of these two madrassas is provided by Francis Robinson in the following table. The number of books taught for each subject in each madrassa is stated:

* Aviceena’s Qanun was shortened by Ala-ud-Din Karshi and available under the title of Mojiz-ul- Qanun. 179 Sufi, 68-70. 139

Branch of Learning Madrassa-e- Farangi Mahall

Rahimiyya180 Madrassa181

Grammar (Sarf wa Nahaf) 2 12

Principles of Islamic Law (Usul- 2 3 e-Fiqh)

Rhetoric (Balaghat) 2 2

Logic (Mantiq) 2 11

Astronomy and Mathematics Several 5

(Riyazi)

Exegesis (Tafsir) 2 2

Mysticism ( Tasawuff) 5 -

Traditions (Hadith) 3 1

Islamic Law (Fiqh) 2 2

Theology (Kalam) 3 3

Philosophy (Hikmat) 1 3

Medicine (Tibb) 1 -

Source: Sufi, 68-75 cited in Francis Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and

Islamic Culture in South Asia, 47.

On comparing the two we realize that the number of books for Grammar, Logic and

Philosophy were prominently increased in the Dars-i-Nizamiyya.* Grammar had ten additional books, Logic had nine and Philosophy had two. The number of books for

180Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya represents the curriculum in Emperor Aurangzeb’s period. 181This represents Dars-i-Nizamiyya, which was compiled after the time of Aurangzeb. But its entire development occurred during the era of the Great Mughals. * See Appendix for the course of Dars-i-Nizamiyya on pages 251-254. 140

Mathematics and Astronomy were also increased in Dars-i-Nizamiyya. Mysticism and

History were eliminated from the course. A reason for excluding Mysticism may have been that the Mulla desired to keep the madrassa separate from khanqahs. Any student, who wished to study the subject, could pursue it after completing his madrassa education.182 These changes indicate that rational sciences were emphasised more in Farangi Mahall’s Dars-i-Nizamiyya. To an extent scientific knowledge in the form of mathematics and Astronomy was promoted by the course. The increase in the number of books in the course was based on Mulla Nizam-ud-Din’s method of teaching. He would assign one comprehensive book in each subject for the student to study thoroughly, while the rest were all easier in comparison to it.

The course studied by Shah Walliullah had a greater emphasis on Hadith studies.

Three books were taught that included the extensive texts Sahih Bukhari and

Shamayil by Tirmidhi. Five books were kept for spiritual upbringing of the students through Mysticism. For the first time, Astronomy, Mathematics and Medicine were studied as subjects. Therefore the course was not lacking in maqulat subjects. In later years, after obtaining further education from the Hijaz, Shah Walliullah as head of

Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya, promoted Hadith studies in particular. He promoted the notion that higher education should comprise of studies on the Hadith (through Sahih

Bukhari and Sahih Muslim), Quran, Arabic literature and Arabic Grammar.183

CONCLUSION:

Students had the choice of seeking primary education either at a maktab or their own home. After that, they had the freedom of studying higher Persian education to polish

182Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Shah Wali-Allah and his Times: A Study of Eighteenth Century Islam, Politics and Society in India (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 2004), 392. 183Ibid., 385. 141 their literary and poetic skills. Higher studies comprised of Arabic Transmitted or

Rational Sciences. The main strength of this system of education was that it provided freedom to the student to follow his own will. This freedom was available from the primary stage of education and nothing was bound or forced upon students. Students completed their studies at a remarkably young age.184

The rational reforms introduced by Emperor Akbar and the rationalist approach of

Mir Fatehullah Shirazi were a landmark in the system of education of Muslim India.

Mir Fatehullah brought numerous rational books and trends from Iran, that were readily accepted by the scholars and students of India. These books, that were complex and difficult to comprehend, were made easier to understand by Indian scholars, through commentaries and glosses. These notes, glosses and commentaries proved to be so fruitful, that they gradually became more popular amongst students than the actual textbooks. At the start of our period under study, books were intensely studied and parts of the books were committed to memory. But on approaching the end of our period, understanding the knowledge the book was trying to convey became more important than memorising its text. The books taught in India were of international calibre. Arabic was not the mother tongue of Indian students yet higher education of rational and transmitted sciences used it as the medium of instruction.

Alongside the ulema who taught religious sciences, many ulema who were experts in rational sciences were promoted and supported by the government. It is no wonder that Sleeman observed many years later, “They (Muhammadans) learn through the

184Their age of completing their education ranged from 14 to 20 years. Maulana Ghulam Ali Azaad mentions in his book Maasir-ul-Ikraam of 100-150 scholars whose education-completing age ranged similar to the aforementioned. Abul Fazl Allami completed his education at age 15 and Mujjadad Al- Afsaniw at age 17. Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 77-78. Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi at age 20. Dehlvi, Akhbaar-ul-Akhyaar, 511. Shah Waliullah at age 15. Waliullah, Infaas-ul-Arafeen, 404-405. 142 medium of Arabic and Persian languages, what young men in our colleges learn through those of Greek and Latin- that is gammar, rhetoric and logic.”185

The scholars of Awadh in particular instructed students in rational sciences, both at madrassas and at their private homes. In comparison, Delhi remained a prominent seat of transmitted sciences. Scholars like Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi, his son Noor-ul-

Haq, Abdul Rahim and his son Shah Walliullah maintained an emphasis on transmitted sciences at Delhi. Shah Walliullah’s religious rethought in the early eighteenth century would later bring an enlightened reform in the Indian society and a return to transmitted sciences with new zest. In this same century, Madrassa-e-

Rahimiyya (Delhi) and Farangi Mahall (Lucknow) represented two different thoughts of learning. But the aim of both the institutes was the promotion of education in India.

Both these institutes were a product of the initiatives and continuous grants of Mughal

Emperors from Akbar to Aurangzeb. The patronage of these Great Mughals eventually led to the progress of education and intellectual learning in the eighteenth century.

METHODS OF IMPARTING HIGHER EDUCATION

History details the method of imparting education of this period quite vaguely. But if we analyse the lives of scholars carefully, it helps us determine the methods of teaching they adopted to impart education. The five hundred years of Muslim rule that concerns us, did not undergo much of a change in the methodology of instruction. In this portion of the chapter we will discuss how the imparting of higher education took place, and various aspects concerning it.

185William H. Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, vol. 2 (London: J. Hatchard and Son, 1844 ), 284. Sleeman was a British soldier and Indian administrative official of the nineteenth century. 143

The methods of gaining higher education can be judged by Abdul Haq Muhaddas

Dehlvi’s statement in his book Akhbar-ul-Akhyar. He says regarding his student life:

In Studying of the book, Discussion, Revision (Takraar O’ Iadah),

Reading of glosses and commentaries, I would spend my entire time186.

Thus the following salient features of imparting education are laid before us:

STUDY (MUTALAA):

Before each lesson it was necessary for each student to study it well. The pupil would ponder over each word of the context of their lesson, bring up questions over the topic, think of their possible answers and place any unanswered queries in front of their teacher.

The text books of that era were both complex and vague and had considerably difficult text. Understanding the meaning of the text and the structured sentences required a great deal of concentration on the student’s part.187 An instance of this is

Maulana Abdul Hai Farangi Mahall Behrul Aloom description regarding the Usul-e-

Fiqh book Baidawi:

The diction of its paragraphs is like studding diamonds in the cliffs of

mountains or like leaves which have hidden flowers. Many intelligent

and capable people, who try to attain its meaning, are left

dumbfounded. Those diving in the rivers of its paragraphs, instead of

pearls fulfil themselves with shells. I speak that which is right and do

not fear speaking the truth. Its message that is so magnanimous and

186Haq, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar, 512. 187Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 69. 144

great can only be attained by those, who from Allah’s grace have a

share, and have been bestowed with aesthetic sense from Allah.188

As mentioned in the chapter pertaining to Delhi Sultans, the writer of Siyar-ul-Auliya called this method as Shubhaat O’ Kayood (Shubhaat meaning solving language difficulties while Kayood meaning the thought behind words and phrases). 189 A student would research his queries related to the lesson. Whatever remained questionable in his mind, he would place that before the teacher. This phenomenon was known as Mutalaa.190 Usually students would study under a teacher in the form of groups. Those students who put in an extra effort in their Mutalaa would surpass the other students in their books.191 The passion behind studying can be understood by

Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi’s statement in his book, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar,

I cherished studying so much that sometimes I would read up to sixteen

pages of these books: Lubbul Albab, Kafiya, Irshad. Whenever I would

get a book containing glosses, I would read it myself. But if I came

across a difficult chapter, I would read it before my teacher…

Whatever book I got, I would read it from the start till the finish. I took

studying as a necessity of the time. As gaining knowledge was my

aim.192

188Maulana Abdul Hai Behrul Aloom’s introduction in Sharh Muslimul Sabut cited by Gilani, Hindustan Mein Musalmano Ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbiyat, vol. 1, 306-307. 189Khord, 226. 190Gilani, Hindustan mein Musalmanoun ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbeeyat, vol. 1, 322-323. 191Haq, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar, 479. 192Haq, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar, 511. Kafiya, Irshad and Lubbul Albab were Arabic Grammar books. 145

INSTRUCTION BY THE TEACHER (DARS):

Dars was the mode of instruction of the teacher, not styled as a lecture, but rather as a comprehensive discussion. It consisted of giving an in depth explanation of the text and then answering any queries of the students.

Shah Walliullah speaks of the methods of Dars of Hadith. They were of three types: one type was called Sard, in which the teacher would continuously read the book without engaging in any discussion on the meaning, jurisprudence issues nor the cyclopaedia of narrators. Another type was Behas O’ Hal. In this Dars type, after reading a Hadith the teacher would stop at any difficult word, any unknown narrator, any direct debate, the direct issues mentioned in it and would discuss and explain them. The third form of Dars was Aaman O’ Taamak literally meaning farsighted associations. In this the teacher stopped on each and every word and associated farfetched meaning to it. Whenever a new or unusual word or phrase came along, the teacher would mention past appearances of that word in say a verse, instead of giving its direct meaning. Similarly whenever a cyclopaedia of narrators would be read, he would start discussing them and their biographies; or would bring Fiqh up in matters of Hadith. It was employed by story tellers who dwelled on showing off whatever knowledge they had instead of spreading the true wisdom behind the Hadith. Hence

Shah Waliullah preferred the second mode of Dars to the others.193 Shah Walliullah stated in his Risala-e-Danishmandi that in a Dars the meaning of difficult words should be explained, and complex phrases should be made easy with proper grammar.194 The Dars was delivered by the teacher either at his own house or at an institute. Many individuals, who practised a profession in the morning such as that of

193Shah Waliullah Dehlvi, Infaas-ul-Arafeen, translated by Syed Muhammad Farooq Qadri (Lahore: Islamic Book Foundation, 1978), 390-391 194Shah Waliullah Dehlvi, Risala-e-Danishmandi in the margin of the Wasiyat-nama, ed. Muhammad AbdulAhad (Dehli: Mutba-e-Mujtabai,1918), 10-11. 146 a Qazi or Mufti, delivered Dars in the later hours of the noon or evening. This was because deliverance of knowledge was considered a religious duty in that period.195 A permanent Dars-Gah for the deliverance of Dars was located at their own house, or in the neighbourhood mosque.196 Qazi Mubarak Goyatowi, a judge, maintained a tradition of delivering Dars. Similarly Mian Jamal Khan the Mufti of Delhi, Sheikh

Moin the Qazi of Lahore, Maulana Muhammad Mufti the Mufti of Delhi, Mir

Fatheullah Shirazi the Sadr-us-Sudoor under Akbar, Sheikh Mansoor Lahori the

Qazi-ul-Qazaad of Malwa, all delivered Dars after completing their professional engagements of the day.197 A component of Dars was qirat. In Madrassas recitation or qirat of the book was done by teachers, with pupils listening intently. Sometimes the student did the qirat while the teacher listened, correcting any mistakes. An instance of this is Nizam-ud-Din Aulia who studied three books from Baba Farid

Gunj Shakr. He recited one book himself while two books were recited by the teacher.198 Shah Waliullah, who received various Dars from his father, at Madrassa-e-

Rahimiyya says of the experience:

Shumail-ul-Nabi is a book which from the start till the end, I studied

with a group of students. Even though some learned students were also

amongst us, but its qirat was done by myself. 199

During qirat, students would ask queries from their teacher. These were those queries that had risen during their Study. This methodology provided an opportunity to the students to remove their doubts pertaining to the lesson. It was also an occasion when the teacher paid individual attention to the student. The example of Syed Ismaeel

195Gilani, Hindustan mein Musalmanoun ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbeeyat, 356. 196Ibid. 197See Badaoni, vol. 3, 123-124 for Mian Jamal Khan, 147 for Sheikh Moin, 188-189 for Qazi Mubarak Goyatowi, 215 for Maulana Muhammad, 216 for Fatehullah Shirazi and 217 for Sheikh Mansoor of Lahore. 198Khord, 213. 199Muhammad Rahim Bakhsh, Hiyaat-e-Wali (Lahore: Al Maktabah Al Salfiyah, 1955), 410. 147

Balgarami getting separate time to study under Maulana Sialkoti proves that teachers would prefer giving individual attention to students rather than teaching a large group.200

Maulana Fakhr-din-Zaradi was a scholar known to deliver Dars with complete preparation. He had complete authority on the Dars of Hidayah and could explain it with reference to Sahih Hadith.201 Abul Fath Thanasairi delivered Dars in both transmitted and rational sciences, at Agra. His Dars was renowned for its high quality, and many intelligent pupils were produced from it.202 This shows the importance of the quality of a teacher’s Dars in shaping his students. We also know of Mian Hatim

Sambhal who, whilst teaching, went through the commentary on the Miftah and

Mutawwal from beginning till the end 40 times in his life.203

DISCUSSION AND RESEARCH (MUBAISAA O’ TEHKEEK):

Discussion was a necessary act on the part of the student. Nizam-ud-Din Aulia was known to be an active discusser as a student, earning him the title of Bahis and Mehfil

Shikan.204 Maulana Azad mentions in Maasir-ul-Akraam how the famous scholar

Abdul Hakim Siyalkoti taught his pupils. It is mentioned that Syed Ismail Balgarami, after benefiting from various circles of learning, entered Abdul Hakim Siyalkoti’s circle. He asked the teacher to give him time. On consulting his schedule Maulana

Siyalkoti replied that time was short, hence he should pair up with another student.

After a few weeks passed, the teacher noticed that Syed Ismail Balgarami was not asking him questions, so he gave his pupil a separate slot of time to study under him

200Balgarami, Maasir-ul-Ikram, 316. 201Khord, 423-424. Maulana Fakhr-din-Zaradi’s knowledge of Sahih Hadith is proof that Hadith studies were not ignored in this period. 202Badaoni, vol.3, 187-188. 203Ibid., 109. Miftahul-Ulum was a book on rhetorics by al-Sakkaki. Mukhtasir was its commentary. 204Khord, 206. 148 during which the Syed Ismail made adequate questions. This session of questions and debate continued for three days.205

Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi claims that when he went to Mavra-ul-Nahr for studies, he would intensely discuss his given lesson with his teachers. His teachers were greatly pleased and amazed at his questions and discussions and would state that they too were benefiting from his discussion.206

Badaoni mentions a teacher of his, Mian Sheikh Abdullah Badaoni, who would deliver a Dars to Badaoni. Badaoni states that the students with him were very intelligent and would ask difficult questions from Mian Sheikh Abdullah. Badaoni claims their teacher never had to consult books to answer their queries. He was knowledgeable enough to answer them spontaneously.207 This meant that the teacher would give a free hand to his students to ask questions. Discussion was also a means of testing or examining the abilities of the student and would continue for days.

Hence we learn that discussion and debate were greatly promoted and appreciated in the learning process of students and the then system of education.

REVISION (TAKRAAR):

After Study and Discussion, we come to the third method of learning which is

Revision. In the above mentioned examples we understand that students would regularly revise their lessons and then discuss them with their teachers later on. There is the example of Shamsuddin Yahya, who would revise his present and forthcoming lesson to be well prepared for a discussion with other pupils.208 Another form of revision was the tradition of renowned scholars instructing their most intelligent pupil

205Balgarami, Maasir-ul-Ikram, 316. 206Haq, Akhbaar-ul-Akhyaar, 511. 207Badaoni, vol. 3, 93. 208Khord, 373. 149 to revise the lesson. Maulana Shibli Nomani in his book Al Gazzali speaks of this method of learning employed in early times:

In that period, it was the custom amongst scholars to ask their most

intelligent student to revise the given lesson to the rest, after it had

been taught. He would make the other pupils memorise the teacher’s

dars well. The pupil selected for this task was called Moeed…209

The benefit of this method was that weak students could learn much better because of the revision. It empowered their memorisation and wisdom. As a result, both intelligent and weak students progressed simultaneously under the teacher.

MONITORIAL SYSTEM (PARHANAY KI MASHK):

This is the last method of learning. In this system the more advanced students also taught alongside their teachers. It was a feature characteristic of the Indian education system, employed both in Muslim and Hindu schools.210 The students of higher education, before getting free would teach their completed books to students of lower level. It was especially practised by those who desired to remain affiliated with the education department and the teaching profession. Maulana Abdul Hai Farangi

Mahall says in his autobiography that whenever he would complete reading a book, he would start teaching it to his juniors. This made teaching easy for him. As a result of this method he began teaching those books that he hadn’t read under the supervision of teachers. Maulana Abdul Hai would himself teach students. Then later in life he instructed his most brilliant student Maulana Muhaamad Husain Allahbadi to continue teaching the same lessons, to his juniors. 211

209Shibli Nomani, Al Ghazzali (Islamabad: National Book Foundation, 1989), 7. 210Keay, 107. 211Maulana Abdul Hai Farangi Mahall, Nafaa-ul-Mufti WalSail, 25 cited by Gilani, Hindustan mein 150

This method allowed teachers to be accompanied by a galaxy of teaching assistants, who would teach honourably, without asking for a fee, whenever required.

ORDER OF STUDYING BOOKS:

Shah Walliullah enlisted the order in which he studied his books in his Risalah

Wasiyat-nama. He gave his own proposals and suggestions, based on experience, on the order in which books should be taught to students. He believed this order would benefit students immensely. An abstract of his suggestion are as follows:

1) Booklets on Syntax and Grammar (Sarf wa Nahaf) should be taught based on

the intellectual ability of the student

2) An Arabic book on History and Wisdom should then be taught.

3) Teach the use of a dictionary, so that the child can extract words from it.

4) The Hadith book Mouta compiled by Imam Malik, when the student

understands Arabic

5) Dars of the Holy Quran along with its translation but without commentary.

The background events pertaining to verses and their syntax should be taught

later, and discussions between the master and pupil should be encouraged.

6) Jilalain (a brief commentary of the Quran) should be taught to the pupil after

he has completed its translation.

7) The Hadith books Sahih Bukhari and Sahih Muslim should then be taught

along with Fiqh and other transmitted sciences.

Musalmanoun ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbeeyat, 333. 151

8) Books for Danishmandi should be studied at the same time. For example,

Sharah Mulla Jami (A sharah on the syntax book Kaafiya) and Qutbi (the

sharah of the Logic book Shamsia) should be taught together to the pupil.212

This suggested order of Shah Walliullah’s provided an efficient study guide to students in which they could learn and understand books within a short period of time.

He stressed that students should be made to understand the language first, because religious books could only be studied after achieving fluency in Arabic. After that,

Hadith, the Holy Quran, Tafsir, Fiqh, Kalam and Tasawuff were to be taught. By suggesting this order, Shah Walliullah gave preference to learning Hadith over the

Quran.

PURPOSE OF STUDIES:

Sheikh Abdul Haq Muhaddas of Delhi, a contemporary of Emperor Akbar, recorded an interesting conversation amongst some students, which throws a revealing light on the purpose of education of young men in the time of Akbar. In his well known work

Akhbaar ul Akhyaar he says,

Once the students were having a conversation among themselves and

were asking each other about the aim and objective of their studies.

Some of them pretended and insincerely asserted that they were

pursuing their studies to get an insight into divine mysteries, while

others were truthful and straightforward and said that the object of

their pursuing knowledge was to have some worldly gain in the future.

When they asked me about my opinion, I said that my purpose in

pursuing knowledge was to acquaint myself with the views of men of

212Waliullah, Risala-e-Danishmandi, 10-11. 152

erudition and wisdom of the past and to know their intuitive method of

resolving intellectual difficulties and realizing reality.213

The purpose of studies of other regular students included seeking employment in the civil service or teaching profession and earning. But along with its financial benefits, education helped refine students’ personalities as well. For ulema and scholars, learning and teaching were equivalent to worship. It was this passion that drove them to devoting so many years of their lives to studying.214 Other educated people, employed in high government ranks, would also find separate time from their busy schedules to study. Their thirst for knowledge kept the habit of studying alive in them.

CENTRES OF LEARNING:

Migrating to different cities in the pursuit of knowledge was a key feature of the educational system of this period. Many students journeyed from one Indian city to another or even emigrated to a foreign country for some years. Sheikh Abdullah

Badaoni travelled from his city Samaana to Delhi for Quran based religious studies.

He later returned to Badaun to teach.215 Lahore, Ahmadabad and Burhanpur,216

Jaunpur, Multan and Gujrat were the famous seats of Muslim learning in Medieval

India.217 Each seat of learning specialised in its own particular branch. The Farangi

Mahall Madrassa and the institutes of Awadh specialised in Philosophy and Logic,

Shah Walliullah’s Delhi seat emphasised Hadith studies and Tafsir and the Sialkot school specialised in Grammar.218 This also explains the many migrations that

213Haq, Akhbaar-ul-Akhyaar, 511. 214The lives of ulema depicted in the books Akhbaar-ul-Akhyaar, Muntakhib-ul-Tawarikh and Maasir- ul-Ikram reveal to us their complete devotion to obtaining knowledge. 215Badaoni, vol. 3, 591. 216Ikram, History of Muslim Civilization in India and Pakitsan, 466. 217Keay, 113. 218Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, 46-47. 153 characterised this period.219 Travelling took place not only within India, but also to places such as Arabia, Cairo, Damascus and to a lesser extent Istanbul.220

Students and scholars would journey to the Hijaz to study at madrassas there.221 Ali

Muttaqi (1567 A.D.) of Burhanpur, writer of Kanz al-Ummal, went to Hijaz on completing his education, and settled there permanently.222 Sheikh Abdul Haq of

Delhi (1551-1642 A.D.) studied Hadith in Makkah for some years under Sheikh

Abdul Wahhab, the student of Ali Muttaqi.223 Abdullah al-Sindhi and Rahmat Allah, studied with Abdul Haq under the supervision of same group of scholars Ali Muttaqi and Sheikh Abdul Wahhab in Hijaz. They were given the title of Shaykhayn, and they were worthy of being taught in Hijaz.224 Mulla Jiwan composed a commentary on

Abu’l Barakat al-Nasafi’s Manar al-Anwar, known as Noor-ul-Anwar. This had actually originated in the form of high quality lectures delivered by him on the Manar al-Anwar in Madinah that were highly appreciated. So he expanded them into a regular commentary which was completed in Madinah.225 All these examples prove that the students of the subcontinent had apt command over Arabic language, and were educated enough to meet the standards of education in Hijaz or any other place for that matter. It also shows that the level of books and the curriculum content in

India matched with the rest of the world including Hijaz.

The Muslim scholars who studied in Hijaz, brought reforms in transmitted sciences on returning to India, especially in Hadith studies. Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi, on returning from the Hijaz in 1591 A.D., helped promote the study of Hadith further in

India. Shah Walliullah, who returned from the Hijaz in 1732 A.D., also promoted the

219Hussain, Glimpses of Medeival Indian Culture, 91. 220Robinson, “Ottomans-Safavids-Mughals: Shared knowledge and Connective Systems,” 161. 221Ibid., 161. 222Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 49. 223Robinson, “Ottomans-Safavids-Mughals: Shared knowledge and connective systems,” 161. 224Ahmad, The Contribution of Indo-Pakistan to Arabic Literature, 75. 225Ibid., 70. 154 study of Hadith. He encouraged students to pursue transmitted sciences, at a time when rationalist studies had become highly popular. He also made an effort to unify the different schools of Sunni law. 226 The reforms introduced by both these scholars in India’s educational atmosphere were a product of their stay in the Hijaz. This signifies the influence that migrations had on the socio-cultural environment of India and its educational system.

CERTIFICATION AND EVALUATION:

The progress of learning of students was based on the books they studied under scholars. The degree of learning of a student was assessed by the specific books he had read under a teacher. It was the responsibility of the teacher to ascertain that his pupil had mastered his books or not. According to Khaliq Ahmad Nizami,

No teacher in medieval India could set up an educational institution

and instruct people in different religious sciences unless he had

obtained an ijazat-namah from an authority on the subjects he

intended to teach. The ijazat-namah was the medieval form of modern

certificates and diplomas.227

Before issuing a certificate or ijazat-namah, the scholar would ensure that his pupil had understood the meaning and objective of the book, and had actively participated in thoughtful debate over its content. The teacher was either the writer of the book or was authorised to teach it, by the author himself directly or via transmitters linking back to the author. Qualification of the student was solely dependent on the opinion of the teacher. Therefore granting ijazat was a personal matter between the teacher and his student. The teacher was exclusively responsible for it and no one could compel

226Rizvi, Shah Wali-Allah and his Times: A Study of Eighteenth Century Islam, Politics and Society in India, 396. 227Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 347. 155 him to give it. It was possible for the teacher to misuse this authority but by and large this did not occur. This method of qualification fortunately kept state politics away from meddling with education. No Ruler, prince or official could grant ijazat to a student. Students would go from one teacher to another to obtain authorisation and the more authorisations they obtained the more qualified they would become.228 An example of an ijazat-namah is found in the form of one granted to Sheikh Nizam-ud-

Din Aulia by his teacher, Maulana Kamal-ud-Din Zahid, a well-known muhaddis of

Delhi in 1280 A.D. It was printed by Ameer Khord in his Siyar-ul-Aulia. The certificate to Nizam-ud-Din Aulia from Maulana Kamal ud-Din can be used as a sample of the ijazat-namahs of that day:

Be it known after the praise of God and His Prophet that God provided an

opportunity to the great Sheikh and the Imam of the world, Nizam ud-Din

Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Ali, who is endowed with great erudition and

profound learning and is beloved of divines,… to study the entire text of

Mashariqul Anwar- which contains a gist of the Sahih Bukhari and Sahih

Muslim-with the writer of these lines… He studied it as critically and with

such diligence, effort and perseverance as the book deserves to be read.

The writer of these lines has studied these books with two great scholars:

the author of Sharh Asar al-Nayyarain fi Akhbar al-Sahihain and Mahmud

b. Abul Hasan Asad al-Balkhi… I have received both oral and written

permission from these scholars (to teach this book). Both these scholars

had studied this book from its author. I have permitted Sultan-ul-

Mashaikh to narrate the traditions of the Prophet on my authority as is

laid in the “Ilm-i-Hadis’… I request Sultan-ul-Mashaikh not to forget me

228George Makdisi, “Madrasa and University in the Middle Ages,” Studia Islamica, No. 32, (1970) 260-262.

156

and my descendents in prayers… He studied this book in a mosque of

Delhi known after the name of Najm ud-Din Abu Bakr al-Talwasi… May

God protect this city from all calamities and misfortunes… These words

are in the handwriting of Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-

Marikali, known as Kamal Zahid and were written on Rabi al-Awwal 21,

679 A.H/1280.229

This ijazat-namah establishes the instructional line of transmission or silsilah of

Sheikh Nizam-ud-Din Aulia with the author of Mashariqul Anwar:

Maulana Razi ud-Din Hasan Saghani

Maulana Burhan ud-Din Mahmud Asad al-Balkhi

Maulana Kamal ud-Din Zahid

Sheikh Nizam ud-Din Aulia

Shah Walliullah Dehlvi, the last astounding personality produced in the period of the

Great Mughals, studied at Madrassa-e-Rahimyya which was established by his father in Emperor Aurangzeb’s reign. In this period the process of ijazat, present since the time of Nizam-ud-Din Aulia, was still followed. Shah Walliullah obtained his ijazat from his father. His silsilah met with Imam Abul Hassan Al-Ashri in the fourteenth seat.230 Nizam-ud-Din Aulia learnt various subjects from different scholars, first at

Badaun and later at Dehli.231 Five hundred years later, compared to him Shah

229Khord, 211. See Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics In India during the Thirteenth Century, 155 for this English translation of the ijazat-namah. 230Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 543-544. 231Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizam-u’d-Din Auliya, 22-36. 157

Walliullah studied every subject and field of knowledge from his father, at one madrassa, Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya. This indicates that over the course of five centuries obtaining education became a less scattered procedure. The idea of a single course being taught at a single madrassa had come into being.

There was no regular system of annual examinations in this system of education.

Students were promoted from a lower to a higher class according to the opinion of the teachers concerned who took into account the total academic career of the students, whom they knew very intimately.232 The methods of imparting education discussed above, served to evaluate students. Only one instance of state held examinations is found; Aurangzeb compelled the Bohras of Gujrat to educate their children. Monthly exams were held for them, the results of which were informed to the Emperor.233

Students who completed their course of education obtained a Sanad-e-Ijazat or certification from their instructor. This Sanad-e-Ijazat permitted the student to give

Dars from then on. It meant they held expertise over a particular level of knowledge.

At this occasion they would undergo Dastaar Bandi, in which they would be bestowed with a turban. Maulana Usuli directed Nizam-ud-Din Aulia to tie a turban to symbolise the completion of his education.234 The ceremony continued throughout the centuries and was present even in Shah Walliullah’s time. His father Sheikh Abdul

Rahim gave him a permit for Dars along with the tradition of the tying of a turban,

Dastaar Bandi on completing his education. As he had obtained the permit, Shah

Walliullah began teaching in Madrassa-e-Rahimiyya after his father’s death, when he was seventeen.235

232Hussain, Glimpses of Medeival Indian Culture, 91-92. 233Sufi, 67. 234 Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizam-u’d-Din Auliya, 23. 235Waliullah, Infaas-ul-Arafeen, 404-405. The ceremony of Dastaar-bandi continued for centuries and was present in the period of colonial British India. See Sleeman, 284. 158

The Sanad-e-Ijazat permitted not only Dars, but also allowed the pupil to gain governmental employment, such as in administration and the professions of Qazi,

Mufti and Sadr. The academic distinctions of a student were awarded in accordance with his aptitude in a particular branch of knowledge. For instance one who excelled in,

Logic and Philosophy ------was awarded the degree of Fazil,

Theology------was awarded the degree of Alim

Literature------was awarded the degree of Qabil.236

Titles were also given according to the subject the student had studied in higher education. So he who was learned in:

Qiraat of the Quran------was called Qari

Hadith------was called Muhadith

Tafsir------was called Mufasir

Fiqh------was called Faqih

Rational Sciences------was called Hakim

Both Rational and Transmitted------was called Danishmand 237

CONCLUSION:

To conclude, students employed the methods of Mutalaa, Mubaisaa o’ Tehkeek and

Takraar to obtain knowledge, while the teachers employed Dars and the Monitorial system to better educate their pupils. It was the responsibility of the teacher to

236Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 103-104. 237Mufti Intezamullah Shahabi, Islami Nizam-e-Taleem ka Choda So Salaa Muraka (Karachi: Jinnah Literary Academy, 1961), 123. 159 evaluate the student and issue a certificate or ijazat-namah to him when he was satisfied. Even without an examination system, this ijazah system successfully produced learned students. From the discussion above, it can be understood that instead of large student groups, teachers preferred to teach small groups of students.

This helped the teacher give individual attention to each pupil, and strengthened the bond between master and student. The grants provided by the government removed all forms of material constraints for both the student and his master. The student studied with a passion to acquire knowledge and his master taught with sacred devotion. These effective dynamics between the rulers, students and teachers led to the development of a remarkable teacher-student-ruling elite-triad This triad formed the backbone of the educational system. The rulers’ role was to provide monetary grants, the students’ role to learn effectively and passionately while the teachers’ responsibility was to instruct in the best possible way. The teacher-student-ruling elite-triad resulted in an honest, sincere bond between the teacher and his student. It bestowed much respect to the position of a teacher. It also permitted students to seek education irrespective of their status. In addition to the ruling elite-student-teacher triad, another key feature of the period was the numerous migrations students made from one city to another or to foreign regions for further studies. The educational system of India proved at par to prepare its students to seek education abroad.

160

CHAPTER IV

MEANS OF EDUCATION, LIBRARIES AND THE

AVAILABILITY OF BOOKS

In this chapter the institutes present in the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal India as well as the libraries that existed in this period are discussed. The support they received from the government and the grants they acquired from the Sadr-us-Sudoor are discussed. In the end, calligraphy, book illustration and the role of Indian scribes will be also discussed.

MEANS OF EDUCATION

If we take an overview of the varieties of institutions engaged in teaching and learning during the period of Muslim rule in India, we may narrow them down to the following four:

1. Madrassas

2. Mosques

3. Private homes of scholars

4. Khanqahs or Mystic Centres

The educational system in the five hundred year rule of Muslims that we have discussed (1206 – 1707 A.D.) was based on these four institutes. Over time the contributions by each institute varied, but fundamentally all four of them played a pivotal role in the spread and diffusion of knowledge. We will now discuss the role of each institute briefly.

161

MADRASSAS:

Madrassas were traditional institutes of higher study that offered a course of Islamic law and liberal arts (Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic) along with Quranic Exegesis,

Literature, History and Higher Mathematics.1 In the beginning their prime objective was the deliverance of studies of Islamic law while other sciences were added with the passage of time.2 Although mosques were the initial most institutes of Muslim learning, the formation of madrassas was a natural process. Learning gradually became more abstract and involved active discussion which couldnot be carried out in mosques.3 There was a heavy tradition of establishing madrassas in the Islamic

Caliphate and this tradition made its way into India with the advent of the Ghaznavide rule in it. Sultan Mahmud ordered madrassas similar to those of Ghaznah, to be established in India.4

In the period of this study, madrassas existed all over India. Sultans, Kings, nobles and the wealthy men of society helped build vast, well organized and well funded madrassas throughout the subcontinent. The regulations and rules of madrassas were completely under the control of the teachers there. The government kept the institute of education independent from itself. Educational policies flowed without the rulers intervening or governing them. The government acted as a mere protection for madrassas.5 They were free to teach the books and subjects of their choice. Teachers

1Cyril Glasse, Huston Smith, The New Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v. “Madrasah” (Maryland: Rowman Altamira, 2003), 278. 2George Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1981), 9. 3Ahmad Shalaby, History of Muslim Education (Karachi: Indus Publications, 1979), 55-56. 4Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Delhi Sultanate: Urbanisation and Social Change (New Delhi: Viva Books, 2009), 138. 5Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1942), 168. 162 were allowed to teach at a madrassa after obtaining permission from the founder or from a board of appointed scholars, according to the charter of the madrassa.6

The substantial role the government did pay was in providing financial aids and grants to these educational institutes. The Department of Religious Affairs, headed by the

Sadr-e-Jahan or Sadr-us-Sudoor, was responsible for dispensing grants to the madrassas.7 The Sadr’s greatest responsibility was to recommend the names of ulema and scholars to the Sultan for bestowing grants. These endowments permitted the students and scholars receiving them to stay worry free about the financial concerns of their literary pursuits.8 The madrassa too, would support its own students by not charging a fee.

It was in Ajmer in 1191 A.D. that Muhammad Ghori placed the foundation of the first institutionalized madrassa in South Asia.9 The various dynasties of the Delhi Sultans from 1206 to 1526 A.D. were quite eager with regards to religious learning and education. This vigour led them to build madrassas and learning centres throughout their kingdom. Iltutmish established a madrassa at Delhi called Madrassa-e-Muizzi10 named after Muizuddin Mohammad Ghori and another at Badaun of the same name.11

He built another madrassa at Delhi which was later repaired by Firoz Shah Tughluq12 and another called Nasiriyya.13 Muhammad bin Tughluq was the most passionate of the Tughluqs with regard to building madrassas and up to one thousand madrassas

6George Makdisi, “Madrasa and University in the Middle Ages,” in Studia Islamica, No. 32 (1970): 263-264. 7Ibn-e-Fazl Al Umri, Masalik-ul-Absar, translated by Khurshid Ahmad Faraq (Delhi: Nadwatul Musanafeen Delhi, 1961), 19. 8Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, 168. 9Hasan Nizami, “Tâj al-Maâsir,” The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. 2, translated by Sir Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson (Lahore: Islamic Book Service 1979), 215. 10Abu Umar Minhaj-Ud-Din Usman bin Siraj Jurjani, Tabakat-e-Nasiri, translated by H. G. Raverty (Lahore: Amir Publications, 1977), 646. 11Abul Hasnaat Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain (Lahore: Milli Printers, 1979), 17. 12Firoz Shah Tughluq, Fatuhat-i Firoz Shahi, translated by Dr. Muhammad Abdullah Chughtai (Lahore: Kitab Khana Nauras, 1952), 27. 13Siraj, 644, 667. 163 existed during his rule, in the capital Delhi.14 A madrassa at Khurramabad Delhi can be found from some sources.15 Firoz Shah Tughluq had many institutes renovated in his period including the madrassa attached to Ala-ud-Din Khalaji’s tomb.16 He also established many newly made madrassas, the most splendid of which was the Firoz

Shahi Madrassa. According to Barani,

Its magnificence architectural proportions and pleasant air make it so

unique among great buildings of the world that it would be justifiable

if it claimed superiority over the Khwarnaq built by Sinmar or the

place of Kisra. 17

Firoz Shahi Madrassa was of a residential nature and provided food and abode for its students.18 A second prominent madrassa, Balaband Sayri was also built by Sultan

Firoz Shah. It was spacious and had delicate architectural style. A third madrassa was one attached to Fath Khan’s tomb. All of Sultan Firoz Shah’s madrassas were built with a particular Firozian architecture.19 Khaliq Ahmad Nizami mentions a madrassa town forming at the banks of the Hauz-i-Khas that became a centre of learning in this period.20

We learn from the limited available sources about these prominent madrassas but it can be assumed that many more existed and worked in the diffusion of knowledge in the Delhi Sultanate. Theses institutes also served as means of employment for the erudite of that time. The great scholar and historian Minhaaj-us-Siraj’s appointment as

14Al Umri, Masalik-ul-Absar, 13. 15Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 19. 16Tughluq, 27-28. 17Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-e-Feroz Shahi, translated by Syed Moin-ul-Haq (Lahore: Urdu Science Board, 1991), 788-791. 18Further detail of the madrassa has been mentioned in the Chapter 1: Patronage of Learning and Education under the Delhi Sultans. 19Jamini Mohan Banerjee, History of Firuz Shah Tughluq (Lahore: Progressive Books, 1976), 191-192. 20Khaliq Ahamd Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture (Allahbad: Kitab Mahal, n.d.), 73-75. 164 the principal of Nasiriyya College of Delhi by Razia Sultana21 and the eminent scholar Maulana Rumi’s as the principal of Firoz Shahi Madrassa prove that only the most learned men of the period were given such responsibilities.22 The establishment of madrassas helped convert the northern Indian cities of Lahore, Multan, Badayun and Delhi into learning centres.

Coming to the Great Mughal period, the Sadr-e-Jahan Sadr-us-Sudoor remained in charge for dispensing grants and endowments to the madrassas. The duties of the Sadr included honestly rewarding capable teachers and talented students which he carried out by maintaining contact with ulema, students and scholars.23 Wazifa was the term used for cash grants while Madad-e-Maash or Suyurghal were the terms assigned for land endowments. The King would make the ultimate decision of endowment based on the suggestions of the Sadr. An example of Akbar directly endowing scholars and ulema is also present.24 Akbar later reduced the powers of the Sadr significantly.25 As mentioned in his Tûzuk the powers of the post were restored under Jahangir, due to the Emperor’s utmost respect of Miraan-e-Sadr-e-Jahan.26 Beyond Jahangir, the post of Sadr held much reduced power.27 Irrespective of the influence range of the Sadr, the beneficence of the government towards madrassas did not waver. Along with institutes, teachers were individually bestowed grants as well, so that they could pursue their academic endeavors as easily as possible. Students were not charged a fee at madrassas and capable students were supported to meet books and other needs.

21Siraj, 644. 22Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, 76. 23Ibn Hassan, The Central Structure of the Mughal Empire (London: Oxford University Press, 1936), 257-258. 24Abdul Qadir Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, translated by W. H. Lowe, vol. 2 (Karachi: Karimsons, 1978), 286-287. 25Vincent A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul 1542-1605 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), 358. 26Nur-ud-Din Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, translated by Alexander Rodgers (London: London Royal Asiatic Society, 1909), 46, 140. 27Hassan, The Central Structure of the Mughal Empire, 259-260. 165

Aurangzeb in particular made numerous endowments to madrassas.28 The most significant donation by him was bestowing the Farangi Mahal to Mulla Nizam-ud-Din and his brothers after the death of his father. The famed Dars-e-Nizamiyyah was a direct consequence of this fortunate grant.29

The Mughal rulers of India generally took eager interest in financing education.30 The famed historian Abul Fazl stated regarding India’s madrassas under the Mughals,

All civilized nations have schools for the education of youths; but

Hindustan is particularly famous for its seminaries.31

Emperor Babur and Humayun lacked sufficient time to construct madrassas, though there is evidence that Humayun established a college at Delhi.32 Sheikh Zain, the author of fathnama, built his own personal madrassa at Agra, in this period.33 It was in

Akbar’s reign that a boost in the establishment of madrassas was seen. Amongst the significant ones was a grand madrassa built at Fatehpur Sikri, near the royal residence.34 Madrassa Abul Fazl was also established there by the historian it was named after. Madrassas in Agra and Gujarat were also set up by Akbar, most of them being residential. Akbarabad was a madrassa founded by him at Agra. Chalpi Beg from Shiraz was designated its principal.35 Madrassas that were personally established included Khair al-Manzil a madrassa and mosque founded by Akbar’s wet nurse

Maham Anga and Madrassa Maqbara Humayun, a college founded by Hamida Banu

28Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughal Empire, 215. 29F. E. Keay, A History of Education in India and Pakistan, (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1959), 125. 30Keay, 107. 31Abul Fazl Allami, The Ain-I Akbari, translated by Francis Gladwin, vol. 1 ( London: G. Auld, ), 230. 32Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 22. 33Abdul Qadir Badaoni, Munatakhib-ut-Tawarikh, translated by George S. A. Ranking, vol. 1 (Karachi: Karimsons, 1976), 610. 34Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962), 84. 35Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 28-29. 166

Begum, Akbar’s mother.36 Furthermore, Maulana Ala-ud-Din Lari founded the

Madrassa-e-Khas at Agra37, Maulana Syed Abdul Khaliq founded the Madrassa-e-

Syed Sar38 and Qaleej Khan the Andar Jani at Lahore39. Along with an increase in the number of madrassas, Akbar introduced educational reforms with regard to them. He had liberal and wide ranging education imparted via these madrassas, especially after the arrival of Mir Fateh ullah Shirazi. The two fold objective of madrassas to produce both administrative bureaucrats and religious clerics peaked in Akbar’s period.

Jahangir as Emperor renovated many old madrassa buildings and filled them with teachers and students.40 Shah Jahan in his rule established an Imperial college at Delhi in 1650 A. D.41 He also had the Madrassa Darul Baqa at Agra repaired.42 In the same period Dara Shikoh built a madrassa at Than-e-Sair Punjab, named Madrassa Sheikh

Chilli.43 Of the personal madrassas established, the most prominent was Abdul Hakim

Sialkoti’s at his home city. According to Muhammad Salih Kamboo students from around India benefited from this institute.44 Madrassa Shaista Khan at Dhaka,45 and

Madrassa Sheikh-ul-Islam at Ahamdabad were two notable institutes established.46

47A madrassa was founded by Sheikh Kaleemullah in 1680 A.D. at Delhi. It was a

36Carr Stephen, The Archaeology and Monumental Remains of Delhi, (Michigan: Aryan Books International, 2002), 118. 37Badaoni, vol. 1, 231. 38Muhammad Ilm-ud-Din Saliq. “Ulma-e-Ikram kai Deeni Madrassay,” Naqosh: Lahore Number, 1962, 483-484. 39Shamsad-ud-Daula Shahnawaz Khan, Masiu-ul-Umra, translated by Muhammad Ayub Qadri (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1968), 63. 40Syed Altaf Ali Brelvi, Development of Education in Islam in South Asia, eds. Wahid-uz-Zaman and M. Saleem Akhtar (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1993), 153. 41Stephen, 255. 42Bernarsi Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi, (Lahore: Book Trader, N.D.), 247-248. 43Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 27. 44Muhammad Salih Kamboo, ShahJahannama, translated by Mumtaz Liaqat, vol. 3 (Lahore: Sang-e- Meel Publications, 1982), 563. 45Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 55-56. 46Ibid., 75. 47For more extensive details of madrassas of the Mughal period, Nadvi’s Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain can be further referred to. 167 residential institute that provided clothes and food to its students.48 A noble of the name Meer Jumla had a madrassa built of his name at Delhi. Madrassa-e-Rahimyah was also set up in this period by Shah Walli Ullah’s father Abdul Rahim. Built in

Delhi, many renowned figures studied at this eminent institute.49 Aurangzeb lavishly spent on Muslim education and had many madrassas and schools established. In his rule, Thatta alone had four hundred schools.50 He handed over the institute of Farangi

Mahall at Lucknow from the Dutch to Mulla Qutb-ud-Din’s sons around 1695 A.D. It was run by one of the sons, Mulla Nizam-ud-Din who began teaching at the instiution and gave form to a madrasa curriculum known as Dars-i-Nizamiyya.51 The Dars-i-

Nizamiyya was part of the standardizing effort and intellectual universality that took shape in Emperor Aurnagzeb’s period.52

Madrassas were centres of higher learning.53 The government’s system of supporting madrassas and schools was very organized, allowing this method of education to carry out its essential role of education provision, easily. The extensive network of the madrassas occurred because of the following factors.

First of all the long years of peace that the Great Mughal era enjoyed, especially in

Akbar’s period, greatly helped their spread. Approximately two hundred years of tranquility, free from external invasion were provided by the Great Mughals. The political stability of India within its different communities allowed this field of education to progress many fold. Secondly their extensive spread across India was due to the constant support provided by the ruling governments. The nobility were

48Bashir-ud-Din Ahmad, Waaqiyat-e-Darul Haqumat Delhi, vol. 2 (Agra: Shamsi Machine Press, 1919), 117. 49Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 25 and Ahmad, Waaqiyat-e-Darul Haqumat Delhi, 585. 50Brelvi, 153. 51Francis Robinson, The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia (London: Hurst and Company, 2001), 44-46. 52Introduction by Jamal Malik, Madrasas in South Asia: Teaching Terror? (London: Routledge, 2008), 5. 53Keay, 108. 168 also a source of financial support to the madrassas and they provided this assistance without any political motives. The noble, like the royals, allowed the madrassas under them to function without interfering into their matters. Thirdly ulema were importantly treated at the royal courts. The Ibadat Khana created by Akbar for religious debates also encouraged them. This state incorporation of ulema allowed them greater access to royal patronage that facilitated the cause of madrassas.54

Another factor was the reforms introduced by Akbar that resulted in more Indians enrolling themselves into madrassas. Hindus too began studying alongside Muslims at these institutes, and began to receive equal royal patronage.55 Furthermore, an increase in administrative functions and written records over the years lead to a standardization of Persian as the official language for all records.56 Therefore, to obtain clerical jobs, citizens had to be proficient in the language. As a result many of them, especially Hindus, took to madrassas to learn and increase their job opportunities.

Although the curriculum varied amongst institutes, most of the subjects taught were the same. The institutes were free to hold whatever syllabus they desired and the students also had their own liberty in selecting their own subjects.57 No subject was forcibly taught to the students, they made their own choices in selecting subjects and they received their education according to their own future aims and ambitions. As a result, there was little waste of time and talent.58

In the beginning years of Muslim rule in India, students would move from one madrassa to another to study different branches of learning. Over the course of five

54Ali Riaz, Faithful Education: Madrassahs in South Asia (New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2008), 62-63. 55Riaz, 63. 56J.L. Mehta, Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India Medieval Indian Society and Culture (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1999), 576. 57Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughal Empire, 215. 58S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India (Delhi: Idarah-I Adabiyat-I Delhi, 1972), 22. 169 centuries, madrassas matured as individual institutes. A single institute began providing a comprehensive curriculum of varying subjects. This allowed students to complete all of their education at a single madrassa. Madrassa-e-Rahimiyyah and

Farangi Mahall Madrassa can be seen as the finest examples of this. Thus the growth of madrassas over the centuries included an incorporation of a curriculum, a widening of taught subjects and an overall completion as an institute.

MOSQUES:

The importance of mosques in Islam was established in its earlier years. The significance that they held in societies was upheld in the Delhi Sultanate and passed on through to the Mughal era as well. As Muslim education constituted of lessons based on religious doctrine, it was but proper that mosques be used to assist this purpose.59 Mosques were permanent, or more permanent than schools or madrassas.

Hence their contribution to the diffusion of education is immense.

To imagine the importance of the mosque in those days one should

remember that mosques were used as political centres, courts of

justice, educational institutions and above all as places of

worship…the foundation of a mosque was essential wherever Islam

was spreading, and in every place, either conquered or founded, a

mosque was built very soon.60

The first task carried out by Muslim conquerors in a land, was to sanctify the land and symbolize their Islamic rule. This was executed by laying the foundations of a grand mosque in the newly occupied territiory. The Sultan would also provide stipends and grants for the qazi, alim and ulema associated with the mosque. 61 It was common for

59Shalaby, 47. 60Ibid., 48. 61Simon Digby. “The Sufi Shaikh of Authority in Medieval India,” In India’s Islamic Traditions 711- 170 an alim to take to teaching in a mosque. It was expected of him to be well versed in

Muslim Jurisprudence in the very least.62 Unlike madrassas, no permission was required to be obtained to teach at a mosque. 63 Small mosques of villages and towns acted as institutes of initial instruction for students while large mosques in the capital were large centres of learning.64 Almost every mosque had an attached elementary school for young Muslim boys and girls.65 Recitation of the Quran in particular was taught to them. After this initial primary education, the pupils would go to madrassas for further studies.

Students received their lessons either within the premises of the mosque or at an attached maktab or primary school.66 The expenses of the mosque and its attached maktab were met by rent from surrounding shops. Teachers would receive state funds.

From Akbar’s period on, Muslim elementary schools that were unattached to mosques were also given grants.67 Emperor Aurangzeb in particular provided grants to mosques, due to his partiality for Muslim education. He had mosques throughout the empire repaired at public expense. Khatibs and imams were appointed for each mosque and a large sum of money was set aside by the state for them.68 Contributions from the public also relieved them of financial worries.69

Large mosques included a system of instructing higher education as well. Mosques at

Delhi, Agra, Lahore, Ahmadabad and Jawnpur had a common pattern of architecture.

1750 A.D., ed. Richard M. Eaton (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004), 235-237. 62Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century (Aligarh: Department of History Muslim University Aligarh, 1961), 151-152. 63Makdisi, “Madrasa and University in the Middle Ages,” 263. 64 Nizam-ud-Din Aulia studied the Masharaq al Anwar at the Mosque of Najm-ud-Din Abi Bakr at Delhi. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizam-u’d-Din Auliya (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007), 207-208. 65Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, 304. 66Keay, 133. 67Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 56. 68Keay, 125. 69Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, 169. 171

On the four sides of the courtyard of these mosques were small rooms built for the lodging of pupils and teachers.70 The Fatehpuri and Akbar Abadi mosques of Delhi are examples of such.

Some of the prominent mosques of this period were as follows: Masjid Dai Lado was constructed in 1631 A.D. by Shah Jahan’s wet nurse. Maulana Asmat Ullah taught transmitted sciences here.71 Masjid Wazir Khan was built in 1634 A.D. by Hakim

Alim-ud-Din Wazir Khan. It was built on land he owned near Lahore’s Delhi gate. He donated a large amount of property present around the mosque for its welfare that included shops, houses and a hammam.72 The mosque was a learning centre as the shops surrounding it were of book binders, sellers, scribes and shops for inks and quills. The mosque had small rooms for the abode of students.73 Thus Masjid Wazir

Khan was a buying centre for every thing connected to learning. Another well known mosque was Masjid Akbar Abadi was built east to the Faiz Bazaar in Delhi in 1650

A.D., on the order of Shah Jahan’s queen Azaz un Nissa. The mosque was marked by a plaque that read “Talbah Ilm Rasand” or “Students gain knowledge here”.74

Regarding it, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan stated in Assar-ul-Sanadeed that it was an attractive mosque that had small rooms or hujray in its surroundings for students to stay in.75 Masjid Fatahpuri was also built in 1650 A.D. at Delhi on the order of

Sahiba Begum, a wife of Shah Jahan’s. Inside the mosque a madrassa was built the expenses of which were met by revenue over property. The expenditure of its teachers and students were met this way.76 Jamia Masjid Agra was built by Jahan Ara Begum,

70Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 56. 71Saliq. “Ulma e Karaam kai Deeni Madrassay,” 393. 72Catherine B. Asher, The New Cambridge History of India: Architecture of Mughal India, vol. 4, part 1(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 225. 73Noor Ahmad Chishti, Tehkiqat-e-Chishti (Lahore: Punjabi Adabi Academy, 1964) 1010-1003. 74Imdad Sabri, Delhi kai Qadeem Madaaras aur Madaris (Delhi: Saabri Academy, 1977), 135. 75Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Assar-ul-Sanadeed (Delhi: Syed ul Akhbaar 1846), 35. 76Syed Ahmad Marharwi, Assar-e-Khair 1323H, (Agra: Matba Azizi Agra, 1945), 51-52. 172

Shah Jahan’s eldest daughter.77 It also had a built in madrassa that exists till this date.

Its finances were meant by rent from shops.78 Subhan Rai Bhatalvi specifically mentioned this mosque as an abode for students.79 Dara Shikoh’s wife Sitara Begum had a mosque Sitara Begum Masjid built. A two storied building, its lower storey and courtyard were set aside for students and teachers. Any visiting saints would also seek abode in these places of the mosque.80 The magnificent Badshahi Masjid of Lahore was built on Aurnagzeb’s orders in 1673-1674 A.D.81 The building of this vast mosque was based on Multan’s entire revenue. The mosque provided a hostel for students who came from far areas. It also provided them with food. The property set aside by the state for the mosque was used to meet the expenses of its teachers and pupils.82 Masjid Mian Wada in Lahore83, Masjid Atala in Jawnpur84 and Masjid Khan

Muhammad Dhaka85 were famous for teaching transmitted sciences. Both state and private grants existed for them.

The above mentioned mosques are those that were especially known for their teaching standards. But the fact of the matter is that along with prayers, teaching classes were held in every other mosque of India. Thus mosques in India were permanent institutes that were great sources of teaching the transmitted sciences to students.

77Parsad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi, 264. 78Marharwi, 50-51. 79Subhan Rai Batalwi, Khalasatul Tawarikh, Translated by Dr. Nazir Hasan Zaidi (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1966), 53. 80Muhammad Abdullah Qureshi. “Masajid Ehd-e-Ghaznavi sai Zamana-e-Haal Tak,” Naqosh Lahore Number, 1962, 563. 81Asher, 257. 82Qureshi. “Masajid Ehd-e-Ghaznavi sai Zamana-e-Haal Tak,” 567. 83Muhammad Deen Fauk. “Maasir-e-Lahore” Naqosh Lahore Number, 1962, 344. 84Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 43. 85Ibid., 57. 173

PRIVATE HOMES OF SCHOLARS:

Before the advent of mosques, houses were the centres of learning. The Prophet

(p.b.u.h.) designated Dar-ul-Arqam as the first centre of learning of Islam. Even after the establishment of mosques, people continued to promote and gain knowledge in their private houses. This phenomenon continued to the Mughal era too.86 Learning institutes in the Mughal period were not defined by the greatness of their building or the magnificence of their construction rather were defined by their teachers. Teachers were the epicentre of institutes if not institutes themselves. Wherever a scholarly teacher existed, students would flock towards him, to learn. These one man schools existed all over India and were free from the inrusions of bureaucracy. They were based on the mere sincerity of the teacher and student, which kept the system running.

It was a system of teaching that catered to the fundamental wish of people to just gain knowledge.

Private homes were basically centres of higher education. After completing his formal education a scholar would start teaching under his own thatched roof.87 Grants were given to these scholars by the state resulting in their pupils studying from them free of charge. The scholar would also provide books to his students. Certain scholars even refused to receive grants from the government and would teach without any financial benefit from it, because they believed teaching to be a sacred and holy deed. For instance Qazi Zafar Abadi returned Humayun’s grants to him.88 The means of subsistence of the students were met at the learning centres they travelled to either by the teachers there or by support from wealthy neighbours.89 An example of this is the

86Shalaby, 30. 87Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, 152. 88Haq, Akhbaar-ul-Akhyaar, 400. 89Manazir Ihsan Gilani Hindustan mein Musalmanoun ka Nizam-e-Taleem-o-Tarbeeyat, vol. 1 (Delhi: Nadwatul Musanafeen, N.D.), 14. 174 scholar Mulla Ala-ud-Din would spend all the revenue of his property on his students.

Similarly Sheikh Moeen was known to distribute books free of charge to his students.90

A student came to be recognized by the scholar that he had studied under. Students would go to the private homes of different teachers to obtain knowledge of various subjects. For example, Sheikh Ahmad Sarhandi studied rational sciences from

Maulana Kamaal-ud-Din Kashmiri of Sialkot and then Hadith from Maulana

Muhammad Yaqoob Kashmiri. He undertook further Hadith studies from Maulana

Abdul Rehman.91 Thus students were always travelling from one scholar’s centre of learning to another’s. The teacher would provide lodging to their students as well sometimes.92 The scholars of Delhi became known for teaching Hadith and Tafsir in particular, Raampur for Logic and Philosophy, Punjab for Grammar and Lucknow for

Fiqh, Usul-e-Fiqh and Kalam.93 Fine arts, vocational training, painting and music were taught only at private homes.94

This method of education had penetrated deep into the roots of the Indian society.

Sometimes the teacher from a town would achieve such fame that students from cities would travel to his premises to learn from him. Majd-ud-Din Abul Ma’ali Muaiyid bin

Muhammad Jajarmi at the time of Sultan Iltutmish was renowned for his teaching. He translated Imam Ghazzali’s book Ihyâ-ul-Ulûm into Persian. He taught transmitted sciences at Lahore for some years. His classes even drew scholars as students. By

1223 A.D. his lessons had gained such fame that imams, saints and traders would

90Badaoni, vol. 3, 217 and 147 respectively. 91Rehman Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, Translated by Muhammad Ayub Qadri (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1961), 88. 92Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 57. 93Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 104. 94Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 57. 175 attend his classes.95 Teaching at private homes wasn’t confined to the scholars of cities, scholars in towns and villages taught in their own homes too.

Barani mentions the names of eminent scholars of Balban’s time who were distinguished in their teaching profession: Maulana Barhan-ud-Din Balkh, Maulana

Barhan-ud-Din Bazaaz, Maulana Najm-ud-Din Damishki, Maulana Siraj-ud-Din

Sanjari, Qazi Jalal-ud-Din Kashani, Sadr-e-Jahan Minhaj-ud-Din Jurjani.96 In Delhi at

Barani’s time lived a large number of learned men, some of whom surpassed, according to him, the most erudite of Bukhara, Samarqand, Baghdad, Cairo,

Damascus, Ispahan or Tabriz. There were men learned in all the departments of knowledge, such as history, jurisprudence, logic, grammar, commentaries on the

Quran (Tafsir), theology etc.97

Barani mentions the following names of learned men pertaining to the Delhi

Sultanate, who were the finest teachers of the age and whose dars he had attended himself: Qazi Fakhr-ud-Din Naqlah, Maulana Nasir-ud-Din Ghani, Maulana Zahir- ud-Din Lang, Maulana Karim-ud-Din Jauhari, Maulana Nasir-ud-Din Sabuli,

Maulana Kamal-ud-Din Koli, Maulana Nasir-ud-Din Karah, Maulana Minhaj-ud-Din

Qabni, Maulana’Ala-ud-Din Tajr, Maulana Fakhr-ud-Din Hansui, Maulana Fakhr-ud-

Din Hansui, Maulana Burhan-ud-Din surkh, Maulana Shahab-ud-Din Multani,

Maulana’Ala-ud-Din Kark, Maulana Hamid-ud-Din Baniani, Maulana Hujat Multani

Qadim, Maulana Salah-ud-Din Satrki, Ujiah-ud-Din Razi, Maulana Miran Mariklah,

Maulana Shams-ud-Din Tum, Maulana ’Ala-ud-Din Lahauri, Qazi Shams-ud-Din

Gazruni, Qazi Mughis-ud-Din Bianah, Maulana Muz-ud-Din Andihni, Maulana

Hasam-ud-Din ibn Shadi, Maulana Husam-ud-Din Surkh, Maulana Fakhr-ud-Din

Shaqaqil, Qazi Zin-ud-Din Naqlah, Maulana Sadr-ud-Din Tawi, Maulana Najib-ud-

95Siddiqui, 168-169. 96Barani, 192-193. 97 Ibid. 176

Din Sawi, Maulana Sadr-ud-Din Gandhak, Maulana Muin-ud-Din Luni, Qazi Iftikhar- ud-Din Razi, Maulana ’Ala-ud-Din Sadr-ul-Shariah, Maulana Najm-ud-Din Intishar.98

Badaoni provides a long list of ulema of Emperor Akbar’s period. Most of them taught in their private homes. Some of them are described briefly below:

Sheikh Mubarak Nagori (d. 1593 A.D.) was a renowned scholar of his time who spent fifty years in Agra teaching and instructing. Khatib Abul Fadl Gazoni and

Maulana Amar Tariq were his initial teachers.99 Abdul Qadir Badaoni has stated that

Sheikh Mubarak was always busy in dispensing religious knowledge. Unlike many other Indian scholars, the sheikh was also well versed in poetry as well as other arts.

He especially had command over the subject of Mysticism. He knew the Manqatabi off by heart. He was also a hafiz practiced in seven different qirats of the Quran.100

Abdul Qadir Badaoni himself learned from Sheikh Mubarak.101 The Sheikh also wrote a tafsir of the Holy Quran that comprised of four volumes of books.102

Mian Hathim Sanbhali (d. 1560-1561 A.D.) was the student of Mian Aziz Ullah

Qalambani and was well versed in both rational and religious sciences. Kalaam, Usul- e-Fiqh and Arabic language were his specialties. Mulah Alla-ud-Din Lari worte a commentary on the Sharah Aqaid Nafsi and placed it with great authority in front of

Mian Hathim. After studying it, Mian Hathim made such minute observations about it that Mulah Ala-ud-Din was left speechless.103 Mian Hathim continued the art of teaching till the age of seventy.104

Mian Jamaal Khan Mufti Delhi (d. 1576 A.D.) obtained his education from his father Sheikh Nasir-ud-Din and brother Mian Laden, and became famous as a scholar

98Barani, 514. 99Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 402. 100Badaoni, vol. 3, 118-119. 101Ibid., 119. 102Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 402. 103Badaoni, vol. 3, 109-110. 104Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 156. 177 of his time. In rational and religious sciences especially Arabic literature, Kalaam,

Tafseer he was quite knowledgeable. Azdi was a book that he had taught forty times from its beginning till end. Mian Jamaal would always busy himself in seeking knowledge. His students proved to be good scholars and philosophers themselves.105

His books included the Sharh Azdi, Sharh Muftah, Sharh Anwar-e-Faqihah.106

Sheikh Ahmad Fayaz Anbaiti Wal was a learned scholar, Mufti and pious man. He would often teach curriculum related books and would correct the mistakes made by his pupils by mere memory.107 Once when Badaoni went to meet him he was teaching

Sharah Waqiya to his students. Sheikh Ahmad Fayaz well read in Hadith, Tafsir, Sair and History.108

Qazi Jalal-ud-Din Multani (d. 1576-1577) He was a trader at first but later on delved into the art of teaching. He taught in Agra for a few years. After the termination of

Qazi Yaqub, Emperor Akbar designated Qazi Jalal Multani with the post of being the official Qazi.109

Sheikh Buhlol Dehlvi was particularly well informed in Hadith and always busied himself in teaching students and becoming more learned by the day.110

Sheikh Abul Fath Thanisiri possessed his sanad of Hadith from Maulana Sayid Rafi- ud-Din Muhadis and was known to teach in Agra at a neighbourhood for fifty years.

Many erudite scholars rose from the Sheikh’s circle of teaching. Badaoni himself was the Sheikh’s pupil.111

105Badaoni, vol. 3, 123-124. 106Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 153-154. 107Muhammad Bakhtawar Khan, Mirat-ul-Alam: History of Aurangzeb, vol. 2, ed. Sajida Alvi (Lahore: Idara Tehqeekat-e-Pakistan Danishgah Punjab, 1979), 435. 108Badaoni, vol. 3, 131-132. 109Ibid., 124. 110Badaoni, vol. 3, 167. 111Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 81. 178

Maulana Mirza Samr Qandi was a resident of Agra and Abdul Qadir Badaoni had the opportunity to be his student. Badaoni states, “I read a portion of Sharh Shamsia and the entire Mukhtasarat from Maulana Mirza.” But Maulana Mirza couldn’t continue teaching in Agra for long and shifted to Delhi.112

Qazi Abul Maali, who reached Agra in 1561 A.D., also taught Abdul Qadir Badaoni who studied a few topics of Sharah Wakiya from him. Badaoni found him plentifully knowledgeable in Fiqh.113

Mullah Ala-ud-Din’s father Sheikh Mansoor Lahori was a scholar and the Mullah himself was no less than an extremely learned teacher. Mullah Ala-ud-Din stayed in the company of Abdur Rahim Khan Kanan. He abstained from a royal appointment as he disliked it. He busied himself always in learning and teaching and would spend whatever he would obtain from sponsors, on his students. 114

Sheikh Ishaq Kako Lahori (d. 1588 A.D.) was a pious teacher. Even though he was a sufi saint he was learned in all subjects and was always hard at teaching and gaining knowledge. He was the teacher of well known scholars like Sheikh Saadullah and

Sheikh Munawar.115

Sheikh Munawar Lahori (d: 1602 A.D. ) was Sheikh Saadullah Bani Israel’s nephew. He was a pupil of his uncle, a Hafiz, and an expert seven various pronunciations of the Quran. He completed his studies within 20 years and started teaching in Lahore.116 He was an expert of tafseer and would often incorporate this in his Quranic lectures, leading to the popularity of his lectures throughout India. Akbar offered Sheikh Munawar with a job but he declined. Along with lecturing, he would also indulge in writing books. In the field of Hadis, he wrote a sharh. Sharh-e-Badiul

112Badaoni, vol. 3, 209. 113Ibid., 210. 114Ali, Tazkira Ulma-e-Hind, 339. 115Badaoni, vol. 3, 85-87. 116Khan, Mirat-ul-Alam: History of Aurangzeb, vol. 2, 436. 179

Bayaan and Sharh-e-Irshaad Qazi were also authored by him. With the help of Mulla

Ahmad Thatwi and Qasim Baig he wrote an easy Persian translation of Mujma-ul-

Baldaan on the order of Akbar.117

Sheikh Abdul Haq Muhaddus Dehlvi (1551-1642 A.D.) was an alim of his time. He stayed at Makkah by his teacher Abdul Wahhab al-Mutaki. He became well versed in the knowledge of Hadith at Makkah. On returning he arrived in Agra and began teaching the traditional sayings of the Prophet (PBUH).118 He wrote upto a hundred books the most significant being the Sharh Mishkat Lamaat. He also wrote a Perian translation of Sharh Mishkat.119

Sheikh Abdul Hakim Sialkoti (d. 1656) taught dars in Sialkot. He was an esteemed scholar who brought prominence to Sialkot as a seat of learning. Students from all over India would flock to attend his lectures. His son Maulvi Abdullah continued his sessions of lessons.120 Sialkot’s glosses and commentaries on rational sciences attained great fame such as the glosses of Baizawi, Mautul and Khayali. 121

Sheikh Moeen Al Mutufi (d. 1587) was appointed a Qazi at Lahore during the period of Akbar, but it was his writings and learnedness that earned him repute. He would teach whenever he would get the time.122

Mulla Qutb-ud-Din Sahali (d.1691-1692) studied from his father who was a madrassa teacher, as well as from Maulana Abdus Salam Deyowi. He came from a family of teachers. Mulla Qutb-ud-Din would teach during the day and spend time worshiping at night. He was unique in the sense that he assigned just one book for

117Iqbal Ahmad Farooqi, Tazkira-e-Ulma Ihle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (Lahore: Maktaba-e-Naboiya, 1975), 99. 118Khan, Mirat-ul-Alam: History of Aurangzeb, vol. 2, 442-443. 119Mir Ghulam Ali Azad Balgarami, Maasir-ul-Ikram, translated by Shah Muhammad Khalid (Karachi: Dairatul Musanafeen, 1983), 278-279. 120Subhan Rai Batalwi, Khalasatul Tawarikh, Translated by Dr. Nazir Hasan Zaidi (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1966), 115. 121Khan, Mirat-ul-Alam: History of Aurangzeb, vol. 2, 447. 122Salik, 615. 180 each subject for his pupil to master. According to Maulana Shibli Nomani he was the real founder of the Dars-e-Nizamiyyah. Unfortunately he was martyred in a village fight. 123

Mulla Mehmood Jawnpuri (d. 1652) was the intellectual power that converted

Jawnpur to Shiraz. At the age of seventeen, Mulla Mehmood completed his education from Maulana Afzal Jawnpuri. He busied himself with teaching and instructing students at Jawnpur till his death.124

Mulla Asmatullah Saharanpuri (d. 1629) was a renowned scholar of the subcontinent. Despite being blind, he taught students his entire life. Hashia Mulla

Jami was an extraordinary work by him.125

Thus private homes were an integral part of the educational setup of India and existed alongside madrassas. The long lists of scholars provided show that it was an important means of education both for the learned teachers and their pupils. It was based on the pure desire of scholars to teach and the thirst of students to learn. And no magnificent buildings or wide spread campuses were required in this method of education.

KHANQAHS OR MYSTIC CENTRES:

The term khanqah technically refers to a house where a mystic prays and lives in accordance with the traditions of his order. It may be a compound of the words khanah or house and qah or prayer. Khanqahs were a key element of sufism in India, and their wide spread establishment provided a community spirit for mystics and incorporated a spiritual and moral well being amongst people of India. 126

123Shibli Nomani, Maqalat-e-Shibli, vol. 2, ed. Syed Sulaiman Nadvi (Azamghar: Darul Musanafeen, 1951), 105-107. 124Balgarami, 280-281. 125Ibid., 286. 126Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, 80. 181

Khanqahs were one form of living amongst the mystics. They were large sufi hostels that had a separate abode for visitors and residents. The other two forms of living were jamaat khanas or large halls and zawiyas or smaller houses of seclusion. Life at khanqahs circled around the sheikh and the routine of worship and spiritual meditation he had set. But their life was not completely secluded from the outside world. Along with their mystic activities, the inhabitants of khanqahs intermingled with the population around them as well as welcomed guests and travelling visitors.

Thus as institutes they not only influenced the inhabitants within them, but also the population around them.127 The khanqah’s central figure, the mystic sheikh, necessarily had appropriate academic training. Before indulging in spiritual preaching, he studied Hadith as well as the Quran and its Tafsir under an alim. If the sheikh lacked adequate knowledge about Islamic law, it wouldn’t be possible for him to guide his disciples effectively.128

The khanqahs earned means either by land grants or through futuh that is, unasked for charities. In extreme conditions zanbil or begging could be resorted to. Earning one’s livelihood was allowed in certain orders but most of them discouraged it. 129

Spiritual orders or silsilahs were an integral part of the sufi system. They served as a source of identity, genealogical authority and brotherhood for succeeding generations of sufis.130 With the advent of the Delhi Sultanate, in the early thirteenth century, two orders were introduced into India, the Chishtiyya and Suhrawardiyya.131 Both of them originated outside India, but they spread throughout India, building khanqahs

127Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 35-36. 128Sajida Sultana Alvi, Perspectives on Mughal India: Rulers, Historians, Ulama and Sufis (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2012), 122-123. 129Riazul Islam, Sufism in South Asia: Impact on Fourteenth Century Muslim Society (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002), 97-99. 130Tanvir Anjum, Chishti Sufis in the Sultanate of Delhi 1190-1400: From Restrained Indifference to Calculated Defiance (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011), 57-58. 131Islam, 96-97. 182 throughout the land, with the number in Delhi itself reaching two thousand.132 The sheikhs of these orders would select successors or khalifas and send them to different regions to set up their own khanqahs.133 The Shattariyya, Naqshbandiyya and

Qadiriyya were later appearing orders that rose around the fifteenth century.134 A brief insight into the orders is as follows:

The Chishtiyya order was introduced in India by Khawaja Muin-ud-din Chishti (d.

1236).135 Shortly after his settlement in Ajmer in the last decade of the twelfth century, the Delhi Sultanate was established in Northern India. In the next three decades the Chistiyya order strengthened its foundations, without any interference from the Delhi Sultans. The Chistiyya sheikhs distanced themselves from the Rulers, though the relationship between them was of mutual respect.136 The khalifas and senior disciples were sternly forbidden from accepting any state sponsored post, though junior disciples were exempted from this rule and many served in official jobs.137

The most eminent member of the Chishtiyya order was Nizam-ud-Din Aulia. He held his residence in Delhi, and exercised considerable influence over the people of the

Sultanate. Even the Delhi Sultans held him in respect. The two outstanding Persian poets of the period, Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan as well as the renowned historian

Zia-ud-Din Barani were disciples of Nizam-ud-Din Aulia.138 Similarly the highly educated Amir Khord was also influenced immensely by the great saint and his Jamat

132Umri, Masalik-ul-Absar, 13. 133Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 36. 134Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 1, (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 2004), 1 and Ibid., vol. 2, 174. 135Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 37. 136Anjum, 92. 137Ibid., 360. 138Richard M. Eaton, “Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States,” in Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia, Ed. David Gilmartin and Bruce B. Lawrence (Florida: University Press of Florida, 2000), 252. 183

Khana139. The written works of all four learned men, which were greatly read, brought the ruling elite as well as the common Indian folk close to the Chishtiyya order.140 Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq, in the fourteenth century, was tremendously generous to the Chishtiyya mystics, but differences arose due to hostility on the part of some mystics towards government policies.141 His advice to them to stay devoted to missionary work and subsequent order to them to migrate from Delhi to other provinces diffused the centralized activity of the Chishtis and brought an end to their peak phase.142 The Chishtiyya rose in popularity again in Akbar’s period due to the

Emperor’s personal devotion to the order.143 Akbar built his new capital of Fatehpur

Sikri at the khanqah of the sufi saint Salim Chishti, by whose prayers and prediction prince Salim was born. Akbar also built the tomb of his father, the late Mughal King

Humayun, near Nizam-ud-Din Aulia’s shrine.144 The royal Mughals continued to show interest in the order, as is evident by the biography written by Jahan Ara Begum on Khawaja Muin-ud-din Chishti and the contributions to Chishtiyya tombs by

Emperor Aurangzeb.145 146

Prominent Chistiyya khanqahs included the founding khanqah of Muin-ud-Din

Chishti in Ajmer. On his order, his khalifa Bakhtiyar Kaki Ushi established a khanqah in Delhi after 1221 A.D. Their khanqah system established further under Sheikh

Farid-ud-Din Masud’s jamaat khana in Ajodhan and Sheikh Nizam-ud-Din Aulia’s in

Delhi. These renowned Chistiyya leaders established a personal contact with the

139Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 1, 190. 140Eaton, “Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States,” 252. 141Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 1, 225. 142Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 37-38. 143Annemarie Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, translated by Corinne Attwood (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005), 131. 144Eaton, “Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States,” 253. 145Ibid, 254. 146Aurangzeb renovated Chishtiyya tombs in Ajmer, Delhi and Khuldabad. Eaton, “Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States,” 254. 184 masses through their khanqahs.147 148 A Chishtiyya khanqah consisted of a large hall with all the disciples living together. They slept, ate, studied and prayed together without any discrimination.149 They lived a communal life based on simplicity, equality and no favoritism, not even on the bases of seniority and piety, was allowed150 151 The Chishtiyya devotees refrained from earning their own livelihood, so the expenses of a Chishtiyya khanqah were met either by futuh or unasked for charity and zanbil or begging. Begging was only resorted to in extreme conditions.152 The saints declined gifts from the ruling Sultans or nobles for fear of losing their independence or their essential connection with God.153

The Suhrawardiyya order was established in India by Baha-ud-din Zakariyya and

Jalal-ud-Din Tabrizi.154 The continuous Mongol invasions in the region of Multan, lead local rulers and officials to continuously turn to Baha-ud-din Zakariyya for prayers and blessings. As a result, for half a century he remained one of the most popular sufi saints of the region. The Suhrawardiyya order differed from the

Chishtiyya by maintaining closer relations with the Delhi Sultans and in being more open towards receiving state patronage and gifts from merchants.155 They were known to build remarkable, spacious khanqahs but they were not open to the general population or random visitors.156 The khanqah of Sheikh Bah-ud-din Zakariyya was a model Suhrawardiyya khanqah that was well furnished and had abundant food that

147Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, 181-205. 148Sheikh Farid-ud-Din earned repute by the title of Baba Farid Ganj Shakr. Since the sixteenth century Ajodhan became known as Pakpattan, the holy ferry, in homage of the saint. His fame amongst the populace brought great eminence to the Chishtiyya silsilah as did Nizam-ud-Din Aulia’s. 149Islam, 99-100. 150Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, 181-205. 151Anjum, 104. 152Islam, 99-100. 153Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 1, 223. 154Ibid, 190. 155Ibid., 216. 156Islam, 97. 185 was shared with very select people.157 Prominent Suhrawardiyya khanqahs included the khanqah of Syedi Maula and the khanqah of Sheikh Shihab al-Din.158

The most influential order of India was the Naqshbandiyya that received patronage from the Great Mughal Babur. Ties between Babur’s family and the Naqshbandiyya order had existed for many years.159 The order was established in Akbar’s reign by

Muhammad Baqi bi-ullah (d. 1603). Compared to the other orders, it followed sharia more devotedly.160 The Naqshbandiyya mission to bring the doctrines of Islam back into the lives of Indian Muslims reached its peak by Sheikh Ahmad Sirhandi’s effort,

Baqi bi-ullah’s most eminent disciple.161 He opposed Akbar’s imperial heresy by penning the Isbat al-Nubuwah (Proofs of Prophecy) and many letters.162 Sufis of this order were encouraged by both Emperor Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb.163 Shah

Walliullah’s father was a saint of the Naqshbandiyya order and was well liked by

Emperor Aurangzeb due to his contribution in compiling the Fatawa Alamgiri.164

The Naqshbandiyya order slowly diffused to the roots of the Indian society and attracted the devotion of merchants, lesser nobles and poets.165

The Qadiriyya order was the most widespread in the later years of Muslim rule in

India. It was established under the Mughal rule by Shah Nimat-Allah and Makdum

157Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 1, 216. 158Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, 85-88. 159Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, 130. 160Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 40-41. 161Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1970), 182. This phenomenon was termed as the Naqshbandiyya reaction by Aziz Ahamd. Ibid. See David W. Damrel, “‘The Naqshbandi Reaction’ Reconsidered,” in Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia, Ed. David Gilmartin and Bruce B. Lawrence (Florida: University Press of Florida, 2000), 194 who argues that Sirhandi’s Naqshbandiyya reaction could also be taken as a reshaped and restated Chishtiyya reformation. 162Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 2, 198. 163John F. Richards, “The Mughal Empire,” in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 18. 164Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 59. 165Marcia K. Hermansen, “Contemplating Sacred History in Late Mughal Sufism: The Case of Shah Wali Allah of Delhi,” in The Heritage of Sufism: Late Classical Persianate Sufism (1501-1750) The Safavid and Mughal Period vol. 3, eds. Leonard Lewisohn and David Morgan (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1999), 324. 186

Muhammad Jilani.166 Aurangzeb’s brother Dara Shikoh was devoted to the Qadriyya order and under their influence wrote the mystic biographies Safinatul Aulia and

Sakinatul Aulia.167 Safinatul Aulia described the sufi way of living from the early years of Islam to the author’s own age while Sakinatul Aulia was a biographical text on two Indian Qadriyya saints Mulla Shah, Mian Mir and their disciples.168 Dara identified himself as a ‘Qadri’ in the introduction of these works.169 Another similar work was Hasnaat-ul-Arifin, a collection by Dara of the sayings of sufi saints. In ‘The

Mixing of the Two Oceans’ or Majmaul Bahrain he drew connections between

Hinduism and Islam.170 It was Dara’s intensive sufi studies and associations with various sufis that altered his beliefs and philosophy about God.171 Members of the

Qadriyya order made significant contribution to Persian prose and Sufi poetry, especially Punjabi verse. Many sufi saints of this order attained recognition due to their poetic verse. Dara Shikoh himself wrote a Persian diwan with a verse style characteristic of the Qadiriyya order.172 Literature in local languages became highly developed with the works of these sufis.173

The Shattariyya order made its way into India in the fifteenth century. It was established by Shah Abdullah (d. 1485) of Central Asia who initially belonged to the

Ishqiyya order. On migrating to India he changed the order’s name to Shattariyya. He lived under the direct patronage of Sultan Mahmud Shah Khalaji and wrote a treatise

166Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India, 42. 167Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 54. 168Bikrama Jit Hasrat, Dara Shikuh: Life and Works (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1982), 48 and 65. 169Intoduction by M. Mahfuz-ul-Haq in Prince Muhammad Dara Shikuh, Majma-ul-Bahrain or the Mingling of the Two Oceans, translated by and ed. M. Mahfuz-ul-Haq (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1929), 6. 170Hasrat, 105 and 216-217. 171Mahfuz-ul-Haq, 5. 172Christopher Shackle, “Persian Poetry and Qadiri Sufism in Later Mughal India: Ghanimat Kunjahi and his Mathnawi-yi Nayrangi-I ishq,” in The Heritage of Sufism: Late Classical Persianate Sufism (1501-1750) The Safavid and Mughal Period, vol. 3, eds. Leonard Lewisohn and David Morgan (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1999), 439-441. 173Annemarie Schimmel, “Religion,” in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 77. 187

Lataif-i-Ghaibiyya outlining the principles of the silsilah.174 Sheikh Muhammad

Ghaus of Gwalior (d. 1563) was his prominent khalifa who maintained warm relations with the Mughal Kings Babur and Humaun. His own writings as well as the work of his disciples made a significant contribution to India’s suifism. Many renowned disciples brought fame to the silsilah and it became well established by the sixteenth century. 175 Sheikh Wajihuddin Ahmad Gujrati (d. 1589) was Muhammad Ghaus’s khalifa. He converted his madrassa to a khanqah and had an interest in writing and teaching. He wrote commentaries on many transmitted sciences. 176 The number of his students reached up to four lakh.177 Thus the Shattariyya order made numerous contributions to writing and learning.

We learn from the above brief insights that the teachings of mystic sheikhs were influential enough to attract the royal rulers of the time. Other than royals, many learned men took to visiting the sheikhs residing in khanqahs. They would then write books about spiritualism and mysticism. Mystic literature was also present in other, more direct forms: the mulfuzat or discourses of the sheikh, the maktubat or letters of the sheikh and hagiographical writings.178 Anis al-Arwah was the mulfuzat collection of Sheikh Usman Harwani by Sheikh Muin-ud-Din. Sheikh Bakhtiyar Kaki collected the mulfuzat of Sheikh Muin-ud-Din as the Dalil al-Arifin and also compiled the sayings of the predecessors of his order in Hasht Bahisht. Surur al-Sudur, the discourses of Sheikh Hamid-ud-Din was compiled by Sheikh Farid-ud-Din.179 180

Code of conduct manuals of the disciples were also there the most renowned of which

174Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 2, (Lahore: Suhail Academy, 2004), 151-153. 175Ibid., 156-159. 176Ibid., 166. 177Muhammad Aslam, “Malfuzat Sheikh Wajihuddin Gujrati ki Tareekhi Ilmi aur Samaajhi Ahmiyat,” Oriental College Magazine, (February, 1980), 16. 178Alvi, Perspectives on Mughal India: Rulers, Historians, Ulama and Sufis, 14. 179Anjum, 108-109. 180The authenticity of these mulfuzat is disputed, though the Surur al-Sudur has been deemed authentic by many historians. See Anjum, 109. 188 being the Kashf al-Mahjub.181 Along with discourses, Persian diwans are also attributed to Muin-ud-Din Chishti and Baktiyar Kaki, though their authenticity is disputed.182 The general population took to reading these mystic texts. The Ihya al-

Ulum and its translation Awarif-ul-Maarif, the Sharh-i-Taarruf, Hazrat Ali Hujwîrî’s

Kashf al-Mahjub, Maulana Hamid Qalandar Shair’s book on Khawaja Nasir ud Din

Chargh Dehlvi the Khair ul Majalis, Qazi Hamid al-Din Nagauir’s Lawaih Lawami and Amir Hasan’s Fawâid-ul-Fuâd pertaining to Nizam-ud-din Aulia were some of the mystical and tasawuf books that were read by the public and were in popular demand.183 The Suhrawardiyya manual Awarif-ul-Maarif was a text used by all sufis.184

Other than producing mystic literature, there is no overstatement in saying that khanqahs were the birthplace of Urdu.185 In comparison to the ruling elite, who were walled away from the common folk by their Persian tongue, Sufis were fluent in local dialects. They realized that Persian was a court language, unfamiliar to the majority of

Indians, so they took to preaching in Hindavi language. Their abstract teachings attracted both illiterate Hindus and Muslims alike. The indiscriminate environment of khanqahs coupled with the Hindavi preaching of sufi mystics brought these two communities, of multi cultural and multi lingual backgrounds together at khanqahs. A better understanding of each other’s languages led to the emergence of a common medium of communication, Urdu. 186

A khanqah was a place where a prince as well as a pauper would be welcomed equally. Compared to the discrimination existing in the Indian society khanqahs

181Alvi, Perspectives on Mughal India: Rulers, Historians, Ulama and Sufis, 14. 182Anjum, 109. 183Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, 95-96. 184Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India: Early Sufism and its History in India to A.D. 1600, vol. 1, 216. 185Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, 92. 186Anjum, 106-107. 189 promoted a class less environment and opened their doors to all, irrespective of religion and status. And in contrast to the splendor and extravagance of the royals and nobles, they practiced simplicity. They particularly attracted the Hindus belonging to the lower caste. When closely examined, it is discovered that khanqahs were built at the outskirts of cities that discriminated the most against lower caste Hindus. Socially depressed, they would take to khanqahs were they were warmly received. They intermingled with Muslims, ate and slept with them and listened to the teachings of the sheikh there. Thus the lifestyle and teachings at khanqahs introduced Hindus to

Islam and the Muslim social life. Against the complicated cultural setting of India, the extensive khanqah network helped ease relations between the various communities.187

Coming to the teaching aspect of khanqahs, these sufi abodes were educational institutions in themselves. The jamaat khana of Sheikh Farid-ud-Din was known to be an abode for students.188 The saint’s scholarly discussions attracted many learned visitors to his institute.189 As far as the disciples were concerned, according to Kashf- ul-Majoob gaining knowledge was necessary for them. The disciples had academic sessions in the morning and performed their spiritual activities in the late afternoon.190

Special attention was given to the education and training of the principal successor of the saint or khalifa. The seeds of love, knowledge and wisdom were sown into him.191

We learn that Nizam-ud-Din Aulia, on becoming the disciple of Sheikh Farid-ud-Din

Masud, asked him if he should discontinue his education for the sake of his mystic

187Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, 111 and Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, 82. 188Ameer Khord, Siyar-ul-Aulia, translated by Ijaz-ul-Haq Qudsi (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1980), 215. 189Ibid., 162-163. 190Said Amir Arjomand. “The Law, Agency, and Policy in Medieval Islamic Society: Development of the Institutions of Learning from the Tenth to the Fifteenth Century,” Journal Comparative Studies in Society and History, 41, No. 2, (Apr 1999): 288. 191Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Tarikh-e-Mashaikh-e-Chast (Islamabad: Darul Muallafeen, N.D.), 273-275. 190 meditations, but Sheikh Farid-ud-Din directed him to continue studying.192 Nizam-ud-

Din Aulia then studied ten paray of the Quran with pronunciation under him along with five chapters of the Awarif and the text Tamheed-e-Abu Shakur Salmi.193 At his khanqah Nizam-ud-Din Aulia had gathered a personal library of books.194 He also held intellectual discussions at the jamaat khana of his khanqah. The erudite Fakhr- ud-Din Zaradi chose to enter Aulia’s teaching circle after he heard his remarkable interpretation of the Hidaya.195 As his own khalifa Nizam-ud-Din Aulia selected Akhi

Siraaj but didn’t give him his khilafat-nama till he had completed his education.196

The khalifas of Nizam-ud-Din Aulia such as Khawaja Nasir-ud-Din Charagh Dehelvi and his successors were well known for their education and high learning.197 This indicated the importance placed on learning for a mystic. Along with curricular books, the khalifa was taught books on mysticism like Awarif, Kashful Majoob and Masnavi

Maulana Rum.198

Sufis, to conclude, were the moral mentors and cultural bridges of Indian society.

They received profound loyalty amongst the masses and had great public appeal, making them figures of influence. Their dwellings, khanqahs, were extensively spread institutes that were deeply rooted in the Indian culture. The network of khanqahs of the Chishtiyya, Suhrawardiyya, Naqshbandiyya, Qadriyya and other orders offered great psychological comfort to the people arriving at their doors. Along with the devotion and love that they preached, they were centres of religious learning both for the common men that visited them, as well as for the disciples that lived in them. In

192 Sijzî, Fawâid-ul-Fuâd, 104. 193Ibid. 106 194Khord, 450-451. 195Ibid., 416-417. 196Ibid., 450-451. 197Syed Sabahuddin Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Sufia (Azam Garh: Daarul Musanafeen Shibli Academy, 2011), 351. 198Nizami, Tarikh-e-Mashaikh-e-Chast, 277. 191 medieval Indian history few scholars can be found who didn’t connect themselves with a khanqah after their madrassa education.

LIBRARIES AND THE AVAILABILITY OF BOOKS

Libraries could be categorised into three distinguishable types:

1. Libraries of Royals and Nobles

2. Libraries attached to Madrassas and

3. Private Libraries of scholars.

Each category will be considered respectively and the discussion will chronologically move from the Delhi Sultanate to the Great Mughals. Towards the end, the art of book illustration and scribing will also be discussed.

The Prophet (p.b.u.h.)’s tradition goes, “The first blessing that accrues to a person that is occupied with the transmission of traditions consists in the fact that he has the opportunity to lend books to others.” 199 In the light of this tradition and similar others, books were always regarded by Arabs with the utmost admiration and respect.

It was a result of this appreciation that their collections began to appear in the early

Islamic period. These book collections or Islamic libraries,

...were educational institutions besides performing the function of

modern libraries. Moreover the first Islamic academy (Bait al-Hikmah)

was founded in conjunction with a collection of books, so that historians

did not agree whether to consider it a library or a school. This

establishment became a model for later ones initiated both by the state

and individuals.200

199Shalaby, 83. 200Ibid., 73. 192

Following the Bait al-Hikmah of Baghdad many libraries began to emerge in the

Islamic world, prominent of which included the Khizanat al-Hikma set up by Ali bin

Yahya al-Munajjim (d. 888 A.D.) and the rich library of Jafar bin Muhammad al-

Mausili (d. 935 A.D.).201 The phenomenon of establishing libraries spread throughout the Muslim world. For instance, when the city of Baghdad was destroyed by the

Mongols, there were up to 36 libraries in the city. Baghdad’s main library was soon copied as a model in the principal cities of Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Iran and Central

Asia.202

Coming to Muslim India, it is interesting to note that despite the highly intellectual atmosphere that persisted there, the region remained devoid of public libraries. Unlike the other centres of education of the Muslim world, India unfortunately did not privilege its students with access to public libraries. Instances of grand libraries being built by the great Mughals were found but they were off bounds to the public. These regal libraries signified the devotion to books the rulers had, but their collections were more of a personal nature. That being said, the tradition of book collection, book sharing and the passion of reading remained alive amongst the students and scholars of Muslim India by various other ways which shall be discussed below.

LIBRARIES OF THE DELHI SULTANS:

The Delhi Sultans and educated Muslims under them helped develop a ‘library culture’ in India. Libraries were maintained by the ruling elite as well as scholars.203

Historical accounts show that Sultan Iltutmish procured two significant books Adab

201Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West, 25. 202K. K. Aziz, The Meaning of Islamic Art Explorations in Religious Symbolism and Social Relevance, vol. 1, (Lahore: Al-Faisal, 2004), 79. 203Siddiqui, 154. 193 us Salatin and Maasir us Salatin from Baghdad for his sons.204 In Jalal-ud-Din

Khalaji’s period we learn that a royal library existed with Amir Khusrau being bestowed the duty of the head of the Imperial Library or Muashaf Dari.205 Amir

Khusrau himself possessed a large library, evidence of which can be found from his

Ijaz-i-Khusravi.206 Sultan Muhammad Tughluq too was fond of collecting books. This fondness was expressed quite evidently when the Sultan bought a magnificently illuminated version of Avicenna’s Shifa, presented before him, for more than two lakh maskaal.207 Sultan Firoz Shah Tughluq after the expedition of Nagarkot, discovered a wonderful library of Sanskrit books amounting to one thousand three hundred in the

Jawalamukhi Temple. He added them to his imperial library and had many of them translated into Persian such as Dulayil Firoz Shahi, a Persian translation of a Sanskrit book of philosophy and astrology, translated by Eiz-ud-Din Khalid Sany.208

The Delhi Sultans encouraged the import of books from foreign regions, in particular from Islamic centres such as Baghdad, Bukhara and Samarqand.209 Muhammad bin

Tughluq is recorded to have encouraged foreigners to supply books on science and philosophy.210 These facts put together indicate that book collection was modish amongst Delhi Sultans. The old books left by scholars and nobles inspired coming generations in the Mughal period to exercise this habit even more passionately.211

204Barani, 237. 205Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, History of the Rise of the Mohomedan Power in India, vol. 1, translated by John Briggs (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1977), 147. 206Siddiqui, 157. 207Syed Abdul Hayee Brelvi, Nuzat ul Khawatir, vol. 2, translated by Abu Yahya Imam Khan (Lahore: Makbool Academy, 1965), 180. 208Ferishta, vol. 1, 203. 209Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, 7. 210Siddiqui, 158. 211Ibid., 160. 194

LIBRARIES OF THE ROYAL MUGHALS AND THE

NOBILITY:

The Royal Library of the Mughals was a large institution, maintained by a well functioning staff. It was linked to a department of calligraphy that cooperated with a department of miniature painting, as well as to a department of translation. A librarian, appointed on account of his scholarship, headed the institute. A large workforce of gilders, book binders and cutters were also associated with the

Library.212

Collecting books and presenting them to others was a characteristic of Turko-

Mongols that the Great Mughal Emperor Babur possessed. After his victory at Panipat in 1526 A.D. he found books in the castle of Ibrahim Lodhi whom he had defeated.

Babur presented them to his sons Kamran and Humayun213. On the conquest of

Lahore, Babur’s greatest joy was taking over the splendid library of Ghazi Khan, a renowned book collector. Babur took much effort to preserve his library.214 He kept some books for himself and Humayun while he sent the rest to his son Kamran in

Kabul. Babur though remarked in his memoirs that Ghazi Khan’s books weren’t as valuable as expected215. This suggests that the emperor had an elite taste in books.

The superintendent or Kitab-dar of Babur’s library was Khawaja Muhammad Ali.216

Humayun, like his father, never parted from books to the extent that he would keep them even while going for war.217 During the expedition of Kabul, when it was

212Mubarak Ali, The Court of the Great Mughuls Based on Persian Sources, (Lahore: Book Traders, 1986), 92. 213Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History Art and Culture, 263. 214Ferishta, vol. 2, 289. 215Zahiru-d-din Muhammad Babur Padshah Ghazi, Memoirs of Babur, vol. 2, translated by Annette Susannan Beveridge (London: Luzak and Company, 1922), 460. 216Ibid., 785. 217During a siege in Gujrat, Humayun’s encampment was looted and the stolen items included Tarikh- e-Taimur a rare gem painted by Bahzaad. Later the book was discovered. Abu-l-Fazl, The 195 recaptured in 1552 A. D., two camels of Humayun laden with books were lost. The camels later returned to the battle field. Most of the books consisted of Persian diwans218. When Humayun returned to Delhi as King he established his personal library at Fort Sher Shahi, in the three storeyed building named Sher Mandal. He would often sit here and engage in knowledgeable discussions.219 His librarian was

Mulla Surkh.220 Jahangir’s memoirs though mention Nizam as Humayun’s librarian.221

Humayun despite his unsettled life had collected an admirable library to which Akbar added many books, as King. The amount of books in Akbar’s library was always on the rise, due to the regular additions made to it. He had four thousand and six hundred precious manuscripts, all corrected, of Faizi’s transferred to the royal library, on the poet’s death.222 The King would also add many books obtained from conquests to the collection, such as on the conquest of Gujrat, Itimad Khan Gujrati’s valuable collection was added to the Emperor’s. According to Badaoni, some of these books were distributed to pious and learned men. Badaoni himself obtained Anwar-ul- mashkut from the Emperor223. Whenever a good book was written by an Indian author, he would send a copy to the royal library. The magnitude of the imperial library caused it to be laid in a vast room at the Fort of Agra.224

Regarding the details of the regal library Abul Fazl states that,

Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl, translation from Persian by H. Beveridge, vol. 1 (New Delhi: Low Price Publications, 2002), 202-225. 218Gulbadan Begum, Humayun-nama (The History of Humayun with Persian Text), translated by Annette S. Beveridge (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2002), 48. 219Ibid., 54. 220Ibid., 154. 221Nur-ud-Din Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, translated by Alexander Rodgers (London: London Royal Asiatic Society, 1909), 21. 222Badaoni, vol. 3, 421. 223Badaoni, vol. 2, 205. 224Sabah-ud-Din Abdul Rehman, Bazm e Taimuria (Azam Ghar: Daar ul Musalafeen, 1948), 124. 196

His Majesty’s library is divided into several parts; some of the books are

kept within, and some without the Haram. Each part of the Library is sub-

divided, according to the value of the books and the estimation in which

the sciences are held of which the books treat. Prose books, Poetical

works, Hindi, Persian, Greek, Kashmirian, Arabic, are all separately

placed. In this order they are also inspected.225

Faizi’s books, on being added to the library, were organised into three categories: first place being given to Poetry, Medicine, Astrology, Music; second to Philosophy,

Sufism, Astronomy, Geometry; while the third to Quranic Commentries, Hadith and

Islamic Law. 226This particular categorisation indicted the preferences Akbar had to various subjects.

De Laet informs us about the magnitude of Akbar’s library. At the monarch’s death, the collection contained twenty four thousand volumes. With each book roughly valued at two hundred and seventy rupees, the sum total worth of the collection was

Rs. 64,63,731. 227

No catalogue of the imperial library existed. Only random mentions in historical accounts of books written on the King’s orders or presented to him can be found. For example, Abul Fazl presented a Tafsir of the Ayat ul Kursi that he offered to

Akbar228. Similarly Sheikh Mubarak wrote a four volume Tafsir-I-Kabir called

Mamba-u-Nafaisul-Uyun in this period. 229Sawatiul-Ilham was an outstanding dot less exegesis of the Quran written by Faizi230. Similarly many other texts were penned in

225Abul Fazl Allami, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, translated by H. Blochmann (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2004), 121. 226Badaoni, vol. 3, 421. 227Joannes De Laet, The Empire of the Great Moghal (Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint, 1974), 108-9. 228Badaoni, vol. 2, 201. 229Badaoni, vol. 3, 119. 230Badaoni, vol. 2, 407. 197

Akbar’s period and presented to the King. Badaoni states that the books presented to

Akbar would make their way into the imperial library.

An active large Translation department was attached to the imperial library, which was constantly translating books from one language to another. The Translation department proved a key element in aiding India’s bloom in literary knowledge. It also raised the number of books in the imperial library as well. The department was proof of how well versed its post holders were in Arabic, Persian, Kashmiri, Sanskrit and Greek languages. Details of the translations are found in Ain-i-Akbari231. The following books were translated into Persian, as mentioned by Abul Fazl: 232

1. A portion of the Zich-i-Jadid-Mirzai translated by Abul Fazl under the

supervision of Mir Fatehullah Shirazi.

2. Mohesh Mahanand, Kishanjoshi, Gangadhar from Sanskrit into Persian.

3. Mahabharata, from Sanakrit. The translation was named Razm-nama (the

book of wars). It consisted of nearly 1,00,000 verses. The book was translated

under the supervision of Naqib Khan, Abdul Qadir Badaoni, and Sheikh

Sultan of Thanesar.

4. Ramayana, translated by the aforementioned learned men.233

5. Atharban, a Hindu religious book, translated by Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi.

6. Lilawati, a text translated by Faizi on Indian arithmetic.

7. Tajak, a popular book on Astronomy translated into Persian by Gujrat’s

Mukammal Khan.

8. Memoirs of Babur, translated from Turkish into Persian by Abdur Rahim

Khan-i-Khanan (Commander in Chief).

231Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 121. 232Ibid., 121-122. 233Abdul Qadir Badaoni states that he translated the Ramayana in four years. Badaoni, vol. 2, 378. 198

9. The History of Kashmir, extending for four thousand years, translated from

Kashmiri language by Maulana Shah Muhammad of Shahabad.

10. Mujam-ul-Buldan, translated from Arabic by Mulla Ahmad of Thatta, Qasim

Beg, Sheikh Munawar etc234.

11. Haribas, a religious book of Hindus, translated by Maulana Sheri.

12. Kalilah Damnah, translated by Abul Fazl, and called as Iyar-i-Danish. A

Persian translation of this work by Nasrullah-i-Mustawfi and Mauluna Husain-

i-Waiz was also present, but it was difficult to read due to its rare metaphors

and complicated words.

13. Nal-u-Daman, a Hindi story of love, translated into Persian verse by Faizi in

the masnavi metre of Laila Majnu.

14. Tarikh-i-Alfi, the history of the last thousand years, was penned by a number

of famous authors: Naqib Khan and several others. Mulla Ahmad of Thathah

made later additions to it while Abul Fazl composed the introduction and Jafar

Beg-i-Asaf Khan concluded it. 235 236 Abdul Qadir Badaoni informs us of

certain books not mentioned by Abul Fazl such as Singh-asan Battisi, thirty

two stories, which he translated and named as Namah-e Khirad-afza. 237 He

also mentions Jam-i-Rashidi that he translated 238 as well as the Haiwat-ul-

Haiwan translated by Abul Fazl from Arabic to Persian.239 Tuti Nama and

Bhagwad Gita were translations by Abul Fazl.240 Translations by other

scholars were also found such as Tarikh-ul-Hukmah and Samratul Falasafah

234Abdul Qadir Badaoni also translated some of the Mujam-ul-Buldan. Badaoni, vol. 2, 388. 235Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 122. 236Abdul Qadir Badaoni also made contributions to this work. Badaoni, vol. 2, 327-328. 237Ibid.,, 186. 238Ibid., 397. 239Ibid., 207. 240Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar (Harbans Mukhia, 1976), 62. 199

the latter being translated from Greek to Persian. 241The translated books

produced by the department achieved popularity amongst the masses. From

Emperor Akbar to Aurangzeb these translations were not only read but

included in the curriculum of Persian literature as well, the likes of which

included the Tuti-nama, Ayaar Danish and Mahabharata. 242

Jahangir was known to be fond of reading and collecting books and he owned a splendid library the superintendent of which was Maktub Khan243 When the memoirs for the first twelve years of his reign were completed the monarch ordered that they should be properly written out and produced into one volume. Several copies were prepared to be distributed to his special servants. Copies were presented to Prince

Shah Jahan,244 Madaru’l-Mulk I’timadu’d-Daula and Asaf Khan.245 During Shah

Jahan’s rule as King, Rashida the calligraphist was his Darugha-i-Kitab-khana. Mir

Salih also a calligraphist was appointed second to Rashida. 246

We understand from Masir-i-Alamgiri that Aurangzeb had exceptional love for learning, especially of the religious and sacred. Of his library, we gather that Sayyid

Ali Khan Jawahir Raqam and Qabil Khan are mentioned as his librarians.247 Shah

Nawaz Khan in his book Masir-ul-Umra mentions that on the death of Mulla Faizi,

Aurangzeb ordered the possession of his books and transfer into the royal library.

They were magnanimous in number, amounting to four thousand.

To solve the issue of there being no single authoritative compilation of Hanafi fiqh,

Aurangzeb had a compendium prepared to be used as a book of reference while

241Muhammad Ishaq Bhatti, Fuqa-e-Hind, vol. 4 (Lahore: Dara-e-Saqafat-e-Islamia, 1977), 35-37. 242Nadvi, Hindustan ki Qadeem Islami Darasgahain, 123. 243Jahangir, The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, vol 2, 22. 244Ibid., 26. 245Ibid., 37. 246Abdul Hamid Lahori, Badshah-nama, vol. 2, ed. Kabir ud Din Ahmad and Abduk Rahim (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society, 1867-1868), 505. 247Aziz, 51. 200 settling matters of jurisprudence. 248 Sheikh Nizam was placed at the head of this group of scholars and they were permitted to consult relevant books in the imperial library by Aurangzeb. The book was completed at a cost of about two lakh rupees and was called Fatawa-i-Alamgiri. 249 The book would have been impossible to compile without the handy jurisprudence texts available in the Emperor’s library. Of the books presented to Aurangzeb we know of a Diwan-i-Sa’ib, selections from Ihyau’l-Ulum,

Manaqib-i-Murtadwai and Haq-gu.

The Indian nobility followed the royals in their passion for collecting manuscripts and books. They would make special efforts to get their hands on any rare literary gem, to beautify their personal collections. Abdur Rahim Khan-I-Khanan of Akbar’s era, was the viceroy of Gujrat who had an excellent personal library at Ahmadabad. It was maintained by numerous professional copyists, painters and calligraphists. Maulana

Ibrahim Naqqash worked at this library as a writer, binder, gilder and cutter. 250

Muhammad Amin of Kashan was its superintendent. 251 Poets like Urfi, Naziri,

Zahori, Shaqibi and many others of Akbar’s court would send their hand written diwans to be kept in Abdur Rahim’s library. Maulana Shibili described his library, not merely as a collection but as an academy or Dar-ul-Hikmah too. Many calligraphers and poets, via training through Abdur Rahim’s academy, emerged successful in their fields.252

Another noble of Akbar’s time, Munam Khan-Khanan of Junpur was a book enthusiast. He would make many endeavours to acquire books for his personal

248Alan M. Guenther. “Hanafi Fiqh in Mughal India: The Fatawa-i Alamgiri,” in India’s Islamic Traditions, 711-1750, ed. Richard M. Eaton (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003), 212. 249Saqi Mustad Khan, Maasir-I-Alamgiri, translated by Jadu Nath Sarkar (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1947), 530. 250Mansoor A. Qureshi, Some Aspects of Muslim Education (Lahore: Universal Books, 1983), 160. 251M. Ziauddin, A Monograph on Moslem Calligraphy: with 163 illustrations of its various styles and ornamental designs (Calcutta: Al-Biruni, 1936), 31. 252Shibli Nomani, Maqalat-e-Shibli, vol. 4, ed. Syed Sulaiman Nadvi (Azamghar: Darul Musanafeen, 1951), 72. 201 collection. Rare texts such as the Diwan-e-Mirza Kamran and Quliat-e-Saadi were available in his library. 253 Sheikh Farid Bukhari, a noble of Jahingir’s time and governor of Lahore and Ahmadabad, had an interest in learning and books. He bought the Diwan-e-Hassan Dehlvi which to this date is present in India’s Khuda-Baksh

Library with his reference.254

LIBRARIES ATTACHED TO MADRASSAS:

Information regarding libraries that were connected to madrassas in India can also be found. Every madrassa usually had a library, small or big, attached to it. 255 For example, in Gujrat, Shah Wajihuddin established a madrassa in 1527 A.D. It was a popular madrassa and had a large library attached to it that had books on all subjects laid in two rooms. 256 Books were so freely used by the institute’s students that they were scattered throughout the rooms. The number of books in the library was so many that some had to be shifted to Jamia Masjid Library of Bombay. 257 Sheikh

Muhammad Tahir established the Madrassa Meiani Sahib in Shah Jahan’s period. It too, like the aforementioned, had a great library attached to it that remained till the decline of the Mughal era. 258 We know of the renowned Farangi Mahal that furnished an apt library. 259 The instance of Sheikh Ibrahim bin Sulaiman building a madrassa at

Kathiawar’s town Kutiana in 1689 A.D. that had its own library is also found. 260 The madrassa Faiz-us-Safa was established in Pattan in 1680. It also had a library though

253Darul Musanafeen, Hindustan kai Musalmaan Huqamranon kai Tamadani Karnamai (Azamghar: Darul Musanafeen, 1963), 377-378. 254Ibid., 278. 255M. H. Syed, vol. 2, 379. 256Muhammad Zubair, Islami Kutb Khanay (Delhi: Nadwatul Musanafeen, 1961), 283. 257Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughul Empire, 155. 258Muhammad Ilm-ud-Din Saliq. “Ulma e Karaam kai Deeni Madrassay,” Nakosh Lahore Number, 1962, 497-498. 259Darul Musanafeen, Hindustan kai Musalmaan Huqamranon kai Tamadani Karnamai, 286-285. 260M. H. Syed, vol. 2, 379. 202 its books could not be preserved. 261 At Nehr Wala Patn a madrassa was built in 1681

A.D. that had an associated mosque and library. 262 Similarly, Ikram-ud-Din Khan built Madrassa Hidayat Baksh at Ahmadabad in the beginning of the 18th century. Its library had books on all branches of learning, which were helpful both to scholars as well as common people. Some of its books were preserved in the Pir Muhammad

Shah Library and Asafia Library, Hyderabad. 263 Evidence of madrassas with libraries associated with them in Surat can also be found. 264 These examples show that libraries were often built and maintained in association with madrassas, which benefitted the madrassa students immensely.

PRIVATE LIBRARIES OF SCHOLARS:

Public libraries were not in existence in the region in this period, thus it was necessary for scholars to have their own collection of books.265 Scholars, teachers and Sufis all had their own book assortments. Their collections benefitted many, such as their students. Even the average common man was allowed to borrow books from these learned men.266

The renowned Delhi saint Nizam-ud-Din Auliya had a large personal book collection.

What little information we have regarding the library includes the fact that it contained many books by Amir Khusrau who would always present his work on completion to the saint. Maulana Rukn-ud-Din Chagh Maru who was known for his elegant lettering, printed many books like Kashaaf and Mafsal and sent them to be

261Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughul Empire, 153. 262Zubair, 284. 263Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughul Empire, 156. 264Zubair, 285. 265Khaleeq Ahmad Nizami, Hayat-e-Sheikh Abdul Haq Mohaddas Dhelvi (Delhi: Nadwatul Musanafeen, 1953),154. 266The author of Akhbaar ul Akhyaar expressed his surprise over a scholar Syed Ibrahim who wouldn’t allow his books to be borrowed. Haq, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar, 425. 203 placed in Auliya’s library.267 We also learn that the saint’s caliph Usman Akhi Siraj took many books from Nizam-ud-Din’s collection when he shifted from Delhi to

Lucknoti.268 Other than Nizam-ud-Din Auliya, Maulana Fakhr-ud-Din Zaradi,269 Syed

Abdul Wahaab270 , Syed Ibrahim271 had gathered numerous books and manuscripts.

Abdul Haq Mohaddas Dhelvi’s personal library consisted of a treasure of many precious books. He consulted many of these books to write his Shara Safr-ul-

Saadat.272 Mulla Qutb-ud-Din, the father of Mulla Nizam-ud-Din, possessed hundreds of books. Accounts record him dying alongside nine hundred of his library books, which were burnt.273 Thus libraries by teachers and scholars served as a true hoard of knowledge. These personal libraries were sufficient to meet the educational needs of the students and teachers.

BOOK ILLUSTRATION AND CALLIGRAPHY:

In Persia and in mediaeval India many paintings were in the form of book illustrations. It was an art that paved its way from Iran and Kabul into India.

Literature was the real premise while painting an ornamental accessory to it. Book illustration thus represented the essence of Indo-Persian art of that era.

Imperial Mughal calligraphers, paper markers, leather workers for the book covers, illuminators and gilders, were organized under studio masters or administrators who assigned projects to them.274 Transcribed by calligraphists, books were illustrated,

267Khord, 498. 268Ibid., 451. 269Haq, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar, 173. 270Ibid., 429. 271Ibid., 425. 272Nizami, Hayat-e-Sheikh Abdul Haq Mohaddas Dhelvi, 154. 273Robinson, The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia, 44. 274Joseph M. Dye III, “Imperial Mughal Painting,” in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 145. 204 decorated and illuminated more often than not. The margins of books were decorated with flowers, geometric tracery or birds.275 A number of artists would engage on a single picture; one would compose the sketch, another would add the colours, a third would paint the face, and so on. Akbar was in particular, very passionate over book illustrations. His studio produced numberless lavish illustrated manuscripts. On average, each manuscript had about 150 full page paintings.276 Compared to Akbar,

Jahangir preferred small books with fine illustrations made by single artists.277

Paper replaced parchment for books as well as paintings, as the former was cheaper and easier to write on. Paper was made only in the areas of India under Muslim rule.

Kaghziyan paper manufacturers were set up in every city of the Sultanate. The paper was created out of cotton fibres and rags while higher quality paper was made out of silk rag.278 Stiff cream coloured paper was preferred in Akbar’s time, while a lighter silkier form was used in Shah Jahan’s.279 Kashmir, Lahore, Daulatabad and

Ahmadabad were important sites for paper manufacture in India.280

The Mughals were extremely fond of calligraphic art. It was an aristocratic skill, practised by nobles, princes and Kings, that transformed texts into marvels of artistic creation. Mughal workshops excelled in the nastaliq characters and many Mughals collected albums penned in it.281 Expert calligraphers, under the Mughal King or their nobles, worked in their libraries and were paid highly.282 Calligraphists had many scribes working under them, whom they would supervise.283 When calligraphists

275Mubarak Ali, The Court of the Great Mughuls Based on Persian Sources (Lahore: Book Traders, 1986), 94. 276Dye III, “Imperial Mughal Painting,”152. 277Ibid., 166. 278Siddiqui, 153-154. 279Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, 271. 280Ibid., 271. 281Wheeler M. Thackston. “Literature,” in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 109. 282Siddiqui, 155. 283Ziauddin, 31. 205 copied out a manuscript, it was sent to a well-educated officer called muqablanavis who compared it with the original and made the necessary corrections.284 Few gifts pleased a Mughul King more than a page or album written elegantly by a renowned calligraphist.285 Abdul Rashid Tattawi, Mir Muhammad Salih Kashifi, Muhammad

Mumin Arshi, Muhammad Amin Mashahadi and Akbar’s ‘musky pen’ Mir Abdullah

Tirmizi Wasifi were amongst the renowned Mughal calligraphists.286 Amongst the royals who took interest in calligraphy were Prince Khusrau, Sultan Parviz, Shah

Jahan, Dara Shukuh and Aurangzeb. After books were lettered by calligraphists, they were checked by another person known as a Muqabal Nawis and on his approval the book’s title was registered in the Accession Register of the library.287 As it was an elitist skill, the calligraphist enjoyed a higher position than the painter in the social scale.288

SCRIPT WRITING AND ITS SKILL:

Scribes were spread out throughout Hindustan and their craftsmanship prevented books from going out of print. Spreading books, that too at a fast rate occurred due to the speedy skill of these Warraqun or scribes. According to Ahmad Shalaby,

These copyists, who in the Middle Ages, performed the function of the

press in modern times, carried on their task with great success...

289 In India the Warraqun were called Nasaakh as well. Book sellers would employ them and when a popular book was in high public demand, they would have the

284Qureshi, Some Aspects of Muslim Education, 161. 285Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture, 267. 286Thackston, “Literature,” 109. 287P. N. Chopra, Some Aspects of Society and Culture during Mughal Age (1526-1707) (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. Ltd., 1963) 169. 288Aziz, 7. 289Shalaby, 89. 206 scribes print it quickly by hand and provide it as soon as possible. Many educated people adopted the scribe profession, either for religious merit or to earn livelihood.290

They were also employed as government secretaries.291 In the time of Abdul Qadir

Badaoni, scribes would stand in markets with diwans of popular poets in their hands, freshly written and ready to sell.292

A good scribe had fast speed, made average mistakes and had quality handwriting.293

We know that their skill was employed when needed for example Sheikh Moin, a

Qazi of Lahore, had a large income that he would spend entirely on scribes or Kaatibs to write precious books to be bind and then distributed free of cost to pupils.294

Badaoni writes regarding the poet laureate Faizi, that he would spend immensely for the writing of his books by calligraphers.295 The Nasaakhs were exceedingly efficient in their profession. Abdul Qadir Badaoni wrote his book Muntakhib-ul-Tawarikh in secrecy. But after his death, even though Jahangir took an oath from Badaoni’s offspring of not having the text published, the book still managed to spread throughout India. It was the efficiency of Nasaakhs and the wide spread nature of their work, that distributed the book throughout the subcontinent, despite the ruling

Emperor’s efforts.296 Rich citizens were known to have books printed by calligraphers and then sent as gifts. In this way, a book stayed in circulation and was read by far reaching people. There was a continuous influx of books into India from the outside world. And whenever a book would reach Indian soil, it was the scribes who ensured it remained in circulation. Hence the Nasaakhs and Kaatibs were no less than the

290Siddiqui, 155-156. 291Ziauddin, 27. 292Badaoni, vol. 3, 393. 293Ziauddin, 31. 294Ibid., 147. 295Ibid., 416. 296Ibid. 207 printing press of the Mughal era with their printed books spreading throughout the

Kingdom.

Other than Nasaakhs scholars and men of learning were usually skilled with the art of script writing and copying texts as well. Whenever they needed a book, they would print it themselves, that too at a very fast rate. For instance, Maulana Abdul Wahab would write his teacher Sheikh Ali Mutaki’s books at great speed and elegance.297

Maulana Junaid Hasaari would write the entire Quran within three days.298 Maulana

Fakhr-ud-Din Zaradi and Maulana Neeli wrote the Fawaid-ul-Fawud by hand and kept it for reading.299 Zia-ud-Din Barani bestowed his friend Khawaja Kamal-ud-Din many books after lettering them himself.300 As a result of the speedy book printing habit of people, books would spread quite easily amongst the masses. An example of this Amir Hasan’s Fawâid-ul-Fuâd pertaining to Nizam-ud-din Aulia mulfuzat spread quickly amongst the people after his death, due to the swiftness of scribing.

In conclusion, the Delhi Sultans created an atmosphere in India, where collecting books and owning personal libraries was a desired status. Many foreign books were imported into India on their direction. The Great Mughuls offered a large portion of their patronage to penning, translating and acquiring books. They innate talent in arts and painting took book illustration to a whole new level which is commendable to this day. Some of these rare books now grace the shelves of the Indian Office Library. The personal libraries and madrassas of India’s numerous scholars were a real beacon of knowledge in the region and greatly benefited numerous generations of students. They

297In twelve nights he wrote a book containing 12,000 verses, without his morning activities getting disturbed. Haq, Akhbaar-ul-Akhyaar, 454. Shah Tayyab Balgraami copied Sharh Jami, that had four to five hundred pages, within a week. Balgrami, 53. The father of Abul Fazl and Faizi, Sheikh Mubarak Nagori wrote five hundred books by their own hands. Ibid.,, 275. 298Haq, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar, 472. 299Khord, 436. 300Ibid., 480. 208 were complemented by the many scribes that flourished in India’s bazaars, whose work ensured that books remained in circulation. With the absence of a printing press and public libraries, these scribes greatly resolved the problems encountered in making books available for study. 209

CHAPTER V

EDUCATION AND CONTRIBUTION OF

FEMALES AND HINDUS UNDER THE DELHI

SULTANS AND GREAT MUGHALS

In this chapter the attention given to the education of females and Hindus in our period will be discussed. The contribution by renowned females and Hindus is also made. The chapter is divided into two parts, the former concerning female and the latter discussing Hindus.

EDUCATION AND CONTRIBUTION OF FEMALES

UNDER THE DELHI SULTANS AND GREAT MUGHALS

Information regarding female education under the Delhi Sultans is very scant, reflecting the negligence the Sultans had to their education. In comparison to these predecessors, Mughal women were empowered, supported and consistently educated by their male counterparts. This support resulted in some Mughal women achieving outstanding merits in the literary field. Following the example set by royals, female education amongst the common folk progressed as well. In this chapter the state of female education both in the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal period will be discussed.

Prominent female figures, their educational background, literary talents and patronage for the learning and learned are also discussed individually and extensively.

210

Mothers, sisters, wives, other female relations and concubines formed the royal harem of the Delhi Sultans. A developed, elaborate form of parda was present in the harem, existent since the time of the Ghaznavides.1 The strictness with which parda was followed, meant it was not possible for girls or women to leave their abode and seek education. There is some evidence of girls and boys attending maktabs. But the parda restriction that would appear soon in their lives prevented them from attaining any further education.2 In the Khalaji period some steps were taken for the education of girls, to teach them arts and crafts.3 The royal ladies enjoyed high prestige and were given the high titles such as the senior queen was given the title Malka-i-Jahan and the queen’s mother bore the title of Khudawandah-i-jahan4 Shah Turkan, the wife of

Iltutmish, was well known for her patronage of learning.5 Muhammad Tughluq’s mother too was famous for gifting scholars, giving charities and building khanqahs.6

Bibi Khord and Bibi Fatima Saam are two rare educated saints of this age.7 8 The devotion women put into the education of their sons indicated the high regard they had for education. Nizam-ud-Din Aulia’s mother Bibi Zulaika, despite being a widow, made a great effort to have her son taught by the best teachers.9 Nobles or royals like

Sultan Iltutmish, who had an interest in the upbringing of their daughters, would assign school mistresses in their harems to teach them. Razia Sultana, the daughter of

Iltutmish was a prominent female figure of the Delhi Sultanate and was an educated

1Mohammad Azhar Ansari, Social Life of the Mughal Emperors 1526-1707 (New Delhi: Shanti Prakashan, 1974), 63. 2F. E. Keay, A History of Education in India and Pakistan (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1959), 78. 3Syed Altaf Ali Brelvi, Development of Education in Islam in South Asia, eds. Wahid-uz-Zaman and M. Saleem Akhtar (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1993), 152-153. 4Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1942), 63. 5Ibid. 6Rekha Misra, Women in Mughal India (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,1968), 12. 7Abdul Haq Muhaddas Dehlvi, Akhbaar ul Akhyaar, Translated by Maulana Iqbal ud Din Ahmad (Karachi: Daar ul Ashaat, 1963), 488. 8Bibi Saam had the ability to deliver extempore verse. 9Ameer Khord Muhammad Mubarak Alvi Karmani, Siyar-ul-Aulia, translated by Ijaz-ul-Haq Qudsi (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1980), 198. 211 princess.10 She could read the Quran with correct pronunciation.11 According to

Ferishta, along with religious branches of learning, she was versed in other subjects too. In terms of intellect, she was at par with the most wise men of the period. Verily her only lacking in terms of talent according to the historian was her feminism.12

These views of the historian are indicative of the perception that men had of women in that time. She was an authoritative figure even during the rule of her father who preferred her over his sons.13 Her accession to the throne was of much political significance as it showed that high posts even the throne, were open to women. Razia

Sultana became an inspiration for royal ladies to take part in politics.14 As a ruler she supported the learning and arts under her rule.15 From her example, we can assume that royal ladies, if supported, could develop means of acquiring knowledge.

The Great Mughals were great patrons of art and literature. Owing to this, an atmosphere of healthy activity in the literary field was created both in their royal palace and their Kingdom. The royal Mughals had keen interest in learning and this lead to the education of their children, including princesses. In comparison to the

Hindu culture around them in which females were degraded, the Mughals had a culture of respecting and protecting their women.16 Cultured Mughals were well

10Keay, 78. 11Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, History of the Rise of the Mohomedan Power in India, vol. 1, translated by John Briggs (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1977), 119. 12Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, Tarikh-e-Ferishta, vol. 1 translated by Abdul Hay Khawaja (Lahore: Sheikh Ghulam Ali and sons, 1974), 259. 13Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabakat-e-Nasiri, translated by H. G. Raverty (Lahore: Amir Publications, 1977), 638. 14Misra, 8. 15Erika A. Kuhlman, A to Z of Women in World History (New York: Infobase Publishing, 2002), 52. 16Ellison Banks Findly, “The Lives and Contributions of Mughal Women,” in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 27. 212 known pioneers of female education. Emperor Akbar established a girls’ school at his

Fatehpur Sikri Palace and even appointed female staff to work in it.17

In the royal palace, princesses received education from tutoresses or male tutors.18

The tutoress in the palace was given the name Atun or sometimes ‘Atun Mama’. The

Humayun-nama mentions an 'Atun Mama' in the list of guests at a Mystic Feast.19

They were exceedingly cultured ladies, for example a scholarly Persian lady Sati-un-

Nisa taught Princess Jahanara.20 Similarly Princess Zeb-un-Nisa was also taught by a lady, Hafiza Mariam who helped her memorize the entire Quran and principles of recitation.21 They taught languages like Arabic and Persian along with Poetry,

Theology, Prose and Humanities. In the beginning of the Mughal era Turkish was their everyday language while Persian was known as the 'language of the literary' and mastering it was no less than an achievement.22

In the following discussion, a comprehensive look at the erudite nature of the women present in the Great Mughal harem since the start of the dynasty by Emperor Babur is given:

GULBADAN BEGUM:

Babur’s daughter Gulbadan Begum is best remembered as the author of Humayun- nama which has great historical value.23 It provides a vivid and exclusive window

17E. B. Havell, A Handbook to Agra and the Taj, Sikandra, Fatehpur Sikri and the Neighbourhood (London: Green & Co., 1904), 116. 18Jaffar, 85. 19Gulbadan Begum, Humayun-nama (The History of Humayun with Persian Text), translated by Annette S. Beveridge (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2002), 121. 20Syed Subah-ud-din Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3 (Azam Ghar: Mutba-e-Mauraf, 1948), 447- 448. 21Jadunath Sarkar, Studies in Mughal India (Calcutta: M.C. Sarkar & Sons, 1919), 79. 22Ibid., 301. 23S. K. Banerji, Humayun Badshah (Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1938), 2. 213 into the lives of Mughal women.24 The book details events occurring during the rule of Babur, Humayun and Akbar. She wrote it at the royal request of Emperor Akbar to make easy the composition of Akbarnama by Abul-Fazl.25 Gulbadan inherited her father’s literary taste. Though there is no record to show how she was educated, she is certain to have learnt Persian and Turki languages.26 Turki was her native while

Persian was an accomplishment. Two lines composed by her in Persian are preserved by Mir Mahdi Shirazi:

Tr: A beauty that is unfaithful to the lover

Believe me, she will find life untrue to her.27

We realize by this and by her nomination to write a memoir of the times that she stood as a ‘learned’ person. It also makes one aware that the women-folk of that period were skilled enough in the art of writing.28 The text of Humayun-nama consists of simple short Persian sentences. Everyday dictation is used, yet her specific writing style is known to have touched the soul of every reader. Turkish words and phrases have been used in the script extensively. 29 These features distinguish it from contemporary History books. According to Ruby Lal, Gulbadan Begum refrained from penning a formal eulogy on the late Mughal Kings, a style the court historians

24Ruby Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 101. 25Beveridge, “Introduction,” Humayun-nama, 76. 26Ibid., 79. 27P. N. Chopra, Life and Letters under the Mughals (New Delhi: Ashajanak Publications, 1976), 322. See also Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 439. 28Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 436. 29Shibli Nomani, Maqalat-e-Shibli, ed. Syed Sulaiman Nadvi vol. 4 (Azam Garh: Darul Musanafeen, 1951), 56. 214

were apt in. She preferred to give a more modest account of the royals.30 Compared to official biographies that were styled more as chronological narratives, the

Humayun-nama detailed events as situations and circumstances.31 It provided a window into the emotional and domestic life of the royal Mughals. 32 According to

Khaliq Ahamd Nizami, no other work introduces readers to the Mughal harem’s ladies as the Humayun-nama does.33 It also gave an official mighty impression of the

Mughal Empire that had not been previously written about.34

It is apparent that Gulbadan Begum was also fond of collecting books for a personal library. Out of the nine copies made of Bayazid’s Tazkirch-i-Humayun va Akbar, one was given to Lady Gulbadan herself, probably owing to her eagerness to gather books.35 A. S. Beveridge also informs us of finding another copy of Khvandamir’s

Qanun-i-Humayuni inscribed with the Begum’s name.

GULRUKH BEGUM:

Babur’s second daughter, Gulrukh Begum was also a poet and composed a number of verses. Writer of Subh Gulshan, Nawab Ali Hassan Khan has commended her poetry.

He has narrated a verse of hers which goes like this:

30Ruby Lal. “Rethinking Mughal India: Challenge of a Princess' Memoir,” Economic and Political Weekly 38, no. 1 (2003): 56. 31Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World, 58. 32Ibid., 66. 33Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, On History and Historians of medieval India (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.,1983), 230. 34Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World, 66. 35Beveridge. “Introduction,” Humayun-nama, 76. 215

Tr: A lover, with flowery cheeks, is never away from strangers

The truth is that no flower is free from thorns in this world.36

SALIMA SULTAN BEGUM:

She was the daughter of Gulrukh Begum, niece of Emperor Humayun. She was married to Bairam Khan-i-Khanan and then to Emperor Akbar after the former died.

As Akbar’s wife, she occupied an important place in his harem.37

Salima Sultan Begum was a woman of intelligence and literary accomplishments.

Findly describes her as the most highly educated woman at court and a great reader and poet.38 She had a proficient knowledge of Persian language and came to be known as a poetess. Her verses were of high degree and she ranked among the reputed verse composers of her time. Salima Begum wrote her verses in Persian under the alias of ‘Makhfi’ (the concealed or hidden one).39 History tells us about a diwan

(collection of poems) penned by Salima Begum.40

One of her well-liked verses goes thus-

Tr: In my passion I called Thy, lock the ‘thread of life’

36Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 439. 37Abul Fazl Allami, The Ain-I Akbari, translated by H. Blochmann, ed. D.C. Phillott, vol. 1 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2004), 322. 38Ellison Banks Findly, “The Lives and Contributions of Mughal Women,” in The Magnificent Mughals, 32. 39Mirza Muhammad Mutamid Khan, Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri, translated by Muhammad Zikriya (Karachi: Nafees Academy, 1963), 79. 40Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 309. 216

I was wild and so uttered such an expression.41

Salima Sultan Begum not only composed verses, but also had a liking towards book- collection. She even maintained a library of her own.42 Regarding the bookish nature of Salima, Badaoni says that,

On account of the book Khirad-afza which had disappeared from the

library and concerning Salima Sultan Begum’s study of which the

Emperor reminded, an order was issued that my allowance should be

stopped and that they should demand the book of me.43

Certain manuscripts like the one of Duval Rani Khizr Khan, by the poet Amir

Khusrau Dihlavi in the library of Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb, once belonged to Salima

Sultan Begum.44 Hence Salima Sultan Begum, with her literary intelligence and educated attainments, without doubt, enriched the art and culture of Mughal times and carved a place for herself amongst the foremost ladies of the Mughal family.

MAHAM ANAGA:

Maham Anaga, the foster mother of Emperor Akbar, was a learned lady of her time.

She was not only a great lover of learning, but a remarkable promoter of education as well. She was a lady who believed that the greatest service to people is to educate them. To achieve this objective, she spent a large part of her fortune to lay the

41Khan, Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri, 79. 42Annemarie Schimmel, The Empire of the Great Mughals History, Art and Culture tr Corinne Attwood (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005), 161. 43Beveridge. “Introduction,” Humayun-nama, 76. Abdul Qadir bin Muluk Shah Al-Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, translated by W. H. Lowe, vol. 2, (Karachi: Karimsons Publishers, 1976), 389. 44S. C. Welch, India, Art and Culture (1300-1900 A.D.) (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art and Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1985), 153. 217 foundation of a college (Khair-ul-Manazil).45 We learn from her example that ladies participated in the benefaction of education at such a large magnitude.

JAHAN BEGUM:

She was the daughter of Bairam Khan-i-Khanan, Abdur-Rahim Khan-i-Khanan’s sister and Akbar’s son Daniel’s wife. Jahan Begum was a beautiful lady and a highly educated woman. Along with being a poetess, she was interested in religious disciplines with the result that she wrote a commentary on the Quran.46 She was recognized for her patronage of learned men.47

An example of her poetry is such:

Tr: Rise! To get on to the way of the Way,

To turn oneself into a waiting eye.

No one has reached him by the way of ease and peace,

Dust too only attains him by becoming the mud of feet.48

45Keay, 78 and 116. 46Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 442. 47P. N. Chopra, Some Aspects of Society and Culture During The Mughal Age (1526-1707) (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. Ltd., 1955), 124. 48Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 442. 218

NUR JAHAN:

Nur Jahan, the celebrated, well educated and outstandingly talented wife of Jahangir, was a woman of literary merit. Mehr-un-Nisa, being a daughter of a Persian noble,

Mirza Ghiyas Beg, was scholarly educated with expert tutors teaching her various subjects. By the age of fifteen, she became well versed in History and Persian classics.49 It should be pointed out that this proves the attention given by nobles at that time to the education of their offspring, be they male or female. She had knowledge of Arabic literature as well.50

She married Jahangir in 1611 A.D. and as his wife exerted quite a level of influence over him.51 Nur Jahan was a born sponsor of learning and the learned. Under her patronization, well-known poets and writers flocked to the Mughal Court. She did not hesitate in giving them huge financial assistance. Some of them were Naziri, Talib,

Isfahani, Shaida, Munir Lahauri, Nishani, Sadia-i-Gilani-Naqib Khan and Niyamat-

Ullah. Inspired by her, Jahangir too gave remarkable assistance to numerous poets and scholars many of whom came from Persia. Nur Jahan was extremely generous in her encouragement of the poetesses of the time. Her ladies in waiting were also educated.

One of them, Mehr Harwi, was a poetess and her Sarapa-i-Mehri exists till this days.52 Mehr Harwi was able in composing spontaneous verses. The author of Mirat- ul-Khiyal has given a praiseworthy account of her poetry.53 Nur Jahan had a keen interest in assemblage of books and as Empress she fulfilled her desire for a personal library. She continued adding books to it by making purchases from time to time. She is known to have purchased Diwan-e-Kamran for three Muhars (gold coins). The first

49Sugam Anand, History of Begum Nurjahan (Delhi: Radha Publications, 1992), 28. 50H. Abdullah Farooqi, Cultural Heritage by The Mughals, Nur Jahan (Lahore: Pakistan Study Centre, 2005), 337-38. 51Misra, 33. 52K. S. Lal, The Mughal Harem (New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1988), 76. 53Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 446. 219 page of this is inscribed -“three Muhars the price of this treasure, Nawab Nur-un-Nisa

Begum”.54

Nur Jahan also busied herself in arranging poetic competitions in royal courts at Agra,

Lahore, Fatehpur Sikiri and other places.55 In these competitions, also known as mushairas, many celebrated poets from all over India participated. Qasim Khan, the brother-in-law of Nur Jahan, was one of the well-known participants of these mushairas.56

But Nur Jahan’s greatest contributions to the literary sphere were her brilliant compositions of heartrending and poignant verses. Witty verses were her specialty, especially extempore verses most of which were composed as replies to Jahangir’s queries or the exchange of verses between them. Her poetic ingenuity endeared to the community of poets.

Khafi Khan has given specimen of her poetry;

Jahangir sighting the Eid moon said:

Tr: The crescent of the feast is apparent at the apex of the celestial sphere.

Nur Jahan responded:

54P. N. Ojha, Some Aspects Of North Indian Social Life (Patna: Nagari Prakashan Pvt Ltd, 1961), 131. 55Ellison Bank Findly, Noor Jahan, Empress of Mughal India (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 226. 56Ibid. 220

Tr: The crescent of the Eid has at last appeared in the face of the Heaven.

The key of the wine shop was lost and at last it has been found.57

Once Emperor Jahangir wore a Qaba (long gown) which had ruby buttons. Nur Jahan saw this and commented:

Tr: And it is the ruby-drops of my heart which have lent their

Hue to those ruby buttons on thy silken coat.58

At another incident Jahangir on seeing tears of reunion in Nur Jahan’s eyes:

Tr: A pearly tear from your eye is rolling (down your cheek).

Nur Jahan replied:

Tr: The water I drank (the tears I kept back) without you comes forth from my eyes.59

57Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, eds. Kabir-al-Din Ahmad and Woolseley Haig, (Calcutta: Bibliotheca India, 1869), 270-71and Prof. Shujauddin, The Life and Times of Noor Jahan (Lahore: Publishers House, 1983), 111. 58Ibid. 221

Once seeing a meteor in the sky, Nur Jahan remarked:

Tr: No star has ever raised its head so far; it is the celestial sphere,

Loins girded in service to the king.60

Nur Jahan’s written verses, also called poetry of high order, are proof enough for her talent in that field. She too, like Salima Sultan Begum, wrote under the nom de plume of ‘Makhfi’.61 A fitting example of her poetic skills can be illustrated from the following:

Tr: I do not give my heart to form until the course of action is known;

I am a slave to love, and the seventy two sects are known.

Ascetic, do not cast fear of doomsday into our hearts; we have suffered-

The terrors of separation, so doomsday is already known.62

After the death of her husband in 1627 A.D. she retired from active politics.63 It is evident that Begum Nur Jahan stands as a huge figure in Mughal History within the light of her superior poetic intelligence, financial support to the erudite and the promotion of an intellectual environment, both in the court and Kingdom. Her sharp

59Findly, Noor Jahan, Empress of Mughal India, 444. 60Shujauddin, 111. 61Shamsad-ud-Daula Shahnawaz Khan, Masiu-ul-Umra translated by Muhammad Ayub Qadri (Lahore: 1968), 141. 62Ibid. 63Misra, 40. 222 mind and well-educated background played a pivotal role in bringing her to the status of the empire’s first lady and in molding her as an exemplary administrator who shaped the Sultanate into a cultured state.

MUMTAZ MAHAL BEGUM:

Also known as Arjumand Banu Begum, she was the daughter of Asaf Khan, Nur

Jahan’s brother, a respected noble in Jahangir’s court. She grew up to be a knowledgeable and educated young lady and was married to Shah Jahan. As Empress,

Shah Jahan acknowledged her wisdom by entrusting her with the royal seal.64 She also occupied a prime spot in the royal harem.

It is acknowledged that she funded numerous poor scholars, authors and men of letters. Mumtaz Mahal, like previously mentioned royal ladies, had a flair for Persian poetry.65 Like Nur Jahan she was able to compose spontaneous verses, often as a response to Shah Jahan’s comments. Her witty verses reveal her well educated background. The following example uncovers her talent of quick poetic replies:

Once Shah Jahan looking over River Jamna commented to his wife:

Water travels thousands of miles just to look at you

To which Mumtaz Mahal replied:

64Ibid., 41. 65Ibid., 89. 223

Rather it strikes itself in fear of the king of the worlds.66

Her position as Empress was short lived and she died in 1631 A.D.67

JAHANARA BEGUM:

She was the eldest daughter of Emperor Shah Jahan and Mumtaz Mahal. She received an excellent education under her efficient tutoress Sati-un-Nisa who taught her the

Quran and classical Persian. Sati-un-Nisa was familiar with Muslim Scripture, and was a Hafiza. Furthermore, she had profound knowledge with regard to Persian language and Islamic theology.68 At her recommendations the Empress gave pensions and donations to the daughters of poor scholars, theologians and pious men. She was the sister of Jahangir’s Malik-ush-Shura Talib-i-Amuli as well as the lady in waiting of Jahanara’s mother. 69 Steadily, Jahanara Begum acquired the repute of a female scholar. It was on account of her sound education that she was elevated to the title of

‘First lady of the Realm’, after her mother’s death, thus enabling her to control every aspect of the imperial harem. She had a genius for poetry, and composed Persian poetry as well as prose. Her poetic style has been classified between witty and lyrical.70 She wrote her epitaph, signifying both humility as well as profound skill in poetic composition:

66Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 447. 67Misra, 42. 68Ibid., 89-90. 69Schimmel, 152. 70Wheeler M. Thackston, “Literature,” in The Magnificent Mughals, ed. Zeenut Ziad (Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2002), 99. 224

Tr: “Let not anyone scatter over my tomb other than grass,

For it is enough for the grave of the poor”71

She wrote Munis-ul-Arwah, a biography on the Sufi saint Hazrat Moin-ud-din Chishti, and his descendents and disciples. She the biography penned in elegant calligraphy.72

The Risâla-i Sâhabiya, an account on the life of Mulla Shah Badakshi was also authorized by Jahanara Begum.73 She had various commentaries on Rumi’s mathnawi compiled.74 The Risâla is useful in the study of the social framework and psychological tendency of Mughals. Her books reflect a spiritual and mystic approach to life. She mentions in the Risâla of reading the Nifaal-ul-Uns which points to her being a keen reader. Her literary accomplishments are far from all. The verses she composed in her Risâla are evidence of her poetic talent.75 She was renowned for providing assistance to erudite men of that time. Scholars, poets and other lettered men were endowed with great rewards and allowances by her. Mir Muhammad Ali

Mahir, also called Murad Khan, wrote a mathnawi in admiration of Jahanara, in which he gauged her patronage of literature and compared her large-heartedness to the bounty of God.76 This great scholar also founded a Madrassa at Agra. Attached to

Jamia Masjid, it acquired great recognition and continued to flourish and prosper even in later times.77

71Lal, The Mughal Harem, 98. See also Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 455. 72Its exquisite calligraphy led the book to be bought by Maulana Shibli who presented it in a London Exhibition in 1911. Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 449-451. 73Jahanara Begum, Risala-i-Shahabiya, translated by Mohammad Aslam (Azam Garh: Nadwathul Musanifeen, 1980), 70. 74Schimmel, 153. 75Jahanara, 70, 76Ansari, 88. 77Bernarsi Prasad, History of Shah Jahan of Delhi (Lahore: Book Traders N.D.) 264. 225

ZEB-UN-NISA:

Zeb-un-Nisa was the eldest daughter of Aurangzeb by his wife Dilras Banu Begum.78

Princess Zeb-un-Nisa inherited her father’s keen intellect and was interested in the advancement of knowledge.79 Her perspicuity, knowledge of the Quran and quality of being a hafiza gave sufficient reasons to her father to be proud of her. On her becoming a hafiza, a delighted Aurangzeb treated the whole army and gifted his daughter with 30000 gold coins.80 Her education was handled by the tutoress Hafiza

Mariam, the wife of Mirza Shukrullah of Kashmir, whose family originated from

Naishabur of Khurassan.81 Mullah Muhammad Sayyid Ashraf Mayandrani was a male tutor who taught Zeb-un-Nisa when she was 21. It was he who taught her the science of traditions and the principles of jurisprudence and laws of the Quran (fiqh).

He also aided her in rectifying her poetic verses.82 Very soon the princess gained expertise in Arabic83 and Persian and learnt subjects like astronomy and arithmetic.84

She was also capable of writing different kinds of Persian hand like nistaliq, naskh and shikastah with style and neatness.85 As a reward for mastering the different forms of calligraphy, Aurangzeb presented her with Deccan-made writing desks that were enameled with gold and silver, adored by the princess.86 The arts of war and

78Saqi Must’ad Khan Maasir-I-Alamgiri, translated by Jadu Nath Sarkar (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1947), 322. 79Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962), 93 . 80Khan, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 322. 81Sarkar, Studies in Mughal India, 79. 82Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 456. 83 Aurangzeb wrote a letter to Zeb-un-Nisa in Arabic, which indicates she understood the language well. Syed Mujeeb Ashraf Nadvi, Muqadma Ruqaat-e-Alamgiri (Azam Garh: Darul Musanafeen, N. D.), 108. 84Sarkar, Studies in Mughal India, 79. 85Khan, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 322. 86Annie Krieger Krynicki, Captive Princess: Zebunissa, translated by Enjum Hamid (Karachi: Oxford University Press: 2005), 6. 226 administration were also taught to Aurangzeb’s first born, and she did well in these subjects.87

Princess Zeb-un-Nisa established a literary academy and a library employed with scholars.88 These scholars always busied themselves in research and writing. All the books written under this academy started with the word ‘Zeb’.89 It was at her insistence that Mulla Safiuddin Ardheli of Kashmir translated the Arabic work Tafsir- i-Kabir (great commentary) of Imam Razi into Persian and named it Zeb-ut-Tafsir, in

Zeb’s honour.90 Zeb-un-Nisa, being the patron of poets and writers that she was, provided Mulla Safiuddin with 1000 rupees and other means of subsistence to perform Hajj. In gratitude, he dedicated his book Anis al-Hujjaj (The Pilgrims’

Confident) to her. Her teacher Muhammad Said Ashraf composed a diwan and mathnawi on her request and many other scholars would copy important texts when requested by the princess. 91 A poet and writer of the time, Mullah Raza Rashid wrote in the preface of his book (which was a collection of calligraphers’ and painters’ work) a description of Zeb-un-Nisa’s academy as a meeting place for the discussion of knowledge where erudite men studied and debated on knowledgeable issues such as rhetoric literature and poetic syntax , prose and poetry, astronomy and astrology, medicine and music, etc.92 With her heart set on reading and learning, she collected several valuable books and manuscripts and maintained a personal library the like of which no man had seen. The Maasir-e Alamgiri records that she was a sedulous collector of books and had a vast library with voluminous works cataloguing many diverse subjects. Large numbers of theologians, scholars, pious men, poets, scribes

87Ibid., 5. 88Husain, Glimpses Of Medieval Indian Culture, 93. 89Maulana Shibli Nomani, Makalat-e-Shibli , vol. 5 (Azam Garh: Darul Musanafeen, 1951), 117. 90Khan, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 322. 91Schimmel, 154. 92Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 456-457. 227 and calligraphists by the means of the library, came to enjoy the bounty of this lady hidden in the grandeur of the harem.93 Many capable calligraphers were employed by her to copy rare and precious books. She also had a scriptorium in Kashmir, where this work went on continuously. 94

Zeb-un-Nisa directed her kind attention towards financing many scholars and poets by spending her allowance of four lakhs every year in encouraging many scholarly men and helping the poor.95 Poetry was Zeb-un-Nisa’s greatest triumph.96 Unfortunately, we do not have any accurate book nowadays that can surely be attributed as being penned down by our princess. Her hand written Bias was dropped into a pond by a servant Iradatt Feham in her lifetime which according to Maulana Shibli Nomani, contained all her lyrical work. Similarly, Zeb-ul-Manshaa, her consortium of letters, has also been lost.97 A Diwan by the name of Makhfi allegedly composed by Zeb-un-

Nisa has surfaced, but Subah-ud-Din Abdul Rehman mentions Professor Mefuz-ul-

Haq’s comments over it, that it is actually the composition of Makhfi Rashti and not the Mughal princess. Makhfi Rashti immigrated into India in Shah Jahan’s period, though he could not gain access into the royal court.98 Similarly Ahmad Ali Sindhvi has mentioned in the Makhzan-ul-Garaib that verses have been falsely attributed to be the work of Zeb-un-Nisa Begum.99 What we do know is that Mullah Raza Arshad, in his preface, highly compliments her intellectual ability and her literary academy:100

93Khan, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 322. 94Ibid. 95Sarkar, Studies in Mughal India (Calcutta: M.C. Sarkar & Sons, 1919), 79. 96Schimmel, 161. 97Nomani, vol. 5, 106-117. 98 Mehfuz-ul-Haq, “Zeb-un-Nisa aur Diwan-e-Makfi,” Al-Maarif 11, No. 5 cited by Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 460. 99Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 456-461. 100The preface is available in Khuda Baksh Khan Library. Ibid. 228

Tr: For the erudite she has special generosity

Always has she a special affinity with knowledge and Shariah.

Those aware of poetry’s value; those ingenious

All gain inspiration from her knowledge and wit.

One who understands poetry is aware of poetry’s value

Only such can critically analyze a poet. 101

Mullah Raza has praised her poetry as being of extraordinary high standard in these words:

Tr: Waves from the sea of meaning rise from her personality

The sea of poetry has life-endowing water by her grace.

From her tongue the intoxicating power of meaning bubble forth

The listener is dumbfounded like a picture.

101Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 458.

229

Whatsoever she has uttered of poetry and prose

They are pure pearls and stringed pearls respectively.102

An outstanding quality of the princess was her ability to make extempore verses and give spontaneous lyrical responses.

In conclusion, Zeb-un-Nisa was a lady who had mammoth thirst for learning and astounding literary talent. Her erudite nature, led to the aid of numberless men of letters. Any apathy towards poetry by Aurangzeb was balanced by the great literary and lyrical work of her academy.103

Aurangzeb’s other Daughters:

The literary abilities of Aurangzeb’s other daughters seem mild before those of Zeb- un-Nisa. Yet still, their father was adamant for the well grooming and cultured education of all his female progeny.

Zinat-un-nisa Begum was born to Begum Dilras Banu. Her father brought her up in the knowledge of the doctrines and the necessary rules of the faith. Vast numbers of people received their livelihood from her bounty.104 The author of Subh Gulshan

Nawab, Ali Hassan Khan introduced her as a poetess and learned woman.105

Badar-un-nisa Begum was the daughter of Nawab Bai. Her father, Aurangzeb, made her memorize the Quran and read books on the faith. She spent her life doing pious deeds.106

Zabdat-un-nisa Begum, was an educated and learned lady, who employed herself in adoring the creator and thus gaining boundless rewards. 107

102Ibid., 461. 103Nomani, vol. 5, 106-117. 104Khan, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 323. 105Abdur Rahman, Bazm-e-Taimuria, vol. 3, 464. 106Khan, Maasir-i-Alamgiri, 323. 230

As far as non-Muslim women are concerned there were also learned women who contributed in the field of learning and left their mark. Ramabhadramba, the author of

Raghunathabhyudayam and Tirumaamba, author of the love poem Marichiparinayam are well known Sanskrit poetesses of the period. In Maharashtra Aka Bai and Kena

Bai, disciples of Ramdas Swami, were considered important literary figures.108 A well known work of the period entitled Mahilamriduvani gives us a list of no less than

35 women all of importance, ‘not minor poets but poetesses who have left their mark on the literary sphere.’109 These evidences point to the fact that Hindu women were also well versed and educated during the Mughal period. Widows were especially emphasized for their education and were honored to become teachers for example

Hali Vidyalankara.110

Hence we observe that the ladies of the emperor’s household possessed good taste in literature and critical judgment. They availed the many intellectual, artistic, political and economic opportunities around them.111 This is evident from the works of

Gulbadan and Salimah Sultan Begum in the sixteenth and Nur Jahan, Jahan Ara and

Zeb-un-Nisa in the seventeenth century. The education of royal ladies was stressed by

Mughal Emperors themselves and that attention was given to polish their intellectual and literary faculties. Their interest in learning did not end with merely receiving fine education. It incited several to compose exceptional verses and thus leave behind works that were later critically acclaimed. spent much of their personal allowances in giving active support to the spread of education, establishing education institutions, patronizing men of learning, maintaining their own libraries and collecting rare and

107Ibid. 108M. H. Syed, History of the Glorious Mughal Empire, vol. 2 (New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 2004), 374-375. 109Anil Saxena, Mughal Administration (Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd., 2007), 117. 110Ibid. 111Findly, “The Lives and Contributions of Mughal Women,” in The Magnificent Mughals, 56. 231 valuable books. The numerous public activities that they carried out in their everyday lives is proof that they were not confined to the royal harem only.112

Their education had various significant outcomes. Liberal education made their character strong and broadened their views. For instance, Hamida Banu Begum rejected Emperor Humayun’s proposal for marriage initially and said “I would rather marry a man whose collar I can hold rather than one whose skirt I cannot reach.” 113

Secondly, they were far from being materialistic. Mysticism was a great element in

Jahan Ara’s Munis-ul-Arwah, Risala-i-Shahabiya and Zeb-un-Nisa’s poetry and views, which indicated their rejection to worldly attainments. Education also sharpened the literary wit of the ladies. Nur Jahan and Zeb-un-Nisa Begums were renowned for their extempore poetry and witty answers.

Nur Jahan is a marvelous example of a female molded by the education system of the time. Even in the modern world, she can stand in equal rank to any talented lady of today.

As Mughal princesses showed creditable progress in education, their examples must have been followed by the nobility and higher classes of Muslims in India. Women belonging to nobility also received a high degree of education as is apparent when we look at Mehr-un-Nisa Begum (Nur Jahan) and Arjumand Bano Begum (Mumtaz

Mehal) both of which belonged to noble backgrounds before entering the royal family. It was the lettered background of the liberal high class that brought them shoulder to shoulder with the Mughal princes and rulers.

The pages of History remember Maham Begum (Akbar’s foster mother) and Sati

Begum (Jahan Ara’s tutoress) as learned women. Furthermore a tutoress of Zeb-un-

Nisa, Hafiza Mariam, is also mentioned, indicating that women, other than those of

112Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World, 101. 113Gulbadan, 151. 232 royalty, also received quality education. It also illustrates that there was a general trend for such women to participate in the educational system as teachers and to utilize their education as a means of earning.

The education of females was not uncommon rather active amongst the common folk.

At the primary level, Muslim girls were imparted education in the same schools as boys or in separate maktabs. Jafar Sharif speaks of the female education then prevalent in Muslim India. He informs us that a Bismillah or Initiation ceremony is held when a girl reaches the age of four years, four months and four days. Rich presents are offered to the child and her tutor in an assemblage of relatives and friends, called for that purpose.114 After the ceremony the child starts school. A ceremony is also held when the child completes the Holy Quran-an important education in itself. Gifts are presented to the tutor and the child reads out portions of the Quran.115 Private tutoring too was also held especially under elderly ladies who taught the Quran, Gulistan, Bustan and books on morals. Even the widows of middle class families conducted private schools in there houses for the benefit of the daughters of the poor who lived in their quarter. This was considered an act of piety.116

Badaoni informs us of an old poetess at Agra, who composed verse under the pen name of Nihani.117 With this example we end and conclude that every faction of the

Mughal society, inclusive of women, strived for education. Female members of the common folk were in no way ignorant as is generally supposed. Similarly, education allowed women of the Mughal harem to renovate themselves into outstanding

114Ja’Far Sharif, Gerhard Andreas Herklots, Willaim Crooke, Islam in India or the Qanun-i-Islam (New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Dist., 1999), 43-44. 115Ibid., 51. On many other occasions such as Eid and Ramadan, tutors were given gifts and money by the child’s parents. On Eid the child was given a verse or Eidi to read out. Ibid. 116Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 93. 117Badaoni, vol. 3, 194. 233 personalities and imparted a stimulus in them to use their intellectual potentialities as a tool of influence.

EDUCATION AND CONTRIBUTION OF HINDUS UNDER

THE DELHI SULTANS AND GREAT MUGHALS

The Hindus were an important body and were a majority community in India. An account of their curriculum, centres of learning and education is made in this portion of the chapter. Their literary contributions are also mentioned. The grants and provisions bestowed to them by the Muslim rulers of our period are discussed.

Hindu education was always a private affair, run by Brahmans, with no interference of the regional Hindu rulers. Pathshalas or the primary schools were usually a part of the premises of the Brahamanic temples. Either the priests themselves acted as teachers or they appointed Pandits to teach children free of charge. These Hindu schools received state grants or public endowments and charity.118 The nature of the education was primarily religious involving the memorisation of Holy Scriptures and Sanskrit was the medium of instruction. Ancient Indian literature was also memorised by teachers and taught.119 A child was usually sent to the pathshala at the age of five marked by an initiation ceremony “upanayana” at which the parents gave gifts to the

Brahmans and distributed alms to the poor. Puranas, stories of Ramayana and elementary mathematics were taught at these schools.120

118 J.L. Mehta, Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India Medieval Indian Society and Culture (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1999), 146-148. 119 Ibid. 120P. N. Chopra, Some Aspects of Society and Culture During The Mughal Age (1526-1707) (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. Ltd., 1955), 132-136. 234

All the centres of higher learning were residential and their curriculum quite diverse.

Grammar was a separate subject with Siddhanta Kaumudi of Bhattoji Dikhshist being popularly studied. Other Grammar books included Katantra and Mugdharodh.

Mathematics was a compulsory subject, in which Hindus were proficient. As a part of

Mathematics, Chemistry and Physics were also taught. Astronomy and Astrology were necessary subjects of college courses, in which the Brahmins were particularly able. Philosophy, an ancient science of India and Logic were also learnt. The students were admitted according to their castes. 121 These higher centres of learning of the

Hindus were found throughout India such as in Mathura, Banaras, Tirhut, Karhad,

Thatta, Multan, Sirhind, Nadia and Paitha. Banaras was a seat of learning for many learned Hindu families such as Sera, Mouni, Bhatta and Dharmadhikari. Second to

Banaras was Nadia of Bengal, home to the famous University of Nadia.122 The

University developed as an important seat of Hindu learning. When Bakhtiyar Khalji captured Nadia in 1197 A.D. the great centres of learning and libraries of Nadia remained in protection under him and Nadia flourished as a Hindu seat of learning afterwards. Another renowned Hindu institute of learning was the University of

Mithila. Situated in north Bihar, it was a famous centre of Brahmanic learning. The

Hindu scholars Jagaddhara and Mahesh Thakur and poet Vidyapati all belonged to

Mithila. Mithila also had a school of new logic the Navya Nyaya. 123

With the advent of the Delhi Sultans, Islam became a dominant force in the socio cultural setting of India. Under the Khalajis and Tughluqs interaction between Hindu and Muslim communities broadened. The once alien Islamic customs and traditions

121M. P. Srivastava, Social Life under the Great Mughals [1526-1700 A.D.] (Allahbad: Chugh Publications, 1978), 116-117. 122Syed, History of the Glorious Mughal Empire, vol. 2, 376. 123Mehta, 149-150. 235 began to spread throughout the region.124 In terms of education, Arabic and Persian languages were the medium of instruction for Muslims. Both of these languages were foreign to Hindu literary traditions and culture. The Muslim madrassa and maktab education was primarily religious therefore naturally Hindus refrained from attending them. Thus it was a great achievement of the Delhi Sultans to have promoted the learning of Persian amongst Hindus. Learning the language had also become necessary for Hindus, so that they could obtain jobs. A Hindu in Ala-ud-Din Khalaji’s period could learn to speak fluent Persian within six months.125 Firoz Shah is recorded to have given two Hindus very responsible posts in his administration. By the beginning of the fourteenth century gradually Hindus began attending madrassas to improve their socio economic aspects and to seek employment as clerks or accountants. Sultan Sikander Lodhi particularly encouraged the Hindus in this aspect.

126 He also had Hindu literary texts translated into Persian with the help of Hindu scholars. The Hindu book of medicine Argar Mahabedaka was translated into Persian under the new name Tibbi sikandari which brought the Hindu methods of disease treatment into general use.127 The intermingling of Muslims and Hindus by these efforts caused a blending of Sanskrit, Persian and Arabic words resulting in the creation and growth of Urdu.128 It also sowed the seeds for a religious movement amongst the lower caste Indian Hindus to take place. The Bhakti movement was based on and inspired by the Muslim ideals of brotherhood, equality and Unity of God.129

124Ibid., 304. 125Mohammad Habib, Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period, vol. 2 (Aligarh: Centre of Advanced Study Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, N.D.), 330. 126Keay, 112. 127Mehta, 162. 128R.C. Majumdar, H. C. Raychaudhuri, Kalikinkar Datta, An Advanced History of India (Lahore: Famous Books, 1992) 401. 129Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture (Allahabad: Kitab Mahal, N.D.), 64. 236

It was in the Great Mughal Akbar’s period that a prominent change in the general position of Hindus occurred.130 Akbar identified with his Hindu subjects and developed a systematic policy for the protection of their education. 131 He developed policies that favoured them and appointed them at high posts.132 The secular reforms introduced by Akbar lead numerous Hindus to take to the studying of Persian and to seek admission in madrassas. No discrimination occurred between Hindus and

Muslims in these Muslim centres of learning. 133 Akbar set the books Bayakaran,

Niya-i-Bedanta and Patanjal for Sanskrit students to study. 134 Akbar also directed his

Translation department to translate Sanskrit texts especially the religious, literary, astrological and mathematical ones into Persian. 135Abdul Rahim Khan-I Khanan,

Abul Fazl, Faizi were Akbar’s nobles who knew Sanskrit and translated it. Badaoni also translated Sanskrit works into Persian with the help of Hindu scholars. Abul

Fazl’s studies of Hindu sciences and institutes reestablished Muslim study on Hindu tradition after a span five hundred years. 136 After a few decades of the state’s liberal reforms, many Hindu historians, poets, clerks and teachers emerged in the Indian society. 137 Hindus particularly mastered the rational sciences. Abul Fazl enlists fifteen Hindus in the Ain as scholars of philosophy and four as physicians. 138 Hindu physicians particularly made their mark in Akbar’s reign and wrote books on medicine in Persian. 139 Akbar would endow Hindus lavishly, for instance

Raghunandan Das Rai an accomplished logician, was bestowed a whole land tract of

130Schimmel, 111. 131Srivastava, Social Life under the Great Mughals [1526-1700 A.D.],120. 132Richard Garbe, “Akbar, Emperor of India. A Picture of Life and Customs from the Sixteenth Century,” The Monist, 19, No. 2 (April, 1909): 177-178. 133Srivastava, Social Life under the Great Mughals [1526-1700 A.D.], 115. 134Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 258. 135Ibid., 121-122. 136Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1970), 220. 137Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 84. 138Abul Fazl, The Ain-I Akbari, vol. 1, 451-456. 139Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, 84. 237

Mithila which, in turn, the loyal pupil transferred to his teacher, Mahesh Thakur, who flourished in Akbar’s period. 140 Furthermore, we learn that Akbar encouraged Hindus to teach alongside Muslim teachers in madrassas.141 Hindi poetry developed immensely in King Akbar’s period due to his leaning toward the Hindu mode of thinking and his desire to unearth the ancient literary history of India. The promotion of Hindi poetry that Akbar brought about continued in the reign of Jahangir, even in the periods of Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb.142

Akbar made socio cultural advancements towards the Hindu community as well in an effort to bridge the cultural difference between Muslims and Hindus. He married a few Rajput princesses who intsroduced their own practices into the royal palace.143

Akbar appointed learned Hindus as his officers; twenty one Hindus were appointed in the course of forty years for ranks above five hundred. In the lower ranks thirty seven

Hindus were employed. A majority of the appointed Hindus were Rajputs, which was a political step by Akbar, to maintain warm relations with them.144

Similarly peace and patronage to the Hindus continued in Jahangir and Shah Jahan’s periods. Jahangir continued the Sanskrit translations along with the patronage of

Hindu scholars who worked on Hindu law and sciences during his period. 145 Hindu poets and painters lived in harmony at Shah Jahan’s court. Hindi scholars and poets like Chintamani, Sunder Dass and Kavindra Acharya received patronage from his court. Shah Jahan had a preference for Hindi language was the reason behind his tremendous support for it and Hindu poets. 146 Jagannath Misra was Shah Jahan’s

140 Chopra, 141. 141Mehta, 279. 142Vincent A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul 1542-1605 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1917), 421. 143Schimmel, 112. 144W. H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: An Economic Study (London: Macmillian and Co. Limited, 1920), 70. 145S. R. Sharma, The Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors (Bombay: Oxford Humphrey Milfod, 1940), 87. 146Prasad, 259. 238 most prominent Hindu court poet. He wrote some Sanskrit works in honour of Dara

Shikoh. 147 Dara Shikoh with the help of Hindu pundits translated fifty of the

Upanishads. He would also hold discussions with Hindu scholars to get a better understanding of Hindu terminology. Emperor Aurangzeb is often criticized to have stood against Hindus and their patronage. He did abolish a number of Hindu customs that had paved their way into the royal palace. He closed down temples but only those where Muslim children were being converted into Hindus.148 Aurangzeb’s court received reports regarding Benares, Multan and Thatta where Brahmins had set up schools that were teaching their books to Muslim children. To retictfy the situation, he ordered such schools to be closed down.149 It should not be overlooked that

Aurangzeb kept many Hindus in his appointment as officers. Many Marathas and

Rajputs were his nobles or mansabdars.150 The numerical value of Hindu mansabdars was actually the highest in Aurangzeb’s period.151 Indrajit, Tripathi and Samant were some of the Hindu poets and scholars in Auranqzeb’s court.152 According to Ishtiaq

Husain Qureshi Aurangzeb, contrary to the allegations held by some against him, continued to bestow grants to Hindus. Documentation of his providing cash and land to Hindu priests and temples that benefited schools teaching Hinduism and Sanskrit can be found.153 A courtier of Aurangzeb’s, Fazil Ali Khan was a patron of Hindu poets Jai Dev and Nathand.154 In conclusion, Hindus received endowments and grants from the Muslim rulers of India that helped in their education and employment. Hindu

147Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, 221. 148 Shibli Nomani, Aurangzeb par aik Nazr (Lahore: Maqbool Academy, N. D.), 72. 149Richard M. Eaton, “Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States,” in Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities in Islamicate South Asia, Ed. David Gilmartin and Bruce B. Lawrence (Florida: University Press of Florida, 2000), 265. 150Schimmel, 114. 151M. Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006), 31. 152Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, 222. 153Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughul Empire, (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1966), 215. 154Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, 222. 239 students gained admission in madrassas and emerged as poets, scholars, physicians and administrators. Muslims must be credited with enabling Hindus to study in a caste free environment which they had never experienced before. Thus Muslim education helped break the caste barriers that existed amongst Hindus. The increased interaction of Muslim and Hindu communities in this period resulted in the generation of Urdu language. The promotion of Hindu learning is proof that the Delhi Sultans and Great

Mughals of India were indiscriminate in their patronage of Indians.

240

CONCLUSION

The thirteenth century marked the dawn of Muslim powers in India. The Muslims were immigrants in the face of the settled Hindu majority around them, a phenomenon that made them strive to preserve their religious traditions and heritage. Under the

Delhi Sultanate, consequently, the ulema and scholars developed a system of learning based on the objective of preserving religious knowledge and transmitting it, without any alteration, to their subsequent generations. As far as this objective went, they were successful; the traditional texts on transmitted sciences were read and taught in their original form to students. As the diction of these texts was difficult to comprehend, the scholars of this period busied themselves with writing commentaries and explanations to simplify their meaning. Fear of committing heresy and the foreignness of Arabic language were two other factors that limited scholars to mere commenting. The direct outcome of this was a significant contribution by the Indian scholars to commentary and glosses on transmitted sciences. With the introduction of rational sciences towards the beginning of the sixteenth century, Indian Muslim scholars had become so well versed in commentary writing that they dealt with these subjects in a similar way. Their commentaries obtained a distinction throughout the

Islamic world. Exceptions to the general norm were also there. Outstanding writers who penned original compositions that earned widespread fame were also seen. So on one hand the aim to preserve religious knowledge was achieved. Students of this period had adequate fundamental knowledge and a broadened understanding owing to the commentaries by their fellow men of letters. The system brought them at par with the Arab students of their time and permitted them to seek higher studies to the Hijaz without any deficiency of knowledge or language holding them back. Yet on the other hand this system had an air of stagnancy and remained taqleedi in essence. 241

The aforementioned situations revolved around rational and transmitted subjects that existed primarily in Arabic language. Persian however, the predominant literary medium of expression, witnessed much originality and depth of thought and achieved maturity and perfection in the Sultanate period. Poetry, history and mysticism were chiefly articulated in it. Initially Lahore in the Ghaznavid and then Delhi in the

Sultanate period shone as centres of learning. Safavid and Central Asian Persian poets, writers and historians fleeing from Mongol invasions, found these cities as safe havens and settled here, under the support and patronage of accommodating rulers.

Along with contributions by this galaxy of stars, with time the system of education also produced men of Indian birth who had profound literary talent and were creators of masterpieces in Persian prose, poetry and history.

When the Timurid Mughals took to making India their homeland, they brought their

Turko-Mongolian heritage of poetry, literature, calligraphy and miniature painting along with them. It was in India’s good fortune that these new invaders and conquerors, far from being barbaric, had an aristocratic aesthetic bend of mind. The

Mughals were themselves natural authors and versifiers, and as monarchs they promoted a similar sense of art and culture. Their women too, were not far behind in similar talents and played a significant role in developing India’s cultural and educational environment. Men of letters were held in eminence and endorsed magnificently by these royals. News of their benevolence reached far and wide as did word of their allocating court laureates, extravagant rewards to authors and poets, their commissioning of court historians, their weighing of poets in silver, their bequeathing of high ranks and posts to men who devoted themselves to literature or poetry, all of which attracted the cream of Iranian intellect. The Iranians, in search of patrons, found Mughal India to be more than welcome. And so for two centuries a brain drain gradually took shape in Central Asia and Iran, while Mughal India 242 experienced an influx of linguistic and literary currents that introduced new cultural trends and scholastic ideas. India under the Great Mughals ascended as an economic giant and an intellectual cultural state, competent to compete with its global rivals.

The focal point of Muslim India’s system of education was the teacher-student-ruling elite triad. Each of them in their own position constituted a necessary element that carried the system on. The ruling elite, consisting of Mughal monarchs and the nobility, provided all monetary means of sustenance. Their endowments and grants relieved both teachers and students of financial worries. The teacher-pupil relationship was based on sincerity and mutual respect for each other. For the scholar, teaching was a sacred prestigious act, which he delivered with all honesty. On the pupil’s part, the teacher was an institute: his source of knowledge, understanding, evaluation as well as his degree. With financial issues being dealt by the ruling elite, the teacher-student relationship was devoid of all material constraints, and was driven solely by the thirst and desire for dispensing and acquiring knowledge. Not many educational systems could boast of possessing such a desired attribute.

Initially the subjects taught in Muslim India solely remained religious. In the beginning of the sixteenth century however rational sciences began to be taught simultaneously with them, after being introduced and promoted by Sultan Sikander

Lodhi. As the subjects remained the same throughout India, they involuntarily began to be identified as the set pattern or “curriculum” for primary, secondary or higher studies. From then on, other than occasional variations in the main text books, the curriculum did not undergo any major changes till the mid-sixteenth century. Emperor

Akbar introduced new educational reforms that emphasized the teaching of rational sciences once more. Compared to Ottoman and Safavid Muslims of this period, Indian

Muslims proved to be more acceptable to this wave of rationalism. Subjects based on reasoning over rote learning paved their way into the curriculum and they played their 243 role of stimulating the mental faculties of the pupils. Of all the rational sciences,

Philosophy and Logic in particular grew in popularity and numerous students opted to study them in their higher studies. But other secular sciences instigated by Akbar that had more practical application in the real world, were never given their due attention.

Students employed the methods of Mutalaa, Mubaisaa o’ Tehkeek and Takraar to learn while the teachers employed Dars and a monitorial system to better educate their pupils. Students were taught in small groups which helped the teacher direct his individual attention to each pupil. After completing their primary education they had the freedom of studying higher Persian education to polish their poetic and literary skills. Higher studies comprised of Arabic Transmitted or Rational Sciences. The main strength of this system of education was that it provided freedom to the student to follow his own will. This freedom was available from the primary stage of education and nothing was bound or forced upon students. Students completed their studies at a remarkably young age.

It was the responsibility of the teacher to evaluate the student and issue a certificate or ijazat-namah to him when he was satisfied. Even without an examination system, this ijazah system successfully produced learned students. Another key feature of this system was the migrations students made to obtain the best available education.

Numerous Indians travelled from one city to another or even journeyed to Muslim regions abroad for higher studies. On returning from overseas, they would bring back new socio-educational trends and reforms; Shah Walliullah’s enlightened religious rethought occurred on his return from the Hijaz.

Four means of education in Muslim India simultaneously played their role in molding and producing cultured, educated individuals: the madrassas, mosques, private homes of scholars and khanqahs. Mosques provided elementary education, madrassas were institutes of secondary and higher scholarship, the private homes of scholars were a 244 source of specialised higher learning while khanqahs spiritually cultured the masses with their lessons on mysticism. The vast distribution of these institutes, in every city and town, brought learning and education within the reach of every common Indian.

If a town was deficient in madrassas, mosques and the private homes of scholars would compensate their role. Bountiful patronage by the Great Mughals, their royal relatives and the nobility established new institutes throughout India. But the prominence of an institute did not lie in the magnificence of its structure or the magnitude of its building it lay in the expertise and knowledge of its teachers. If a learned scholar taught effectively, his humble housing would be flocked by students from all over the Kingdom. Towards the end of these five centuries, madrassas began teaching subjects in the form of courses. This development enabled students to learn a variety of subjects at the same single institute, instead of moving from one institute to another. The Farangi Mahall can be taken as the culminate product of the gradual changes taking place in the educational system throughout these years. An outcome of

Akbar’s rationalistic reforms and Aurangzeb’s monetary benevolence, it offered a comprehensive course of both transmitted and rational sciences, that students could master within minimum time.

Mughal Indians were reluctant to pursue scientific knowledge and technology. On an individual level the Mughal Kings did have scientific interests: Humayun in building astrolabes, Akbar in artillery and Jahangir with his bio-experiments. But at large, science that had a practical application failed to attract the attention of both scholars and pupils. With madrassas refraining from teaching European languages, the average

Indian student remained oblivious to the advances scientific thought was making in the world. The price for this was paid in later years when India was challenged by

Europeans who in terms of artillery and technology were much ahead of them. 245

Overall the educational system of Muslim India was a comfortable mix of both religious and rational sciences with either of the two finding more emphasis in certain years than others. The Delhi Sultans took Delhi to new heights and introduced it to the world as a second Baghdad. The Great Mughal Emperors, with their aesthetic natures, provided bountiful patronage to everything artistic and cultural in their kingdom: poetry, prose, paintings, music, etc. It was thus medieval India’s good fortune to be ruled under these learned and pro-education rulers. Their efforts added to the fertility of India’s socio-cultural environment wherein every other man was either learned or learning. In producing encyclopaedic intellectuals, in the mass education of students, in the honest bond that existed between pupil and master and in the numerous literary works produced in this period, this system of education was a success. And before criticisms of a lack of practical subjects or stagnancy are made, its aforementioned accomplishments should be acknowledged. 246

GLOSSARY alim a man learned in the Sharia or Holy Law of Islam and the Islamic subjects of higher learning. bias collection of poetic verses. Bismillah Ceremony a ceremonious occasion marking the start of a child’s education. diwans collected odes of a single poet. farman a formal, written, edict issued by the Mughal Emperor under his personal seal. fath nama victory proclamation issued by a Muslim ruler. hafiza a lady who has memorized the Quran. hamam a public bath. harem the part of a Muslim household reserved for wives, concubines and female servants. ibadat khana a building made by Emperor Akbar for religious debates. ijazat authority granted by the teacher to his student on completing the course/book. ilm knowledge. insha correspondence; the art of prose composition. jashne-nouroze a traditional Persian new year celebration. lakh 100,000 maktab elementary school. mian jee an old teaching master. mufti a Muslim jurist who issues public decisions on legal matters. muhadas one who has command over Hadith studies. mushairas poetic competitions/ a meeting in which poets recite their verse. padshah persian term for emperor of great king. paray chapters of the Holy Quran. pardah going about in veil. qazi a judge charged with uploading the holy law of Islam and carrying out numerous civil functions. rasm ceremony. sharh commentary. silsilah Sufi order. tafsir Exegesis of the Holy Quran. taqleed revision of past works. ulema the plural of alim.

247

248

249

250

251

APPENDIX

DARS-I-NIZAMIYYA

Grammar-Etymology :

(i) Meezan

(ii) Munsha’ib

(iii) Sarf Mir

(4) Panjganj

(5) Zubdah

(6) Fusul-i-Akbari

(7) Shafiyah

Syntax :

(i) Nahw Mir

(ii) Sharh-i-Mi’at ‘Amil

(iii) Hidayatu’n-Nahw

(4) Kafiyah

(5) Sharh Jami

Rhetoric :

(i) Mukhtasaru’l-Ma’ani 252

(ii) Mutawwal (up to Maana qultu)

Philosophy :

(i) Sharh Hidayatu’l-Hikmah of Maibudhi

(ii) Sadra

(iii) Ash-Shamsu’l-Bazigha

Logic :

(i) Sharhu’sh-Shamsiyyah

(ii) Sullam’ul-‘Ulum

(iii) Risala-i-Mir Zahid

(4) Mulla Jalal

(5) Sughra

(6) Kubra

(7) ‘Isaghoji

(8) Tahdib

(9) Sharh Tahdhib

(10) Qutbi

(11) Mir Qutbi

Scholasticism : 253

(i) Sharh-i-Mawaqif

(ii) Mir Zahid

(iii) Sharh ‘Aqa’id of Nasafi

Tafsir :

(i) Jalalain of Jalalu’d-Din Mahalli and Jalalu’d-Din Suyuti,

(ii) Baidawi

Fiqh ( Islamic Law ) :

(i) Sharh-i- Wiqaya (first two books),

(ii) Hidayah (last two books).

Usul-i-Fiqh (Principles of Law):

(i) Nuru’l-Anwar

(ii) Taudihu’t-Talwih

(iii) Musallamu’th-thubut (the portion dealing with Mabadi Kalamiyyah).

Hadith :

Mishkatu’l-Masabih

Mathematics :

(i) Khulasatu’l-Hisab

(ii) Euclid 254

(iii) Tashrihu’l-Aflak,

(4) Qaushjiyyah

(5) Shar Chaghmini ( Chapter I )

Source: G. M. D. Sufi, Al-Minhaj being the Evolution in Curriculum in the Muslim

Educational Institutions of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad

Ashraf, 1981), 73-75.

255

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DICTIONARIES AND ENCYCLOPAEDIAS: Campo, Juan Eduardo. Encyclopedia of Islam. New York: Infobase Publishing, 2009.

Esposito, John L. The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Glasse, Cyril and Huston Smith. The New Encyclopedia of Islam. Maryland: Rowman Altamira, 2003. Hadi, Nabi. Dictionary of Indo-Persian Literature. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1995. Leaman, Oliver. The Quran: An Encyclopedia. Philadelphia: Taylor and Francis US, 2006. Merriam-Webster’s Encyclopedia of Literature. Springfield: Merriam-Webster, 1995.

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THESIS: Anjum, Faraz. Mughal India in the Seventeenth Century: An Historical Study based on the accounts of European Travellers. Lahore: Department of History Punjab University, 2009. Ziauddin, Muhammad. Role of Persians at the Mughal Court: A Historical Study, During 1526 A.D. to 1707 A.D. Quetta: History Department of University of Balochistan, 2005.