The Educational Philosophy of Luis Emilio Recabarren

This text offers a unique philosophical and historical inquiry into the educational vision of Luis Emilio Recabarren, and his pivotal role in securing independent education for Chile’s working classes in the early 20th century. Through close analysis of the textual archives and press writings, The Educational Philosophy of Luis Emilio Recabarren offers comprehensive insight into Recabarren’s belief in education as essential to the empowerment, emancipation, and political independence of the working class, and emphasizes the importance he placed on the education of workers through experiential learning in their organizations and press. By situating his work amongst broader political movements occurring in Latin America and in the world, the text also demonstrates the progressive nature of Recabarren’s work and maps the development of his philosophy amid socialist, Marxist, and communist movements. Making an important contribution to our understanding of the aims and value of adult education in light of neoliberalism today, this text will be of interest to scholars, researchers, activists, and post-graduate students with an interest in education, social movements, and Latin America. The text also addresses key issues raised in studies of Recabarren and the history of education in Chile.

Dr. María Alicia Rueda is an independent researcher and adult education scholar based in the United States. Originally from Chile, she has written and presented extensively in English on the history of the working class in Chile. Basing her research in adult education and social theory, as well as in literary studies, she has published articles and chapters on literature, on the immigrant experience in the U.S., on working-class education, and on social movements. María Alicia Rueda completed her master's and doctorate in Adult and Con­ tinuing Education at Northern Illinois University, USA, where she also obtained an M.A. in Spanish and Spanish Literature. Routledge Studies in Education, Neoliberalism, and Marxism Series editor Dave Hill Anglia Ruskin University, Chelmsford and Cambridge, England

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The Educational Philosophy of Luis Emilio Recabarren: Pioneering Working-Class Education in Latin America By María Alicia Rueda

Critical Reflections on the Language of Neoliberalism in Education Dangerous Words and Discourses of Possibility Edited by Spyros Themelis The Educational Philosophy of Luis Emilio Recabarren Pioneering Working-Class Education in Latin America

María Alicia Rueda First published 2021 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Taylor & Francis All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Rueda, María Alicia, author. Title: The educational philosophy of Luis Emilio Recabarren : pioneering working class education in Latin America / María Alicia Rueda. Description: New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in education, neoliberalism, and Marxism ; 1 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020035677 (print) | LCCN 2020035678 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367861193 (hardback) | ISBN 9781003016984 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Working class–Education–Chile. | Socialism and education–Chile. | Recabarren, Luis Emilio, 1876-1924. | Education–Chile–Philosophy. Classification: LCC LC5055.C5 R84 2021 (print) | LCC LC5055.C5 (ebook) | DDC 370.983–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020035677 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020035678

ISBN: 978-0-367-86119-3 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-01698-4 (ebk)

Typeset in Baskerville by Taylor & Francis Books To the Chilean workers who struggled for a just society.

Contents

List of tables viii Acknowledgements ix Preface xii Organization of the Book xiv List of Abbreviations xvi Introduction xvii

1 Luis Emilio Recabarren: Educator of the Chilean Working Class 1 2 Biography and Historical Context 11 3 The Civilizing Aspect in Recabarren’s Political and Educational Vision 23 4 Education for Power or Revolutionary Education: Education of Workers as New Subjects (as Participants in Organizations of the Working Class) 43 5 The Educational and Revolutionary Role of the Working-Class Press 73 6 Recabarren and his Contemporaries 88 7 Conclusion 100 Afterword 107

Appendix A: Recabarren’s Press Writings by Volumes in Devés and Cruzat’s (1985–1987) Compilations 111 Appendix B: Working-Class Newspapers in Chile, 1890–1930 114 References 121 Index 129 Tables

A.1 Recabarren’s Press Writings by Volume 111 B.1 Chilean Working-Class Newspapers 1890–1930 by Political Ideology 114 B.2 Major Chilean Working-Class Newspapers 1902–1935 by Organization 120 ix Acknowledgements

“Wherever you go, do speak of these torments, brother, speak of your brother who dwells down there, in hell.”

Pablo Neruda (The Nitrate Men, Canto General)

My maternal grandfather was a British immigrant in the north of Chile, who, attracted by advertisement, or compelled by limited options in England, or both, travelled to the colonies in 1907 in search of work, preferably as an engineer; instead, he would find posts as an accountant and work his way up to become a middle-tier administrator for an American copper mine. I have often wondered how many times he and Luis Emilio Recabarren crossed paths. The irony of the situation, and that I feel says so much about imperialism, resides in that my grandfather came from a working-class family from London’s East End. His background was in fact more eminently working class than that of Recabarren, who came from an impoverished lower middle class. They both started to work for a living at a young age, my grandfather as a clerk and Recabarren as a typesetter. As an Englishman, my grandfather could frequent the elite families of Iquique, in Tarapacá, and, just as other Englishmen, he married into a Peruvian family. My grandmother was the youngest daughter of a War with Chile (War of the Pacific) Peruvian navy officer, who was a hero of earlier battles in the Pacific against Spanish ships. The elite Peruvian families in Iquique lived, nevertheless, under occupation by the Chilean state and occasionally suffered persecution by the Chilean so-called “Patriotic Leagues.” Many had lost their lands and mining possessions, during or after the war; that was the case of my great grandmother. Marrying their daughters to Englishmen seems to have been a preferred option for Peruvian families under these conditions. My grandmother and all her female siblings married so. In time, I have found that this pattern was quite predominant in the north of Chile, and clearly underlines a colonial state of things. x Acknowledgements Born in the port of Antofagasta, I grew up among the remnants of our semi- colonial period, such as British banks, monuments, railroads, shipping companies, British neighborhoods, British school, last names of people, household habits, and even listening to the daily conversations in English at teatime. Anecdotally, as a toddler I am supposed to have screamed “Momma, Momma,” every time we went to the bank and I saw a gigantic picture of the Queen on the main wall of the bank. I guess, figuratively, England was still the “mother country” for some. But by then, it was the much more inconspicuous presence of American mining interests that ruled the day. My grandfather was among those Brits whom the American companies hired for administrative positions in the copper mines, as they thought the British who remained in Chile towards the end of the nitrate era had the experience of the nitrate mines behind them and could be trusted as English-speaking Europeans. My grandparents raised their family among American families in Chuquicamata, the largest open-pit copper mine in the world. Chuquicamata was a company town par excellence—a model town, as the Guggenheims had designed it. Despite workers in Chuquicamata being the best paid mine workers in the country, the original design envisioned an idyllic town, where the classes would be kept sepa­ rated in different “camps,” and where the housing would reflect the status of administrators, middle managers, which included some Chilean professionals, and workers. The American compound had its own English-speaking school, hospital, clubs, and stores. By all accounts, life in Chuquicamata was “idyllic,” with the highest standards of living of the whole country—that is, for the American camp. For my part, in Antofagasta, I was educated in a private school, which was run by German nuns who were obligated by the Chilean government to “Chileanize” their curriculum. I grew up learning at school everything about the history of the country, with a centrist outlook which completely erased our region’shistory.The exception to this was the retelling of the War of the Pacific, which was told to us from a Chilean perspective, as well as general statements that we, Chileans, had always been the owners of the territory. Therefore, the colonial remnants, the dif­ ferent languages spoken, the constant activity of shipping in the port, were all just a sort of chaotic background for a new Chilean history that seemed to have no past. The contradictions could not escape us completely as children. In my house­ hold, there were verbal battles between the Peruvian and Chilean relatives every anniversary of the War of the Pacific, for example. The poverty of the working classes was very visible. As a child I remember asking who the men were who crossed the town in search of work, or food, when unemployment in the mines would send them off to the port. Nevertheless, it would take decades for me to find out about a massacre of workers in the main square of the town. In this plaza, with monuments to every colonial power the region endured, never was erected the smallest reminder of the episode in which hundreds of mine workers died. The original research for this book was based on a need to know and under­ stand how a working class, to which we, the middle classes, were oblivious, had educated themselves for power. In other words, there was a need to identify the Acknowledgements xi processes that Chilean workers had gone through to arrive in 1970 to the, so to speak, doors of power. Then I understood I had to start at the beginning. My family history is so embedded in the history of the region that I believe I am in a privileged position to examine it, provide insight, and honor the legacy of the workers that made it possible. Among the many people I owe a debt of gratitude to are Amy Rose, for her guidance and thorough knowledge of historical approaches to adult education, August H. Nimtz, Jr., whose commitment to and knowledge of working-class struggles was fundamental, and the late Phyllis Cunningham, Meg George, and Monique Lemaitre for their very early support of my ideas and research. This book would not be possible without Dave Hill’s unwavering support for and recognition of the potential of this book to contribute to the Routledge Stu­ dies in Education, Neoliberalism, and Marxism series. I would also like to thank the reviewers of the manuscript, Bob Boughton, Mark Murphy, and others, whose thorough and insightful suggestions have made this book so much better. At Routledge, I would specifically like to thank Elsbeth Wright for her patience and sage guidance through the publication process, along with all the editorial staff who have played a part in seeing this manuscript through to publication. I must acknowledge the Biblioteca Nacional de Chile [National Library of Chile] and its Salón de Investigadores [Researchers’ Room] for allowing me to conduct research there as I collected materials for my research. I am also thankful to the library’s researcher Mario Monsalve Bórquez for directing me to materials and sharing with me his work on the history of primary education in Chile. I would like to recognize the debt I owe to many Chilean academics I talked to over the years about this research and who generously gave of their time and contributed with their works and ideas. To name a few: historians Floreal Reca­ barren Rojas and Gabriel Salazar; education scholars Iván Núñez and Rolando Pinto; writers Poli Délano and Jaime Valdivieso; and Luis Corvalán, once a Normal School educator himself, who dedicated a whole day to talk with me about the role of the party as educator of the working class. I am also indebted to the Instituto de Ciencias Alejandro Lipschutz [ICAL] in Santiago, where I was able to talk to a few researchers as well as find materials pertinent to my research. Finally, my gratitude goes to John Holst for his continuous support over the span of 30 years, and for all the help and inspiration in making this book possible. This book owes its greatest debt of gratitude to the Chilean working class and to Luis Emilio Recabarren. It is my hope that this book will help make the history of their thought be known in the English language, and that this knowledge will one day help the cause of the working class everywhere. xii Preface

This book introduces Luis Emilio Recabarren (1876–1924) as a working-class edu­ cator to an English-speaking readership. Although English-speaking readers might be familiar with the names and works of Latin American educators such as the Brazilian Paulo Freire, and earlier thinkers of the 20th century such as the Peruvian José Carlos Mariátegui, the name of Recabarren is not mentioned in the literature as a Latin American educator and seldom, if at all, as a working-class organizer. Luis Emilio Recabarren was both an educator and an organizer, and one of great import for large segments of the Latin American working class of the early 20th century. As founder and cofounder of working-class parties in Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay, Recabarren was considered a major political figure in the region during his time, and his life and works are still an inspiration for many working-class orga­ nizations, particularly in his native Chile. The literature on Luis Emilio Recabarren in Spanish has traditionally centered on his life and organizational work and it is predominantly of a biographical nature (e.g., Pinto Vallejos, 2013). My book, on the other hand, approaches Recabarren as an organic intellectual who produced a large body of literature directed to educate the working class of his time. This book will be the first of its kind to include important excerpts of his written works in English translation. The purpose of the book is to familiarize English-speaking readers with a revolutionary Latin American figure of the 20th century, as well as to place him in the international working-class context of the period. This book contributes to the series by introducing Luis Emilio Recabarren not only as an educator but also as the most notable Latin American Marxist thinker of the early 20th century to the English-speaking readership. Since Recabarren’s educational efforts were set against the liberal efforts of the Chilean bourgeoisie to domesticate workers, they hold important lessons today for the education of workers and adults in the context of neoliberalism. Therefore, this book is primarily about education, more specifically the edu­ cation of the working class as adult education. It places this education in the Chilean context of the early 20th century by centering on the ideas of Luis Emilio Recabarren, which he publicized for a quarter of a century (1900–1924) in the abundant working-class press of the time. My approach differs from the existing literature on Luis Emilio Recabarren in a number of ways: it is not primarily of a biographical nature; it is a historical Preface xiii and philosophical analysis of his works. Politically and philosophically, my work distances itself from most, if not all, the versions that exist until today of the political man and his works. Furthermore, I also attempt to show how Luis Emilio Recabarren fits in the international scene of the period by comparing him with other intellectuals as well as pointing to similar working-class struggles of the period. This book places Luis Emilio Recabarren within the field of adult education and it contributes new perspectives to the field. In the broadest terms, this book falls within and contributes to the tradition of radical adult education (Foley, 1999; Lovett, 1988), most particularly in the area of Independent Working Class Education (Altenbaugh, 1990; Johnson, 1979; Schied, 1993; Sharp, Hartwig, & O’Leary, 1989; Simon, 1965, 1990). It is also a contribution to historical (see for example, Boughton, 1997, 2013; Gettleman, 1993; Hammond, 1998) and con­ temporary (see for example, Holst, 2004, 2020; Ruiz, 2006) case study and phi­ losophical (Allman, 1999, 2001) approaches to revolutionary adult education. Recabarren can be considered one of the forerunners of workers’ education as (radical) adult education in Latin America. He changed the prevailing discourse on the education of workers and created the conditions (parties, federations, cooperatives, newspapers, night schools, and a body of thought) for the workers to take control of their own education as a class. Among the contributions to the fields mentioned is the work of Recabarren in the implementation of working-class hegemony established through the organiza­ tions and the working-class press. This aspect of the contribution places this study closer to Gramscian studies in the field of radical adult education. This book is also a contribution to the Latin American adult education litera­ ture in English. Latin Americans are increasingly coming to the attention of English-speaking adult education scholars and, therefore, there is a growing body of literature in translation (e.g., Vanden & Becker, 2011) while studies are made of noteworthy Latin Americans in the adult education field. Starting with Freir­ ean studies, there are more recent studies on Latin American thinkers and revo­ lutionaries, such as José Carlos Mariátegui (McLaren & Jaramillo, 2010) and Ernesto Che Guevara (Holst, 2009) that center on the pedagogical aspects of their thought and praxis. In the process of writing this book I translated a significant quantity of Recabarren’s works. This is the first time that, to my knowledge, Recabarren’s works will appear in English. I believe this contribution will help towards future comparative studies in the field of Latin American adult education literature in English. xiv Organization of the Book

Introduction: An introduction to the nitrate era and the development of underdevelopment in Chile, as well as to a general overview of working-class organizations and struggles between 1884 and 1912 in the north of Chile and during the first two decades of the 20th century in Santiago and Valparaiso (center). This introduction helps towards contextualizing the subject in the history of Chile as well as placing the nitrate era in the context of British imperialism in Chile. In Chapter 1, I provide an introduction to the subject explaining the reasons for and importance of the book, as well as contexualizing it in the literature. I discuss the way information was collected and the process in writing the book, as well as talk about Recabarren in the context of Chilean historiography. In Chapter 2, I present biographical data on Recabarren and contextualize him historically. I also discuss what is understood by Recabarren’s pedagogy and I describe some of the cultural-educational efforts he fostered. I provide a section on Recabarren in the context of education in Chile, as well as a section on the importance of Recabarren in the context of Chilean history. In Chapter 3, I identify a civilizing aspect as central to Recabarren’s philoso­ phical and educational vision. This civilizing aspect, with roots in the Enlight­ enment and in the republican ideals of the new nation states, changed when Recabarren expanded his theoretical framework to fully embrace socialism as a civilizing force. The civilizing force of socialism, Recabarren proposed, had to be conducted by workers, who, by educating themselves towards the task of educat­ ing society, would then direct the process of civilizing the entire society. A civi­ lized society would be one of full equality and where all human beings could develop their humanity without fetters. The civilizing aspect appeared as regen­ eration and redemption of the working class; as illustration (enlightenment) and culture; as emancipation of the working class; as socialism as a civilizing force and as a revolutionary force. In Chapter 4, I identify chronologically the organizations that Recabarren founded and, or, participated in, and I analyze the theoretical reasons he gave for their educational importance and for their roles in the success of the working class. Chapter 5 offers a historical background on the working-class press in general. I identify the objectives pursued by the working-class press, generally, and by Organization of the Book xv Recabarren, specifically. I identify different stages in Recabarren’s views between 1900 and 1924 of the role of the working-class press: civilizer, social emancipator, defender, guide, educator, tribune, and organizer of the working class. These different stages corresponded to the state of the organizations discussed in Chapter 4 and to the philosophical positions Recabarren had reached at the time. In Chapter 6, I compare Recabarren and two of his contemporaries: the Ita­ lian Antonio Gramsci and the Peruvian José Carlos Mariátegui. The purpose in this chapter is to examine differences and similarities in their approaches to the organizing of the working class, in the case of Gramsci and Recabarren, and to the Indigenous Question in the case of Mariátegui and Recabarren. In Chapter 7, I summarize the findings and discuss the implications for all the fields to which the book can be of interest. Afterword. In view of recent events in Chile, I examine the potential of the book in providing some guidance to a movement that claims to be spontaneous and leaderless. List of Abbreviations

CPCh Communist Party of Chile [Partido Comunista de Chile] CPI Communist Party of Italy CPUS Communist Party of the Soviet Union FOCH The Federation of Chilean Workers [Federación Obrera de Chile] IWW Industrial Workers of the World PCP Communist Party of Perú POS Socialist Workers Party (of Chile) [Partido Obrero Socialista] PSI International Socialist Party (of Argentina) [Partido Socialista Internacional] PSI Socialist Party of Italy PSP Socialist Party of Perú RILU Red International of Labor Unions xvii Introduction

The Nitrate Era and the Development of Underdevelopment in Chile The Belgian political economist Ernest Mandel (1978) speculated that, by 1891, it was too late for any efforts to build economic independence and development in Chile. Due to British interests in the region enjoying full support from the Chi­ lean oligarchy, Mandel argues, Chile had been already underdeveloped by the imperialist export of capital (p. 75). President Balmaceda (1886–1891), repre­ senting a progressive sector of the Chilean national bourgeoisie, attempted to stop British capitalism by halting the construction of railroads that would run through Perú and Bolivia. His refusal to comply with British designs for the region brought on the Civil War of 1891, which Balmaceda lost, consecutively taking his own life. But Balmaceda, and that segment of the bourgeoisie that was eager to develop an independent national capitalism, had already been defeated much before. Ten years earlier, the War of the Pacific (1879–1883) had made of Perú and Bolivia permanent enemies of Chile. Bolivia not only lost territories rich in nitrates, but its only opening to the sea. Perú lost ports, nitrate mines, guano production, and several fertile valleys. Chilean troops occupied southern Perú and ransacked Lima, and Bolivia was left permanently landlocked. The acquired riches did not, ultimately, benefit Chile. They only attracted, as Gunder Frank (1967) pointed out, “a still greater measure of interest in Chile on the part of a metropolitan power, whose participation in Chilean economic and political affairs further sealed the doom of Chile’s underdevelopment” (p. 76). As Ramírez Necochea (1970) stated, “the history of British interest in Chile is long and it’s wrapped up with the history of British interest in Latin America” (p. 15). Britain had for centuries held an interest in the Spanish colonies, and during the wars of independence saw the possibility to make them hers. Through diplomacy in Europe, England successfully fended any possibility of attack from European powers that would threaten the sovereignty of the new nations. It also successfully impeded North American attempts to take over the area. Moreover, it made sure that its relations with all the Latin American nations were cementing the road for the expansion of British commerce. As Canning, a xviii Introduction British minister, declared in 1822, the freedom of Spanish America meant it was theirs, provided they, the British, managed their affairs well. He had prefaced this with the statement, “It is a ‘fait accompli.’ The claws are in place” (as cited in Ramírez Necochea, 1970, p. 23). Since Canning was associated with the mercantile class, it was quite clear whose affairs he was talking about, and whose claws were in place. In Chile, even before any formal recognition of the new sovereign state took place, a consul was sent to establish “friendly relations” between the two nations. In 1810, with the first wave of Independence, Britain tried to make a deal with Spain, offering to help curtail the independence movements in the Spanish Americas, if Spain allowed Britain to trade freely with the colonies. The main demand in the early independence movement in Chile was the opening of markets to trade. In 1817, the year of Chilean Independence, a former British naval officer was offered a command in the incipient Chilean navy at the request of the new independent Chilean government. When Lord Cochrane took full command as admiral in 1918, after extenuating negotiations for the post in competition with other British officers and with Blanco Encalada, the previous Chilean comman­ der, he committed to eradicate the Spanish fleet from the coasts of Chile and Perú. Still considered one of the heroes of Chilean independence, his own accounts on the subject (Cochrane, 1859/2013) picture him as little more than a mercenary who, nonetheless, was quite aware of his role in opening up the coasts on both sides of the continent to British trade and commerce. There is no official account of Cochrane being an agent of the British government in Chile; never­ theless, his compatriot, travel writer Mary Graham (1824/2003), who travelled with Cochrane to Brazil after a year stay in Chile, had travelled originally to Chile with her husband Thomas Graham, a British navy officer who died during the trip, and who was under orders from the British navy as the captain of His Majesty’s ship Doris to protect British shipping interests in the area. Furthermore, Graham’s descriptions in 1921 of Valparaíso, the main Chilean port, emphasize the overwhelming presence of the British in the newly independent nation’s main port, where, she claimed, the main language spoken was English, while the majority of stores appeared to be British owned, as imported merchandise com­ peted with the national products (pp. 16–17). In Chile, Mary Graham is con­ sidered an early historian of the period and one who described in detail some of the very first steps of the new independent nation. In her accounts, Graham (1824/2003) recounts social meetings with the Independence hero and Supreme Director, Bernardo O’Higgins, and, as described, hers are the views of an insider in the politics and business of government. Furthermore, the publication of her accounts in 1824 in England seemed expressly directed to paint a picture that would entice a British readership to further consider the colonial potential of Chile. By all accounts, Cochrane managed to organize a Chilean/Peruvian fleet with mostly British officers, which successfully defeated and chased away the Spanish fleet from the Chilean and Peruvian coast. This feat, as Cochrane (1859/2013) stated, opened those coasts and later both seas to British influence Introduction xix and commerce. In the process, Cochrane managed to antagonize both the Argentinian José de San Martín, Protector of Perú, and the Chilean O’Higgins by his demands for economic compensation for his services. His activities in this regardincludedtaking overa shipthat carriedmonies for government business. In 1922 and having, in his words, fulfilled his services, Cochrane (1859/2013) accepted a similar post offered him by Brazil. Although previously expelled from the British navy, Cochrane was at his return to England eventually resti­ tuted his previous post and titles, in recognition for those services to the crown and to the mercantile class. Although a lord, and the proprietor of extensive properties, Cochrane, now Earl of Dundonald (1859/2013), never stopped demanding Chile, Perú, and Brazil for monetary compensation for services he did not believe he had been sufficiently compensated for. As he had done when he left Chile in 1822, with letters to “my Chilean compatriots” and to British merchants (in Graham, 1824/2003, pp. 176–177), where he simultaneously reminded both parties of his accomplishments, the Earl of Dundonald (1859/ 2013) reminded the British government of his services to the crown and the mercantile class until his dying day. The Chilean navy fleet Cochrane organized adopted British protocols and continued to be manned by British officers. This navy was instrumental in the winning of the War of the Pacific against Perú and Bolivia. The United States of North America shared the same interest as England in the new independent nations. Thomas Reynolds expressed them by pointing out that, since the politics of Spain excluded other nations from commerce, “we had much more to gain from an independent Hispanic America than from a colonial one” (as cited in Ramírez Necochea, 1970, p. 27). The Monroe Doctrine for­ mulated in 1823 signaled a rivalry between the two powers that would be resolved in Chile in favor of England during the 19th century, and of the United States in the 20th century. This rivalry was won in favor of Britain much earlier, though, when of the two tendencies in the Chilean Independence camp, it was the pro-British camp, with O’Higgins and San Martín, that won, rather than the pro-American one represented by the Carreras. The discovery and exploitation of nitrates preceded the War of the Pacific (1879–1884), but Chile winning the war not only ensured that important terri­ tories, which previously belonged to Bolivia and Perú, became part of Chile, but also that Britain, that had supported Chile in the war, would have free access to its exploitation. By 1893, a Chilean minister would declare that the entire nitrate industry was in the hands of British interests by “a combination of circumstances that would take too long to recall” (p. 77). This referred to the virtual giving away of the mines to Thomas North, a British speculator, who had bought devalued bonds from Perú which were honored by the Chilean government and purchased by Thomas North in a packet with Tarapacá Railroads and with capital provided by Chilean banks (Frank, 1967). As Mandel (1978) explained, with the victory of Chile over Perú in 1880, the development of nitrate extraction led to the complete domination of Chilean xx Introduction mining by British capital. In the span of ten years, British capital invested in Chile more than tripled with private investments in the saltpeter pits and mines, sig­ naling a second wave of Chile’s integration into the capitalist world market. (p. 57). As Chile entered a period of classical imperialism (Mandel, 1978), dom­ ination of public life was required, hence the need to own the railways, the waterworks, and then the banks (Ramírez Necochea, 1970). The successful “revolution” of the oligarchy against Balmaceda and his anti- imperialist policies (to break the English monopoly in Tarapacá; to stimulate national nitrate companies with stocks not transferable to foreign citizens and companies; to prevent further growth of foreign firms; use of better technology, cheaper transportation) which were never acted upon (Frank, 1967), was financed by Bank Edwards and by North, who contributed £100,000 of appropriated Chilean capital (Frank, 1967). Minister Luis Aldunate would summarize the situation in 1893–1894: “the country’s economic forces have been weakened; the country has become poorer” (in Ramírez Necochea, 1970). As Mandel (1978) argued:

The domination of foreign capital over the local accumulation of capital (mostly combined with political domination) now subjected local economic development to the interests of the bourgeoisie in the metropolitan countries. It was no longer the ‘light artillery’ of cheap commodities which now bom­ barded the underdeveloped countries, but the ‘heavy artillery’ of the control of capital resources. (p. 56)

This domination consolidated underdevelopment in Chile. As Mandel (1978) has argued, “what determined the unilateral underdevelopment of the so-called ‘Third World’ was neither the ill-will of the imperialists nor the social – let alone ‘racial-inability’ of its indigenous ruling classes” (p. 56). But, as Frank (1967) had concluded before Mandel, the imperialist metropolis (England) expropriated the economic surplus of the colony (Chile) and appropriated it to develop its own economy. Chilean nitrates were used to develop agriculture in Europe. And “the potential economic surplus or capital from the nitrates had been wasted and contributed to the development of others, never to be recov­ ered by Chile” (p. 85). When a synthetic substitute replaced nitrates in Europe, copper, which had played an important role in the Chilean economy during the era of freely competitive capitalism, came back as a much sought after raw material and replaced the role of nitrates, increasingly this time in the hands of North Americans. Surplus was also appropriated, as Frank (1967) points out, through “services rendered.”“In 1913 alone, it is estimated, £2 million were remitted abroad by foreign companies working in Chile in industry, commerce, banking, insurance, telegraph, streetcars, etc.” (Ramírez Necochea as cited in Frank, 1967, p. 86). Chile also imported manufacturing goods from the “metropolis” and had its surplus for wheat appropriated by it because of its advantaged position in the Introduction xxi market (Frank, 1967, p. 86). Prophesizing the domination Chile would be victim of in the century to come, Minister Aldunate wrote in 1894:

far from being useful and productive for us, [foreign capital] exhausts us, weakens us, throws us for a loss without giving us anything or teaching us anything … It is not wise but on the contrary very dangerous for us to let the interests of a foreign monopoly grow up into the clouds … it could con­ solidate its industrial domination by a further political domination; and then it would be too late to stop the logical consequences of our short­ sightedness … We are letting ourselves be colonized … without noticing that we are the victims of stale ideas and false mirages. (as cited in Ramírez Necochea, 1970, p. 254)

According to Frank (1967), the “metropolis-satellite” structure of world capitalism was replicated within Chile. This is the only way we can understand the obtuse­ ness of those sectors of the oligarchy that favored the designs of the “metropolis”:

The reason they accepted, and championed, their own exploitation is that they were thereby able to continue their exploitation of the people in the Chilean periphery, of whom the Chilean metropolis itself was an exploiter. Had the groups controlling Chile adopted policies producing national devel­ opment instead of underdevelopment, as they did, they would, as the British knew, have exported less economic surplus to the world metropolis; but, as the newspapers of the Chilean metropolis noted, they would also have been able to appropriate less of the Chilean people’s surplus for themselves. After all, the surplus they had to let the world metropolis appropriate and the surplus that they were able to appropriate through the export of raw mate­ rials and the import of manufactured products and the surplus that they were able to appropriate for themselves were economic surplus that the privileged groups of the Chilean and world metropolis were expropriating / appro­ priating from the vast majority of the Chilean people, who produced the raw materials but did not consume the imported manufactured goods – and who consumed less and less even of the raw materials and food they themselves produced. (p. 85)

This state of affairs would allow Eduardo Matte (a member of a banking family) to declare in 1892 “the owners of Chile are ourselves, the owners of capital and of the soil: the rest is masses who can be influenced and sold; they do not matter either as opinion or as prestige” (as cited in Frank, 1967, p. 93). Towards the end of the century, Germany and the United States emerged as a threat to British imperialism in Chile. German investments grew in the 1890s and monopolized the electric power industry and the urban trolley car system. North American investments develop after 1900. The Braden Copper Company (1905), the Chile Exploration Corporation, later Anaconda, in 1911, and Bethlehem Steel Corporation in 1913, all appropriated most, if not all, of the copper and xxii Introduction iron of Chile. “The Chilean investment and trade of the United States and Ger­ many were fast catching up with those of Britain. Chile was now the scene of ferocious imperialist rivalry” (Boorstein, 1977, p. 22).

The Nitrate Era and the Chilean Mining Working Class Starting with the end of the War of the Pacific, the nitrate industry, now mostly in British hands, spread through the Tarapacá and Antofagasta regions, with numberless mining towns (oficinas), requiring railroads, transportation, equipment, and infrastructure, which tycoons such as the English Thomas North and others successfully accomplished with the help of the Chilean oligarchy. The industrial working-class, as well as the trades involved in nitrate extraction, processing, and shipping, had to contend with British imperialism as well as with capitalist rela­ tions, in a context where the Chilean state provided armed protection to the foreign companies. The mining towns were enclaves in the Atacama Desert, in which the workers lived and worked in isolation. The administrators, usually foreigners, kept a tight grip on workers’ activities. The workers could not leave the town to shop, for example, as they were not paid in money, either national or in pounds. They were paid in tokens (fichas), which could only be redeemed at the company store (pulperías). It has been speculated (Viola, 1973) that this situation might have contributed to the healthier habits of the workers in the mines as well as to more cooperation between workers, thus leading to the formation of mutual aid socie­ ties as well as cultural and educational organizations. More combative organiza­ tions resulted in a general strike as early as 1890. Recabarren Rojas (1954) identified more than 100 organizations in the Tar­ apacá and Antofagata regions between the 1890s and 1912 and estimated 10,000 members in both regions. The societies ranged from mutual aid organizations (socorros mutuos), to cultural ones (filarmónicas) and educational ones, sport leagues, and unions.

Nitrate Workers Struggles between 1884 and 1912 Floreal Recabarren Rojas (1954), after consulting the newspapers of the entire period, registered 150 strikes in the regions of Tarapacá and Antofagasta; 45 of them between 1884 and 1897, and 105 between 1899 and 1912; 94 of them in Tarapacá and 56 in the region of Antofagasta. Workers protests and strikes were met with consistent repression from the Chilean state exemplified in its most dramatic form in the port city of Antofagasta in 1906, when workers running away from police fire met with that of navy patrols sent by the government; and in Iquique in 1907, when 10,000 nitrate miners demonstrated for higher salaries, safety standards at work, and an end to the company stores in the northern city of Iquique. The Chilean military was called in and an estimated 2,000 (Jobet in Recabarren Rojas, 1954) men, women and children died under machine gun fire in a school yard called Santa María. Introduction xxiii Considered one of the worst massacres in labor history, Angell (1972) refers to it as an example of how the workers at that stage of the game believed in the strength of their numbers to combat capitalism. In the second decade of the 20th century, a bloody massacre in the nitrate mining town of San Gregorio in 1921 (Recabarren Rojas, 2003) was followed later by others in the mining towns of La Coruña, Pontevedra and Barrenechea in 1925. Parallel to the workers rising level of consciousness, capital was incessantly changing hands as foreign capitalists replaced each other in the Chilean scene. In 1911, the Chuquicamata mine was bought by Guggenheim from Albert C. Bur- rage, to be later sold to the Anaconda Copper Company in 1923. In 1913, Bethlehem Steel Corporation was granted a 30-year concession to exploit Chile’s iron ore deposits, consequently keeping a monopoly over iron ore in Chile until the 1950s. The Andes Copper Mining Company purchased La Africana from a Chilean capitalist in 1914. In 1904, the Braden Copper Company bought El Teniente from Chilean capitalists, to sell it then in 1908 to Guggenheim, who then was responsible for organizing the Kennecott Copper Corporation (with financing from Morgan). Thus, the stage was set for the replacement of saltpeter mining by copper mining and for the replacement of British economic interests in Chile by U.S. capitalists.

Workers’ Struggles in the Center of the Country in the Early 1900s In 1909, the Chilean Workers’ Federation (FOCH), a mutual aid society, was founded and, though its initial purpose was to curtail unrest, the workers, thus organized, struck 293 times between 1911 and 1920. In 1914, anarchists formed the Liga de Arrendatarios [Renters League] in Valparaíso to address the wor­ sening housing problem. In 1915, the Federación de Profesores de Instrucción Primaria [Federation of Primary School Teachers] was formed. This was fol­ lowed by the first teachers’ strike in 1918. In 1918 the Asamblea Obrera de Ali­ mentación Nacional [National Workers’ Food Assembly] formed. The Assembly became known for its Mítines de Hambre [Hunger demonstrations] which attracted large crowds culminating in a demonstration of nearly 100,000 in San­ tiago. In addition, the Assembly’s National Congress in 1919 took up, among other issues, such as the 8-hour day, the detrimental impact that the latifundios had on food production and the living conditions of the peasants. The Congress recognized the need to organize the peasants and called for the end of the lati­ fundios through land distribution to the peasantry. In the year 1920, there were several mass strike actions in the mining areas of the north and the south, and anarchists established a chapter of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) (DeShazo, 1983). Students also started to form their first organizations during this year with the first Chilean Student Convention. There are authors who argue that most of the above organizations and pro­ tests, which took place in Valparaiso and Santiago in the 1900s, were the result of anarchist ideas and organizing (e.g., DeShazo, 1983). DeShazo (1983) holds the xxiv Introduction premise that it was not the mining workers in the north of Chile the ones to lead the most important organizations or be the most politically combative. On the other hand, Sergio Grez Toso (2007) has more recently tried to place these alle­ gations in a more nuanced context. He argues that anarchists had an important presence in Chile between 1893 and 1925, but that the historiography on the subject has tended to give it either undue importance or ignored it completely. In my related research of the periods covered, I have found that anarchist ideas might have influenced early workers’ organizational efforts in the north, more specifically in the case of resistance societies, with newspaper activity going on as well (see Appendix B). The historiography on the subject highlights figures such as Luis Olea, Mario Cantore, Magno Espinoza, and Escobar Carvallo, who were involved in or advocated for direct action, and agitated through the press. I have also read the writings of anarchist intellectuals such as José Santos González Vera (2005) on the subject, particularly his portrayals of the university students’ activ­ ities in which he participated. I believe anarchism in Chile in the first decades of the century was mostly dedicated to intellectual endeavors, with intellectuals living in scattered Tolstoian communes, and with anarchists having an important presence in the trades and some influence on university students as well as on renters and other unorganized workers in Santiago and in the port of Valparaíso. What I believe most writers intent on showing an important anarchist influence in Chile miss is the hybrid nature of the politics of the period and their imple­ mentation in Chile. Luis Emilio Recabarren, who might have had anarchist leanings in the beginning, and who changed theoretically and tactically when in contact with Marxist ideas and a Communist culture, never stopped working with the anarchists for common goals. For their part, renowned intellectual anarchists such as writer González Vera (2005) worked closely with Recabarren in the newspaper of the Federation of Chilean Workers (FOCH) and had the highest opinion of him. Alejandro Escobar Carvallo, who held famous polemics with Recabarren in the working-class press, finally joined him in the Democratic (Doctrinario) party in 1905. A few of the activists who anarchist writers tend to identify as anarchists were in fact socialists, members of the Partido Obrero Socialista (POS) founded by Luis Emilio Recabarren in 1912. 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