Cooperative Research Projects in Sub-Saharan Africa

Knowledge for Tomorrow – Cooperative Research Projects in Sub-Saharan Africa

First Grantees Meeting

25 - 28 November 2007 Bamako, Mali

VolkswagenStiftung, Hannover/Germany University of Frankfurt, Germany Point Sud, Center for Research on Local Knowledge, Bamako/Mali Contents

Words of Welcome/Souhaits de bienvenue 6

Program 14

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa 18

● Shari’a Debates and Their Perception by Christians and Muslims in Selected African Countries 18

● States at Work. Public Services and Civil Servants in West Africa: Education and Justice in Benin, Ghana, Mali and Niger 66

● Belief in Paranormal and Occult: Its Influence on the Socio- Economic-Political Life in West Africa in the Era of Globalization 143

● Governance and Social Action in Sudan after the Peace Agreement of January 2005: Local, National, and Regional Dimensions 185

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Saharan Africa 207

● Molecular Characterization and Estimation of Public Health Relevance of Hemorrhagic Fever Viruses Circulating in Ghana and Nigeria 207

● Wolbachia Endobacteria in Filarial Infections – Exploring Their Usefulness as Targets for Novel Chemotherapies that Are Anti- filarial, Reduce Filarial Pathology and Interrupt Transmission 212

● Phase Change Material to Treat Buruli Ulcer through Heat Treatment 224

● Meningococcal Meningitis in Sub-Saharan Africa: From the Understanding of the Dynamics of Colonization and Disease Patterns to Improved Control 226

● Cutaneous Leishmaniasis in Northern Cameroon: Immunological Studies of Leishmania and Leishmania/ HIV Coinfection in the Mokolo Endemic Focus 238

4 Violence, its Impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 241

● Local Strategies of Conflict Management in Guinea-Bissau 241

● Travelling Models in Conflict Management. A Comparative Research and Network Building Project in Six African Countries (Chad, Ethiopia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Africa and Sudan) 279

● Reconciliation and Social Conflict in the Aftermath of Large-scale Violence in Southern Africa: The Cases of Angola and Namibia 304

List of Participants 332

Addresses 338

Contents 5 Words of Welcome

To support communication and cooperation among researchers from different disciplines, institutions, and countries, to facilitate international exchanges and the creation of efficient, effective, and sustainable collaborations. To enable African researchers, in particular the young generation of doctoral and postdoctoral fellows, to participate in internationally competitive research endeavours, and to make European academics more aware of intercultural differences and pressing issues their colleagues in sub-Saharan Africa are faced with. – These are the prime objectives of the Volkswagen Foundation’s funding initiative “Knowledge for Tomorrow” which started in 2003, and since then has been opening up opportunities for research projects and partnerships in six topically defined areas:

● Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa ● Communicable Diseases in Sub-Saharan Africa – from the African Bench to the Field ● Violence, its Impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building ● Resources, their Dynamics and Sustainability – Capacity Development in Comparative and Integrated Approaches ● Negotiating Culture in the Context of Globalization ● Resources, Livelihood Management, Reforms, and Processes of Structural Change

At the conference in Bamako about 160 scholars involved in projects resulting from the first three calls for proposals will present their work, and we are very happy and proud to meet especially the young researchers from altogether 17 African countries. I am confident that this meeting will provide a first opportunity to demonstrate some of the outstanding results achieved so far, but I am even more looking forward to an open exchange of experiences and ideas with respect to the overall development of our funding initiative, and in particular its future directions when it comes to ensuring ownership on the side of the African scholars through truly symmetric partnerships. More and more these will have to rest on strong inner-African networks. They will become a crucial factor in order to enable African scholars to perform independently top notch research. 6 On behalf of the Volkswagen Foundation I do thank all of you for coming here. My special thanks are due to the organizers, Professor Mamadou Diawara, Dr. Stephan Schmid, and Sabine Zeck from the University of Frankfurt, Dr. Moussa Sissoko from Point Sud in Bamako, and Dr. Detlef Hanne, Ms. Nicole Richter, Dr. Adelheid Wessler and Ms. Ute Steinert from the Foundation’s offices in Hanover for making this conference possible. Also, I would like to take the opportunity to thank Dr. Antje Gunsenheimer who has just left the Foundation in order to continue her academic career at the University of Bonn, for her strong commitment to making the start of the Africa initiative a success. Last but not least I wish us all an inspiring meeting, full of illuminating presentations and interesting debates, a lot of new ideas and acquaintances. Although we like to be complemented for our achievements, I do think that it is necessary to also look at those things which need to be improved. Therefore, I should like to encourage you to openly address whatever point you consider to be necessary in making the Africa initiative of the Volkswagen Foundation a sustainable success. By pointing at mistakes made in the past as well as by addressing the challenges and opportunities of future funding you will help us to jointly prepare the initiative for the way ahead.

With best wishes and kind regards.

Yours,

Dr. Wilhelm Krull Secretary General Volkswagen Foundation

Words of Welcome 7 Souhaits de bienvenue

Soutenir la communication et la coopération entre chercheurs de diffé- rents pays, disciplines et institutions, faciliter les échanges internationaux et la création de réseaux de collaborations efficaces, effectives et durables, permettre à des chercheurs africains, en particulier à la jeune génération en doctorat et post-doctorat, de participer à des projets de recherche compétitifs internationalement, sensibiliser les universitaires européens aux différences culturelles et aux problèmes urgents auxquels leurs collègues de l’Afrique subsaharienne sont confrontés. Tels sont les objectifs fondamentaux de l’initiative de financement “Les savoirs de demain” créée par la Fondation Volkswagen en 2003 et qui offre déjà des possibilités de subvention de projets de recherche et de collaborations dans six domaines thématiques distincts:

● Dynamiques politiques, économiques et sociales en Afrique subsaharienne ● Maladies contagieuses en Afrique subsaharienne – des analyses en laboratoire à l’engagement sur le terrain ● La violence, son impact, les moyens d’y faire face et d’engager un processus de paix ● Dynamiques et développement durable des ressources – développe- ment des compétences dans une approche comparative et intégrée ● Négociations de cultures dans le contexte de la mondialisation ● Ressources, stratégies de subsistance, réformes et processus de changement

À la conférence de Bamako, environ 160 universitaires participant à des projets de recherche issus des trois premiers appels de candidatures viendront présenter l’état actuel de leurs travaux. Nous sommes particu- lièrement fiers et heureux d’y accueillir la jeune génération de chercheurs venus de 17 pays africains différents. Je suis convaincu que cette rencontre sera une première occasion de présenter quelques-uns des résultats les plus remarquables obtenus ces derniers mois et j’attend avec encore plus d’impatience un vif échange d’idées et d’expériences sur le développe- ment global de notre initiative de financement, en particulier en ce qui concerne ses orientations futures. En effet, en favorisant un partenariat 8 symétrique, celle-ci devrait garantir l’association étroite des chercheurs africains aux bénéfices des projets, ce qui renforcera les réseaux inter- africains déjà existants. À leur tour, ceux-ci devraient ainsi contribuer de façon déterminante à ce que des universitaires africains puissent mener de manière indépendante leur recherche au plus haut niveau.

Au nom de la Fondation Volkswagen, j’aimerais vous remercier d’être tous ici présents. J’aimerais en particulier exprimer ma reconnaissance aux organisateurs, au Professeur Mamadou Diawara, au Dr. Stephan Schmid et à Sabine Zeck de l’Université de Francfort, au Dr. Moussa Sis- soko de Point Sud à Bamako, ainsi qu’au Dr. Detlef Hanne, à Mme Nicole Richter, à la Dr. Adelheid Wessler et à Mme Ute Steinert du siège de la Fondation à Hanovre qui ont rendu possible cette conférence. J’aimerais également profiter de l’occasion pour remercier la Dr. Antje Gunsenheimer, qui vient juste de quitter la Fondation pour continuer sa carrière universitaire à l’Université de Bonn. Son engagement déterminant a permis à la phase initiale de l’initiative africaine d’être couronnée de succès. Enfin, et ce n’est pas le moins important, je souhaite à tous une conférence qui nous inspire, riche en présentations éclairantes et en débats captivants et pleine d’idées originales et de nouveaux contacts. Et si nous apprécions les compliments pour ce que nous avons déjà réalisé, il me semble tout aussi important d’aborder ce qui exige encore d’être amélioré. Par consé- quent, je ne peux que vous encourager à nous adresser ouvertement tous les commentaires contribuant à long terme au succès de l’initiative africaine de la Fondation Volkswagen. En soulignant les erreurs du passé comme en abordant les défis et les opportunités des prochains finance- ments, vous nous aiderez à préparer ensemble l’avenir de l’initiative.

Mes meilleurs voeux à tous. Bien cordialement,

Dr. Wilhelm Krull Secrétaire Général Fondation Volkswagen Souhaits de bienvenue 9 Words of Welcome

In choosing Mali and Point Sud to be the venue for the first status symposium ever to be organized on the continent, the Volkswagen Foundation wishes to stress the importance of its initiative for Africa. What importance should we attribute to this?

By inviting you to this meeting at Bamako the funding initiative wishes to underscore the significance of social scientific research in African societies. Research into the natural sciences may be of universal concern, but not infrequently the application of research results calls for a deeper understanding of the social context. However, this seemingly obvious fact is all too often neglected when it comes to Africa. When taking the humanities and social sciences into due consideration together with the natural sciences – when bringing together representatives of the two disciplines – we thereby substantially improve conditions for dialogue and success with regard to resolving the problems which confront the continent. The funding initiative endeavors to create a forum for the promotion of research with Africa rather than on Africa. Africa needs to detach itself from its status as object to that of being a subject in its own right. The target is to define the objectives of research at their place of implementation, and not the reverse. The aim is to search for solutions to the problems which confront us where they occur, rather than to search for ready-made solutions put forward by others.

In order to do this the funding initiative endeavors to restore African researchers’ confidence in their own capabilities. This calls for a completely new approach, necessitating adaptation to a new system. We need to seize this opportunity for scientific research offered by the Volks - wagen Foundation. Our colleagues in the northern hemisphere, especially in Germany, also have to get used to seeing their African brothers and sisters taking the research initiative in order to establish dialogue of a different type. In this way we will arrive at a dialogue sharing the same point of view.

Pulling together intellectually and materially, we will be able to build an enviable intellectual home on the continent. Only in this way will it 10 be able to create an African space for young talents who do not solely regard the West as the roof which protects them.

By making Point Sud the ‘Center for Research on Local Knowledge’, the Volkswagen Foundation has given the city the honor of organizing this exceptional manifestation; choosing Mali to host the event reflects particularly on the tenth anniversary of an institution to which it gave birth, supported by the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin, the Alexander von Hum- boldt Foundation and the University of Bayreuth.

Our high hopes can be summarized in one very fashionable word which I would like to dwell on for a moment: “communication”. We need to address the communication or intercommunication between Fran- cophiles, Lusophiles and Anglophiles, to name but the three main lan- guages. African researchers are used to communicating – or rather not communicating – beyond the bounds of colonial tradition. Language, one of its relics, continues to impact the day to day life of the people and researchers alike. Our objective is to create a forum of a new quality. This does not mean the traditional dialogue where the West merely dictates, but rather one where Africans define the research agenda according to their own preoccupations and priorities. Beyond this dialogue we are aiming at a disciplinary dialogue more indispensable than ever. Without it how will medicine be able to fight diseases as old as water-transmitted infections, malaria or an illness as new and catastrophic as AIDS? In the hope that you will engage in fruitful dialogue, and that you will enjoy your stay in the Sahel zone of Mali.

Prof. Dr. Mamadou Diawara University of Frankfurt/Main, Institute of Historical Ethnology Point Sud, Bamako

Words of Welcome 11 Souhaits de bienvenue

La Fondation Volkswagen, en choisissant le Mali et Point Sud pour le premier Status Symposium jamais organisé sur le continent, marque d’une pierre blanche l’importance de son Initiative Pour l’Afrique. Quel sens faut-il lui donner?

En vous accueillant à cette rencontre de Bamako l’Initiative met en exergue la signification de la recherche en sciences sociales dans les sociétés africaines. Les recherches en sciences de la nature ont certes une validité universelle, mais bien souvent leur application exige une maîtrise du contexte social. Cette évidence a été et reste encore négligée quant il s’agit de l’Afrique. En insistant sur les sciences humaines et sociales, sans négliger les sciences de la nature, en mettant côte à côte les spécialistes des deux disciplines, leur chance de succès dans la solution des pro- blèmes qui sévissent sur le continent s’améliore substantiellement.

L’Initiative se veut un forum qui promeut la recherche avec l’Afrique et non sur l’Afrique. L’Afrique de son statut d’objet doit se hisser à celui de sujet à part entière. L’objectif est de définir les objectifs de la recherche à partir du lieu de sa mise en œuvre et non l’inverse. Le but est de chercher les solutions des problèmes qui se posent à nous sur place et non de chercher les problèmes pour des solutions d’autres cieux prêtes à l’emploi. Pour ce faire, l’Initiative veut à terme restaurer la confiance des chercheurs sur place en eux-même. Cela requiert un exercice d’une autre nature et exige de s’habituer à un autre système. Nous devrons saisir l’opportunité offerte par la Fondation Volkswagen et prendre l’initiative de la recherche scientifique. Les collègues du Nord, de l’Allemagne en particulier, doivent eux aussi s’habituer à voir les consœurs et confrères africains prendre l’initiative de la recherche pour établir un dialogue d’une autre nature. Ainsi apprendrons-nous à dialoguer à hauteur de vue égale.

Outillés, intellectuellement et matériellement, pourra-t-on bâtir ensemble un domicile intellectuel (intellectual home) enviable sur le continent. Ainsi seulement pourra-t-on contribuer à former sur place de jeunes talents qui ne verront pas uniquement en Occident le toit où s’abriter. 12 La Fondation Volkswagen en faisant à Point Sud, Center for Research on Local Knowledge, l’insigne honneur d’organiser cette manifestation exceptionnelle, en choisissant la Mali pour l’accueillir, donne un reflet particulier au dixième anniversaire d’une institution dont elle contribua essentiellement à la naissance, avec à ses côtés le Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin, la Fondation Alexander von Humboldt et l’Université de Bay- reuth.

Nos souhaits les plus vifs se résument en un seul mot très à la mode que je m’empresse de préciser, la «communication». Il s’agit de s’attaquer au grand chantier de la communication ou de l’intercommunication entre francophones, lusophones et anglophones, pour ne prendre que ces trois langues. Les chercheurs africains ont coutume de communiquer ou disons de ne pas communiquer au-delà des tranchés des traditions coloniales. La langue, une de ses reliques, continue de marquer nettement le quotidien des peuples et des chercheurs. Notre objectif est de mettre en place un forum d’une nouvelle qualité. Il ne s’agit pas du traditionnel dialogue où l’Occident donne le la, mais d’un autre où les Africains défi- nissent l’agenda de la recherche en fonction de leurs propres préoccupa- tions. Au-delà de ce dialogue nous visons un dialogue disciplinaire plus indispensable que jamais. Sans lui, que peut la médecine pour vaincre des maux aussi anciens que les infections liées à l’eau, le paludisme ou encore un mal aussi nouveau et catastrophique que le SIDA?

Dans l’espoir que vous vous engagerez dans un dialogue fructueux, je vous souhaite en même temps que la bienvenue bon séjour en terre sahélienne du Mali.

Prof. Dr. Mamadou Diawara Université de Francfort/Main, Institut d’Ethnologie Historique Point Sud, Bamako

Souhaits de bienvenue 13 First Grantees Meeting within the Africa Initiative 25 - 28 November 2007 at the Azalaï Hotel Salam, Bamako, Mali Program

25 November 2007 (Arrival)

5.00 pm Registration 6.30 pm Departure to the National Museum (from the three hotels) 7.00 pm Reception at the National Museum

26 November 2007

9.00 am Welcome to participants by organizers (Wilhelm Krull and Mamadou Diawara) 9.30 am Welcoming addresses 10.00 am The Volkswagen Foundation and its initiative for cooperative research projects in sub-Saharan Africa (Detlef Hanne) 10.30 am Coffee Break 11.00 am Key Note Lectures on the current situation of the three thematic fields addressed at the meeting: – “Communicable Diseases in Africa” by N.N. – “Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa” by Robert Kriger – “Violence, its Impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building” by Eboe Hutchful 1.00 pm Lunch Break 2.30 pm Short comments on: 1. Experiences with North-South cooperations 2. Experiences with South-South cooperations 3. Experiences in the field of capacity building in the framework of research projects and following plenary discussion

14 4.00 pm Coffee Break 4.30 pm Poster Section All projects are presented by summary posters 7.00 pm Joint Dinner (Salam Hotel)

27 November 2007

Presentation and Discussion of each Research Project in its Thematic Group (Coffee breaks at 11.00 am and 4.00 pm; lunch at 1.30 pm)

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa

9.00 am Project 1: Governance and Social Action in Sudan after the Peace Agreement Project 2: Belief in the Paranormal and the Occult Project 3: Shari‘a Debates and Their Perception by Christians and Muslims Project 4:States at Work. Public Services and Civil Servants in West Africa

Communicable Diseases – From the African Bench to the Field

9.00 am Project 1: Meningococcal Meningitis in Sub-Saharan Africa Project 2: Wolbachia Endobacteria in Filarial Infections Project 3: Phase Change Material to Treat Buruli Ulcer through Heat Treatment Project 4:Cutaneous Leishmaniasis in Northern Cameroon Project 5: Molecular Characterization and Estimation of Public Health Relevance of Hemorrhagic Fever Viruses

Program 15 Violence, its Impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building

9.00 am Project 1: Local Strategies of Conflict Management in Guinea-Bissau Project 2: Reconciliation and Social Conflict in the Aftermath of Large-scale Violence in Southern Africa Project 3: Travelling Models in Conflict Management

8.00 pm Joint Dinner (Salam Hotel)

28 November 2007

9.00 am Short Presentation of the Results of Previous Sessions Rapporteurs give a summary of their observations on the discussions of the previous day (5 – 10 minutes). 10.00 am Interdisciplinary working groups (at maximum 20 participants, an individual group for Ph.D. candidates) discuss appropriate ways of capacity building 11.30 am Coffee Break 1.00 pm Lunch Break 2.30 pm Plenary discussion on the results of the working groups 4.30 pm Final comments by the organizers 5.00 pm Departure or 6.00 pm Dinner

Accompanying program: Display of posters during the whole conference.

16 Program 17 Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa Shari’a Debates and Their Perception by Christians and Muslims in Selected African Countries (Prof. Dr. Ulrich Berner and Partners)

Debates about the application of Islamic law have been continuing in several African countries. These debates have fundamental effects on Christian-Muslim relations. This research project examines the dynamics of conflict and perspectives of cooperation in relation to current Shari’a debates in four African countries (Nigeria, Sudan, Kenya, Tanzania). Experiences gained in a series of multi-disciplinary and international research projects, symposia and workshops, helped substantially to formulate the topic and to elaborate the project. The backbone of the project is a group of eleven young African scholars (Muslims and Christians). They are trained intensively in methodology and theory to develop new multidisciplinary and comparative approaches. The research undertaken by this future academic leadership will have a lasting effect on already existing research networks (South-South and North-South) and the shaping of new ones.

The project application was made by the University of Bayreuth in cooperation with University of Jos, Nigeria; University of Khartoum; Sudan and St. Paul’s United Theological College, Limuru, Kenya.

The aims of the project are to address these problems: ● Building on networks established in previous projects sponsored by Volkswagen Foundation, the applicants formed with several established Western scholars a Project Team that is both international and multidisciplinary, involving religious studies, Islamic studies, jurisprudence, history, and social anthropology. ● The Project Team helps to define scholarly research and writing aimed at filling the gaps in our knowledge about the history and the current

18 political, economic, and social dynamics of “Shari’a Debates and Their Perception by Muslims and Christians in Selected African Countries”. The focus countries are Kenya, Nigeria, Sudan, and Tanzania. ● Multi-disciplinarity and comparativity between countries are significant components of the research and writing sponsored. In order to build up new and to enhance existing networks cooperation among researchers is encouraged. Comparativity on the level of entire sub- Saharan Africa leading to comparativity on the trans-continental level. ● Perhaps most importantly, most of the research and writing is done by young African scholars, including both Muslims and Christians, who are closely supervised and assisted by members of the Project Team with a view to their proper training, their exposure to current ideas, methodologies, and milieu, and the enhancement of their formal academic qualifications. ● The ultimate aim of the project is the building of networks among these young African scholars as the academic leadership of the future in their respective countries and the improvement of African-European academic networks.

Eleven “junior scholars” have been nominated after a highly competitive selection process. The Junior Scholars and their sub-projects are by country:

Kenya: – Rebecca Osiro, a graduate of St. Paul’s UTC, does research in the field of women’s perspectives on the role of kadhi’s courts in Western Kenya. – Halkano Abdi Wario, Moi University, Eldoret Kenya, investigates the recent debates on the future role of the Islamic court system in the religiously mixed town of Isiolo in Northern Kenya. – Esha Faki Mwinyihaji, Maseno University in Kenya, specialises in the problem of Islamic law and Muslim women’s participation in the Kenyan public life.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 19 Nigeria: – Abdul-Fatah ’Kola Makinde, of the Obafemi Awolowo University in Ile-Ife, Nigeria, researches and writes on the “independent Shari’a panels” established in recent years in several South-Western Nigerian states. – Chikas Danfulani, of the University of Jos, Nigeria, studies shifting ideas about female Muslim education in Northern Nigeria. – The Tunisian Junior Scholar Ramzi Ben Amara, a graduate of Bay - reuth University, undertakes research on the recent developments of the Izala reformist Islamic movement in Nigeria.

Sudan: – Salma Mohammed’s research concentrates on the impact of Shari’a implementation among Sudanese Christians in Khartoum. – Ahmad al-Hassab, University of Dallanj in Kordofan province, studies the effects of a dual economic system in Sudan after the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. His research highlights the possible problems of an Islamic and capi- talist economic system in the same country. – Mohammad Hamed, Shendi University, investigates the influence of Islamic law on family planning among Muslims in the Sudanese town of Shendi.

Tanzania: – Bernardin Mfumbusa, of St. Augustin University in Mwanza, Tan- zania, prepares a case study on Shari’a debates and the erosion of the national consensus in Tanzania in Kondoa township. – William Kopwe, a graduate of St. Paul’s United Theological College, Limuru, Kenya, on the other hand studies the religio-political and social challenges of Shari’a implementation in Tanzania mainland on a broader scale.

20 To achieve the aims of the whole project this really “pan-African” group of junior scholars studied the summer terms 2006 and 2007 at the Uni- versity of Bayreuth. Due to the multidisciplinary background of the junior scholars and the different academic levels, M.A., PhD and postdoctoral, the Chairs of Religious Studies, Anthropology and Islamic Studies at Bayreuth University offered them an intensive coaching in the theory and practice of different methodologies in social-science research. Endowed with new ideas they went back to their home countries to undertake first steps in their field research.

Franz Kogelmann director and coordinator of the project held already two workshops in Africa. Supported and organised by the local country- coordinators, John Chesworth, St. Paul’s United Theological College, Limuru, Kenya, and Osman Mohamed Osman Ali, University of Khartoum, Sudan, these workshops took place in October 2006 and February 2007. To guarantee high standards of research the project director backed up by country experts carries out these workshops on a regular basis.

Whereas the Kenyan meeting was restricted to the East-African members, its Sudanese counterpart comprised all members of the project. In Kenya the junior scholars reported on their research progress since they left Bayreuth at the end of summer term 2006 and problems of different natures have been discussed.

In Sudan the first mid-term evaluation of the field research done so far took place. The junior scholars seized the opportunity to present and to discuss their preliminary findings in front of all project members. To achieve the self imposed high standards national and international senior scholars attended this workshop. Beside the presentations of the junior scholars another important part of this meeting was to discuss the development of suitable instruments of quality control and measures to refine the structure of the project as such. The University of

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 21 Bayreuth has been represented by Ulrich Berner and Asonzeh Ukah, both Chair of Religious Studies I, Kurt Beck, Chair of Anthropology, and the Sociologist Gabriele Cappai.

The work in the various sub-projects has been assessed at the summer academies and workshops and the Junior Scholars have been guided by their country coordinators as well as the Senior Academics involved in the project. Several of the Junior Scholars are preparing to submit dissertations to their own institutions as a result of their involvement with the project. This is helping to raise the academic standards of these institutions.

The project is planning to prepare for publication the work carried out in the various sub-projects.

Participants/Contact:

Professor Dr. Ulrich Berner Dr. Franz Kogelmann (coordinator) Mr. Ramzi Ben Amara University of Bayreuth Chair of Religious Studies I 95440 Bayreuth, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Kurt Beck University of Bayreuth Chair of Anthropology 95440 Bayreuth, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

22 Dr. Osman Mohamed Osman Ali Ms. Salma Mohammed Abdalmunim Abdalla University of Khartoum Department of Sociology & Social Anthropology P.O. Box 321 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Mr. Ahmed Alhassab Omer Alhassab University of Dalang Southern Kordofan, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected]

Mr. Mohamed Hamad Ahmed University of Shendi Faculty of Community Development Shendi, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. John Chesworth Professor Dr. Esther Mombo Mr. William Kopwe Ms. Rebecca A. Osiro St. Paul’s United Theological College Private Bag Limuru, KENYA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 23 Dr. Esha Faki Mwinyihaji Mr. Halkano Abdi Wario Moi University P.O. Box 3900 Eldoret, KENYA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Sati Fwatshak University of Jos Head of Department of History Jos, Plateau State, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Dr. Jamila Nasir Dr. Philip Ostien University of Jos Faculty of Law P.O. Box 2048 Jos, Plateau State, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Ms. Chikas Danfulani University of Jos Department of Religious Studies P.O. Box 2084 Jos Plateau State, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected]

24 Dr. Abdul-Fatah ’Kola Makinde Osun State College of Education Department of Islamic Studies P.O. Box 207 Ila-Orangun, NIGERIA E-mail: makindeabdulfatah@yahoo. co.uk

Dr. Shamil Jeppie University of Cape Town Department of Historical Studies Beattie Bldg., Rondebosch 7701 Cape Town, SOUTH AFRICA E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Bernardin Mfumbusa St. Augustin University Faculty of Humanities and Communications P.O. Box 4020 Mwanza, TANZANIA E-mail: [email protected]

Mr. Abdulkadir Hashim Abdulkadir University of Zanzibar Department of Sharia P.O. Box 2064 Zanzibar, TANZANIA E-mail: [email protected]

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 25 Subprojects: Christians Muslims Relations among the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Khartoum

Salma Mohamed Abdalmunim Abdalla

The work among displaced communities of different faiths opens the opportunity to investigate how displaced persons consider the issues that unite or divide them. In Sudan there is always a tendency to define the Sudanese conflicts along religious lines, with Muslim versus Chris- tian encounters. This thesis explores this relationship at the grassroots level. This research demonstrates that religious faith constitutes no bar- rier to mutual interaction and in real life neither Islam nor Christianity constitutes ideological cleavages. On the contrary these religions constitute obvious differences in formal circles, namely governmental and administrative levels, as well as in political organizations. Here, at these levels there are barriers between Christianity and Islam and visa versa. Frequently actors in the political and hierarchy of society utilise religion for their own interests. The fundamental research questions though not limited to these are: Is religion the dividing factor in the displaced camps? What are the concerns of displaced people about religious relationships in their daily lives? Do the government and the institutions impose particular behaviour that may be problematic to social interactions in displaced communities?

This research is based on a three month field-work administered in two of the largest Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps in Khartoum, Mandella and Wad al Bashir. The camps are cosmopolitan and are a melting point of different cultures and religions. The two study areas emerged in the beginning of 1990s. The reason for displacement for the majority in these two camps was war.

26 The survey was conducted in form of individual interviews, group interviews and the personal observation in the period from February 27th to May 25th 2007. The researcher used snow-ball sampling because the population is extremely large and scattered over a large geographical area. In total they are 21 individual interviews and three group discussions. The ages of the informants ranged from 17 to 50 years. One way to work in the IDP camps was to reach them through key persons in their communities. Therefore I specifically targeted key persons working in the public committee, university students, local and international NGOs and religious and community leaders. Participants in the survey are both Christians and Muslims. Men and women are alike. All interviews were gender-sensitive to reduce biases. Women are one third of the interviewees.

The displaced people preserve no differences among themselves along religious lines in their daily life. Issues of conflict are at national and government levels. The majority of respondents of both religions agree that religion is used as an instrument of political interests. Other actors such as religious institutions and community members play lesser roles in the use of religion for other purposes.

The study also showed that many Christians identify the Public order as a critical factor in Christian-Muslim relationships in the camps. This is attributed to the police action against IDP camps which is seen discrimi- natory, other issues related to alcohol drinking, and making, and the way somebody dressing may not necessarily applying to Christians.

Both Christians and Muslims agree on the occurrence of conflicts between Christians and State institutions. The reality is that the Church and the State are frequently at odds with each other over development policy, confiscation of Church properties and demolition of Churches by authorities of Khartoum State under the guise of town planning. It is also noted

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 27 that the inter-communal violence is potential when a religious property is under the threat of destruction and confiscation. This is the situation when authorities of Khartoum State confiscated Churches and many important parish centres were destroyed inside and outside the IDP camps.

The group discussions observed that there are obstacles towards Chris- tian-Muslim peaceful co-existence. Ignorance is seen to destroy dialogue as it breeds some prejudice about the other group’s religion.

Then this prejudice is in the context of misunderstanding the other’s religious values. There is always suspicion of fear of conversion to Islam by a Christian when he or she walks together with Muslims. Also members of the two religions tend to believe that their religion is the only true believe other’s Religion. Other Social factors that block the dialogue between the groups include politics and ethnicity.

The research has so far revealed that political attitude and behaviour go contrary to the popular trends in inter-faith practice in the camp communities. The analysis of the perceptions about the Christian-Muslim relations at this level is supposed to be valued, promoted and institutionalized by political actors namely the governments and political parties.

28 The Determinants of Reproductive Behaviour among Muslims in Shendi Town

Mohamed Hamed Ahmed

Introduction Population studies essentially deal with the size, growth, and distribution of the population in a given area. This size, growth, and distribution are determined by three major factors. These are fertility, mortality, and migration. Of these factors, fertility is a potent socio-demographic force in vital process of population growth. Fertility is therefore a major com- ponent of population growth.

Fertility is one of the main determinants of population growth and a principal contribution to the pattern of population distribution. It has crucial role in population dynamic, because it measures the rate at which a population add to it self by birth. Fertility refers to the actual reproductive performance of a woman, or a group of women, or the actual number of children.

The importance of studying fertility comes from the fact that, fertility is a complex process responsible for the biological maintenance of society.

There are factors that influence fertility directly. Building on the work of Davis and Blacke (1956), Bongaarts (1978,80) classified the factors that influence fertility directly, which he termed the proximate determinants of fertility. Bongaarts found that the empirically the four most important proximate determinants are: 1. proportion married among female population, 2. contraceptive use, 3. abortion, 4. the duration of postpartum infecundability

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 29 The real number of children, its direct determinants and fertility desires, are called reproduction. The decisions regarding reproduction socioeconomic, and religious variables will be studied. The study is going to highlight the effects of these variables on reproductive behaviour.

The objectives of this study is to examine the trends of fertility behaviour and birth control among Muslims in Islamic framework. To examine the operative Islamic views on birth control, to explore the actual trends of fertility behaviour among Muslims in Shendi, to explore the knowledge, communication practice and attitude towards family planning; (to find out Muslims attitudes, knowledge, and practice of contraception), and to know the opinions and attitudes of Muslim leadership towards various aspects related to population problem such as family planning, and use of contraception.

The study is going to answer the following questions. ● What are the religious values that determine the reproductive process among the target population? ● What is the level of knowledge, attitude and practice of contraception among the households in Shendi area? ● What about fertility preferences: desired family size, gender preferences, desires for additional child, among the study population and to what extent the Islamic values determinate these preferences?

To answer these questions, the study used the following method The sample of the study are the households and religious leaders in Shendi in Sudan. The research depends on two sources of data collection, secondary and primary data. The secondary data was collected from books, articles, report, and governmental and non-governmental sources.

30 The primary data source is based upon the individual interviews, with religious leaders, and questionnaire to the households in Shendi.

Preliminary findings, is that the majority of Muslim leaders agree that Islam allowed polygam, but that it is restricted by the capacity of a person to look after his family and to support his household financially. There is preference to have sons rather than daughters, because the sons are able for shouldering the responsibility, and God has a decree over women. There is preference toward quality of the offspring and not the quantity. All the respondents agreed about the use of contraception in the case of Breastfeeding, the sickness of the mother, and taking care of children. Also all respondent were against the use of contraception in the case of fear of provision.

Conclusion, the position of Islam on contraception, is that Islam permits the use of contraception provided that there are strong reasons for it, based on the personal circumstances of the couple.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 31 The Development of the Izala Movement in Nigeria: Its Split, Relationship to Sufis and Perception of Sharia Implementation.

Ramzi Ben Amara

Introduction The Jama’t Izalat al Bid’a Wa Iqamat as Sunna (Society of Removal of Innovation and Re-establishment of the Sunna), abbreviated as JIBWIS and known simply as Izala, was founded in 1978 by Sheikh Ismaila Idris in Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria. The official registration of the association took place in 1985 during the military leadership of General Ibrahim B. Babangida.

Both in intention and reality, the JIBWIS is an anti-Sufi-movement that was established to fight against the so called bid’a, innovation, practiced by the Sufi brotherhoods, especially the Qadiriyya and the Tijaniyya. Practices like naming ceremonies, celebrating the Maulid (the birthday of the Prophet), visiting tombs of Saints, etc. are considered to be as non-Islamic by the Izala.

Although the launching of the Izala society took place at the end of the 1970s, the history of the movement started several years before. Sheikh Abubakar Gumi (1922-1992) was one of the main figures of Islam in Nigeria of the 20th century. He obtained a Diploma in Arabic Studies from the Sudan and was appointed as Pilgrim officer in Saudi Arabia. After he returned to Nigeria he was appointed as a Grand Qadi of the North. The critical attitude displayed by Gumi towards Sufism in Radio Kaduna, his writings (both in Hausa and Arabic) against the Qadiriyya and the Tijaniyya are crucial elements in the later establishment of the Izala-society. Sheikh Gumi preached against Bid’a and Sufism without having any institution behind him.

32 The founding father of the JIBWIS was Sheikh Ismaila Idris (1936-2000), an Imam in the Nigerian Army from Bauchi State, who spent several years inviting people to Islam on the basis of the Qur’an and the Sunna and fighting against any innovation. In Jos, he established the headquarters of the Society.

Today the Izala is one of the largest Islamic societies not only in Northern Nigeria, but also in the South and even in the neighbouring countries (Chad, Niger, and Cameroon). It is very active in Da‘wa and especially in education. The Izala has many institutions all over the country and is influential at the local, state, and even federal levels.

The research investigates the Izala since its establishment, to identify its main figures and institutions, analyse its relationship to Sufis in the past and at the present, and to explore its perception of the re-implemented Sharia-law from 1999 in twelve Northern states of Nigeria.

The most important questions which this study seeks empirical answers to are: – Why and how the Izala-organization split into tractions in the mid 1980s? – How does the Izala perceive the re-implementation of Shari’a? – Did they encourage, support, or oppose the implementation? – Does the long-drawn out conflict with the Sufis influence their stand-point towards Shari’a? – Is the Shari’a-debate a means of ending the conflict with the Sufis?

Method In order to answer these questions two approaches are used: a historical- philological-method and an empirical one. One of the major interests is to (re)construct the history of the Izala through a text-critical survey of primary sources, notably documents written by the leaders of the move-

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 33 ment themselves and their opponents. Also a study of published sources on the Izala and its leaders and also the analysis of unpublished BA., MA-dissertations and PhD-thesis are very useful in the study of the movement and understanding the reasons of its split.

To complement the above method, recent developments within the Izala, its actual relationship to Sufis and it perception of Sharia are examined through participant observation and particularly interviews. Discussions with Izala leaders, Sufis, and other experts are helpful to understand the actual situation.

Preliminary Results After 3-months (December 2006-March 2007) of fieldwork in Jos, Nigeria and a short visit to Kano, Zaria, Kaduna, and Lagos a network of informants has been cultivated. Access to the headquarters of the Society and several meetings with Izala, Sufis and other leaders combined with the analysis of the literature allowed a certain level of understanding and preliminary answers to our research questions. The success of the Izala can be understood as a result of the success of Sheikh Abubakar Gumi and after him Sheikh Ismaila Idris. Both of them struggled against bid’a and tried through their da’wa (invitation in religious sense) to link people to the “authentic” Islam based on the Qur’an and the Sunna.

On the one hand, the establishment of the Society, its concentration on founding schools and educating women, its self-sufficiency in matter of finances and organisation are factors leading to that success. On the other, the struggle for leadership, financial problems, education of many members abroad, and the intervention of the state are some of the reasons for the split of the Izala in the mid-1980s. Concerning the relationship to the Sufis dogmatic differences are still there and theological contrasts are unsolved. However the re-implementation of Shari’a law presented a common front and was an opportunity to bring all the

34 different parties together. The Izala claims to be the “initiator” of the Shari’a-project. Both Izala and Sufis see the Shari’a issues as a challenge to the Nigerian Muslim society; some of them see a political Agenda behind the whole project.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 35 Shari’a Re-Implementation in Northern Nigeria and the Education of Muslim Women.

Chikas Danfulani

This study came up as a result of the current statistics that presents Northern Nigeria as having the lowest literacy rate for females, who represent a large population of the total population of women in Nigeria.

In the year 1999 Shari’a law was re-implemented in Zamfara state and subsequently eleven other states adopted the same law. However the various Shari’a discourses that came up since the re-implementation of Shari’a focused on legal and Human Rights arguments as it affects women. Little or no academic work exists on the changing status of women particularly in the sphere of education since the re-implementation of Shari’a.

The scenario that emerges raises questions such as the following; what is the stand of Shari’a on female education? How has the re-implementation of Shari’a influenced female education since 1999? And how are women responding to the influence of Shari’a on their social status particularly in the sphere of education?

The aims of this research therefore are 1) To examine respective discourses on the basic stand of Shari’a on the education of women. 2) To investigate the state of female education since the re-implementation of Shari’a in 1999. 3) To analyze scholarly discourses on the education of women since 1999. 4) To describe the responses and reactions of women to the perceived influence of Shari’a as it affects their education.

36 In order to achieve the above aims, two broad methods of data collection were adopted. These are primary and secondary data collection methods. The primary sources include narrative interviews with experts on the field of female education. These sources fall under four categories of informants namely: Representatives of Muslim female NGOs, officials of the ministries of education, sample group of school administrators and educated women. In addition to these samples, semi-structured interviews with a selected group of uneducated women will investigate and complement what has been in practice concerning female education in the north before and after the re-implementation of Shari’a.

Secondary sources of data collection comprises of content analysis of some Northern Newspapers as well as books and journals. This investigates the state of female education before and after the implementation of Shari’a and the state of research on female education since 1999.

So far a total of 19 interviews have been conducted. Of these 11 were males and 8 were females. These interviews were conducted in English and recorded. These interviews were also transcribed.

Preliminary findings reveal a gap between the literature and the fieldwork in most cases. Also in a few cases a concurring relationship between literature and fieldwork. It also reveals a strong debate over the educational status of women in Northern Nigeria. While the Shari’a was being implemented in the north, none of the Shari’a states formulated a policy that considers the status of women especially as it affects their education.

However various programmes were introduced in Zamfara and Kano states of Nigeria since the reimplementation of Shari’a. These programmes present data which shows a rising awareness in Muslim female education since the re-implementation of Shari’a. General

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 37 impression also presents more women getting educated in northern Nigeria. However it is not certain whether this rising awareness in female education in Zamfara and Kano states are influenced by Shari’a or by other unrelated factors.

38 Shari’a Debate over the Concept of the Interest Rate: Dilemma of the Theory and Policy in the Sudan (1970-2006)

Ahmed Alhassab Omer Alhassab

The problem is related to the abolition of the interest rate from the banking system in the Sudan following the declaration of the controversial September Shari’a laws in 1983. Although, Islamic banking in Sudan refers back to the year 1976 when it was first put in to action by establishing Faisal Islamic Bank, yet, the year 1983 was the benchmark between the conventional banking system and the Islamic banking. Since that year the banking system has shifted completely from the conventional to the Islamic banking.

The move from conventional to Islamic banking was carried out imme- diately, the economic arena was not well prepared, neither theoretically nor practically, to receive such a radical change. Accordingly, many problems regarding the internal and external economic activities have appeared, most of them are attributed to the abolition of the interest rate from the banking system. These problems, forced the concerned authorities to revise the theory in order to find a way to deal with them. However, this option could only be done on the grounds of violating the main principles of the theory itself. Therefore, a dilemma between the theory and policy had been created and became the issue under concern of this study.

Three methods of research were employed to investigate this problem: 1) The questionnaire method: to obtain aggregate data of statistical nature from the 60-stakeholders under concerned of the study (jurist, academician economist, experts economist, businessmen, farmers and handicraftsmen).

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 39 2) The unstructured interview methods: to obtain data of qualitative nature from the 60-stakeholders, that can not be obtained by questionnaire. 3) The group interview method: to collect more information on the study topics from two non-included stakeholders. The purpose is to formulate informed opinions and to clarify and verify information obtained from the unstructured interview.

In order to obtain the study data, two different types of sampling were used in accordance with the differences among the population of the stakeholders.

Among jurists, academician economists and expert economists purposive sampling was used to cover them all. The result was 30 interviewees.

With the other three groups a systemic random sampling was adopted. In case of handicraftsmen, the trade unions list of each category was used to choose every 15th person. While a systemic random sampling of two rounds were used to choose firstly, every 10th person up to 10 persons and then from which two were chosen. The result was 30 interviewees.

The preliminary outcomes of the field work can be seen in the following points: ● Advancement of loans and mobilization of savings for cash money without interest rate is the real challenge facing the Islamic banks’ operations. ● Arrangements of profit-loss sharing, besides deferred payments are incapable of providing an answer to the substitution of interest rate. ● The logic behind the profit margin embodied in the deferred payments in the Islamic banks is the same logic behind charging interest rates.

40 ● The need for cash money is widely shaping the relation between banks and the stakeholders with cheating, deliberate default of payment and a series of unethical behaviour. ● Banks are banks, whenever and whatsoever they are, mediating institution for generating profit. The can not advance money for free. ● Handling similar financial relations with international interest-based institutions is unavoidable.

The way forward is to analyze the data deeply for the final outcomes and to consult secondary data sources to write the whole thesis before the end of the programme.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 41 The Prospects and Problems of Shari’a Implementation on the Tanzanian Mainland

William Kopwe

This research is about social challenges posed to and by Shari’a implementation on the Tanzanian mainland. Two major concepts; ‘social’ and ‘challenge’ are fundamental to this study. By the term ‘social’ we limit ourselves to mean mainly three phenomena in the country; legal pluralism, religious pluralism and state secularity. On the other hand the term challenge is a two-fold concept. The first aspect of the concept applies to the whole matters of legal and constitutional provisions of Shari’a implementation in the country. In this the study examines the possibilities and hindrance of Shari’a implementation in the country in accordance with the country’s constitution and legal system. And the second aspect seeks to explore the impact of Shari’a implementation in Chris- tian-Muslim relations in the country with regard to the Religio-socio- political heterogeneity of the country.

Shari’a debate is a social reality in Tanzania mainland today. In Tanzania however, two major theories can best fit to this debate. First is the theory of ‘religious resurgence’ which has as its hallmark to return to the funda- mentals of religion. And secondly, is the theory of ‘religious economies’ whereas religion is manipulated for power and economic gains. The two conditions expressed by the above mentioned theories create a volatile situation in the country which endangers the long existing amicable Christian-Muslim co-existence in the country, which calls for attention.

Therefore this research aims at studying mainly two things. Firstly, those challenges which are facing Shari’a implementation in mainland Tanza- nia, which in this research are referred to as the challenges posed to Shari’a implementation in the country and secondly the research studies the

42 challenges which are postulated to come up as an aftermath of Shari’a implementation in the country, which in this study are referred to as the challenges posed by Shari’a implementation in the country.

This research has as its task primarily to address three basic questions: (1) Why do some of the Muslims in the Tanzanian mainland demand for Shari’a implementation in the country? (2)Why do Christians under their umbrella bodies categorically reject Shari’a implementation? (3)What is the impact of Shari’a debate and implementation in Chris- tian-Muslim relations in Tanzania mainland?

To answer the above questions the research uses a combination of two major qualitative research methods:

Document Analysis: In this method documents generated by and from Muslim official and unofficial umbrella organisations, Christian umbrella bodies from the Roman Catholic, Protestants, and the Pentecostal churches, government and non-governmental documents, materials from the national archives and various speeches given by political and religious leaders in the country will be taken into consideration. This method is chosen so as to get information about the historical development of the issue understudy.

Expert Interviews: A range of experts chosen in accordance with their professional backgrounds, positions in the society, religious affiliations and gender will be interviewed using open ended-semi structured interviews. The total number of the experts interviews planned is 30 (So far 22 interviews have been conducted). They are divided into the following groups; religious leaders, incumbent and retired governmental officials, intellectuals, and specialists like lawyers etc. This method is employed so as to obtain a cross-section of society’s opinions of the issue understudy.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 43 This in turn will furnish the research with technical, practical and contemporary perceptions on the issue.

Several preliminary findings have been obtained from the empirical research and documents survey done, presented here in summary:

● There are dichotomous views on Shari’a implementation both from Christians and Muslims themselves in the country. ● The issue at the bottom line for Muslims is the sense of politically marginalized by the Christian dominated regimes pre and post independence. Hence Shari’a demand is partly for religious purposes and partly for social-political liberation. ● At least all of the informants mentioned the issue of Muslims’ backwardness in education compared to the Christians in the country. This in turn more or less affects their representation in government positions and civil services in the country. ● There is a lot of mistrust between Christians and Muslims in the country which are expressed in the form of accusations and suspicions. This state of affairs greatly challenges the whole issue of Shari’a debate and Kadhi court reintroduction. ● Shari’a debate and Kadhi court demands are attributed to the Muslim regimes in the country. Christians feel that the issues always arise during regimes which are under Muslim presidents in the country. ● There is some degree of judicial inadequacy in Muslim personal issues by some of the magistrates which intensifies the need for the reintroduction of Kadhi courts in the country. ● There are conspicuous intra-religious disagreements among the Muslims in the issue of official representation. This in turn affects official stance of Muslims in the country.

44 ● There are instances of politicization of religion in the country. Some of political parties use religion for their political end. Meanwhile there are some Muslims who allege the ruling party Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to have been Christian oriented party. ● There is generally peaceful Christian-Muslim co-existence in the country, which is currently being furthered by the joint efforts of religious leaders from both Christians and Muslims in Tanzania. How- ever the move is challenged by the Muslim intra-religious disagreement of Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania (BAKWATA) as an official representative for all Muslims. And on the side of Christians, the Pentecostal Christians are not included in the movement. However the movement is having governments consent.

Therefore from the above findings we can say that Shari’a debate in Tanzania mainland revolves around not only on the matter of religious zeal but also on social-political matters of both Muslims and non- Muslims in the country.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 45 Shari’a Application in the South-West of Nigeria: A Case Study of Independent Panels

Abdul-Fatah ’Kola Makinde

Shari’a is defined as a way of life of the Muslims. It serves as a guide for all their affairs including legal matters. Its history in any part of the world has to do with the advent of Islam in the area. Some records reveal that Yorubaland, otherwise known as South-West of Nigeria witnessed the practice of Shari’a in a number of places before the advent of colonial rule. The abolition of it in this area by the colonial rulers brought about agitations and demands by the Muslims for its re-introduction during and after the colonial periods. The Zamfara State launching of Shari’a in 1999 re-opened agitation for Shari’a not only in the North but also in the South-West where there are a significant number of Muslims. There were demands by some groups of Muslims in some Yoruba States that their governments should pass legislation to establish Shari’a Courts and Shari’a Courts of Appeal to adjudicate on civil matters relating to marriage, divorce, inheritance etc. Failure to achieve this objective led them to look for an alternative in the establishment of Independent Shari’a Panels in some states.

This study probes into the difficulties in making the governments of these states legislate laws to establish Shari’a Courts and Shari’a Courts of Appeal despite the incessant demands by the Muslims. It finds out the perspective of the Christians on Shari’a debates in this area as well as the position of the governments on the demands of the Muslims. The research examines the raison d’etre for the establishment of Independ- ent Shari’a Panels in Oyo, Lagos, Ogun and Osun States. It looks at the activities of these Panels covering litigation, procedure, judgments with execution and compliance. It also finds out the level of Muslims’ patronage of the Panels and what the feelings of the litigants on their judgments look like.

46 The research employs the expert narrative interview method. Muslim leaders responsible for the establishment of the Independent Shari’a Panels and some of the panelists in these states were interviewed. Some Christian leaders, litigants and government officials were also interviewed using purposive random sampling. The study also makes use of participant observation by attending some of the sections of the Panels to witness their proceedings. In addition, the research explores secondary data for analysis. Three Nigerian newspapers – Guardian, Punch and Nigerian Tribune were reviewed from October, 1999 to December, 2006 to get information. Existing literature comprising books, articles and journals were also made use of.

The preliminary findings of the study revealed that the Muslims in this area do not relent in their demands from government to legislate laws for the establishment of Shari’a Courts and Shari’a Courts of Appeal. They consider it as their constitutional right which the government should not deny them. It was just towards the end of the year 2006 that Osun State Muslims submitted a memorandum to the House of Assembly requesting for consideration of the establishment of Shari’a Courts and Shari’a Courts of Appeal along side the Bill for the establishment of Cus- tomary Court of Appeal which the House wanted to consider and pass into law. Their demand was not for a ‘full blown’ Shari’a, but for them to have these Shari’a Courts, where matters relating to civil issues like marriage, divorce, inheritance etc. would be adjudicated upon.

The findings show, that it was as a result of the unfavourable disposition of the state governments to the demands of the Muslims to have Shari’a Courts that made them to resolve to have an alternative means by establishing Independent Shari’a Panels in these states. The Panels are operated at private or independent level without the involvement of the government. They adjudicate on civil matters relating to marriage, divorce, inheritance, contract, custody and maintenance of children, Imamship,

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 47 trade disputes and other personal matters where parties concerned are Muslims. Judgments are not enforced on the litigants but are passed in advisory manner basing them on the premise that Muslims are expected to abide by the laws of Allah and His Apostle.

The research discovered that the issue of Shari’a attracts debates in this area. The perspective of the Christians to Shari’a is that it is the law of the Muslims, which must be handled privately. They consider government’s legislation of Shari’a Courts and Shari’a Courts of Appeal into law as absurdity and religious bigotry. To them, government is not expected to take sides with any religion and legislation of Shari’a matters into law by it shows it has taken side with the Muslims and in effect government resources and facilities are used for promoting a religion. They vowed to demand for Christian Courts should the government yield to the request of the Muslims. Some even perceive Shari’a as a violation of human rights, on the claim that it does not allow choice of religions and freedom to do whatever one wants. They however have nothing against establishment of an Independent Shari’a Panel, since it is a private matter independent of the government. They likened it to their tribunal or committee on Canon Law within churches as the case may be.

The study revealed that the governments of the states saw the Shari’a issue as controversial and were wary in granting the request of the Mus- lims. The findings showed that Osun State House of Assembly received the memorandum of the Muslims of the state requesting for legislation of law for the establishment of Shari’a Courts and Shari’a Courts of Appeal. The perception with which the government viewed the issue of Shari’a was that it could generate serious controversy that may cause crisis among Christians and Muslims in the state; hence the wariness of the government came into play.

48 The research establishes that while the Muslims in the area of study see the Shari’a issue, particularly legislation of law establishing Shari’a Courts and Shari’a Courts of Appeal as their constitutional right, the Christians argue that the legislation of such law is absurd and partial. Government’s wariness was based on the fear that the issue may generate crisis. As solutions to the problem, religious tolerance, mutual respect and understanding were recommended for peaceful and harmonious co-existence. The governments were also urged to promote inter-religious dialogue by initiating Christians and Muslims meetings where enlightenment and education on controversial issues will be carried out.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 49 Shari’a Debates and the National Consensus in Tanzania

Bernardin Mfumbusa

Introduction This project focuses on grassroots Shari’a debates and their impact on the national consensus. It is about the profile of religion in the Tanzan- ian public life. A shift of trend in the debates is discernible over the last two decades. From the pre-occupation with the relationship between ujamaa (African socialism) and religion or religion and state in the pre- 1985 period to the marginalization and victimization rhetoric which has taken on Muslim versus non-Muslim nuances in the post-1985 period. The pre-1985 debates were largely dominated by foreign researchers intrigued by the ujamaa ideology and its support among both Muslims and Christians.

The current debates are grounded in local communities with the local intelligentsia actively participating. The victimization rhetoric appeals to sectarian sentiments thereby sharpening boundaries among people in terms of religious belonging. Increasingly, people are defining themselves firstly as members of a specific religion; membership in a tribe, a race or a class is becoming secondary. The rhetoric is anchored on the quest for religion-based solutions to social problems.

Tanzanian religious demography is unique for the lack of ‘ghetto-like’ separation of the population in religious lines. Muslims and Christians share the same social space in terms of neighborhoods. Despite the multiple sometimes disparate identities: ethnicity, religion, race, and class, there have been relative peace over the years. After independence in 1961 the government, desperate to avoid religious tensions, came up with a unique injunction: “Don’t mix politics with religion.” Some say,

50 the injunction was meant to steer the country clear of what Nyerere – the father of the nation – called the ‘religion trap.’ Now there are signs that the trap is on the verge of snapping.

Objectives This study looks into how victimization and marginalization rhetoric in the context of Shari’a debates is helping harden identities across the religious divides. It focuses on the grassroots level where people have co - existed for years their lives shaped by a common destiny as Tanzanians. The aim is to discover how the intensified marginalization rhetoric is affecting local communities; what influences the debates, and the impact of the debates on the social/national cohesion.

Method This is a case study of Kondoa town in central Tanzania. It has been selected largely because it is a microcosm of the country: multi-ethnic, multi-racial and multi-religious. Though people have lived in relative peace and harmony since independence, signs of radicalization along religious lines are there.

Data collection methods included: interviews, observation, and content analysis of newspaper.

Preliminary Findings Interviews A preliminary exploratory field study was undertaken in September 2006. A total of ten interviews were conducted. Five Muslims and five Christians were involved at this stage. Seven were laity, three religious leaders.

The ages of interviewees ranged from mid-20s to over 70 years. Further interviews (25) are planned for July/August 2007.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 51 Content Analysis The content analysis aims at discovering how the discourses in the public sphere are related or vary from the grassroots discourses.

Three newspapers have been identified for the study. These are: An-Nurã (Muslim), Kiongozi (Roman Catholic), and Lengo (Lutheran). All are weekly newspapers published in Dar es Salaam.

An-Nurã An-Nurã – a Muslim publication – has been studied. An analysis of 16 editions published between January 2007 and April 2007 was made and 29 articles were identified.1

Preliminary Findings It is emerging from the grassroots and the public discourses the Shari’a debates have three dimensions: (1) Muslim versus government; (2)Muslims versus Christians, and (3)Muslims versus Muslims. Issues and themes in the Muslim/ government and Muslim/Christian debates sometimes tend to blur. Muslim – Muslim debates focus on the disagreement such as who is a true representative of the Tanzanian Muslims’ interests; difference in practicing rituals and feasts such as Maulid, tarkil or burial ceremonies.

The government/Muslims debate revolves around the government’s perceived failure to address Muslims’ grievances. The grievances range from poor representation in government and education institution to

1 Kiongozi (Roman Catholic) and Lengo (Lutheran) will be studied in the next round of field work between July and September 2007

52 the Muslim right to have Kadhi courts and representation in the Organi- zation of Islamic Conference (OIC).

The Muslim/Christian debates centre on issues such as: da‘wa/proselyti- zation; public rallies (mihadhara/crusades); location of alcohol stores and pork-butchers; and sometimes even location of churches and houses of prayers.

Generally, old traditions are weakening: joint initiation rites are now rare. Both Muslims and Christians are more and more interested in separate kindergartens and even orphanages.2

New groups are increasing too. There are at least 10 different Pentecostal groups which were not there ten years ago. Ansar Sunna, Al Mujahhidina, and Shia have appeared among the Muslims in Kondoa area.

One may note the following: (1) a certain autonomy in the grassroots discourses at least in some aspects of the debate, (2)intra-Muslim Tensions are quite pronounced and constitute an important aspect of the debates, and (3)debates to some extent are shaped by external Influences in the Debates such as training of Muslim youths outside the country who some say come with a different attitude. Or Christian NGOs like Compassion and World Vision which are said to have a covert proselytizing agenda.

2 A Christian leader suggested this is like “creating walls to separate people.”

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 53 The Shari’a and Muslim Women’s Participation in the Public Sphere

Esha Faki Mwinyihaji

In most ethnic communities in Kenya, the woman’s place is in the private domain of the home, while men belong to the public sphere. For a long time, education for girls has been given scanty emphasis in comparison to that of boys leaving the girls disadvantaged in various ways. This has in turn led to gender imbalance in positions of leadership and decision-making. The research examines the participation of Swahili Muslim Women in the public sphere since 1992, when multi-party politics were re-introduced in Kenya. By public sphere, I mean an arena or social space where meanings of social issues are articulated, distributed and negotiated. The public sphere here will serve as a general social horizon of experience in which everything that is actually or seemingly relevant for all members of society is integrated. The main question is, does the Shari’a accounts for the lack of Swahili Muslim women in leadership opportunities in the Kenyan Public sphere?

The research is being conducted in Mombasa District in Kenya. The choice of this area is based on the reasons that Mombasa District is inhabited by many Muslims and that it is considered a centre for Mus- lims in Kenya The study investigates Swahili Muslim women who are Sunni in Mombasa district. The study is based on research conducted between December 2006 and May 2007. In the months of December 2006 and February 2007 pre-test of interview questions were done to evaluate their reliability and validity. In the research open end interview methods are being used. Biographic and expert interviews were conducted and in total they are about 14. The ages of the informants ranged from 25 year to 68years. Five of these informants are theologians, two are ordinary Swahili women and the rest are professionals in their fields.

54 Apart from these recorded interviews, I held several informal talks with the informants on my area of research.

Generally preliminary findings reveal that the prospects of empowering women among the Swahili are being questioned along Islamic doctrinal and cultural grounds. Swahili Muslim women are facing traditional interpretations of religious texts which have for years reinforced patriar- chal structures. Swahili Muslim women are faced with religious authorities who rule them as well as deeply rooted values of their culture. They lack resources on how to debate, mobilize and lobby their way into public sphere leadership, especially political leadership. The study also shows that socioeconomic development, to some extent is helping some few Swahili Muslim women to become educated, financially independent and to reach positions of authority and responsibility. They are visible in higher managerial ranks in cooperation and female organizations. However, in public sphere leadership especially political leadership, their aspirations and potential achievements are yet to be realized. In their quest to make an entrance into public sphere leadership they must question the “truths” by which their community functions.

The study also showed that the public sphere is not just there for women to take. There is competition, as it is amongst the people who are already there, the men. The theologians interviewed expressed concern over the ability of women to cope with public leadership as it is already hard work for men. The Swahili Muslim women have also to struggle to get a place using the same means which are in vogue. For instance, the requirement of parliamentary contestants in Kisauni constituency, to have policies touching on the squatter problem regardless of whether they are male or female, as the electorate face that as a major issue. Politics is considered a “dirty game” by some of the informants, as the participants at times use unconventional means to win elections. As such they have shied away from involvement in public sphere leadership.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 55 Religion was another factor which has a bearing on the chances of Swahili Muslim women moving into public sphere leadership. There are several reasons advanced as to why the Shari’a is against Muslim women’s participation in the public sphere. The following are some of the reasons: ● Women lack the necessary knowledge about public life ● Female participation leads to the mixing of sexes (Ikhtilat and Khalwa) ● Female biological cycle and life cycle will cloud her judgement ● Women can never be heads of state ● Female need to travel with a mahram

There is always the quotation of Qur’an 4:34 that men are protectors of women. Whenever the issue of leadership arises and it is meant to put women in their rightful position of submission to men. Then there is the verse on hijab Qur’an 33:33. To further argue the point is the Hadith on Persia: that a society led by women will never prosper. This Hadith is a subject of debate in Islamic Public Discourses as a weak Hadith following its chain of transmission. These are scriptural matters that are given to Swahili Muslim women who take them as absolute but they lack understanding of the texts themselves. Both ordinary and professional women among the Swahili tend to group activities as halal or haram. The open window as per the Shari’a seems to be necessity as it dictates exceptions. Due to impelling necessity they can venture into public sphere with the support of Shari’a.

Customs has been cited by most of the respondents as a bottleneck to women’s participation in the public sphere. Swahili Muslim women cannot lead men or women, they cannot make good leaders as per local custom. Leadership is something reserved for men as per Swahili customs. Other customary bottlenecks include the seclusion of women at puberty and early marriages. Other minor obstacles include the lack of money as a resource for political mobilization, lack of unity among the

56 Swahili Muslim women. If there is a formation and dependence of alliances among Swahili Muslim Women, they may actualize their goal of political leadership in public sphere.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 57 Women’s Views on the Role of Kadhi Courts: A Case Study of Kendu Bay, Kenya

Rebecca A. Osiro

Since independence in 1963, the Kenyan Constitution has gone through numerous amendments including sections of the Kadhi Courts Act, to an extent that a total overhaul was inevitable. The clamour for constitutional review intensified after the general elections of 1992 when the political parties realized that it was the key to free and fair elections. However, contentious issues soon emerged in the drafting process, Kadhi Courts being one of them. The debate centred on whether or not Kadhi courts should be entrenched into the constitution. The proponents for the enactment of the courts expressed their fear that if left out of the draft constitution, Kadhi Courts could easily be legislated against by an Act of Parliament. Alternatively the opponents based their arguments against the entrenchment, on the perceived precedence of Islam over other religions. They also argued on the implication in the constitution that Kenya was a secular state and therefore laws that pertained to religion should not prevail.

Kendu Bay is a small town on the southern shores of Lake Victoria in western Kenya. It is about one hundred and twenty kilometres south of Kisumu, the headquarters of Nyanza Province. The progenitors of Islam in the district were an Arab trader who settled there around 1904 and his Gwe counterpart who was the first convert. Today, the Muslim community in Kendu Bay comprise of the Luo, Gwe and a mixture of groups popularly referred to as ‘Waswahili’. The identity was influenced by movements between the Muslims in Kendu Bay and Kenya’s coastal towns that informed the context for example, the life style and Swahili as the lingua franca.

58 The research work focuses on the views of Muslim women from Kendu Bay on Kadhi Courts. Being in the interior of Kenya and with a long history of Muslim settlement, Kendu Bay is a viable area for the research, taking into account that earlier research has concentrated mainly on the coastal regions. The Muslims in Kendu Bay are rarely heard on issues of national importance. As a group within a minority community in the country, the Muslim women are faced with a dual subjugation. The study, of a microcosm, aims at giving them a voice in the academic arena so that their views on the legal unit established to guard their personal issues can be heard.

The first phase of the research work has been conducted with eleven women and two male experts through narrative interviews and participation in one Kadhi Court proceeding in Kisumu. The informants were drawn from different ethnic and religious backgrounds, educational level, social and economic status and of varied ages. The experts were interviewed with the view to having them offer the normative position of the Muslim Family Law which is the basis upon which Kadhis functioned. The research focused on issues of marriage (its contraction), nafaqah (maintenance in marriage), talaq (divorce) and its consequences, reconciliation and re-marriage, widowhood and succession.

Preliminary findings have indicated divergence from the normative. Since most Muslim men married women from non-Muslim (Christian) backgrounds, nikah (wedding) was attached to conversion without prior teaching, a process that contributed to the women’s ignorance of the basic roles and rights that Islam accorded them as women. However, more often than not, the context determined the status quo for even the few informants who were born and married in Muslim families did not abide by the rules per se and the men were not exceptional in flouting them.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 59 The informants acknowledged the significance of Kadhis or their representative particularly in celebrating marriages but also highlighted instances in which the office was overlooked, ignored or avoided. Issuance of mahr (dowry) for example, declined along cultural norms as the brides simply received tokens while the role of wali (bride’s male relative) was notably diminishing in subsequent marriages. Cohabitation among couples without the consent of parents or the office of the Kadhi was gradually overshadowing the substance of mahr in a marriage. Once marriages were contracted, related issues seldom appeared before Kadhis or their representatives. Nafaqah (maintenance in marriage) squarely rested on the shoulders of the women to an extent that most of them were responsible for the education of their children either totally or partially as initiators. Their role stretched to the larger extended family. Lack or absence of nafaqah led to serious repercussions such as death yet such cases hardly reached the office of the Kadhi for legal redress.

Great anomalies pervade the mechanistic model of the Muslim Family Law in divorce and its consequences, widowhood, inheritance of property and reconciliation and re-marriage. The findings have indicated that divorce in the region was neither sahih (pronounced expressly) nor kinaya (pronounced metaphorically). When the situation became unbearable, a woman would simply leave her matrimonial home to go back to her place of birth. A reunion could take place even after a period of ten years but without a formalized re-marriage. Some simply rented rooms close to their matrimonial homes where they were often visited secretly by their former husbands.

In the absence of the pronunciation of talaq (divorce) iddah, maintenance and inheritance of property did not arise. Among the few cases of divorce where the Kadhi gave talaq (divorce), related issues were not addressed especially within the periphery of the rural town. Iddah in widowhood was hardly observed due to economic constraint and lack

60 of provision by the husbands. Consequently, succession was not given a legal approach. Cases dispensed by the Kadhis and their representatives were not free from discrepancies in their jurisdiction. The informants had mixed views on how Kadhis functioned but despite the irregularities, the women had the view that Kadhi Courts be entrenched into the country’s constitution and there were suggestions that Kadhis be purged of the vices and detached from the government in terms of payment of wages and appointments.

Further research will cover twenty more women interviewees, two experts (men) and participation in two additional Kadhi Court proceedings.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 61 Debates on Kadhi’s Courts and Christian-Muslim Relations: A Case Study of Isiolo Town

Halkano Abdi Wario

The last 16 years in Kenya have been marked by intensive constitutional negotiations and conferences. The demands for new laws were necessi- tated by indiscriminate amendments to the Independence Constitution that reinforced ethnic cleavages, created an ‘imperial presidency’ and bad governance. Many drafts were formulated but the government after reviewing the outcome of the National Constitutional Conference brought the Wako Draft (named after the Attorney General) to the people for referendum set for the 21st November 2005. Various issues were considered as contentious and had the effects of polarizing the country along ethnic, political, regional and religious. One such issue of interest to this study is the Kadhi’s Courts debate. The debate had strong implications for Christian-Muslim relations and more so for areas where such relations gone sour, it warranted academic inquiries. This study is such an attempt.

Research is a micro-study of the debates in Isiolo, a town in Northern Kenya. Isiolo is cosmopolitan, diverse religions and cultures fuse within it, but such diversity has not always been reflected in peaceful co-existence and accommodation. Conflicts are common between ethnic groups as well as religious groups. The problems of double identity emerge because mainly people of one ethnic group more often than not are also members of a religious community. Civic education that was conducted during this time did not translate into better understanding of contested issues such as Kadhi’s Courts. The research aims to find out the dynamics of religious relations and its effects on the debate.

62 Religious groups in Isiolo include Muslims, Roman Catholics, The Methodist Church of Kenya and a few Pentecostal churches. The main ethnic communities include the Meru (Bantu Speakers), the Somali and the Borana (Cushitic Speakers) and Samburu and Turkana (Nilotic Speakers). While the Meru are a significant minority they are predominantly Christian, the Borana and the Somali who are the majority are largely Muslim. In essence the national perceptions of Muslim minority in a Christian majority state are negated in town’s demography as the majority-minority are reversed.

The study is based on research conducted between August 2006 and April 2007. During months of August and September 2006, a pre-test of interview questions was conducted to evaluate their reliability and validity. In the research semi-structured interview methods were used. Group and individual interviews were conducted and around 18 in total. The three group interviews carried out, reflected the position of Muslim, Christian and non-faith based youth groups on the debate. Individual interviews included clergy of Muslim, Catholic and Methodist churches, and the Deliverance Church; officials of local civil society organizations, local Kadhi, a former coordinator of the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission and a number of ordinary residents for whom the debate meant opportunity to contribute towards ‘people-driven’ Constitution. The research also relied on ethnographic observations of every day interactions in Isiolo town as reflected in social arena such as sport cinema halls for youth, afternoon miraa sessions on the town verandas and trading activities. Miraa is a popular stimulant, mainly produced in Meru region.

Care was taken to make the sample population to be representative of religious, ethnic, age, and socio-economic realities on the ground. Educa- tional background of the study population ranged from basic education to postgraduate degree and the ages from 18 to 65 years.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 63 Preliminary findings of the field data The views reflected here do not suggest homogeneity and agreement among members of one religious community or ethnic group but it can be said to represent the dominant perspectives. Eight thematic issues are emerging from the field-work.

First, views about Kadhi’s Courts by Muslim and Christian. There is a consensus about the historical existence of the courts in Kenya since colonial period though the existence meant different things for different religions in the area. Muslims view the courts as fundamental to their religious identity and wished it to be expanded and appellate jurisdiction granted to them. The Christians saw this move as a prelude to the introduction of Shari’a and a contradiction of the secular nature of the constitutional foundation as one religion is given recognition and favours over the rest. The calls for appellate jurisdiction were challenged on the grounds that it will create parallel courts system that will not only be costly but also cause contradictions in the law application.

Second theme: Majority-minority contestation. Informants argue that because of the minority position of Muslims in the parliament, if Kadhi’s Courts are not constitutionally entrenched it will be removed by the majority Christian law makers. The Christians are said to have used their majority status to impose their influence on the minority. In the area, religious and ethnic group are observed to be siding with their co-religionists in other parts of the country. The Draft was also argued to have been manipulated to perpetuate marginalization of minority religions and communities. Some informants identify the state and the dominant religion as one and the same and hence in pursuit of the same objectives.

Third theme: the debates were influenced from within and without. The national debates, fears, suspicions and aspirations of co-religionists and co-ethnics were localized and integrated into the body of local discourse

64 about the Kadhi Courts by local religious clergy, civil society organizations and political elites. Informants also blame the Pentecostals for souring relations and they were depicted as carrying out ‘proxy wars’ for America against Islam. However, the effects of such groups on the local religious scene are minimal. Informants tend to clearly define themselves and others in simple categories such as Muslim or Christian.

Fourth Theme: The debate linked the past and the present conflicts. Competition over resources such as land are intense and other areas of such rivalry include political leadership, economic opportunities, provision of education and shifting boundaries of Meru-Isiolo District. Ulti- mately it drifts toward ownership of political and social space and as one informant puts it ‘One of the biggest problems is, who owns Isiolo?’

Fifth theme: Inter-faith relations are good. Though the inter-faith relations are depicted are cordial due to Inter-faith Dialogue Committee, during the Referendum their unity was broken as each religion took sides against each other.

Sixth Theme: Civic education poorly done. This is because civic educators took sides due to religious and ethnic affiliation and time shortage and lack of resources were also cited.

Seventh Theme: the youth unlike the older members of society reflected more cordial interactions and some call for recognition of local norms in disputations at the Court and use of local religious personnel.

Eighth Theme: The Christian courts are not necessary. Such courts were argued to be impractical due to denominational differences.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 65 Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa States at Work. Public Services and Civil Servants in West Africa: Education and Justice in Benin, Ghana, Mali and Niger (Prof. Dr. Thomas Bierschenk and Partners)

If the institutionalization of power, the local anchoring of central government and the self-limitation of the ruling classes through the codifi- cation of law constitute the central characteristics of the modern, West- ern-type state, then state-formation in Africa is still underway. At the same time, after development discourse was dominated for many years by a “less state”-paradigm, awareness is now growing that sustainable development is not possible without a “sustainable”, i.e. more functional, state. However, there is a striking absence of empirically grounded studies of the day-to-day functioning of African bureaucracies, public services and the professional practices of African civil servants. There is in fact very little empirical knowledge of the banal, habitual, routinized functioning of what might be called the “real” state.

The “States at Work” project analyses these “real” workings of states and public services, at both the central and local levels, with a focus on two key sectors, education and justice, in four West African countries (Benin, Ghana, Mali, Niger).

The project title plays on a double metaphor of the term “work”. It alludes first of all to Lorenz von Stein’s notion of “der arbeitende Staat” (the working state, e.g. the state that administers and produces – subjects, justice, security, education, etc.). It further alludes to the traffic sign “men at work” which warns drivers of a building site ahead. In this second sense, the state in Africa (and beyond) is seen as an ever-unfinished building site to which many architects and builders contribute, with buildings constantly being changed, added, torn down, the functions of particular parts of the site being redefined, withdrawn from old inhabitants and reallocated to new ones, etc.

66 Following up on preceding work of some members of the project group on health services, customs and the judiciary, two sectors, education and justice, are being studied paradigmatically. Since the 1950s, education has not only been of strategic importance for state and nation building and for the social promotion of post-colonial elite in Africa. It is also seen as essential to efforts towards meeting the development challenge and figures prominently in current policies of poverty reduction. The education sector is a main recipient of foreign aid. In terms of its share in the national budget and in the number of employees, it is by far the most important sector (40 %) in African civil services. Educators are the civil servants which African populations are most likely to encounter, even in outlying rural areas, and they are considered as the archetypical change agents.

We consider education (as well as the application of justice) as a state policy, carried out by civil servants who enter into interaction with users. Education does not correspond to a set of uniform practices but is the product of numerous structures and administrative acts, of strategies deployed by various types and categories of civil servants in education and of a variety of policies confronting various publics. This is a problematic that takes us to the very heart of the state and allows for an exploration of administrative structures at the “street level”.

Contrary to the education sector, the judiciary is small in terms of personnel employed as well as in terms of its share of national budgets. While the education sector could be considered paradigmatic for African development administration, the judiciary is an essential part of what might be called “sovereignty administration”. Its proper functioning is an essential part of all attempts to institutionalise democracy and the rule of law in African countries. Contrary to education, it has only recently become a priority of state reform and donor intervention.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 67 Some of the senior scholars in the project have already acquired considerable experience in the socio-anthropological study of the workings of the judiciary in West African countries. However, these studies were limited to the phenomenon of corruption in the administration of justice. The present project builds on this experience, but gives more weight to the “normal” functioning of the judiciary, while also examining extra- legal forms of administering justice, apart from regionally extending the scope of research to Mali and in particular to Ghana.

The functioning of the state in the judiciary and the education sector are explored by combining institutional and actor approaches, coupled with a historical perspective. Completing an analysis based on approaches drawn from political anthropology and political sociology as well the sociology of organizations and administrations, actors are studied trans- versally, across the two sectors and at three levels: at the level of interface personnel (those civil servants that are in direct contact with the public, e.g. school teachers and the administrative staff of tribunals [called personnel du greffe in the Francophone countries]); at the level of local authorities (i.e. justice: judges, barristers; education: regional directors of education and school directors) and, albeit to a lesser degree in the present phase of the project, on the level of central responsibility (i.e. the top personnel in the ministries concerned). In this sense, the project also contributes to the sociology of professions in Africa.

In the education sector the project is furthermore dealing with actors who are at the interface of the international and national level: high ranking international advisors, as well as national personnel working in development projects and NGOs. In fact, these actors are completely absent from existing studies.

The “States at Work” project articulates as well as extends existing research networks, crossing, and trying to bridge, the Francophone-Anglophone

68 divide. It includes eight senior researchers, one post-doctoral researcher, nine PhD students plus associated researchers from six countries with their academic backgrounds in Anthropology, Sociology, Political Science and Law.

Participants/Contact:

Professor Dr. Thomas Bierschenk (coordinator) Professor Dr. Carola Lentz Mr. Jan Budniok Ms. Sarah Fichtner University of Mainz Department for Anthropology and African Studies 55099 Mainz, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan Professor Dr. Mahaman Tidjani Alou Mr. Mahamane Tahiron Ali Bako Mr. Oumarou Hamani Laboratory for the Study and Research of Social Dynamics and Local Development (LASDEL) P.O. Box 12091 Niamey, NIGER E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 69 Dr. Nassirou Bako-Arifari Dr. Abou-Bakari Imorou Mr. Azizou Chabi Imorou Mr. Saï Sotima Tchantipo Laboratory for the Study and Research of Social Dynamics and Local Development (LASDEL) P.O. Box 1383 Parakou, BENIN E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Moussa Djiré Mr. Mamadou Fomba Université du Mali Faculté des Sciences Juridiques et Economiques B.P. 276 Bamako, MALI E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Yaouga Félix Koné Institute des Sciences Humaines (ISH) B.P. 159 Bamako, MALI E-mail: [email protected]

70 Professor Dr. Steve Tonah Mr. Abdulai Aboubakari Mr. Alhassan S. Anamzoya University of Ghana Department of Sociology P.O. Box LG 65 Legon-Accra, GHANA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 71 Subprojects: Non-Governmental Organizations and the Provision of Primary Education in Northern Ghana

Abdulai Abubakari

Introduction This study deals with the intervention of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the provision of primary education, a task that is largely associated with public institutions and considered to be one of the prime tasks of the state. This research aims at systematically analyzing the various ways by which the NGOs intervene in the development of primary education in Northern Ghana. NGOs intervention in the education sector takes place against the background of the state’s failure to provide quality education for the underserved and poor communities in the country.

The Research Problem One of the persistent problems of development in Ghana and many other developing countries is the poor human resource development resulting from the state’s inability to provide relevant and quality education for a majority of the people. The problems and future challenges faced by the state require quality education for the people who will decisively deal with the problems and generate new measures for societal development. This can only be achieved through quality education for a majority of the people if not for all. Unfortunately, a majority of the people, especially in Ghana, are still wallowing in illiteracy. In recent years NGOs have sprang up to intervene in the provision of primary education using various strategies with the aim of making up the shortfall of the state. Their modus operandi has not been given any serious and systematic academic investigation. And yet their presence and contribution in the primary education sector and beyond cannot be overemphasized.

72 The Study Area The research was conducted in the Northern Region of Ghana, specifically, Tamale metropolis, Walewale (pre-urban) and Kubori (rural). Two international NGOs are studied; Catholic Relief Services (CRS) and World Vision International (WVI). The choice of these areas is not only informed by the north-south divide in education in Ghana, but also by the peculiar nature of the north and the multiplicity of NGOs intervening in the education sector in the area. It is also aimed at comparing how the NGOs intervene in primary education in the city, the pre-urban and rural areas in Northern Ghana.

Research objectives and methods of data collection This research aims at systematically analyzing the intervention of two international NGOs to the development of primary education in Northern Ghana. It focuses on the empirical day-to-day interaction between these NGOs represented by their officials, the educational authorities and the local people. It looks at the types of policies that these bodies produce and deals with the question of how these policies transform, affect and fit into the general education policy framework. It identifies other organizations and institutions at the district and community level in primary education and their contribution to primary education, as well as their relationships with the NGOs and the state. The research also shows the sorts of conflict that exist amongst the NGOs, the local institutions and the state.

The study uses qualitative research methods including semi-structured and structured interviews, observations and text analysis to reveal the role of NGOs, institutions and actors operating within the educational sector in Northern Ghana.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 73 Some findings The findings show that on the district and community level institutions such as Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs), School Management Com- mittees (SMCs) and District Education Oversight Committees (DEOCs) supported and empowered by NGOs play an important role in the delivery of basic education. The relationship between the NGOs and SMC/PTA takes the form of partnership and community involvement with the collaboration of the Ghana Education Service and the District Assembly in the areas of construction of school infrastructure, capacity building for PTA/SMCs members and school feeding programs.

It indicates however that when the projects and programs implemented by the NGOs in support of local institutions come to an end, most of the local institutions collapse and fail to perform their duties. The research indicates that the state is constrained financially and in terms of human resources to effectively establish and maintain the local level institutions in many communities. In view of this, the state does little to ensure that PTA and SMCs are formed and properly supported and are functioning in all primary schools. Consequently, the PTA/SMCs are not performing as they should have been doing in many communities.

The NGOs working in education do not set up their own parallel schools, but try to work with the government schools through the Ghana Educa- tion Service. They complement what the public schools are doing by developing programs for some selected government schools. The findings show that NGOs sometimes directly or indirectly influence government education policies. Indirectly, they set examples for the state to emulate (e.g school feeding programs).

There are some sorts of conflict between the NGOs and the local level institutions on the one hand and the NGOs and the education workers on the other hand. The NGOs often accuse the GES officials of not doing

74 enough to ensure that quality education is delivered. NGOs claim that circuit supervisors, District Directors of Education, are not monitoring and checking their teachers very well and that this has lead to poor teaching and learning outcomes. Conflict also exists between some PTA/SMC members and some teachers who do not perform their duties well. PTA/SMC members who report teachers to the education authority quarrel with such teachers. In some cases such teachers threaten to seek transfer to other communities saying that the PTA/SMCs in their school are against them.

The findings suggest that local and community level institutions should be supported by the state to help perform the role that the state has not been able to play.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 75 Les Enseignants du Primaire au Niger. Ethique Professionnelle, Normes Pratiques et Construction de l’Etat

Mahamane Tahirou Ali Bako

Au Niger, la question du respect des normes officielles et d’éthique professionnelle dans les administrations publiques en général et dans le système éducatif en particulier soulève bien des controverses. L’ambition de cette recherche n’est pas de s’appesantir sur ces dimensions particu- lières des politiques publiques éducatives, mais de les considérer dans leurs effets de production, de structuration et de légitimation de l’Etat dans les sociétés nigériennes.

Dans le cadre de cette recherche, nous privilégions une porte d’entrée par l’éthique professionnelle des enseignants du primaire dans le but de comprendre plus particulièrement les dynamiques de l’Etat observables sur ce terrain.

En considérant l’éthique professionnelle comme un ensemble de charges morales et professionnelles introduites par l’Etat pour assurer un «bon» fonctionnement de ses institutions, nous essayerons de décrire comment l’Etat se construit à travers un système éducatif en mutation (problèmes de financement, crise de conscience professionnelle chez les enseignants, conflits divers). Comment le service public de l’éducation nationale qui devrait assurer un enseignement de qualité dans le respect des programmes et règlements nationaux sur tout le territoire nationale s’est-il progressivement détourné de sa mission initiale, donnant du même coup à l’ancrage de l’Etat une dynamique différente de celle mise en avant par ces normes officielles?

De l’indépendance à nos jours, le système scolaire nigérien a connu une série de transformations. L’éducation qui est une institution de l’Etat à

76 laquelle il a fixé des missions qui lui paraissent conformes au bien com- mun et au développement se trouve aujourd’hui dans une situation où les normes officielles d’éthique professionnelle, à travers lesquelles l’Etat se projetait, laissent progressivement la place à un ensemble de pratiques diverses (comportements de fait, clientélisme, échange de faveurs, corruption) parfois éloignées des prescriptions normatives officielles. A cet égard, certains anthropologues ont parlé de «normes pratiques»1.

Cette problématique d’écart entre les normes telles que prescrites par l’Etat et leur application sur le terrain (normes pratiques) trouve son fondement d’une part, dans les difficultés que l’Etat éprouve à financer le fonctionnement des établissements scolaires et à y exercer un contrôle sérieux et d’autre, part dans l’influence que les réseaux sociaux, profi- tant de la faiblesse structurelle de l’Etat, ont sur le corps des enseignants. Dans la perspective de notre recherche, elle révèle surtout le fonctionnement de l’Etat au quotidien et aussi les chemins que celui-ci cherche à emprunter pour exister sur le plan structurel et aussi pour se légitimer socialement.

Le système éducatif nigérien se caractérise par un «bataillon» d’enseignants et une forte bureaucratie. En effet, dans le dispositif officiel, les enseignants constituent le dernier maillon d’une chaîne dont les pôles de décisions, au niveau local, sont occupés, de façon hiérarchique, par les inspecteurs, les conseillers pédagogiques et les directeurs d’écoles. Les enseignants appartiennent à un corps qui est leur cadre d’accueil tout au long de leur carrière. Ce corps est donc le lieu d’apprentissage d’un métier mais aussi d’acquisition de valeurs communes (éthique professionnelle et règles de la déontologie) qui peuvent fortement contribuer,

1 OLIVIER de SARDAN J.P., 2001, «La sage femme et le douanier: cultures professionnelles locales et culture bureaucratique privatisée en Afrique de l’Ouest», in Autrepart n°20, p 61-73

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 77 si elles sont consolidées et perpétuées, à ancrer les enseignants autour d’un idéal de service public, tel que l’Etat le conçoit.

Dans le cadre de l’exercice de son métier, l’enseignant est affecté à des missions de service public qui, dans leur réalisation, contribuent à façon- ner une certaine vision de l’Etat et à participer par le même biais à sa construction. Les obligations professionnelles et les tâches auxquelles l’enseignant est affecté, contribuent à la (dé) légétimation de l’Etat dans les sociétés concernées.

Comment les difficultés auxquelles l’Etat est confronté influent-elles sur le fonctionnement de l’administration de l’éducation? Quelles normes particulières génèrent-elles? En quoi, la dégradation des conditions de travail des enseignants du fait de la faiblesse et de l’irrégularité des dota- tions financières allouées par l’Etat affectent-elles les règles de fonctionnement et les structures de l’éducation nationale? En quoi l’émergence de nouveaux statuts à la faveur de la crise de l’Etat (par exemple les enseignants contractuels) donne t-elle au système éducatif une nouvelle configuration qui structure du même coup la dynamique du secteur?

Axes de recherche 1- Le fonctionnement et l’organisation des institutions scolaires 2- La formation initiale des enseignants 3- La formation continue des enseignants 4- La socialisation professionnelle 5- La perspective de carrière

Sites Deux sites intensifs de recherche sont retenus dans le cadre de ce travail: Niamey (la capitale) et Tibiri (une commune rurale située à environ 300 km au Sud-Ouest de Niamey) Le choix de ces deux sites s’inscrit dans une perspective comparative

78 entre le milieu urbain (la capitale) qui est un pôle décisionnel et où il y a une forte densité d’acteurs et le milieu rural qui se caractérise le plus souvent par un déficit d’infrastructures scolaires et où l’Etat n’est pas fortement représenté.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 79 The Dynamics of Judicial Processes in Chieftaincy Disputes Resolution in Northern Ghana

Alhassan Sulemana Anamzoya

The people of Ghana expect the state to deal with, and dispense of chieftaincy disputes without these conflicts degenerating into violent conflicts. This study is to focus on the state structures and institutions, the state actors and the processes of dealing with chieftaincy disputes. It is also considering how cases move through various courts and the continuous efforts that state actors are making to ensure the success of the judicial process. Though at the macro level the state appears not to be doing much in resolving chieftaincy disputes, this study would show, by concentrating largely, though not exclusively, on how the state institutions and the state actors are working with the custodians of customary law (the chiefs themselves) to resolve their own disputes without the state directly intervening in the judicial processes, or influencing the decisions on chieftaincy disputes. The study would also show that though the state is barred by the constitution from interfering in chieftaincy matters, yet, without the state structures and facilities, and the civil servants working in these state institutions who constantly interact with chiefs and the disputants, formally and sometimes informally, the chiefs would not be able to do what is constitutionally mandatory of them.

Added to this would be a study on, but not limited to, chieftaincy disputes in (the Northern Region of) Ghana, disputes that have been sent into the traditional institutions and state courts or into any mediation process. The roles of courts in resolving the disputes would be compared in order to discover their points of convergence as well as differences, as well as difficulties in accessing the court by disputants and the obstacles on the way of the courts in the adjudication process of chieftaincy dis-

80 putes. The state actors (the civil servants) who manage these state institutions would be of paramount interest to this study. An added study would be interested in the practicality of the official norms (Court Rules) in these judicial processes.

This study will contribute to the growing literature in micro institutional studies on institutions, actors and processes especially in the fields of sociology, anthropology of law and judicial processes, and plural legal systems.

The methods adopted in this study are in depth interviews and, informal interactions with chiefs and civil servants working within the chieftaincy institution. Of the Ten Regional Houses of Chiefs in Ghana, four, including the National House of Chiefs have been visited. These are the Northern, Greater Accra, and Eastern Region Houses of Chiefs. Some observations of judicial sittings (always) coupled with interviews have been done in the Houses to see how the state actors interact with each other on one hand, and with the chiefs on the other before, during and after judicial proceedings. These observations took place in the Northern, Greater Accra and Eastern Region Houses of Chiefs. Primary data such as court proceedings and dockets have also been continuously accessed.

I have also visited the newly created Ministry of Chieftaincy and Culture (created in May 2006), and I have interviewed the Minister, the Chief Director, and the Directors in Charge of; Administration, Human Resource, and Chieftaincy Research Unit, and the secretary to the Minis- ter. At the Ministry of Chieftaincy and Culture, I have also interacted with some parties who came to lodge complains to the Minister about emerging chieftaincy disputes in their areas, and I have seen parties coming to the Ministry to attempt out of court settlement of their disputes.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 81 Certain issues came out clearly from this ongoing study. Firstly, that the 193 Traditional Councils in Ghana, the Ten Regional and the National Houses of Chiefs are all quasi-state institutions. Secondly, that all the workers of these institutions including the Regional Registrars, the Senior Traditional Council Registrars and Traditional Council Registrars, the accountants the bailiffs, the court clerks, the typist, the cleaners and the security, are civil servants appointed by the state. Thirdly, that it is the daily interactions of these civil servants that make judicial proceedings possible in these Houses. And that, certain NGOs have played and continue to play crucial roles in Chieftaincy, especially in the judicial processes.

What is Left to be Done ● When I look at the data collected at the Ministry of Chieftaincy and Culture, I feel I need to go back to the Ministry for more data. ● The visitations to the other Regional Houses of Chiefs and the subsequent interviews of state actors and observations of their works in the Houses, revealed to me substantial information that could not have been gathered at one House. Therefore, I intend to visit possibly all the remaining six Regional Houses of Chiefs. ● I also intend to visit at least ten of the 193 Traditional Councils in Ghana. ● There is now no doubt that certain NGOs have become stakeholders with respect to Chieftaincy disputes and their resolution. I therefore would want to visit and to conduct interviews on their activities regarding Chieftaincy conflicts, their relationship with the state etc. These include the West African Network for Peace Building (WANEP), BADECC, Inter-NGO Consortium, Christian Council of Ghana, Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAF), German Development Cooperation (GTZ), Open Society Initiative of West Africa (OSIWA) and the Regional Advisory Information and Network Systems (RAINS).

82 ● Though accessing relevant literature especially on plural legal systems, civil servants in Africa, and state support of traditional institutions in the delivery of justice by traditional rulers in Africa has been a hectic task, I am nevertheless dauntless in the process.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 83 La Gestion des Grandes Affaires Politico-judiciaires dans les Processus de Structuration/Destructuration de l’Etat au Bénin

Nassirou Bako-Arifari

Dans les études sur la construction de l’Etat au Bénin depuis la période coloniale, l’accent a souvent été mis sur les phénomènes socio-histo- riques tantôt fondateurs de l’espace géopolitique béninois à différents moments de son évolution, tantôt facilitateurs de la formation des élites dirigeantes et de leurs configurations successives ou encore de la structuration de l’armature institutionnelle de l’Etat, ainsi que les dynamiques de renouvellement des élites au sommet de l’Etat. L’intérêt pour les dynamiques liées au fonctionnement quotidien de l’Etat (à travers des phénomènes pendant longtemps perçus comme “pathologiques“ ou anomiques (pour utiliser un langage durkheimien), notamment la corruption, est pour le moins récent. Et pourtant, cette approche par les dimensions apparemment “pathologiques“ permet de sonder les processus de construction de l’Etat à travers ses capacités réelles de régulation. Une des institutions de régulation du corps social qui compose l’Etat reste la justice confrontée au quotidien à des défis que lui lancent ses propres modes de (dys)fonctionnement. L’importance de la justice est telle que certains auteurs assimilent la mission de l’Etat à celle de la justice: “La justice est la raison d’être de tout Etat et de tout l’Etat“ (Casamayor, 1978).

Les études sur la justice dans les Etats africains ont été marqués par des perspectives fortement normatives, du fait de la prédominance des juristes plus préoccupés par des questions de doctrine que de pratique quotidienne de la loi (cf. Tidjani Alou, 2004.). Lorsque des auteurs à ambition empirique se sont intéressés au sujet, c’était surtout à des échelles micro pour analyser des phénomènes de syncrétismes ou de métissages juridiques (Le Roy) souvent centrés sur des domaines précis comme le

84 foncier (Le Roy, Mathieu, etc.), l’état civil et très rarement l’appareil judiciaire stricto sensu (Tidjani Alou 2004, Bierschenk 2004).

La justice s’est toujours voulue comme une institution dépolitisée et qui lutte au quotidien contre la politisation de sa mission de service public, tout en incorporant de manière structurelle les germes de sa politisation à travers sa double organisation: magistrature du siège et parquet ou ministère public. C’est une institution qui affirme urbi et orbi son indé- pendance à l’égard de l’exécutif, alors même que le ministère public représenté par le parquet n’est rien d’autre qu’un prolongement de l’exécutif dans le judiciaire.

Le système judiciaire béninois jusqu’au milieu des années 1990 était organisé comme un instrument au service d’un régime politique. L’indé- pendance de la justice à l’égard de l’exécutif était un simple principe doctrinaire sans contenu pratique jusqu’aux états généraux de la justice de novembre 1996, qui ont impulsé une nouvelle réforme du système judiciaire. Celui-ci reste encore “le ventre mou de la démocratie béni- noise reste la façon opaque dont la justice est administrée. Il y a là une sorte d’insécurité juridique et judiciaire dont les conséquences affectent la bonne marche des activités économiques et commerciales“ (PNUD 2000:41). Dossou (1986) note entre autres entraves au bon fonctionnement de la justice: l’immixtion de l’exécutif par l’intermédiaire du parquet. A ce niveau tout se joue autour d’une prérogative statutaire du juge du parquet, celle de pouvoir classer des dossiers sans suite du fait du “principe de l’opportunité de poursuite“. Les entraves à l’exercice de l’autosaisine pour le juge du parquet découlent ici du principe du respect de la hiérarchie de la fonction publique assorti de la possibilité de sanctions disciplinaires, aux termes de l’art 39 du Statut de la Magistrature: “La faute disciplinaire s’apprécie pour un membre du parquet, compte tenu des obligations qui découlent de sa subordination hiérarchique“. On comprend alors l’affirmation de DUPIN selon laquelle, “Un juge qui craint

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 85 pour sa place ne rend pas la justice“ (Dupin in Dossou 1986). Comment cette ambiguïté de l’institution judiciaire est-elle utilisée dans la gestion des grandes affaires politico-judiciaires? J’entends provisoirement par “grandes affaires politico-judiciaires“, des infractions massives com- mises par des personnalités influentes dans l’appareil d’Etat et qui de par leur ampleur impliquent des acteurs hautement placés dans diffé- rents segments de l’Etat. Les investigations autour de telles affaires sont potentiellement révélatrices de graves dysfonctionnements de l’Etat et pourraient avoir des effets induits fortement déstructurants pour l’Etat, la légitimité de ses dirigeants, la crédibilité de certains de ses segments les plus centraux dans le processus de sa construction continue.

Les “grandes affaires politico-judiciaires“ en même temps qu’elles sont révélatrices des processus d’étatisation/désétatisation constituent aussi des canaux possibles d’appréhension empirique de ces mêmes processus.

L’anthropologie sociale britannique autour de l’école de Manchester a montré l’importance de des phénomènes cathartiques dans l’étude du fonctionnement ordinaire des sociétés mais aussi de la mise en scène des aspects structurants de celles-ci (cf. Gluckman, Perrot). Elle a aussi montré les processus d’émergence des conflits, leurs modes d’expression et leurs effets dans le corps social global comme le montrent les échelles de gradation dans le “social drama“ (Turner 1957). L’objectif, c’est de voir comment appliquer les acquis de telles approches théorico-méthodolo- giques élaborées à des échelles micro à des phénomènes macroscopiques.

Des formes de catharsis politiques apparaissent périodiquement dans le fonctionnement quotidien de l’Etat et souvent à la jonction entre ses dif- férents segments. Une de ces formes de catharsis est ce qu’on peut appe- ler les scandales politico-judiciaires qui éclatent périodiquement avec

86 parfois des effets potentiellement déstructurants mais aussi structurants pour l’Etat. Ce sont ces épisodes majeurs et souvent complexes qui apparaissent comme des révélateurs de dynamiques profondes et transver- sales à plusieurs segments de l’Etat, que nous envisageons d’appréhender autour de grandes affaires politico-judiciaires qui ont marqué l’Etat béninois des années 1960 à nos jours, notamment ceux qui mettent en jeu les principaux segments de l’Etat que sont le pouvoir exécutif, le pouvoir judiciaire et leurs différents acteurs dans des configurations politiques successives.

Le Bénin est un pays surpolitisé avec plus de 150 partis politiques. C’est aussi un pays marqué par des équilibres politiques à géométrie variable où le coût des transactions pour la conclusion des compromis politiques pour diriger restent très élevés et incertains du fait du goût prononcé des acteurs politiques pour la transhumance politique (cf. Banégas 2003, Adjovi 1998). Or, les négociations qui précèdent les mouvements de transhumance politique sont souvent centrées sur des demandes de franchise et d’immunité pour certains acteurs ou l’organisation du black-out sur des situations souvent politico-judiciaires. C’est le système du “tu me tiens, je te tiens“. Celui qui est chargé de garantir l’indépen- dance de la justice, pour se maintenir au pouvoir lui-même est soumis à l’équation de la vie politique à géométrie variable.

Certaines pratiques de gestion d’affaires politico-judiciaires tendent à montrer que plus un crime est systémique, moins il est possible de le sanctionner au risque de déstructurer l’ensemble des fondements du corps social que l’on s’apprête à ressouder. C’est le cas des opérations types “Vérité contre pardon“ en Afrique du Sud post-apartheid, l’Algérie post-GIA, le Maroc après Hassane II, la Conférence nationale au Bénin, etc.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 87 Les objectifs que visent cette étude sont de: ● investiguer les modalités et mécanismes de gestion des affaires politico-judiciaires, les circonstances de leur introduction dans le circuit judiciaire, de leur retrait ou encore de leur mise en veilleuse ● s’interroger sur de grandes catégories politico-juridiques comme “la mission de défense de l’intérêt général“ dévolue à l’Etat à travers ses segments judiciaire et exécutif, l’évocation de “la raison d’Etat“ et la nécessité de “la sauvegarde de l’ordre public“ à travers la gestion de grandes “affaires politico-judiciaires“ aux effets structurants ou déstructurants pour l’entité étatique ou certains de ses segments névralgiques comme la justice. ● apprécier l’exercice du pouvoir discrétionnaire du juge et la préroga- tive de l’autosaisine dont dispose le juge pour assurer la défense de l’intérêt général et de l’ordre public dans des contextes de “grandes affaires politico-judiciaires“. ● étudier dans des situations d’éclatement de scandales politico-judiciaires, les types de relations qui s’établissement entre l’exécutif et le judiciaire, les perceptions que s’en font les acteurs sociaux du bas et les effets induits sur l’appareil d’Etat.

Les interlocuteurs potentiels pour cette recherche seront les acteurs, observateurs et témoins des affaires visées (juges, hommes politiques, hauts fonctionnaires, responsables d’organisations de la société civile, membres de commissions ad hoc d’enquête sur de grandes affaires, etc.). D’où une démarche méthodologique à trois dimensions: ● une enquête documentaire approfondie et une revue de la presse ● une perspective socio-anthropologique classique: entretien, étude de cas, observation autant que possible, etc. ● Organisation de brainstorming avec des journalistes experts des affaires politico-judiciaires

88 Après la phase de l’enquête documentaire et de la revue de presse suivie de quelques entretiens exploratoires, nous avons retenu trois grandes affaires politico-judiciaires comme études de cas: affaire SONACOP (privatisation de la société de commercialisation des hydrocarbures au Bénin), affaire Gbadamassi (assassinat du président de la Cour d’appel de Parakou) et affaire Hamani Tidjani (trafic de véhicules volés entre le Bénin et le Nigeria).

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 89 Primary School Teachers in Benin

Thomas Bierschenk

Primary school teachers figure among the representatives of the state whom the ordinary African citizen is most likely to meet, even in the most remote rural areas. Benin had around 15.000 primary school teachers in 1998 (out of which around 25 % were women, World Bank 2002), teaching around 900.000 pupils in 3.800 schools around the country. Add to this 4.400 teachers in secondary education, around 600 university teaching staff and 500 teaching staff assigned to central administration, teachers at all level represent about 50 % of all civil servants. Generally, the education system has been, since colonial times, a major instrument of social control and diffusion of a particular cultural model of the “modern (wo)man”. After independence, it was also pivotal, in the eyes of African leaders, for nation-building and economic development. Further- more, schools everywhere are important loci of social se lec tion; during the first twenty years of independence of African states, they were instrumental in social promotion on a massive scale. These favourable circumstances not only gave African schoolteachers, including primary school teachers, a high social status; in many cases teachers were also key actors in the political life of the newly independent African states. In Benin, they were, together with the military, key personnel of the revolutionary era (1972/74 – 1989).

The “golden decades” (1950 – 1980) of the African formal school system were followed by a decade of crisis, involution, contestation and, in some cases like Benin, the experimentation with “revolutionary” educational models (école nouvelle). Since the 1990s, we observe a renewed massive expansion of school enrolment, albeit under much worsened financial conditions, and, consequently, not only a “desacralisation” of the school

90 but also of teachers. (While the number of pupils has doubled in Benin since 1990, the number of teachers has remained stagnant.)

The project studies the social background, biographies, working conditions, social relations, political roles and professional ethics of this group of civil servants, which continues to be important numerically, but which faces a serious loss of social status. The study looks at teachers in urban as well as rural areas, and in public as well as in (the increasing number of) private schools. A comparison is made with teachers who have exer- cised their profession in the 1950s/1960s and in the 1970s/1980s.

A leading research question addresses the degree of autonomisation of the school system vis-à-vis outside rationalities and demands (political, social and others), another one the professional ethos of schoolteachers.

Six associated research projects are being undertaken in the context of M.A. thesis research by German students. These projects are currently in their write-up phases. ● The socialist school reform école nouvelle (1975-1989) (Salka Wetzig) ● The interface between foreign donors and the national education system (Nora Brandecker) ● Teacher training: An ethnography of a teacher training seminar (Heide Hällmeyer) ● Lifestyles of teachers: An ethnographic approach (Antonia Lütgens) ● Female teachers (Katja Voss) ● Girls in schools (Marie-Louise Riesenkampff)

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 91 Ghanaian Judges: Career Trajectories and Self-understanding

Jan Budniok

In my PhD research, part of the research project ‘States at Work’, I study the making of the Ghanaian judicial profession in a historical perspective.

As Ghana was a part of the British colonial empire, her courts follow of the Common Law tradition. In the 1950s the ‘Africanisation’ of the Ghanaian bench was stepped up and most of the judges serving in the country were Ghanaian lawyers. Already at the eve of independence Ghana had a high number of native lawyers (Widner 2001: 49), and Ghana subsequently ‘exported’ lawyers and judges to other African countries. After independence several regime changes took place, especially between the 1960s and the 1980s. They had a deep impact on the judiciary’s relationship with other arms of government and law practice in general. Under the rule of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) in the 1980s some judges became victims of violence and the assassination of three High Court judges increased the widespread fear among lawyers for their life. The political transition since the late 1980s and the new constitution of 1992 changed the political landscape and allowed for a growing judicial independence. However, allegations of rampant corruption brought the judiciary under pressure. In the past years, the late Chief Justice Acquah introduced several changes to the judicial service, such as a new court structure, the modernisation of courts, new rules of procedure, a new code of conduct and other reforms. While the number of judges stagnated in the 1980s around 100, the Ghanaian judicial service currently employs about 270 judges.

92 Scholars have rarely paid attention to the actors at the very centre of African judiciaries, namely judges. An exception is Jennifer A. Widner’s study (Widner 2001) of the career of the former Chief Justice of Tanzania, Francis Nyalali, which she uses as a starting point to discuss the development of the Tanzanian judiciary. For Ghana, the judicial profession’s history has not yet been written, in spite of the interesting material which the changing position of the Ghanaian judiciary in the state and vis-à- vis the executive provides. An important contribution to such a future history is Robin Luckham’s sociological study of Ghanaian lawyers in general from the 1970s. He analysed thoroughly the historical development and the structure of the legal profession, the social background of lawyers, the Ghanaian market for law practice, and lawyers’ working conditions.

The aim of my research is to take account of judges’ individual experiences. Bearing in mind the state of the literature, an early familiarisation with the local context was recommended. After an explorative phase in June and July 2006 the main field research took place from November 2006 to May 2007. My explorative research gave access to a number of judges responsive to the research and willing to engage in further collaboration. I primarily draw on qualitative interviews, repeatedly conducted with judges on their life, their career, and the judiciary as such. The biographies serve to position judicial careers in the historical context of the judiciary in Ghana. The experiences of some episodes and events are shared by almost all judges, while others are peculiar to some distinct groups or generations. Therefore I include in my sample judges of different generations, with different ethnic and social backgrounds. So far I carried out interviews with 25 judges of different age and sex, judges of the Superior Courts and the Lower Courts, in rural and urban settings, at the end and the beginning of their judicial career, be it with high success or not. Particular emphasis is put on retired judges of all levels, in order to include through their point of view an historical

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 93 perspective. Most judges I interviewed are serving in Accra, the capital of Ghana. Accra offers the easiest spot for the research as most of the Superior Courts are situated in Accra, including one third of the High Courts, and most others courts are in a short distance from Accra. Interviews are supplemented by informal conversations, documentary studies in the National Archives and in the Judicial Service’s Archives, the observation of trials, and the study of law acts.

In my research I seek to identify and to analyse categories and patterns of the profession and to sketch out points of entry into the profession and typical career trajectories. Moreover, my study includes the structuring of life before becoming a judge, like the early socialisation, schooling, followed by the socialisation as a lawyer into the profession, such as law studies, Law School, national service and the first jobs. In addition to that I consider the individual career aims and I search for factors that influence career choices, such as the motivation and reasoning to become a judge. I ask how a career is launched and what sort of environment and skills are helpful to succeed. Following this path, my study takes a look on career alternatives.

In order to understand the judicial service as the institutional framework of judges careers’ I study the judges’ viewpoint on internal dynamics and processes within the judiciary. My research encompasses the judges’ discourse on professional comportment and shared values. Beyond purely professional questions I include in my research the judges’ perceptions on life as a judge, private life, family life, and social life, such as social activities within churches or within sport-clubs. Finally, the description and analysis of major events within the profession such as the swearing in of judges, the call to the bar of new lawyers, the opening of the legal year, and funerals complete the picture of ‘being a judge’ in Ghana.

94 Bibliography Luckham, R., 1976a, The Market for legal Services in Ghana, Review of Ghana Law, pp. 8-27 Luckham, R., 1976b, The Economic Base of Private Law in Practice in Ghana, Review of Ghana Law, 8, pp. 119-139, 186-197 Luckham, R., 1977, The Ghana legal profession: the natural history of a research project, Brighton Luckham, R., 1981a, Imperialism, Law and Structural dependence. The Ghana Legal Profession, in C.J.Dias, R. Luckham, D. Lynch, J.C.N. Paul eds., Lawyers in the Third World: Comparative and Developments Perspectives, pp. 90-122. Luckham, R., 1981c, The Political Economy of Legal Profession; Towards a Framework for Comparison”, in C.J.Dias, R. Luckham, D. Lynch, J.C.N. Paul eds., Lawyers in the Third World: Comparative and Developments Perspectives, pp. 287-361. Widner, J. A., 2001, Building the Rule of Law: Francis Nyalali and the Road to Judicial Independence in Africa, NewYork

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 95 Syndicalisme Enseignant au Bénin: Pluralisme, Revendications et Implications sur la Construction de l’Etat

Azizou Chabi Imorou

Cette étude s’articule autour du syndicalisme enseignant dans une perspective de construction de l’Etat. Elle met en exergue l’évolution du mouvement syndical dont les revendications définissent des scénarios dans la trajectoire de l’Etat béninois postcolonial. C’est d’abord sous l’égide du syndicalisme que les mouvements nationalistes ayant conduit à l’indé- pendance ont vu le jour. Au lendemain de l’indépendance, l’on a assisté à une influence réciproque entre les transformations politiques et l’évolu- tion du pouvoir syndical par un jeu d’interférence qui conduira plus tard à l’unicité du mouvement syndical. Vers la fin des années 90, la grande grève des syndicats enseignants qui a conduit à une invalidation de l’année scolaire et universitaire a engendré toute une dynamique sociale qui devrait conduire à la conférence des forces vives de la nation et à un changement politique (passage à la démocratie après près de trente ans de régime autoritaire de type marxiste léniniste). Aujourd’hui à la faveur de la démocratisation l’on assiste à l’émergence et à l’éclosion du syndicalisme grâce à l’existence d’un cadre législatif et réglementaire particu- lièrement favorable.

Nos recherches se déroulent ainsi dans un contexte marqué d’une part, par un paysage syndical largement dominé par les syndicats du champ éducatif public et d’autre part, par une forte segmentation de la fonction enseignante (numériquement importante) en sous-corps statutairement différents (les permanents, les contractuels, les communautaires d’Etat, les communautaires locaux). Il s’agit ici d’une mise en exergue du rôle des syndicats dans le processus de délivrance du service de l’éducation et les types de relation à l’Etat qui en découlent. L’activité syndicale ne constitue donc qu’un terrain particulier qui permet de saisir empirique-

96 ment les modalités complexes, interdépendantes et relativement contin- gentes de la structuration du paysage éducatif béninois. Une telle perspective apporte davantage d’éclairage sur les débats théoriques dans le champ de l’éducation en raison d’une part, de la quasi absence de la dimension syndicale dans les études sur l’Education en Afrique (prédo- minance des paradigmes pédagogiques, économiques et psychologiques) et, d’autre part, parce que l’éducation elle-même semble être une dimension esquivée des études sur le syndicalisme qui privilégient la dimension politique. Le problème que nous évoquons apporte une analyse substantielle: quelle(s) forme(s) d’expérience de fonctionnement ”réel” de l’Etat et du service public de l’éducation les pratiques syndicales induisent-elles? En quoi les actions syndicales contribuent-elles à une certaine réforme de l’Etat, tout au moins dans le secteur de l’éducation? Quel est le type de culture ”étatique” et de rapport au service public induit par l’action syndicale chez ses acteurs?

Pour répondre à ces interrogations, l’étude s’appuie sur une recherche socio-historique de type empirique menée auprès de groupes d’acteurs stratégiques de l’école (enseignants de terrain ou ”enseignants craie en main”, administrateurs de l’école, responsables syndicaux, parents d’élèves et élèves) aussi bien en milieu urbain (Cotonou et Parakou) qu’en milieu rural (Karimama). Au niveau macro, l’accent est mis sur les interactions syndicats/politique publique d’éducation (approche institutionnelle). Ici c’est toute la complexité et l’ambigüité des rapports et interactions entre la bureaucratie et les institutions étatiques souvent au plus haut niveau qui sont analysées. Au niveau micro il est question des rapports entre l’enseignant, le service public qu’il assure et le rôle des communautés locales au regard des enjeux que pose le processus de décentralisation en cours (approche par les acteurs).

Les premiers résultats obtenus indiquent que l’école béninoise ou plus précisément l’année scolaire béninoise comporte sa part de grève. Le

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 97 syndicalisme enseignant s’impose au sein de l’éducation à travers des revendications qui s’expriment en attentes concrètes à l’égard de l’Etat. Dans les différents problèmes sociaux qu’ils posent les enseignants se basent sur un ”comparatisme professionnel” notamment par comparaison de leur corporation à celles des autres agents des services publics jugées plus avantagées dans les conditions qu’offre la fonction publique béni- noise. La différence professionnelle est alors mise en avant pour récla- mer des acquits (légaux ou illégaux) dont bénéficient les autres agents de l’administration publique. Au-delà préoccupations économiques faci- lement discernables, c’est à un véritable ”besoin d’Etat” que renvoient les répertoires thématiques contenus dans les motions de grèves. La respon- sabilité de l’Etat étant mise en branle, celui-ci est souvent contraint à procéder à des négociations et bricolages allant dans le sens de la poursuite de sa mission d’assurer le service de l’éducation. Dans cette média- tion, il peut au nom de l’intérêt national que suscite les questions d’édu- cation solliciter l’intervention des forces sociales (association de parents d’élèves, forces religieuses, organisations de la société civile, partis politiques, etc.) notamment lorsque tout le dispositif structurel ou conjonc- turel mis en place pour la médiation échoue. L’éducation devient ainsi un secteur à ”sauver” à tout prix et les bricolages entrepris dans ce sens peuvent concerner les calendriers scolaires, les pratiques pédagogiques ou encore le système d’évaluation des élèves. Ces pratiques sont éloignées des pratiques jugées ”normales” et, progressivement, une ”culture professionnelle” se construit en relation avec les pratiques syndicales et les aléas d’une profession dans laquelle un grand nombre d’agents (professionnels et non professionnels) sont venus ”par défaut”. Ce qui permet de faire une lecture spécifique de la politique de l’éducation fort éloignée des schémas prévus par l’Etat ou les bailleurs de fonds internationaux.

98 Pluralisme Juridique, Distribution de la Justice en Milieu Rural et Construction de l’Etat au Mali

Moussa Djiré

Le processus de construction de l’Etat, partant, de son institutionnalisation, n’est pas un boulevard avec un point de départ et un point d’arrivée, mais un va et vient permanent entre différents modes de structuration des rapports entre les gouvernants et les gouvernés. Ces modes se diffé- rencient, entre autres, par le contexte, la nature, le volume et la qualité de la distribution des services publics dont l’étude est un révélateur important du processus d’édification de l’Etat. Dans ce processus, le fonctionnement du système judiciaire, institution chargée, par définition, “de faire régner la paix sociale et l’équité“ reflète les coïncidences et décalages entre le modèle d’Etat, c’est à dire le type idéal de puissance publique et de relations sociales recherché ou proclamé et la réalité sociale. La façon dont la justice est distribuée à un moment donné et perçue par les citoyens peut constituer une sorte de baromètre de l’acceptation de l’Etat par ces derniers, partant, de sa légitimité et de son degré d’institutionnalisation.

Les fondements du système judiciaire malien, à l’instar de celui des autres pays africains ont été établis durant la période coloniale. A l’accession du pays à l’indépendance, les nouvelles autorités ont pris conscience de l’inadéquation des structures judiciaires coloniales avec les structures sociales du pays. Les impératifs de l’édification d’une société moderne bâtie sur des valeurs proclamées de justice et d’égalité ont commandé des reformes qui ont entraîné des corrections dans le modèle colonial, sans toutefois l’abroger.

Malgré les reformes menées, la distribution de la justice reste confrontée à de nombreux problèmes qui ont été sans complaisance diagnostiqués

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 99 par le Forum National sur la Justice (Ministère de la Justice, 2000). Ces problèmes sont, entre autres, l’ignorance de la “chose judiciaire” par les populations, les lenteurs des procédures et leur coût élevé, l’éloignement de la justice des justiciables, les accusations de collusion entre juges et auxiliaires de justice au détriment des justiciables, la corruption, etc.

En milieu rural où vit l’essentiel de la population, ces problèmes sont démultipliés, d’une part, par la situation d’extrême pauvreté dans laquelle vivent les citoyens et, d’autre part, par l’analphabétisme et les avatars de l’organisation judiciaire. De surcroît, le contexte rural est marqué par l’existence d’un pluralisme juridique et institutionnel. A côté des règles et institutions juridiques étatiques co-existent des règles et institutions locales, qui entretiennent des relations ambiguës, tantôt d’ignorance ou d’exclusion, tantôt de coopération. Il est donc important, à une période historique marquée par la mondialisation et l’affirmation par les Etats africains de leur volonté de bâtir un “Etat de droit“ fondé sur des “valeurs universelles“ d’égalité et de liberté, d’étudier la façon dont la justice est distribuée au quotidien en milieu rural, la perception qu’en ont les citoyens et son incidence sur la construction de l’Etat.

Problématique La recherche est articulée autour de la question relative à la façon dont, dans le contexte actuel, marqué, d’une part, par la proclamation par les autorités maliennes de leur volonté de construction d’un Etat de droit et, d’autre part, par l’extrême pauvreté des populations rurales ainsi que le pluralisme juridique et institutionnel, la justice est distribuée au quotidien en milieu rural et influence le processus d’édification de l’Etat. En d’autres termes, il s’agit d’analyser la façon concrète dont les populations rurales ont accès au système judiciaire officiel, les interférences entre les règles et institutions locales et celles étatiques, la perception qu’ont les citoyens des décisions de justice et son incidence sur le processus de construction de l’Etat.

100 Pour réponde à l’objectif général qui est de documenter et d’analyser le contexte et la façon dont façon dont la justice est distribuée et perçue en milieu rural et influence le processus de construction de l’Etat, la recherche abordera les questions relatives à: ● l’organisation et au fonctionnement des différentes juridictions, notamment des justices de paix à compétence étendue et des tribunaux de première instance; ● la configuration des arènes locales et les conditions générales d’accès des justiciables aux différentes juridictions; ● la place de l’institution judiciaire dans l’arène locale, ses relations avec les différents centres d’autorité (traditionnel, administratif, économique, etc.); ● la nomenclature des conflits locaux, notamment ceux soumis à la justice; ● les modalités de prise en compte des droits coutumiers lors du règlement des différends par l’institution judiciaire; ● les perceptions des populations sur le service public de la justice; ● la mise à jour du lien éventuel entre la situation sociale des justiciables et la façon dont la justice est rendue (tant en terme de procédure que de décision), ● le parcours des magistrats et des auxiliaires de justice officiant dans l’arène locale, leurs perceptions de l’ampleur et des difficultés de leurs charges, leurs analyses des décisions importantes rendues, les solutions originales aux différends soumis à leur arbitrage; ● le destin et les impacts des décisions rendues (exécution de la décision ou éventuellement appel, cassation, capacité à restaurer la paix sociale et la confiance en la justice); ● Les impacts et limites des reformes en cours.

Méthodologie l’approche méthodologique est fondée sur une combinaison de l’approche institutionnelle et celle d’acteur avec une perspective historique. Les

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 101 techniques de l’anthropologie classique (observation participante, interview) seront privilégiées. Mais il sera également fait appel à celles utilisées par les sciences juridiques (analyses des textes législatifs et réglementaires, analyses des décisions de justice, commentaires d’arrêts pertinents). Des éléments quantitatifs seront également pris en considé- ration, notamment en ce qui concerne la statistique des affaires traitées, la fréquence des recours contre les décisions de justice, etc.

La recherche aura lieu auprès de deux justices de paix à compétence étendue (Ouéléssébougou, et Douentza) et deux tribunaux de première instance (Koutiala et Kati) situés dans trois régions administratives et différentes zones socio-culturelles du pays. Des recherches auront égale- ment lieu au niveau des Cours d’appel dont relèvent ces tribunaux ainsi que de la Cour Suprême. La recherche sera menée par un chercheur senior appuyé par quatre étudiants en maîtrise de la FSJP.

Résultat attendus Le résultat attendu est un rapport de recherche qui fera le point sur la distribution de la justice dans les quatre localités retenues et fournira des éléments de comparaison avec la situation au Bénin et au Niger qui traitent des problématiques similaires et deux articles intermédiaires.

Plan et calendrier de travail 1ère année – Approfondissement de la revue de littérature (Bamako et Niamey), interview des responsables de l’administration de la justice, enquêtes de terrain dans deux justices de paix à compétence étendue; 2ème année: poursuite des travaux de terrains dans deux juridictions. Production d’un article; 3ème année: poursuite des recherches de terrains (deux cours d’appel) et la Cour suprême) deuxième article et rapport de recherche.

102 The Role of International Nongovernmental Organizations in the Education Sector of Benin

Sarah Fichtner

Within the framework of the research program “States at Work”, the socio-anthropological PhD project summarised in this paper deals with an analysis of the interface of state engagement and international non- governmental intervention in the formal primary education sector in Benin. I focus on the “real” functioning of public services in the processes of four international nongovernmental organisations’ day-to-day interventions in the municipality of Nikki in north-eastern Benin. Studying the means and mechanisms through which educational norms and institutional structures are transferred, negotiated and implemented by state and non-state actors, allows me to see how the multiple, entangled and shifting relations and roles played by the ‘State’, ‘civil society’ and the ‘international system’ are defined and redefined.

Context Primary “Education For All” has not only become the motto of two world forums conducted by UNESCO member states (1990 in Jomtien, Thailand and 2000 in Dakar, Senegal), setting the frame for a global education order (Lange, 2000: 11), but also a target to be reached until 2015 as part of the Millennium Development Goals. The nation state’s responsibility to provide adequate educational services, once a hallmark of ‘modern’ statehood, has partly been replaced by an international responsibility to assist poor states in “correcting” their enrolment rates. The transfer and implementation of this financial and structural aid into the affected countries’ education systems has largely been consigned to international nongovernmental organisations (INGOs), seemingly being closer to the target population and less corrupt than state institutions.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 103 In Benin which had once been called the “Latin Quarter of Black Africa” due to its relatively high enrolment rates and disproportionately high representation among the West African elite in the 1960s, INGOs’ intervention in the education sector has boosted since the democratic renewal in 1990. The 1980s had witnessed a phase of “déscolarisation”, i.e. a sharp decline in enrolment rates, caused by an economic and political crisis affecting most West African countries at that time. Beginning in the 1990s, efforts were made to reform the education system with a program called “Nouveaux Programmes d’Etudes” (NPE) and to open the door for external donors and INGOs.

Problem Outline It is in this global context of the growing presence of international educational orders within nation-state-boundaries, and the ‘nationalisation’ and ‘localisation’ of international norms that my research project moves to the local arena to understand and analyse the role(s) of international nongovernmental organisations (INGOs) in the Beninese education sector.

How are the different INGOs intervening in the education sector? With which aim and which strategies? How do INGOs perceive their role, how is it perceived by state actors and the local population and how is it related to the acts performed? Which responsibilities, capacities, and motivations are ascribed to which actors? What are their sources of legitimacy and power? How do INGO interventions in the education sector affect the local image, the idea of the state, which is at least in terms of a ‘prototype’ and ‘modern’ state in its continental European normative framework, conventionally thought of as being responsible for education?

First results gathered during two research phases (February-March 2006 and November 2006-ongoing) using qualitative methods (guided inter-

104 views, long-term observations, document analysis) show that INGOs that intervene in the field of public primary education in Benin differ significantly in their approach, their specific aims and their relation towards the state.

To illustrate this variety, four INGOs are studied in detail, all of them working in the municipality/school district of Nikki: The International Foundation for Education and Self-Help (IFESH), World Education, Aide et Action and the Catholic Relief Services (CRS).

Despite their differences, there is a high tendency among all of these INGOs to work on the side of structural transfer or – to use the en-vogue- term – “capacity building”, i.e. on the creation and training of special committees to solve problems concerning education.

IFESH for example, an INGO playing a key role as the state’s privileged partner in the supervision of the educational reform process NPE, established Teacher Training Networks in cooperation with the local school administration. World Education is reanimating and reorganising School Parents Associations that originally pre-date Beninese independence. The CRS sets up School Canteen Management Committees and Aide et Action Municipal Education Committees. These sometimes overlapping and conflicting institutions are not taken to be apolitical, neutral machineries defined by an ideal type bureaucracy, but are analysed as arenas of political interaction between different strategic groups, discussing, defining and acting upon the rules and roles within the game.

At the current stage of analysis, Lund’s concept of “twilight institutions” seems to offer an interesting perspective on this interaction between state and non-state actors engaged in education, as it allows dealing with the shifting boundaries between the public and the private, the internal and the external, while inviting us “to investigate the making

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 105 of public authority as an active and contested process of assertion, legitimization and exercise” (Lund, 2006.: 679)

Studying INGOs activities in the education sector with this focus on the “multiplex” “local-level politics” (Swartz, 1968: 1) grounded in qualitative empirical analysis, marks a contrast to the majority of recent publications on education in Africa, produced mainly from an economy of education perspective. In this context, education in Africa has mostly been studied as a systemic crisis (Gérard et.al. 2001: 6). While these studies provide a useful background for comparison with education sectors in other countries, especially in reference to the four countries covered by the “States at Work” project, they do not, however, shed any light on the day-to-day functioning of the education system and the modes of implementation used by the different providers of educational services, including INGOs. The socio-anthropological, actor-centred perspective used in my research project, takes these INGOs as objects of analysis and as actively participating subjects in the dynamic processes of state- building and state-withdrawal in the education sector.

Bibliography Gérard, E., Pilon, M. & Y. Yaro (2001): Introduction: La demande d’éducation an Afrique: état des connaissances et perspectives de recherche. In Pilon, M. & Y. Yaro (Ed.), La Demande d’Education en Afrique. Etat des Connaissances et Perspectives de Recherche. UEPA/ UAPS, pp 6-15. Lange, M.F. (2001). Introduction: Dynamiques scolaires contemporaines au Sud. In Autrepart, N 17: Des écoles pour le Sud- Stratégies sociales, politiques étatiques et interventions du Nord. IRD, pp: 5-12. Lund, C. (2006). Twilight Institutions: An Introduction. In Development and Change, 37 (4): 673-684. Swartz, M. (1968). Introduction. In Swartz, M. (Ed), Local-level Politics. Social and Cultural Perspectives. University of London Press, pp: 1-46.

106 La Profession de Magistrat au Mali

Mamadou Fomba

La présente étude intitulée ”la profession de magistrat au Mali”, s’inscrit dans le programme de recherche sur l’Etat en Afrique dans son fonctionnement ”réel” dans quatre pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest: le Bénin, le Ghana, le Mali et le Niger. Elle vise à étudier un corps de fonctionnaires (les magistrats), dans un Etat africain, dans son fonctionnement, ses interactions avec les autres acteurs, dans une perspective historique et sociologique.

Le Mali, dès son accession à l’indépendance, s’est doté d’une Constitution qui proclame l’indépendance de l’autorité judiciaire. Cette déclaration d’intention du constituant malien de 1960 supposait l’adoption au profit des magistrats d’un statut propre compatible avec la délicatesse de leurs missions et leur indépendance vis à vis de l’Exécutif. Mais ce statut particulier n’a point été adopté. La magistrature a, au contraire, été traitée, dans les faits, comme une dépendance de l’Exécutif, en violation des prescriptions constitutionnelles.

Cet écart entre les textes et la pratique constitutionnelle et politique de la Ière République a engendré l’inféodation de la justice à l’Exécutif. Un coup d’Etat mit fin à la Ière République, le 19 novembre 1968, et institua une dictature militaire qui suspendit la constitution de 1960. L’ordon- nance n°1 en date du 28 novembre 1968 adoptée par la junte, concentre entre ses mains les pouvoirs Exécutif et Législatif et proclame, également, l’indépendance de l’autorité judiciaire, mais ne la traduit pas dans les faits. Le 2 juin 1974, une nouvelle constitution fut adoptée. Elle annonça l’indépendance de la justice et un statut général de la magistrature qui sera fixé dans la loi n°79-10/ANRM du 29 novembre 1979. Cette loi orga-

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 107 nisa un corps des magistrats en déterminant leurs droits, privilèges et devoirs et créa un Conseil Supérieur de la Magistrature compétent dans l’exercice du pouvoir disciplinaire. Ainsi, pour la première fois, si les magistrats sont reconnus, au Mali, comme une catégorie de fonctionnaires d’Etat, ils ne bénéficient pas de l’inamovibilité et de l’indépen- dance. La Constitution de la IIème République ne fut point mise en œuvre dans la pratique. Les magistrats furent maintenus dans la dépendance de l’Exécutif. Cette situation, dénoncée lors des rentrées judiciaires, instituées à partir de 1986, aboutit à l’adoption de la loi n°86-86/ANRM du 22 septembre 1986 portant Statut de la Magistrature qui resta, elle aussi, lettre morte. Le mouvement démocratique malien renversera la dictature politico-militaire, le 26 mars 1991.

La constitution du 25 février 1992 qui marque le démarrage de la IIIème République proclame, dans son article 81, l’indépendance du Pouvoir Judiciaire. Conformément à cette disposition, les magistrats bénéficient désormais d’un nouveau statut unifiant le corps des magistrats de l’ordre judiciaire et l’ordre administratif. Le nouveau statut de la magistrature souligne, notamment, l’inamovibilité des magistrats du siège et leur accorde d’immenses privilèges. Ainsi, sous la IIIème République, la magistrature a acquis plus de droits et de privilèges que sous les régimes antérieurs.

Cependant, ce corps de fonctionnaires est l’objet de nombreux griefs, portant surtout sur le comportement des magistrats. Pour corriger ces insuffisances afin de restaurer la crédibilité et la confiance de la justice, le Programme Décennal de Développement de la Justice (PRODEJ) a vu le jour en décembre 2001. Cependant, la magistrature malienne fait, toujours, régulièrement, l’objet de critiques (faits de corruption, lenteur et lourdeur des procédures, difficultés d’obtenir l’exécution des décisions rendues, etc.) dénoncées à l’occasion des ”Espaces d’Interpellation Démocratique” (E.I.D.).

108 Le présent projet se propose d’étudier la profession de magistrat au Mali dans ses rapports avec les autres pouvoirs, notamment publics et écono- miques. L’exercice de la profession de magistrat est marqué par les décla- rations officielles d’indépendance de l’institution judiciaire, les combats des magistrats visant à rendre effective cette indépendance, les efforts des autres pouvoirs notamment publics et économiques pour se l’aliéner ainsi que l’influence du contexte historique, économique et social. En effet, il s’agit de savoir dans quelle mesure la magistrature utilise-t-elle son indépendance pour consolider ou non la légitimité de l’Etat. Cette indépendance est-elle possible dans un contexte de libéralisme écono- mique sur fond de grande pauvreté et d’injustices sociales ainsi que de prééminence du pouvoir exécutif? Il est prévu d’étudier la magistrature dans ses éléments internes et dans son environnement et ses interactions avec les autres acteurs du jeu institutionnel et social.

Dans ses éléments internes, il s’agit de voir les questions se rapportant aux conditions d’accès, aux conditions d’exercice de la profession ainsi que la responsabilité éventuellement encourue du fait des fautes com- mises par les magistrats. Un accent particulier sera mis sur les magistrats du parquet (placé sous la direction et le contrôle de leurs chefs hiérarchiques et sous l’autorité du ministre de la justice) pour voir dans quelle mesure ils exercent leurs fonctions de poursuite et d’instruction en toute liberté et sans préjudice pour leur carrière.

Dans son environnement et ses interactions avec les autres acteurs du jeu institutionnel et social, la magistrature sera étudiée, dans une perspective comparatiste (Ière, IIème et IIIème Républiques), dans ses rapports avec les pouvoirs publics notamment l’Exécutif. En effet, c’est sous la IIIème République que la magistrature a acquis plus de droits et de privilèges. Et pourtant, c’est sous cette République qu’elle fait, le plus, l’objet de mauvaise presse.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 109 La magistrature sera, par ailleurs, étudiée, dans ses interactions avec les auxiliaires de justice (avocats, assesseurs, etc.), les relations sociales, politiques et culturelles et les pouvoirs économiques. Il s’agira aussi de dresser le portrait de quelques membres du corps soucieux du respect de l’indépendance et de la déontologie. L’étude des rapports entre les magistrats et les ”pouvoirs d’argent” nous permettra d’aborder la déli- cate question de la corruption au sein de la justice.

La démarche méthodologique combinera les méthodes juridiques (collecte et analyse documentaire) et celles socio anthropologiques (enquêtes de terrain, observations et analyse des discours populaires sur la magistrature malienne).

110 Fonctionnement et Régulation du Service Public de la Justice au Niger

Oumarou Hamani

Des acteurs extérieurs à l’Etat sont de plus en plus présents dans la gestion des services publics, en intervenant selon des logiques diverses qui sont soit en alliance soit en compétition avec celle de l’Etat. Les interactions qui émergent favorisent le développement de ”règles” informelles. Ces mutations offrent des chantiers nouveaux pour comprendre le processus de (re)-construction de l’Etat.

L’étude de la régulation et du contrôle nous paraît pertinente pour saisir ce processus de mutation des services publics et de l’Etat à une échelle plus étendue. A partir des logiques, des pratiques et des représentations des acteurs de la justice, nous projetons d’interroger la capacité des organes de contrôle de la justice à veiller à l’application des règles qui en régissent le fonctionnement. La justice connaît depuis quelques décennies des ”améliorations” marquées par l’accroissement de l’effectif des magistrats formés au Niger et directement recrutés par l’Etat pour accompagner la politique d’élargissement de la carte judiciaire entreprise depuis 2004 et matérialisée par la création de tribunaux de grande instance et d’instance. La haute magistrature a connu, elle aussi, des changements avec l’éclatement de l’ancienne Cour suprême en plusieurs cours.

A l’inverse, l’effectif du personnel d’appui (auxiliaires de justice) a peu évolué. Suite au gèle des embauches dans la fonction publique, l’effectif s’est même réduit au fil des départs à la retraite, observé notamment chez les agents auxiliaires des tribunaux (greffiers et les secrétaires). Le personnel d’appui est jugé ”insuffisant” par les acteurs eux-mêmes, entraînant un ”empilement de dossiers”.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 111 Le service public de la justice fait face à des contraintes financières. L’Etat qui en est la principale source de financement ne lui alloue que environ 1% du budget national. Les crédits délégués alloués au tribunal de Zinder n’excèdent guère 80.000F Cfa à 100.000F Cfa (environ (122 et 153 euros) par trimestre. Ces contraintes financières amènent parfois les acteurs de la justice à trouver localement des alternatives diverses pour maintenir le tribunal en état de fonctionnement.

Enfin, le service de la justice est ”un agencement” de plusieurs corps professionnels avec des statuts différents qui entretiennent entre eux des rapports institutionnellement définis et des relations de service qui découlent d’interactions réelles entre les différents acteurs. Ces corps sont loin de représenter des catégories homogènes. Ils sont traversés de divergences de positions et d’appartenance syndicale, des clivages inter- générationnels.

Le fonctionnement en situation de crise Le fonctionnement au quotidien de la justice est caractérisé par une ”construction structurelle de la précarité” lié à l’irrégularité des ressources que lui alloue l’Etat central. Cette précarité est localement renforcée par la recherche de solutions ponctuelles pour maintenir le service en état de fonctionnement. Le recours à des réseaux extra-professionnels appa- raît comme une pratique utilisée par les acteurs principaux du tribunal. Cette alternative fait des usagers des acteurs déterminants dans le fonctionnement du service.

L’insuffisance des ressources affecte la capacité de planification et de programmation des activités. On assiste à une absence de définition claire des tâches et une forme de ”délégation d’attributions” qui repré- sente une pratique assez prégnante au TGI de Zinder. Ne pouvant répon- dre aux demandes des usagers, les responsables de tribunaux choisis- sent de recentrer leurs activités sur les fonctions administratives et de

112 confier une partie du travail aux magistrats placés sous leurs responsa- bilités. Ces règles implicites aident à maintenir le service en état de fonctionnement.

Regroupées à l’intérieur d’une même enceinte, les juridictions de siège et du parquet ont des rapports structurés par des formes ”d’ententes tacites” qui favorisent des glissements statutaires. Les tâches sont ”décloisonnées” et il arrive que le parquet assume de façon pratique les fonctions dévolues, en théorie, aux juridictions des affaires civiles (conciliation).

Les relations entre le parquet et les officiers de police judiciaire sont les terrains où s’observent également des glissements statutaires. Pour ”le besoin d’efficacité”, les OPJ sont sollicités par les procureurs en lieu et place des huissiers pour la transmission des convocations lors des cita- tions directes.

En somme, le schéma de fonctionnement du TGI de Zinder est marqué par des ”ententes tacites”, des négociations entre les magistrats et leurs hiérarchies supérieures, mais également entre les cateurs de la justice et les justiciables.

La justice, un service dépendant Le service de la justice est marqué par sa double dépendance. D’un côté, le TGI dépend des ressources que lui alloue l’Etat central, de l’autre, les magistrats doivent inscrire leurs activités dans la nature de leurs rapports avec d’autres services publics. Ces relations, quoique définies dans des cadres formels, ne restent pas moins marqués par des négociations permanentes entre les acteurs. Les relations personnalisées se créent et se structurent en utilisant les canaux institutionnels formels, rendant complexes les limites entre le formel (ce qui devrai être) et l’informel (ce qui est).

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 113 Le fonctionnement de la justice, analysé sous l’angle des pratiques professionnelles, révèle des désajustements perpétuels avec les cadres formels. Bien que désaccordées, ces pratiques révèlent des formes d’adaptations et d’initiatives créées par les acteurs pour maintenir le service en état de fonctionnement. Ces initiatives opèrent dans des cadres d’ententes tacites entre les hiérarchies du TGI de Zinder. La question des liens entre le contexte décrit par le fonctionnement du tribunal et la capacité de l’Etat à contrôler le comportement des acteurs de la justice est pertinente.

Le contrôle, au sein du service judiciaire est assuré par une diversité d’organes. Ceux-ci entretiennent entre eux des rapports complexes tantôt hiérarchiques, tantôt administratifs, tantôt des rapports d’extériorité. Les moyens de contrôle sont variables selon les organes. Certains reposent sur des moyens qui renvoient au contrôle des procédures judiciaires, au contrôle de la carrière des magistrats, au contrôle de l’efficacité des juridictions. Le contrôle social des magistrats s’opère à travers le processus d’encadrement professionnel des jeunes magistrats par les anciens.

Les organes de contrôle fonctionnent à l’approximation de leurs attributions officielles. Ils disposent, à l’image de l’inspection des services judiciaires, d’une faible autonomie de fonctionnement. Ils ne disposent pas de budgets propres. Leurs relations de service sont marquées par des formes de coopération conflictuelle avec les magistrats affectés dans les tribunaux. De plus, un climat de méfiance et de suspicion caractérise leurs relations de service. Les organes de contrôle présentent un statut ambigu: à côté de leurs attributions ”techniques” officielles, ils assurent des fonctions politiques plus ou moins apparentes et qu’il souvent difficile de dissocier.

114 Eléments de méthodologie La collecte des données s’est opérée grâce à la méthode qualitative basée sur des entretiens et des observations appliquée sur les acteurs de la justice agrégés en ”groupes stratégiques” du système judiciaire: des magistrats, des auditeurs de justice, des greffiers, du personnel d’appui. Des acteurs extérieurs qui interviennent dans la délivrance du service de la justice ont été également rencontrés: des agents de service de police et de gendarmerie, et des huissier de justice.

Les entretiens ont été structurés autour de 4 thématiques: l’organisation et le fonctionnement des tribunaux, les mécanismes, matières et modes de contrôle des juridictions, les ”innovations” observables et les perceptions des acteurs de leur propre système de contrôle.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 115 Socialisation Professionnelle des Magistrats au Bénin

Abou-Bakari Imorou

Le présent travail porte sur une analyse socio-anthropologique de la corporation professionnelle des magistrats et leur place dans l’appareil d’Etat au Bénin. Partant d’une analyse du contexte actuel de la justice béninoise, et de l’état de la recherche qui porte en grande partie sur les analyses organisationnelles du système judiciaire, la perspective du présent travail se focalise sur les trajectoires professionnelles.

L’analyse de la trajectoire professionnelle des magistrats qui est au centre de ma recherche a pour finalité principale d’observer les principaux déterminants qui organisent la carrière d’un magistrat; autrement dit qu’est-ce qui détermine le parcours professionnel d’un magistrat et lui confère son statut et comment l’institution judiciaire perpétue son image à travers les pratiques de ses magistrats. Cette recherche vise entre autre à éclairer, analyser les mobiles qui sous-tendent les comportements des magistrats et les mécanismes par lesquels les valeurs qui gouvernent ces comportements sont véhiculées, transmises au sein de leur corporation professionnelle. Il convient de comprendre aussi le travail qui gouverne les parcours professionnels des magistrats et comment ces derniers conjuguent la normativité du système judiciaire et la négociabilité du système social dans lequel ils sont insérés. Il s’agit ici donc d’examiner comment se transmettent les normes professionnelles formelles et les normes pratiques locales au niveau des magistrats. La socialisation professionnelle ne peut se saisir en dehors des trajectoires professionnelles qui sont marquées tant par les dynamiques propres des professionnels eux-mêmes que par les dynamiques des différents acteurs individuels ou institutionnels qui influencent les cours de ces parcours professionnels.

116 L’analyse de la trajectoire professionnelle des magistrats nous met alors au cœur d’un triptyque justice, magistrat et Etat à travers lequel on tente de comprendre les mécanismes par lesquels les acteurs d’une institution peuvent participer à la construction d’une image de cette dernière.

Cette recherche basée sur une méthodologie essentiellement qualitative nous a permis dans un premier temps de reconstituer toute la morpho- logie du système judiciaire béninois et son fonctionnement. Ainsi on dénombre huit tribunaux de première instance répartis sur l’ensemble du territoire national et trois cours d’appel qui sont tous animés par des magistrats professionnels. Ils sont des fonctionnaires de l’Etat spé- cialement formés pour exercer les fonctions publiques judiciaires. Ils s’activent dans le jugement et la défense des droits de la société. Le corps de la magistrature est composé des magistrats de siège, des magistrats de parquet, des magistrats de l’administration centrale de la justice mais aussi des magistrats en détachement.

La logique qui gouverne l’apprentissage de la magistrature est qu’il faut devenir forgeron en forgeant. Les capacités d’apprentissage varient donc d’un individu à un autre et selon le contexte générale dans lequel on se trouve. Les postures qu’offrent les plus anciens qui se trouvent dans le milieu d’apprentissage restent donc déterminantes dans le processus d’apprentissage. Le lieu de préparation du concours d’entré à l’école de magistrature a été identifié dans nombre de cas comme le premier lieu de socialisation. La période de pré-stage qui est aussi antérieure à l’entrée à l’école permet aux nouvelles recrues de côtoyer les ”monde-judiciaires” avant leur entré à l’école. Pendant le pré-stage ces nouvelles recrues sont déjà considérées comme des agents permanents de l’Etat. Avant de com- mencer le pré-stage obligation leur est faite de prêter serment. L’école de formation et les lieux de stage pratique sont les vrais espaces de familiarisation avec les mondes-judiciaires. Les premières affectations et l’inté- gration dans les lieux de travail se sont avérés être les lieux d’autres

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 117 formes d’apprentissage. Les jeunes magistrats entrent ici dans leur vrai statut de magistrats et sont appelés à rendre des décisions en puisant dans leur savoir-faire et leur savoir-être.

La gestion des carrières reste un moyen de contrôle de la profession. Les ”ainés” jouent un grand rôle dans l’observation de certaines règles. Ils représentent l’ensemble des magistrats qui sont à des postes où leur avis peut compter dans les décisions en rapport avec les carrières des plus jeunes. Cette catégorie regroupe aussi tous les magistrats qui de part leur position au sein du système peuvent d’une façon directe ou indirecte contribuer à coller une image à un jeune magistrat et à en assumer la médiatisation. Selon que le magistrat est au siège ou au parquet les problèmes qu’il rencontre dans la gestion de sa carrière ne sont pas identiques. Alors que le parquetier est un magistrat aux ordres le juge est indépendant. Dans tous les cas pour les magistrats la socialisation professionnelle apparaît comme une façon d’apprendre à bien faire gérer sa carrière professionnelle. La magistrature est présentée comme un lieu d’apprentissage permanent. Chaque nouvelle affectation néces- site une mise à plat de certains acquis en rapport avec le poste antérieur. Chaque dossier est en lui-même un lieu de découverte de nouvelles contraintes aussi bien techniques que relationnelles. Ces réalités partici- pent activement à la médiatisation d’une certaines image de la justice.

118 L’Etat et les Écoles Communautaires au Mali

Yaouaga Félix Koné

Au lendemain des indépendances, le Mali s’est attaché à mettre sur pied un système scolaire susceptible de répondre au mieux, à ses aspirations politiques et idéologiques, dans le but de rompre avec le destin assigné à l’école par les autorités coloniales.

De l’indépendance à nos jours, l’éducation au Mali a connu de nombreuses réformes. Malgré cette multitude de réformes, le taux d’inscription est resté relativement faible (43%) en 1996.

Le dysfonctionnement constaté a été analysé en termes d’offre et de demande, de taux de scolarisation, de financement de l’éducation, de qualité du produit scolaire, de langue d’enseignement (Diakité, Drissa 2000), d’inadéquation compétences produites et marché du travail, inadéquation école/société (R. Sack 1994), etc.

Pendant longtemps, il semble que l’Etat a constitué une barrière à l’expression de la demande scolaire. En effet, trente ans après l’indépen- dance, ”l’Ecole était considérée comme la chose de l’Etat, c’était à lui de construire les infrastructures, de les équiper en mobilier, de recruter les enseignants et d’assurer leur salaire et même de doter l’école en équipe- ment et autres matériels didactiques” (Diarra Sékou Oumar et Lange Marie France, 1998, p 5). De nombreux village, à travers le Mali, avaient fait des demandes de création d’école. Mais avec les restrictions impo- sées par la banque mondiale, notamment le non recrutement de fonctionnaires et le départ volontaire de nombreux enseignants, l’Etat ne pouvait faire face à toutes les sollicitations. Toutefois, il a fallu changer de République pour que l’Etat tienne compte de ses limites en matière

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 119 d’offre scolaire, et accepte le constat désormais établi que, à lui seul, il est incapable de satisfaire une demande scolaire de plus en plus croissante. La reconnaissance de cette situation s’est traduite ”depuis quelques années par la volonté d’accroître la participation de tous les acteurs et partenaires de l’école à la question scolaire” (Marie-France LANGE et Sékou Oumar DIARRA 1999, Ecole et démocratie, politique africaine n° 76, p 169).

Jusqu’en 1994, la création d’une école nécessitait beaucoup de courses et d’autorisation. Avant cette année, les écoles étaient créées au compte goutte. A partir de cette date, les conditions de création d’une école communautaire ont été simplifiées. Tout village pouvait créer son école. Il n’y avait plus lieu d’attendre une autorisation quelconque (ni administration territoriale, ni autorités scolaires) pour construire une école.

C’est dans ce contexte de facilitation de l’offre d’éducation que pour l’an- née scolaire 2005-2006, le Mali enregistrait 2844 écoles communautaires et 3576 écoles publiques (CF annuaire statistique 2005-2006). En tenant compte des écoles privées (611) et des medersas (1118), le Mali compte 8149 écoles fondamentales.

Actuellement seuls 43,88% des établissements scolaires relèvent du secteur public. 34,89% sont des écoles communautaires. Toutefois la masse la plus importante d’enseignants et de scolaires sont des établissements de l’Etat.

La facilité de création d’école a favorisé une explosion de structures scolaires privées ou communautaires, entraînant une offre d’éducation substantielle.

120 Tableau n°1: Répartition de quelques données scolaires selon les acteurs

Ecoles Salles enseignants Elèves Ratio de classes élèves/ maître Public 3 576 14 322 15 257 1 001 400 66 Privé 611 3 526 3 523 146 643 42 Communautaire 2 844 6 875 7 531 277 727 37 Medersa 1 118 4 223 4 204 184 209 44 Total 8 149 28 946 30 515 1 609 979 53

Sources: annuaire national des statistiques scolaires de l’enseignement fondamental 2005-2006 (CPS – MEN)

Les écoles communautaires ont été créées (construites par l’Etat, les ONG et les Communautés), maintenant il faut les gérer, c’est-à-dire recruter des enseignants, recruter des élèves.

A l’ouverture de la plupart des ECOM, les responsables scolaires de la communauté ont plutôt sollicité des services d’enseignants de fortune. En général, le personnel qui encadre ces écoles est, d’une manière géné- rale, de formation autre que celle d’école de formation de maîtres. Les enseignants sont recrutés par la population sur la base de l’équation entre disponibilité et possibilité de prise en charge de salaire. Les moyens des populations étant insuffisants pour payer le juste salaire des enseignants de formation, les parents d’élèves cherchent, dans un premier temps, au sein de la population des personnes ayant fréquenté l’école jusqu’à un certain niveau. C’est ainsi que des jeunes diplômés chercheurs d’emploi et des déscolarisés de tout niveau se retrouvent dans la classe pour faire office d’enseignant. Deux conséquences logiques en découlent: inefficacité et instabilité.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 121 Certaines ONG ont conditionné la construction des écoles à la possibilité de recruter une masse critique d’élève pour des raisons de viabilité économique. Elles ont fixé le seuil à 60 élèves au moins. Un des critères officiels de création d’une ECOM était l’importance d’une population scolarisable. Objectivement la plupart des villages qui ont créée une école n’avaient pas un nombre suffisant d’enfants scolarisables. Mais dans de nombreux cas, ni les villageois ni les partenaires ne se sont préoccupés de viabilité de l’école sous aucune forme.

Ainsi des écoles ont ouvert avec une vingtaine d’élèves. Rares étaient les écoles qui avaient un effectif de suffisant. Les écoles ont ouvert leurs portes avec des difficultés de recrutement. Il y a des écoles qui ont en tout et pour tout comme effectif 25 élèves ou 66 élèves pour 6 cours soit une moyenne de 11 élèves par classe.

Outre le fait que les enfants scolarisables ne sont pas nombreux dans les villages, les parents ne sont pas toujours prompts à inscrire leurs enfants à l’école, sous prétexte que les frais (1500F CFA, 1000, 500 F CFA par mois et par élève) sont élevés. Des parents ont honte que leurs enfants soient, un jour, renvoyés de l’école pour non-paiement de scolarité. Ils préfèrent donc ne pas les inscrire

Le recrutement des enseignants et des enfants a connu un nouvel élan lorsque l’Etat a commencé à subventionner les ECOM en salaire des enseignants. Toutefois, les autorités de gestion des ECOM, ne se content plus que des enseignants bénéficiant de subvention. Ce faisant, des écoles se retrouvent avec un enseignant pour 2 à 3 classes.

L’enthousiasme pour les ECOM semble émoussé. Toutes les communautés sollicitent vivement la participation de l’Etat et des Communes à la prise en charge des ECOM.

122 The Changing Role of Education in the Careers of Ghanaian Elites

Carola Lentz

Formal education, social networks and wealth were, and continue to be, the most important resources mobilised by Ghanaians in order to attain elite status. The research project explores the shifts in the importance of these resources for different generations of elite, and assesses the role of education for the openness or closure of elites at the regional and national level. The project further studies changes in the elites’ self-perception and their views on educational policies as well as on the state more generally over time. It pursues these themes in a case study on Dagara elite men and women from Northern Ghana who work in the educational sector, in the civil service and the free professions.

Compared with elite groups from other, more developed parts of Ghana, these Dagara men and women are relative late-comers on the national scene, mainly defined by their high level of education and successful public service or professional careers, not by their membership in the national political elite or by being successful entrepreneurs, since these latter avenues to elite status have generally been difficult for them. However, the definition of elite status and the patterns of elite recruitment have changed over the past half century and are dramatically different for men and for women. The project will therefore pay close attention to the contested criteria of ‘eliteness’ as defined by the different elite generations themselves, by other Ghanaian elite groups, and by non-elite constituencies. Comparing the different trajectories of the three elite generations and the different experiences of men and women, the project will focus particularly on the following fields of enquiry:

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 123 ● the history of elite recruitment and patterns of access to elite status, including relations with the state; ● changes in elite cohesion and strategies of distinction/exclusivity (conjugal ties, education of children, associational activities, inner- and cross-ethnic elite networks, ‘performing’ elite status, etc.); ● continuity and transformation of elite self-images and discourses of legitimation (biographical narratives and role models; leadership ideologies, etc.); ● changing ‘home-ties’ and commitments to rural village and ethnic communities (relations with extended kin; collective organization of rural ‘development’; funerals as validation of rural-urban ties, etc.).

The imbalances in elite trajectories between the regional and the national arenas provide a particularly fertile ground for studying individual as well as collective strategies of self-advancement and exploring the elite’s ideas regarding their own biographies, regional identities, education, and national politics. The intended case study on the Dagara elite, therefore, allows important insights not only into the experiences of a particular regional group, but also the general history and current politics of elite formation and elite consciousness in Ghana and beyond. It also contributes to a deeper understanding of the central role which has been played by the Ghanaian modern, educated elite(s) in securing social peace and operating a viable state, serving in the bureaucratic apparatus as well as active in regional and national politics. Elites are integral to processes of socio-political change, and ties or conflicts between elites as well as their relationship to both the state and local communities are essential to the working or collapse of the polity.

Progress report Drawing on a wide range of research methods from anthropology and neighbouring disciplines (biographical interviews, discourse analysis, participant observation, archival research, etc.), the study looks at elites

124 in a non-reductionist, non-instrumentalist, historical and comparative perspective which is sensitive to questions of power as well as to the role of symbols and performances. It is part of a long-term research engagement with Dagara and Sisala men and women from north-western Ghana that started in the late 1980s and continues up to the present (see Lentz 2006, for an extensive study on the political and social history of north-western Ghana). My work on elite men is complemented by research on Dagara elite women conducted by my colleague (and future co-author) Andrea Behrends (Department of Anthropology, University of Halle). Extensive biographical interviews with some eighty elite men and women are supplemented by numerous informal conversations and participant observation of the elite ‘at home’, in the villages, and in various Ghanaian towns as well as abroad (for initial results, see e.g. Behrends 2002a, 2002b; Lentz 1994, 1998; Behrends and Lentz 2004, 2005). Earlier fieldwork has been supported by grants from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft.

Recent fieldwork on the Dagara elite men was conducted in Ghana, in the context of the ‘States at work’ project, between November 2006 and March 2007. Although about half of the time was taken up by supervising the Mainz MA students fieldwork in the Upper West Region (lasting until 18 December 2006), I was able to conduct 38 interviews (each between two and five hours long), partly with interviewees whose careers I have been following since the late 1980s, and partly with younger men, belonging to the third, and even fourth, ‘generation’ of the Dagara elite. Most interviews are transcribed, but a thorough analysis will have to wait until my sabbatical year (2008/09). In any case, the material is more than sufficient to address the questions outlined above. I have been able to include a few ‘father-son’ constellations among my interviewees, and some brothers, offering interesting material on the development of elite families and their changing strategies and perspectives. In addition, I engaged in numerous informal conversations and

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 125 discussions on ‘elite matters’ and the position of the region (and its elite) in the Ghanaian society and state at large. And I participated in numerous occasions such as elite association meetings, send-off parties, cultural festivals, etc., which allowed me to observe elite sociability and the performance of hierarchy and elite status.

In addition to my material on the Dagara elite in general, my extensive data on two generations of lawyers (and judges) from the Upper West Region will enable me to write an article on the regional development of the legal profession a ‘side line’ of enquiry which is highly relevant for understanding the regional underpinnings of the functioning of the judiciary in Ghana. I pursue this project jointly with my doctoral student Jan Budniok who has included the few Upper Westerners practising at the bench in his sample of judges and legal personnel.

Furthermore, in the summer term 2007, I taught a graduate seminar on ‘African elites’, and used the classes and discussions for an extensive review of older and newer studies on African elites. In the winter term 2007/08, this will be followed up by teaching a seminar on the ‘Ethnog- raphy of the state’. These seminars, and the opportunity they afforded me for engaging with the relevant literature, will eventually result in an overview article on the state of research on ‘elites in Africa’.

The fuller interpretation of all materials interviews, field notes, and written material such as funeral booklets and the writing-up of a book manuscript are planned for my sabbatical year (already assured by the University of Mainz), from September 2008 to June 2009, which I hope to spend either at Stanford or at Princeton (Institutes of Advanced Studies) depending on the outcome of my applications.

126 Schools, Police, and Law Courts in the Upper West Region, Ghana

Fieldwork projects of ten German MA students, Department of Anthropology and African Studies, Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz (18 Sep. 19 Dec. 2006)

Supervision: Prof. Dr. Carola Lentz

From mid-September to mid-December 2006, ten German MA students of anthropology worked in various institutions of the Upper West Region, Ghana, carrying out fieldwork on the judiciary, the police, schools and cultural festivals. Fieldwork was supervised by Dr Carola Lentz, Professor at the Department of Anthropology and African Studies at Mainz Uni- versity. Institutional support in Ghana was provided by the Department of Sociology, University of Ghana, to which the students were affiliated, and by various persons and departments of the Upper West Regional Administration, the Ghana Education Service, the Judicial Service and the Police Service.

Konstanze N’Guessan studied the concepts of culture that are underlying the way how the state-sponsored Centre for National Culture in Wa organises different cultural activities such as the establishment of a cultural ‘library’, efforts towards developing and ‘fine-tuning’ cultural products as well as the organisation of local and national cultural festivals. She asked how national cultural policies are implemented at the regional and the district level, and how state cultural institutions interact with the ‘traditional’ custodians of culture, namely the chiefs. The study focused on the self-understanding of the cultural officers, the guiding principles of their work and the communication between the regional cultural centre, the districts and the National Commission on Culture’s head office in Accra.

Nandom Secondary School, a boarding school founded in 1968 by a Dutch Catholic teachers’ congregation, is one of the most renowned senior secondary schools in northern Ghana. Mirco Göpfert was particu-

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 127 larly interested in the role which ‘discipline’ plays in forming the students as future citizens and ‘leaders’. He studied the spatial and temporal organisation of school life (the lay-out of the buildings, the daily routines, the organisation of dormitories and ‘houses’) and the various disciplinary mechanisms and their effect on the students. He also observed the ‘prefect’ system and explored the ways in which the students’ ambition and pride of being members of a well-respected school have self- disciplinary effects.

In a similar vein, Andrea Noll’s project concerned the education of future female leaders at St. Francis Girls’ Senior Secondary School, a government-assisted school that stands in the tradition of the public school and is run by a Catholic mission. Noll was particularly interested in how the ‘culture’ of this boarding school forms the girls and shapes their lives, ideas and values with respect to their future roles in the Ghanaian society and state.

Johanna Dienst conducted her research in several government and government-assisted primary and junior secondary schools in Fielmoa, a village in the Sissala West District. Up until the 1960s and 1970s, school enrolment was low, and particularly few girls attended classes. This has radically changed, and all parents today consider schooling as an important investment in the future of their children. The first teachers, coming to Fielmoa in the mid-1950s, acted as ‘agents of modernisation’ and were highly respected. Currently, however, they consider their pay insufficient, in comparison to other public servants, and are sometimes criticised by parents for asking the children to work for them.

Schools are a place where children come into contact with the ‘state’ and where the foundations for raising Ghanaian citizens and future ‘leaders’ of the country are laid. In schools children are made aware of national problems and are taught how they can prevent further problems in the

128 future. Which ‘images of the state’ are transmitted in schools was the theme of Maria Kind’s research in one private and one government primary and junior secondary school in Wa. Some of these ‘images’ are communicated rather explicitly and directly (such as through the school curriculum, or talks during the school assembly) while others are instilled in the school children implicitly and indirectly (such as through prefect-system, discipline).

Janina Marx studied how teachers are formed at the N. J. Ahmadiyya Teacher Training College in Wa. She was particularly interested in the training college’s teachers’ and students’ ideas on how a ‘good teacher’ should comport himself. Such an ideal provides an important point of reference for the future teachers’ work and behaviour. It was interesting to note how outspoken and enthusiastic interviewees were on this theme despite the fact that most regarded teaching as an underpaid and undervalued job which they would rather sooner than later leave for further education and other professions.

The daily activities of public servants in Ghana’s court system play an important role in the upkeeping of the place where the law – made by government – is implemented. Working in a court, the public servants are part of a certain day-to-day routine. The working conditions differ from court to court. In order to find out more about everyday life in court, Stefanie Ullmann and Rosetta Amo-Antwi had a closer look at the District and the High Courts in Wa and learned about their proceedings, respective organisation and the distinct functions of the staff. Ullmann and Amo-Antwi also looked at the structure of the sessions. And since the judges’ personality plays an important role in these sessions, they were also interested to learn about their life stories and occupational careers as well as their opinions of the courts in Wa.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 129 Jan Beek and Bianka Volk, finally, explored the interface between police- men and civilian actors, observing the daily routines of police work in the Regional Police Headquarters in Wa as well as two District Head- quarters. Volk focused on the Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit, observing the face to face interactions between personnel of this unit and members of the local population when dealing with cases of domestic violence. She gained insights into the self-perception of police men and women, who see themselves as being on an ‘educational mission’, as well as into the ways they arbitrate between conflicting parties, and adapt to local cultural practices. Jan Beek observed police work in station, the Criminal Investigations Unit and during night patrol. He found, among other things, that because police officials tend to come from outside the region and know little if anything about the local language and circumstances, they have to rely strongly on the help of complainants and local informants. Beek found that on the one hand, the police enjoy relatively little legitimacy among the local population, but on the other hand, many civilians are interested in maintaining good relations with the police so that if the need arises they can resolve problems with the law informally.

130 Le Fonctionnement de la Justice au Bénin. Le Cas du Tribunal de Première Instance de Natitingou

Saï Sotima Tchantipo

Les recherches socio-anthropologiques sur la justice en Afrique ne sont pas abondantes. Les systèmes judiciaires d’Afrique francophone ont souvent été analysés comme des avatars du système français hérités de la colonisation (E. Le Roy: 1997) caractérisés par un mimétisme fort mal adaptés aux Etats postcoloniaux. (C. Kuyu: 2005 :52). Les mécanismes de la corruption dans le secteur de la justice en Afrique de l’Ouest ont été largement étudiés par d’autres auteurs (M. Tidjani Alou 2001; N. Bako Arifari 2006). Des travaux de traditions anglo-saxonnes se sont orientés sur les procédures de résolutions des conflits dans certaines sociétés africaines. (M.Gluckman 1967; P. Bohannan 1957). Rares sont les recherches qui se sont orientées vers le service judiciaire en tant que segment de l’Etat pour l’étudier dans son fonctionnement ”réel” (T. Bierschenk 2004) afin d’essayer de comprendre ses mécanismes de fonctionnement au quotidien, les jeux des acteurs et leurs incidences sur la délivrance du service public en Afrique.

C’est ce que se propose de faire la présente recherche à partir du cas d’une juridiction du Nord-Ouest du Bénin: d’essayer de décrire au quotidien les mécanismes de fonctionnement d’un service judiciaire au Bénin, les difficultés rencontrées par les acteurs et les mécanismes par lesquels le service judiciaire est délivré au quotidien. Ceci en vue de voir comment tout ceci contribue à la construction/déconstruction de l’Etat.

Les premières données du terrain dépouillées montrent que la juridiction objet de cette étude est l’une des plus pauvres du Bénin. C’est aussi dans ce département que le taux d’analphabétisme est le plus élevé avec 82% alors que la moyenne nationale est de 67%. Ces statistiques peu

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 131 reluisantes pourraient partiellement expliquer le niveau de juridicité, très bas des populations de l’Atacora de même que le recours et l’accès aux juridictions modernes. Des huit Tribunaux de Premières Instance (TPI) dont dispose le Bénin, celle de Natitingou passe pour la plus vaste avec ses 32 000 Km2 pour une population de 900.000 habitants; alors que celle de Lokossa couvre 4 000 Km2, pour une population de la meme taille; Kandi 26 000 Km2 et 520 000 Habitants; Abomey 20 000 Km2 et 1 140 000 habitants. Mais elle n’est certes pas la plus dense. Cette éten- due du ressort territorial de ce tribunal explique partiellement le faible recours des justiciables à la juridiction et les lenteurs dans les procé- dures. En effet, l’unique tribunal se trouve à plus de 200 km de certaines localités et les moyens de communications ne sont pas très développés dans la région. Ceci explique le taux plus élevé d’abandon des procédures par les justiciables dans cette juridiction par rapport à celle de Kandi. En 2006, 7 % de dossiers en matière civile ont été classés sans suite au TPI de Natitingou contre 2,4 % au tribunal de Kandi.

Mais les conditions de travail des agents chargés de la délivrance du service judiciaire sont également un facteur explicatif des performances de ce secteur. En effet le TPI de Natitingou ne dispose que de 5 magistrats pour 900 000 habitants contre le même nombre de magistrats pour 520 000 habitants à Kandi. Ces déficit de personnel est souvent le prétexte employé par les magistrats pour justifier leur surcharge de travail et donc les performances du tribunal. La qualification du personnel pose également problème, les greffiers recrutés sont directement envoyés dans les tribunaux pour servir et ”apprendre auprès des greffiers en chef”. Ce déficit de personnel est souvent comblé par des agents d’appui (chauffeurs, secrétaire, gardiens) que la commune met à la disposition des services judiciaires pour leur permettre d’assurer un service minimum. Les budgets de fonctionnement sont largement insuffisants pour faire face aux besoins en personnel et matériel de la juridiction. Pour y remédier et délivrer un minimum de service, certaines brigades de

132 gendarmerie comptent sur la quête auprès des opérateurs économiques, des taxes informelles exigées aux justiciables avant de recevoir sa plainte. Ces pratiques non seulement ouvrent la porte aux pratiques de corruption (N. Bako-Arifari 2006), mais aussi rendent ainsi factice l’affirmation de la gratuité de la justice pour tous par la constitution béninoise. Ces pratiquent créent ainsi une nouvelle catégorie de justiciables que nous avons nommés ”les indigents de la justice”.

Dans son fonctionnement, la justice est également confrontée au pro- blème de l’inadaptation et de l’insuffisance de la législation. Certaines affaires ont du mal à être jugée par le tribunal parce que non prévue par le législateur. C’est le cas de la sorcellerie par exemple. D’autres textes ont encore du mal à être appliqué tel que le Code des Personnes et de la Famille.

Les pesanteurs culturelles constituent également l’un des facteurs du faible recours à la juridiction moderne dans la région. Le gatnan ou pacte de terre est souvent évoqué par les populations de la région de Bassila au sud de la juridiction pour exiger l’arrêt d’une procédure judiciaire. Face à toutes ces difficultés pour la délivrance du service judiciaire, des formes de ”justice parallèles” se développent pour suppléer et compléter le tribunal dans son fonctionnement. Des recours à la vindicte populaire devenus fréquents dans la juridiction – 8 cas dans 5 différentes localités ont été dénombrés en l’espace de deux ans – viennent rappeler le dés- aveu de la justice étatique perçue comme inefficace et inappropriée pour résoudre les problèmes de la société.

Face à cette situation certains agents réformateurs ont été identifié et malgré les conditions désuètes de travail, parviennent au prix de réformes qu’ils initient à induire des changements et permettre ainsi la délivrance d’un minimum de service public. C’est le cas du Procureur de la République près le Tribunal de Première Instance de Natitingou qui

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 133 depuis sa prise en de fonction dans cette juridiction est cité en exemple par ces collaborateurs et les autorités locales comme modèle de fonc- tionnaire intègre. Les réformes qu’il a initiées ont permis aux agents de réduire les lenteurs dans la délivrance du service judiciaire par la simplification de certaines procédures.

La juridiction bénéficie de l’appui d’acteurs para-étatique tels que le Projet d’Appui au Secteur de la Justice (PASJ) financé par la coopération technique belge et le PIRSJJ financé par l’Union Européenne. D’autres acteurs ont étatiques interviennent également dans l’éveil de conscience des populations tels que la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, le Programme Justice et Paix de l’Eglise catholique.

Références bibliographiques Bako-Arifari Nassirou. 2006. La corruption quotidienne au Bénin. Etudes et travaux du LASDEL n 43. Bierschenk, Thomas. 2004. Die Informalisierung und Privatisierung von Konfliktregelung in der Beniner Justiz (The Informalisation and Privatization of Conflict Regulation in Benin’s Legal System). In Anthropologie der Konflikte. Georg Elwerts konflikttheoretische Thesen in der Diskussion, edited by J. Eckert. Bielefeld: transkript-Verlag. Bohannan Paul. 1957. Justice and Judgement among the Tiv. London: Oxford University Press. Gluckman M. 1955. The judicial process among the Barotse of Northen Rhodesia. Manchester: University Press for the Rhodes Livingston Institute. Le Roy E. 1997. Contribution à la “refondation” de la politique judiciaire en Afrique francophone. A partir des exemples maliens et cen- trafricains. afrika spectrum 32:311-327. Kuyu C. 2005.(dir) A la recherché du droit africain du XXIè siècle. Ed. connaissances et savoirs. Paris. Tidjani Alou Mahaman. 2005. La corruption dans la justice au Bénin, au Niger, et au Sénégal. Etudes et travaux n° 39. LASDEL

134 Les Magistrats au Niger Dynamique Professionnelle et Construction de l’Etat au Niger

Mahaman Tidjani Alou

Problématique Cette recherche envisage de reconstituer la sociohistoire d’une profession judiciaire au Niger, les magistrats, dans la perspective de fournir des éclairages complémentaires sur ce segment d’Etat qu’on connaît si peu en fin de compte, mais surtout pour mettre en lumière les dynamiques de construction de l’Etat observable sur ce terrain particulier. Cette option se justifie pleinement aujourd’hui en raison de l’histoire accumu- lée par cette institution étatique qui existe maintenant depuis plusieurs décennies. Dès lors, il s’agit plus concrètement de mettre à jour le processus d’apparition de cette profession pendant la période coloniale et les formes particulières qu’elle a prises après les indépendances. Il y aurait lieu de prolonger la démarche pour comprendre les différentes mutations qu’elle a subies au cours de la période post-coloniale. Cette orientation permettra à terme de mettre à jour la marque particulière ce corps, à travers son identité particulière et son mode de fonctionnement, imprime dans ce secteur de son activité étatique. Mais une telle perspective exige la prise en compte du contexte dans lequel la profession a évolué et la place grandissante qu’elle a finie par occuper au sein de l’Etat. À partir de quelle période et dans quel contexte émergent les premiers magistrats au Niger? Comment la profession s’ancre t-elle progressivement dans l’Etat colonial? Comment elle s’affirme comme une composante de l’Etat post-colonial. Autour de quels dispositifs et dispo- sitions statutaires s’est-elle structurée? Comment devient-on magistrat? Qui sont les magistrats nigériens? Peut-on parler d’un corps de la magistrature au sens sociologique du terme? Quelle place et quels pouvoirs pour les magistrats dans l’Etat? Quels rôles jouent-ils dans les processus de démocratisation et d’étatisation? Comment sont-ils perçus dans la

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 135 société? Autant de questions qui vont guider nos démarches tout au long de cette recherche.

Cette recherche renvoie à une double orientation théorique: d’une part, on pourrait l’inscrire dans l’étude de l’Etat en Afrique, et d’autre part dans l’étude plus précise des corps d’Etat, celle-ci s’inscrivant elle-même de manière plus générale à la sociologie des professions. En effet, l’orientation de cette recherche sur la magistrature l’ancre dans l’étude de l’Etat en Afrique, et plus particulièrement celle de ses institutions parmi lesquelles la justice occupe une place prépondérante. D’une certaine manière, étudier la justice, c’est étudier l’Etat. Mais, en général, sur le terrain de la justice, les recherches sont dominées par les juristes. Or, ceux-ci ne l’ont souvent étudié que sous le prisme réducteur de l’exégèse juridique classique ou de l’analyse normative. On soulignera cependant des recherches récentes, fort intéressantes, orientées vers l’étude de la condition du juge en Afrique, ou encore vers l’étude de sa place dans les systèmes politiques en Afrique et dans les processus de démocratisation. Mais on relève guère de travaux systématiques sur la sociologie du corps, et encore moins sur ses liens à l’Etat. En outre, dans l’immense littérature produite sur l’Etat africain et sur les processus démocratiques qui s’y sont enclenchés au cours de ces dernières années, le thème de la justice comme segment d’Etat, dans sa genèse et son fonctionnement quotidien ne fait pas l’objet de traitement particulier

Ici, il ne s’agira pas d’enfermer notre démarche dans le cadre d’une discipline particulière; la perspective envisagée est nécessairement pluridis- ciplinaire dans sa démarche et se veut avant tout comme une tentative d’aborder le thème de la justice étatique à travers ses institutions et les acteurs qui l’animent en privilégiant une démarche sociogénétique. La configuration actuelle de la justice dans les pays africains est polymorphe. Ses institutions sont nombreuses et n’ont ni la même structure, ni la même mission. Tout l’enjeu est de comprendre les conditions de leur

136 apparition et de leur démultiplication au cours du siècle passé au Niger, les acteurs qui les ont animés et ceux qui les animent encore, les enjeux autour desquels elles se sont constituées et affirmées au sein des appareils d’Etat et dans la société en général. Ainsi, la justice n’est pas étudiée pour elle, mais sert plutôt de terrain privilégié pour comprendre l’Etat, tel qu’il se constitue au Niger. La nature particulière de l’institution (forte hiérarchisation, pluralité de ses dimensions et de ses clivages, rapports particuliers au pouvoir) montre tout le caractère complexe des trajectoires étatiques en Afrique et des institutions qu’elles génèrent. L’Etat est par conséquent au cœur de cette recherche.

Orientations théoriques Il faut souligner d’emblée que la spécificité de cette approche de l’Etat réside dans la particularité de l’objet d’étude qui s’identifie ici à l’étude d’une profession et des acteurs spécifiques qui l’animent. Il faut rappeler que les recherches sur l’Etat en Afrique vont rarement dans ce sens et ont privilégié pendant longtemps des approches normatives ou institu- tionnelles. Rarement, les orientations sont allées vers le sens de l’étude d’administrations spécifiques, leur fonctionnement au quotidien, et encore moins vers les professions qui donnent aujourd’hui aux appareils d’Etat leur armature et leurs dynamiques internes. Il est vrai qu’à ce niveau, toute une sociologie des professions s’est développée au cours des dernières décennies, notamment en Europe, sans qu’on puisse vraiment dire qu’elle ait eu beaucoup d’émules pour l’étude des terrains africains. Pourtant, elle révèle des potentialités heuristiques certaines pour peu qu’on veuille l’engager sur des bases empiriques bien identifiées, pouvant à terme alimenter une réflexion systématique pour une sociologie des professions de l’Etat en Afrique. Les terrains pourraient alors se multiplier puisque chaque secteur d’activité étatique pourrait se décliner en de nombreuses professions, ayant chacune ses propres spécificités, mais porteuses de réelles potentialités heuristiques. Cette orientation oblige le chercheur à travailler plus spécifiquement sur les acteurs opé-

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 137 rant dans l’Etat, leur émergence, leurs stratégies de carrière, leur profes- sionnalisation, leurs pouvoirs au sein de l’Etat et de la société de manière générale. En cela, l’étude de la magistrature pourrait constituer une piste porteuse, éclairant sous un nouveau jour, la dynamique de l’Etat dans les pays africains.

Axes de recherche ● La sociographie des magistrats ● La carrière des magistrats ● Les dynamiques et les clivages internes du corps ● La place des magistrats dans l’Etat ● Les liens des magistrats avec les pouvoirs politiques

138 Delivering Basic Education in Rural Ghana: A Study of the Collabora- tion Among State Agencies, Communities and Non-Governmental Organizations in the West Mamprusi District of Northern Ghana

Steve Tonah

The Research Problem The provision of basic education is considered by many citizens to be among the primary responsibility of the state. The control of basic education enables the state not only to propagate its fundamental ideology but to assert its role as against those of other interest groups, both local and foreign. The increasing participation of non-state actors in the provision of basic education therefore changes the role of the state and the perception of large sections of the population about the state.

Representatives of the state at the local level (the District Assembly and its institutions, the Ghana Education Service) have to reassess their role with respect to all other players (private individuals, religious organizations, foreign or local governments and organizations) participating in the provision of education. Besides, with the entry of other organisations in the provision of education, the state but especially, the Ghana Educa- tion Service (GES) has to develop new relations with these key players while trying to maintain its influence and control of the education sector. This, however, often proves futile as the non-state actors are able to carve out significant roles for themselves vis a vis the state agencies. Inevitably, there is a struggle for the control of the education system among the various agencies. The local authorities and the GES may officially cooperate with the numerous non-state actors. Beneath this is a struggle to defend their roles and interests and ultimately maintain their control of the schools and the education system. Futhermore, the objectives of non-state actors are not necessarily compatible with those of the state or the communities in which they work. This has the potential of creating tensions and problems. Relations between the local government and

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 139 the communities as well as the numerous NGOs are therefore not always free of conflict.

Study Objectives This case study examines the relationship between the state (District Assembly and the GES) and other non-state actors (local and international NGOs, donor agencies and institutions, religious organizations etc) as well as communities in the provision of basic education. The focus is on analyzing the objectives, activities, interactions, negotiation processes, cooperation and conflicts, power relations among the various agencies working together to deliver basic education in the district.

The study concentrates on the following: a. The structure put in place by the state for delivering basic education in the district. This will focus mainly on the role of the District Assem- bly and the GES. What official role, if any, is provided non-state actors? b. The various institutions of the District Assembly and the GES, the roles of the actors, the institutional relationship in the delivery of basic education. How do these two independent state institutions cooperate/compete in the delivery of basic education. c. Who are the significant non-state actors/institutions in the delivery of basic education? d. Using examples in selected communities, how exactly do these actors/institutions, formally and informally, cooperate and compete in the provision of basic education. e. A detailed analysis of the workings of one NGO, examining its set up, objectives, approach, relationship and form of interaction with the District Assembly/GES and the communities.

Research Methods This research work involved the collection of primary data from the field and secondary data from relevant institutions in Ghana. A review of

140 existing literature on education in Ghana was carried out between Feb- ruary and March 2006. This was followed (in July and August 2006) by another round of secondary data collection in Accra. Fieldwork was carried out in May/June 2006 in four small towns and settlements in the West Mamprusi District. Data was collected from 6 primary schools: 3 in Walewale and one each in Wungu, Mishio and Zuah. The schools were selected on the basis of the size of the settlement and the distance of settlement to the district capital, Walewale. Unstructured interviews were conducted with staff of the District Assembly, NGOs and community leaders.

Preliminary Findings from Field Research Summary of the main findings are as follows: ● School in the urban and larger settlements have better infrastructure than those in the small and more rural settlements. ● Class size was higher in Walewale and Wungu. Fewer pupils were in classes in Zuah. ● Private primary schools were only found in the larger town (Walewale). ● Urban schools have the full complement of teachers while rural schools often lacked teachers. ● Trained teachers were predominantly in Walewale and Wungu. Untrained (pupil) teachers dominated in Mishio and Zuah. ● There were no female teachers in rural schools (Mishio and Zuah). ● Teachers mainly resided in towns and preferred to commute to rural schools. ● Parents and communities were involved in the school management, but some schools had no PTAs and SMCs. PTAs and SMCs were generally weak. Traditional leaders and Assembly members tended to do most of the work.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 141 ● International NGOs were involved in school feeding programme (CRS), school infrastructure (World Vision, European Union), support for girl-child (UNICEF, ISODEC).

Areas for Further Research Areas for further research include the following: 1. Examine in greater detail the role of state agencies, communities and NGOs in the provision and management of primary education. 2. Examine the process of collaboration and the relationship among the various institutions. This will also involve examining the power relations among the different actors. 3. Assess the delivery and management of education at the community level. This will include looking at the role of teachers and headteachers and their links with community members and leaders. It will also look at the relationship between school authorities at the community level and oversight institutions such as the Ghana Education Service (GES), School Management Committee, Parents-Teachers Association etc.

142 Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa Belief in Paranormal and Occult: Its Influence on the Socio-Economic-Political Life in West Africa in the Era of Globalization (Dr. Tobias Wendl and Partners)

Personnel involved: 16 researchers: 1 German partner, 5 senior researchers, 10 junior researchers

Focus of Research: West Africa: Nigeria, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Togo, Benin, Bukina Faso.

Belief in and practice of the occult and paranormal is very widely obtainable in many cultures and civilizations. While this belief manifests in different ways in different aspects of people’s life, the underlying assumption is the ingression of and effect of different and incompre- hensible sphere of existence well beyond the empirical reality and inac- cessible by natural human understanding. In Africa, belief in the occult and paranormal would appear in the last decades to be gaining grounds. Before the continuing globalization of the society at large (including Africa), this trend appears to be a palpable contradiction. Where does belief in paranormal and occult meet increasing globalization which itself is ancored very strongly on the dissemination, through improved information media, of the practical gains of sciento-technical rationality? What are the factors at work in these apparently contradictory tendencies, and how do these impact on economic, social, political and cultural development? These and related issues are what the research groups tackle by investigating the grounds and the pattern of belief in the paranormal, its origin, its socio-cultural, religious, traditional, and economic backing and inquiring after the best model for understanding the tendencies and determining its impact on development in general.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 143 The research starts with general survey, not only in view of ascertaining the presence of the phenomenon, but also in order to establish certain pattern in its very diffused occurrence. This includes investigation of groups with specific characteristics, e.g., educational level, different religious groups, different economic or financial status, locus of existence, e.g. city dwellers and rural inhabitants. The aim is to establish, first how widespread the belief in occult and paranormal is, and whether there is some notable difference in the pattern of belief. This first phase of the research is pursued through questionnaires, media survey, including journals, news magazines, daily newspapers, film, home video, and also new-religious movements: African churches, mainline churches and other religious groups; underlying traditional religious beliefs through such practices as divinations, witchcraft, magic money, occult clubs, extra- sensory perceptions of all kinds, etc.

The general survey is followed by delimitation of specific areas of research. This enables the junior researchers to concentrate on specific instances or aspects of the occult and paranormal beliefs and practices, for instance, magic pin-casting and pin extraction, witchcraft, magic money, clairvoyance, miraculous apparitions, magical or prayer-healing, mirror viewing of the dead. Investigation at this level is carried out through participant observation, in which the researcher becomes involved in the actual situation of the practice of the occult claims with a view to gaining first hand knowledge of the claims, the practices, the effects and the conviction behind all these.

Given the wide spread of the belief in influence of the super-natural the group made a diversification of different areas of research: social and personal; economic, medical, political, etc. While acknowledging that the supposed influence under investigation criss-crosses the some worth artificial delimitation of areas, these areas serve as general guide for deeper researches.

144 The overwhelming influence of belief in the occult and paranormal raises the question of the appropriate model for interpreting the phenomenon. Given the obviously expanding influence of globalization in present day society including the whole of Africa, does the expansion of belief in occult and paranormal not put into question the usual Webber- ian model where increasing economic rationality unquestionably also leads to disenchantment whereby the other-worldly and the super-natural in general is progressively pushed to the background? Is therefore an alternative model needed to fully appreciate the occurrence and the impact of belief in the occult and the paranormal, and hence to properly weigh their socio-economic and political impact especially in West African societies where sciento-technical rationality would appear to be failing. The question of interpretive model raises in turn the issue of sub- jecting the claims of the occult and paranormal to the test. Can the claims of the occult be verified empirically, especially where the effect are taken to be empirical. Where such tests are discountenanced, are there other ways of ascertaining what is at work, or of influencing the effects of the belief where this is deemed to be of negative impact on development?

Investigating the impact of belief in the occult and paranormal would seem to make a prima facie case for change of attitude, or of habit in view of acquiring more critical disposition on the level of the society in general. In this regard, comparative and intercultural study of various societies becomes of capital importance. Societies where belief in the occult and the paranormal appear to have been greatly reduced serve as the primary object of comparative study even if only historically. Is the reduction in the belief in the occult a sign of increase in sciento-technical rationality? If so what are the necessary factors that converge towards this situation. Is there egg-chicken situation whereby increase in development reduces the need for recourse to the occult and paranormal; the reduction in the recourse to the occult hastens desired socio- economic-political progess?

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 145 In general the research gives needed attention to a very portent and generally widespread phenonomenon that has unquestioned impact on people’s attitude to life; their reaction to various factors that impinge on their daily existence; and that tailors the outcome of the disposition of available means towards desired ends. It seeks to view the question of development and the factors influencing it from a perspective that has hitherto been largely neglected, and aspires through its investigation to suggest models of understanding and changing where necessary people’s adjustment to the overwhelming impact of globalization.

Participants/Contact:

Dr. Tobias Wendl (coordinator) University of Bayreuth Afrika-Zentrum Iwalewa House Münzgasse 9 95444 Bayreuth, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Joseph C. Achike Agbakoba Mr. Nicholas U. Asogwa Mr. Michael Emeka Onwuama University of Nigeria Department of Philosophy Nsukka, Enugu State, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

146 Dr. Marie Esther Uju Dibua University of Nigeria Department of Microbiology Nsukka, Enugu State, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Jude Emeka Madu Dr. Elisabeth Onyedinma Ezenweke Nnamdi Azikiwe University Department of Religious Studies Awka, Anambra State, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Mr. Jude Obidigbo Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka, Anambra State, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Josephat Obi Oguejiofor Dr. Aloysius Obiwulu Bigard Memorial Seminary P.O. Box 327 Enugu, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Zacharie Béré Université Catholique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest Faculté de Philosophy 08 B.P. 22 Abidjan 08, IVORY COAST E-mail: [email protected]

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 147 Professor Dr. Nathaniel Yaovi Soédé Université Catholique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest Faculté de Théologie 08 B.P. 22 Abidjan 08, IVORY COAST E-mail: [email protected]

Mr. Léon Comlan Adjoulouvi Mr. Jules Pascal Zabre Université Catholique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest 08 B.P. 22 Abidjan 08, IVORY COAST E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Ms. Pulchérie Adjoua Desiree Doffou Ms. Ahou Virginie Kouadio Université de Bouaké 01 B.P. 1298 Abidjan 01, IVORY COAST E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

148 Subprojects: The Impact of the Belief in the Paranormal and Occult on the Rule of Law and Efficiency in Sub-Saharan Africa

Joseph C. A. Agbakoba

The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the belief in the paranormal and occult on the rule of law and efficiency in administrative and productive organizations. The paper seeks to achieve its purpose by: (1) establishing the meaning of the rule of law and the philosophical, psychological and social requirements for the rule of law and efficiency generally; and also in particulars situations; here the paper seeks to show the sort of rationality, allied and complementing values/commitment that underpin the rule of law and efficiency in administrative and productive organizations; (2)establishing the philosophical, psychological and social implications and consequences of the belief in the paranormal and the occult at individual and structural (institutional) levels; (3)demonstrating with the aid of data (collected in the course of our research) the philosophical, psychological and social consequence of the belief in the paranormal and the occult in sub-Saharan Africa; including the impact of such beliefs on commitment to various forms of rationality and allied values at individual and structural levels and hence the rule of law and efficiency; (4)exploring the implications and consequence of the belief in the paranormal and occult for political and economic development in Africa, including their effects on Africa’s adjustment to globalization; (5)comparing the views expressed in 1,2,3 and 4 above with those of other writers on this subject. The paper then goes on to draw conclusions and make suggestions

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 149 A Critical Examination of the Ethical Dimensions of the Belief in the Paranormal and Its Implications for Society

Nicholas U. Asogwa

Paranormal beliefs, it has been observed, hold a pervasive grip on the people’s system of thought, and their pervasiveness continue till date. Those who hold onto this assertion buttress their claim by noting that man in all stages of recorded human history, and in all societies, and at all levels, has manifested paranormal beliefs. Almost on daily basis, the print and electronic media inundate us with reports of different hideous crimes perpetrated by different persons on the basis of their belief in one paranormal phenomenon or the other. Thus, cases or stories of child- kidnapping, genital disappearance, ritual killing for money, witchcraft and hypnosis, etc. are commonplace in our society. Some ailments and deaths, whose causal mechanisms could have been naturalistically explained, are attributed to the supernatural forces manifesting through the agency of some individuals. Furthermore, the resultant series of murders of children and spouses, suicides as well as insanity occasioned by the belief in information obtained in divinations are widely reported in the media. Some individuals who claim to possess paranormal power do, in some cases, allegedly demand human sacrifices as solution to certain ailments. These belief-induced practices raise lots of moral/ethical questions. To this end, therefore, the purpose of this work is to determine, through the sampling of the opinions of persons cutting across different classes of our society, and via a review of existing media reports and documentations, the ethical dimensions of paranormal beliefs and the impacts of such beliefs on the individual and society at large. In determining the ethical dimensions and implications of paranormal beliefs and practices, the focus was on Africa, using Nigeria, a West African country, as a case study. To this end, questionnaire was developed and distributed to people cutting across different ethnic, religious, cultural,

150 academic and professional backgrounds. The aim was to ascertain the extent of their belief in the reality of the paranormal and the extent to which such belief influences their lives. So far, the result shows that paranormal system of thought is still pervasive in Africa, not minding her present level of civilization. For most Africans, virtually all-unex- plainable phenomena are attributed to supernatural causations. While pointing out the ethical and philosophical underpinnings of paranormal beliefs and practices, the work went on to examine in details, the judicial, medical, economic and political implications of paranormal beliefs and practices. Finally, it concludes that much as paranormal beliefs have some obvious negative influences on the lives of the people, such beliefs equally have some positive dimensions.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 151 Belief in the Paranormal and Occult: The Medical/Health Dimensions – Case Study of Enugu North of Enugu State Nigeria

Marie Esther Uju Dibua

Belief in the paranormal and occult is widespread among the Igbos of Eastern Nigeria. Different cultures have different ways of ordering their world. Among the Igbos of Eastern Nigeria their world view is ascer- tained thorough myths, proverbs, metaphors, customs and taboos. A major system of ordering their life is the belief in the supernatural being called Chukwu (Chi-Ukwu), the origin and sustainer of man-s existence. The primordial consciousness that nothing happens by chance: one’s life and life’s processes are influenced by Chukwu (Chi-Ukwu), whose collab- orators include certain deities, such as the Agwu (the patron spirit of herbal medicine and divination), and several others who also collaborate with the ancestral spirits in fostering order and healing, is the basic concept of belief in “destiny”. Hence fortune and misfortune are under the control of or influence of Chukwu and the spirit world (who fashion and control one’s destiny). Failure by the people to adhere to the instructions or demands of Chukwu or his associates is punishable by various forms of evil or misfortune. Other generally accepted phenomenal systems include the Ogbanje/mgbanshi (re-incarnation or cycle of birth), amosu (witch-hunting), dada (a form of cultic initiation manifested by twisting or tangling of hair and associated mystical behaviour in children) and iyi-uwa (oath of association with deity), nsi (diabolical form of poison- ing). These systems have no apparent scientific proofs, hence they might be considered mythological with mystical and/or magical undertone. Healing is an act of Chukwu, through his operative intermediaries, the Agwu and the dibias or traditional healers, hence the traditional belief in the absolute powers of the traditional healers in disease control or healing.

152 Study Location This study is carried out in the Enugu North of Enugu State in Eastern part of Nigeria, and aims at establishing the principles of paranormal and occult beliefs, identifying other syndromes operative, the bases for the belief systems (from observed cases) or departures and the medical perspectives that engender the traditional and/or orthodox treatment protocols.

Sample Population and Size A total of 1000 cases are studied each year, and these consist of two categories of people: individuals presenting with paranormal and occult beliefs and are undergoing treatment at traditional healing homes or faith clinics, and those with established cases of acute illnesses and those at the terminal stages of diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, diabetics and cancer patients.

Methodology The research is in two phases: a socio-cultural field investigation and a laboratory cum observational case studies. The folks’ belief systems, in relation to supernatural and/or spirit involvement or causality in their ailments are studied by oral interviews. Their treatment options, reasons, consequences of failure of treatment are further elicited by both oral discussions and questionnaire responses. The laboratory studies serve to provide scientific and/or medical proofs or bases for the concepts identified in the socio-cultural and observational studies. Hence, bacteriological, mycological and haematological protocols, and medical Observational Case Studies assess the clinical manifestations or com- plaints presented by the individuals involved in specific cases of common occurrence in the population which are attributed to witchcraft, Ogbanje (re-incarnation), spirit possession, ancestral visitation, etc., and are regarded by the folks as punishment for wrong doing such as stroke, sickle cell anaemia, cerebral malaria, diabetic sore, epilepsy, HIV/AIDS

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 153 etc. These cases are studied to establish a relationship between their aetiology, manifestations and scientific implications or dimension. These investigations are carried out with a team of medical and paramedical personnel: doctors, nurses and paramedics.

Screening for HIV Antibodies: Q-Spot test kits (HI-TECH Diagnostics, USA) are used to screen for HIV antibodies. The protocols are carried out according to Manufacturers’ instructions. Suspected positive samples are sent to the University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital at the State Capital for confirmation using the ELISA.

Serological Screening for Syphilis: Standard (conventional) tests for syphilis, a cardiolipin Antigen Test that consists of the Venereal Diseases Research Laboratory (VDRL) test, and the Rapid Plasma Reagin (RPR) test described by Cruickshank et al. (1980) are adopted for both serological screening and confirmation tests for syphilis.

Gonococcal Infections: Gonococcal infections are investigated by both microscopic examination of urethral swabs (US) or high vaginal swab (HVS), and subsequent cultivation in plates of Chocolate and Blood Agar media supplemented with 0.75% colistin sulphate (to suppress growth

of the normal flora) and incubated in a moist CO2 enriched atmosphere 0 (5% CO2 jar) at 37 C for 24-48h. Non-Gonococcal Infections such as Haemophilus ducreyi, Candidiasis, etc., are screened for using appropriate bacteriological mycological haematological (serological) protocols.

Stool analysis, culture and sensitivity; are carried out to determine parasitic and bacterial infections of the gastrointestinal tract responsible for typhoid and paratyphoid organisms as well as other disorders and wasting syndromes of the gastrointestinal tract (GIT).

154 Urine analysis, culture and sensitivity are done to determine the biochem- ical indicators of urinary tract dysfunction as well as associated bacterial, fungal or parasitic pathogens. The blood profile of patients/clients are assessed for sickle cell anaemia, etc., and for their haemoglobin levels which could advance anaemic conditions; white blood cell count for v arious cell types: neutrophils, basophils, lymphocytes, etc., as well as erythrocyte sedimentation rates (ESR), makers of disease progression and malignancies. Statistical analyses of data are carried out using the analysis of variance (ANOVA) or the Chi-Square/t-tests where appropriate.

Conclusion Supernatural instincts form the primordial basis of belief system in African cultures; these subsequently form fundamental influencing factors in the socio-cultural and socio-economic life patterns of the people. No scientific proof has so far been found for the investigated cases of witchcraft, Ogbanje and several forms of spirit possession. These concepts do not exist in nature but could be seen as human creation and products of circumstance, especially poverty of the mind or reasoning. Why are these beliefs so tenaciously held by the people; why are certain class of the population (the very young or very old people especially women) the culprits of a system like witchcraft; and why are some individuals never attacked by witches or wizards? Could these beliefs then be regarded as mythological, exaggerated beliefs, mass hysteria or delu- sions? The answer will become apparent in the next phase of this study.

Prospects for the Future This study has so far established the following: 1. A very strong belief in paranormal and occult in the area of study. 2. The practice of traditional healing based on native protocols are unscientific: Dosage of administered concoctions is unreliable, and blind treatment is apparent.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 155 3. No scientific basis is established in the belief in Ogbanje, iyi-u, etc., and no correlation exists between the suspected cases and medical history and/or laboratory investigations 4. A correlation is found between faith healing and quest for money: 5. Unrealistic and magical procedures are adopted by both the traditional and faith healers

Future research plan is as follows: 1. A furthering on the investigation of paranormal and occult beliefs; the sociocultural impact of these belief systems and the possible bias. 2. The concept of ethnomedicine and the correlation between traditional healing, faith healing and orthodox medicine. The point of mergence will be envisaged 3. Laboratory-based investigation of the efficacy of commonly used herbs in and spices

Duration of the research: The proposed research will hopefully last for about 16 months: August 2007 to November, 2008

156 The Impact of certain Socio-Religious Institutions on the Belief in the Occult and Paranormal in Nigeria. A Psycho-Social Discourse

Elisabeth Onyedinma Ezenweke

The study is investigating the impact of certain socio-religious institutions, such as the Nigerian movie industries and the new religious movements on the belief in the occults and paranormal activities, whose activities seem to pose enigma to the much needed social relationships among various categories of people. The purpose of the study is therefore, to investigate the following:

● The impact of the excessive emphases on paranormal and occult by the Nigerian movie industries and the new religious movements on the belief pattern of the average Nigerian regarding occult and paranormal. ● To determine empirically the Psycho-Social, moral and medical implications of this belief on the daily lives of the average Nigerian. ● To determine the effect of four independent variables; ethnicity, social background, religion and occupation on the belief in the occult and paranormal in Nigeria.

The findings of this work when published, is hoped to be significant to film makers, pastors and general public. The anti-social relationships caused by some ‘men of God’, who poison the minds of their followers against their neighbours, friends and relations to be treated. It may also help the general public to resort to proper medical attention as the case may be instead of relaying on superstitious activities that their sickness is beyond western medicine. The study is covering all Africans living in Nigeria. Various Nigerian movies, religious posters, handbills and other adverts for miracle, healing and deliverance by the religious movements will also be collated, studied and analyzed. The theoretical framework of

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 157 the study is based on the Social Cognitive Theory and of Self-Efficacy. The study is guided by four (4) researching questions and four null hypotheses which will be tested at 0.05 statistical level of significance. The researcher is collating and reviewing various and varied literally materials of relevance and relatedness to the topic of research. The review is covering the following:

● Paranormal and occult powers in Nigeria movies ● Pentecostalism, African worldview and paranormal. ● Relatedness of belief and human action.

Survey will be used for the study. Three major ethnic groups in Nigeria; The Igbo (South), Yoruba (West) and Hausa (North) is being studied. The instruments for data collection are questionnaire, documentaries and Group Focus Discussion. Descriptive statistics, t-test at 0.05 statistical level of significant; Analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) and multiple pair wise comparisons will be used for data analysis.

158 Belief in the Paranormal Deity Agwuamong the Igbos; Its Effects on the Health-Care Delivery System and Socio-Religious Lives of the People

Jude Emeka Madu

This work investigated the effects, basis and implications of the beliefs in the paranormal Deity Agwu, the believed patron spirit of diviners and medicine-men among the Igbos of Nigeria. The sole aim of the study was to establish the fact that despite modern break-through in science and technology especially in areas of biology, medicine, and eugenics, this belief continues to exert tremendous influence in the lives of the people, including both the educated elites and the illiterate masses Infact traditional diviners and medicine-men in Igboland and her neighbours are very much in high demand. Such includes famous traditional Medical practitioners like Rev Fr. Raymond Arazu who has a herbal clinic at the capital city of Awka; Dr. Bona Christus Umeogu. a herbalist based in Awka, but who is currently studying in Rome as well as Rev. Fr. Elemi of Obubra in Cross River State of Nigeria. These famous healers are believed to have spiritual insight into the nature of illnesses because they are believed to have been empowered by the patron spirit of diviners and medicine men-Agwu. The work examined the belief in Agwu and the effects of this belief on the people within the Igbo socio-cultural matrix. Thus data were collected from this zone using open questionnaire and oral interviews. Also case studies were used. The data were carefully described, analyzed and interpreted within the cultural zone studied. We adopted both E.B.Tylor’s theory of animism and Metuh’s Spiders web-hypothesis in the interpretation of our data. These were used to appreciate the people’s deep belief in spiritual forces as well as the interconnectedness of beings in their world-view. Our findings revealed that all that happens in the physical for the Igbo have their basis in the spiritual. Thus space-time events are given spiritual interpretations. This explains why divination enjoys high patronage in the

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 159 zone. In other words, the patron spirit, Agwu is regularly consulted. That healing is holistic in that in all matters of ill-health, the spiritual and the physical areas of man must be addressed that in all mans day-to-day activities, he is not alone, but a being in the midst of other beings whose mutual interactions bring forth societal harmony vis-à-vis health for all. That the interpretation of illnesses from the spiritual basis and indeed all events has made people to neglect the import of orthodox medicine in the treatment of sicknesses and this has led to the loss of lives which would have been saved. That the use of spiritual diagnostic techniques in matters that are solely somatic is a major flaw in a scientific age of globalization, scientific technology and advancement in the field-of modern medicine. This study implicates the following: that the Igbos have a unified view of reality in which man-man and Divine relationships exist in a web –like manner. Man depends on the patronage of the spirit forces for his health and socio-cultural lives; that despite the higher vital ranks of these forces in the Igbo ontological hierarchy, they can still be manipulated to effect healing on man through sacrifices. The work recommends that orthodox medicine and traditional medicine should see themselves as partners in progress in the health-care delivery system in Igboland and not as enemies or rivals. This will surely usher in the much needed holistic health-care delivery system and harmonious co-existence in Igboland.

160 The Water Mermaid in the Religious Consciousness of the Present-Day Igbo: Towards a Synthesis

Jude Obidigbo

This research work seeks to establish the existence of the water mermaid among the Igbo in the light of the traditional religion that is strongly founded on Igbo cosmology and to prove that this religious conviction has endured in the religious consciousness and activities of the present- day Igbo among whom the christian missionary enterprise appears ‘most successful’. By this we mean that even though majority of the people appear to have adopted Christianity, belief in the water mermaid is still very prevalent and indeed affect the day to day lives of the people. Torn between these two religious traditions, efforts have been made to highlight the similarities, misunderstandings, misgivings and mistrust in understanding this phenomenon and the practice of its cult, with a view to striking a balance.

For the purpose of this study, we administered questionnaires to elicit responses from the literate populace across the Igbo geo-cultural zones. We have also granted oral interviews and held discussions with either ex-cultists, priests of this deity and Christian exorcists (all whom are believed to have frequent direct contact with the water mermaid), and the non-literate masses so as to have a more detailed and balanced information on our subject-matter, as well as explored resources con- tained in both primary and secondary sources on this and other related subjects. Our methods of interpretation include culture-area, sociological, anthropological and comparative models in order to place our study in proper perspective.

Our research indicates that belief in the water mermaid is palpable among the present-day Igbo creating an aura of fear and confusion. Yet,

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 161 while this being enjoy a near uniformity of opinions as to its existence and modes of operations, opinions as to the morality of its actions widely differ across religious affiliated lines, thus creating another problem of legitimacy or general acceptability of this being to which we have tried to add some words.

What these imply is that more real than imaginary, the water mermaid exerts a serious and fundamental influence on the lives of the present- day Igbo. Furthermore, belonging to the spiritual, it appears time for pessimists to begin to welcome the idea of its existence and to seek more illumination and understanding on the subject. Finally, since it is not within man’s power to terminate the being of spirits, more efforts should be geared towards alleviating or eradicating the negative influences of the water mermaid while waiting on the omniscient and omnipotent God.

162 How Paranormal and Occult Phenomena Influence the Way of Life of People in Nigeria

Aloysius Obiwulu

Introduction The power and influence of paranormal and occult phenomena on people’s lives in Nigeria cannot be underestimated. The phenomena regarded as paranormal and occult include making charms to be rich, after death appearance, belief in the existence of mermaid spirits, possession of extraordinary power etc. Whether these phenomena are real or imagined, belief in them determines how people live their lives. People are influenced by what they believe. Our research really proves that belief in paranormal and occult phenomena determine to a great extent how people live and behave. For example, people living in Ihembosi (in Ekwusigo Local government area of Anambra state, Nigeria) do not go to a particular stream in the afternoon because of the belief that a mermaid spirit comes out there in the afternoon. The consequence is that whoever lacks water at that time of the afternoon goes to fetch it elsewhere, at times even trekking for longer distances.

In this short report we want to briefly explain how paranormal and occult occurrences influence people’s social lives as well as their health- care delivery system.

Occult and Paranormal Phenomena Our research so far has continued to prove that belief in a particular phenomenon, whether considered as paranormal or not influences the lives of the people. In our last report, we stated in detail the various ways we have been carrying on this research which included the distribution and collection of questionnaires, conducting of interviews, gathering of information on the role of the media. Now we have been working on finding out how the result of all these actually influence societal life.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 163 1. The Media The media (both print and electronic) continue to play an important role in the dissemination of information to people. We have watched fourteen different films (home-videos). Each of them brought out in clear and unambiguous language and description the various paranormal and occults beliefs of the people. In Nigeria today, more than fifty different home-videos are produced monthly. The market is large and continues to boom. The reason is because people see these films as depicting what is obtainable in the society. Unlike most of the western films that are regarded as science-fiction, the films produced in Nigeria rather depict the character and nature of the Nigerian society, a society that is greatly influenced by belief in phenomena regarded as paranormal and occult.

The media in Nigeria continue to promote the belief is such phenomena that even some university professors take it for granted that such phenomena are powerful and they could hardly do without them. There have been instances of university professors who went to medicine men to make charms which would enable them get promoted, or even get some favours which they do not merit; some of them even make charms and amulets to be able to remove their “competitors” from office. The consequence is that mediocrity is encouraged in the society. Mediocres think that charms and occult powers will help them get whatever they want even when they are not qualified. The media encourages this. The home-videos depict it!

2. Social and Health-Care Systems Our research has continued to prove that belief in paranormal and occult occurrences affect in negative ways the life of the society. For example, we discovered that there are some students of some tertiary institutions who do not study the way they should. When the examinations are approaching they go to “seers”, “visionaries” as well as traditional medicine men who promise to be able to make them pass their examinations

164 even they have not studied well. Some students believe that they can obtain some charms which will make them not to be caught by the examiner when they indulge in examination malpractice in the examination hall. When those students discover to their chagrin that what they intended did not work as planned they become disgruntled, dis- couraged and despondent. Belief in the powers of the occult and the paranormal therefore discourage hard work and excellence. The social system suffers as some of the students will end up being university drop-outs who will not get any meaningful employment because of lack of proper and adequate certificates and qualification.

Concerning the healthcare sector of the society, we discovered that many people have died because of lack of proper medical attention at the appropriate time. The belief in the powers of occult and paranormal phenomena has caused the death of a lot people, who when they are ill first go to make juju or go to diviners to find out who is responsible for the illness. By so doing, a lot of time and resources are wasted looking for the wrong diagnosis and wrong treatment. For example, we discovered that often liver cirrhosis or failing kidney etc. is often attributed to be the handwork of an enemy. Instead of going to a hospital the relations take the patient to a somewhere where concoctions dangerous to health are administered on the patient. The patient’s condition continues to worsen until it leads to death. The society continues to be denied of young people who are supposed to contribute to its welfare and growth.

Conclusion This on-going research is interesting. It continues to make clear to us that a lot of effort is needed to educate people correctly. Belief in paranormal and occult phenomena really has great influence on the society.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 165 Occult Powers and Socio-Political Dynamics in Nigeria

Josephat Obi Oguejiofor

The above title serves as a guide or focus of my individual research under the umbrella of the research on belief in the occult and paranormal, especially its influence on socio-political-economic-financial-medical- religious life in West Africa in the era of globalization. Our research aims first to make a survey of the belief through questionnaires, interviews, research of such media as newspapers, video films, magazines, programmes on radio and television, as well as other literature that touch on occult and paranormal belief. It seeks to establish some patterns of the occurrence of the belief, and to determine changes or increment in the extent of the belief in about the last twenty years which roughly coincides on the macro-scale with the period of globalization. Increase in the influence of belief in occult and paranormal is also traceable through examination of the phenomenal increase in such phenomena as miracle and faith healing seen in many African independent churches and the ingression of such practices and beliefs in the more traditional mainline churches. This ingression is seen in the charismatic movements with their emphasis in spiritual gifts (mainly healing) and such phenomena as speaking in tongues and prophesy, understood as ability to predict the future and perceive what is otherwise not present to any of the senses.

Our research concentrates on specific aspects of the manifestation of the paranormal and the occult. Among the aspects it has been concentrating on are the following:

1. Pin-casting and pin extraction 2. Miracle Healing

166 3. Claivoyance (extra sensory perception) 4. Mirror-viewing of the dead 5. Apparition 6. Post-death appearances 7. Occult confessions

The method of investigation is first phenomenological, seeking to obtain first hand experience of what is happening in the supposed instances and claims of the presence of the occult. This is done through participant observation, where the researcher gets involved as a client or a devotee of the occult. Such information becomes useful in the next stage, which is more of hermeneutics, not only of the supposed cases, but of the factors predisposing such beliefs. Here, such questions as the background of the believers and which aspect of this background makes credence in the claims of the occult possible, become of central importance. The issue of the veracity of the claim also becomes important, given that what influence the occult has or can have is strongly axed on the conviction that it can in reality deliver what it claims. Since the occult and the paranormal make claims that have empirical impact, how far are these claims open to empirical tests? Further, the characteristic discourse involved in the claims of the occult is also put into scrutiny. This discourse is often so arranged that there is always a back-up or fall back discourse which is typically tailor-made to pretect the integrity of the occult economy and its claims, even in cases of palpable failure. What are the conditions that make such discourses easily credible to believers in the efficacy of the occult and paranormal?

Information gathered on participant observation of different aspects and occurrence of the paranormal will lead to a search for an interpreta- tive model that will go deeper than what has hitherto been foisted as standard means of reading occult and paranormal beliefs. In this regard, an important aspect of our research involves library research to enable a

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 167 comparative study of the phenomenon in other cultures and civilizations. A review of models of interpretation becomes necessary. Such widely accepted model as metaphorical interpretation in which belief or practice of the occult is seen as a metaphor for some failure in adjustment to the new demands of the society will be reviewed. Also a review of the theory of indeterminacy will lead to an examination of how belief in paranormal represents a paradigm which tends to exist with another paradigm, that mediated by sciento-technical rationality. What then are the factors predisposing the apparently comfortable co-existence of contradictory paradigms. Has the background or context of African traditional religion which is still the foundation of the present day African societies anything to do with the resilience of this belief?

The last part of the research will seek to determine, through analysis of the results of our research how dysfunctional belief in the occult and paranormal is to the global efforts towards socio-economic, cultural and political development. The result of this analysis will lead to proposals for the type of education that will curb the influence of these beliefs in cases where it is deemed to be negative, and where the potential influence of the belief is deemed to be positive to development, how this influence could be encouraged in the society.

168 An Examination of the Epistemological Bases of the Belief in the Paranormal and its Implications for the Nigerian Society

Michael Emeka Onwuama

Abstract: This work seeks to investigate the epistemological basis of this phenomenon – ‘paranormal phenomenon’ and the belief in it. First, the work establishes by way of data collection, the nature and extent of the belief in the paranormal and the epistemological basis of such belief. The work then critically evaluates this belief in the light of some theories and approaches to knowledge and belief. Furthermore, the work looks at the implications of the epistemological orientation, sponsored by the belief in the paranormal for the development of social relations and organizations in Nigeria in this era of globalization.

SYNOPSIS

Introduction The aim of this work is to identify the nature, type and characters of the paranormal and evaluate some key methodological approaches that arise in the study of the paranormal phenomena. Paranormal phenomena being those events that are beyond or contrary to what is deemed scientifically possible. These include such things as Extra Sensory Perception (ESP), Psychokinesis, levitation, palm reading, divination necromancy, prophecy, and other related terms. Paranormal system of thought is pervasive in sub-Saharan Africa, just as the reports of incidents of paranormal are becoming every day occurrence in Nigeria. There are innu- merable stories circulating in all corners of the country about unimagin- able manifestations of the paranormal on the life of the people. There are stories of rich people who got their wealth through paranormal means; those who have to offer their beloved in human sacrifice in

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 169 exchange for wealth. Besides, in Nigeria today, people tend to attribute almost every social evil to witchcraft. Political backwardness and even personal failures are regularly explained in the logic of witchcraft. This work investigates the extent of this belief system using known epistemological theories, it critically analyzes the implications of this belief system in the society.

Methodology This work proceeded by way of library research, interview, data collection, conceptual analyses and criticisms. Data collection here includes surfing the internet, participant observation, survey and searching the archives. And by analysis, the scientific and philosophical interpretation of data collected are referred to as the research goes on to make a critical evaluation of paranormal phenomena in the light of philosophical epistemology.

Results This research discovered that the belief in paranormal phenomena could be found in any world historical epoch and society. However, it established that this belief is more pervasive in subsaharan Africa. While identifying intuitionism as the epistemological basis of virtually all paranormal phenomena, it must be noted that this belief system retards development and has resulted in some debilitating consequences in Nigeria and thus this research work calls for a change of attitude.

170 Synthèse des Recherches Ivoriénnes sur le Paranormal et l’Occulte

Nathaniel Yaovi Soédé

Les recherches des équipes 4 et 5 ont traité des phénomènes paranormaux et occultes et de leurs impacts sur le développement de l’Afrique. Les enquêtes faites sur le terrain (Côte d’Ivoire, au Burkina-Faso, au Togo et au Bénin) et en bibliothèque, abordent le problème du point de vue médical, économique, politique et du gender.

Quatre monographies présentent les résultats des enquêtes et soulèvent des questions qui méritent des réflexions particulières. Les études sur ces questions permettent d’affirmer que l’anthropologie africaine du paranormal se fonde sur une conception pluraliste de la personne. L’approche africaine du paranormal éveille l’humanité aux dimensions spirituelles de l’être et à des limites de la connaissance humaine (Béré).

Le rapport de l’Africain au paranormal soulève cependant le problème des croyances et des pratiques traditionnelles qui paralysent le dévelop- pement humain (Soédé). Les entreprises et les sociétés africaines sont fortement affaiblies par l’attitude des personnes qui, dans le quotidien et surtout dans les situations de crise, cherchent des solutions au pro- blème de développement plus dans les forces occultes que dans la réflexion critique, l’efficacité au travail, la créativité et le comportement moral responsable (Doffou).

La présence et le rôle des femmes sont indispensables pour la promotion des valeurs enrichissantes des phénomènes paranormaux autant que pour l’éradication des effets pervers de leurs contre-valeurs. L’action des femmes leaders dans les nouvelles formes de christianismes évangé- listes et pentecôtistes le montre éloquemment (Kouadio).

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 171 Il est important pour ces femmes et tous les Africains de redéfinir ce qu’est le sacré et son rapport à l’absolu/l’Absolu que recherchent les uns et les autres (Adjoulouvi). Dans le domaine du rapport à Dieu et de la gestion constructive du sacré ou du paranormal, une spiritualité africaine inculturée est nécessaire. Elle exige l’approfondissement des données climatiques et socio-culturelles qui déterminent le rapport au paranormal (Zabre).

Ces recherches ont abouti à des publications d’articles (Prof. Dr Béré et Soédé), à la défense d’une thèse de doctorat (Dr Zabre) et à des dissertations doctorales en rédaction (Adjoulouvi, Doffou et Kouadio). Les recherches qui se poursuivent chez les Prof. Dr Béré, Soédé et chez le Dr Zabre, feront l’objet d’autres publications.

172 La Crise du Sacré en Afrique: L’Aventure Ambiguë de Cheikh Hamidou Kane et Kaïdara de Amadou Hampâté Bâ

Léon Comlan Adjoulouvi

Le monde moderne est en crise: crise de la culture, du pouvoir, du travail, etc. Sous ses multiples formes, la crise du monde moderne est de l’ordre du sacré. Sa crise du sacré atteint l’Afrique dans tout son environnement. L’Africain est marqué par la crise du sacré dans un environnement qui est considéré comme sacré. L’Africain se trouve ainsi en crise avec son environnement, avec lui-même, et par conséquent avec le sacré.

“Le sacré est ce qui donne la vie et ce qui la ravit“. Cette phrase de Roger Caillois signifie la valeur éminente du sacré. Phénomène à la fois exis- tentiel et surnaturel, le sacré conduit dans l’expérience quotidienne au lieu de la mystique la plus élevée en Afrique. Elle se trouve malheureusement, de nos jours, supplantée par des technologies et industries qui expliquent tout. Cette perte du sens du sacré est la tragédie de nos sociétés modernes africaines en perte de vitesse.

La crise du sacré est vivace dans les mentalités et les pratiques. Et aujourd’hui, chez l’homme moderne, aucune valeur n’aurait un caractère sacré. Pourquoi cela? Qu’est-ce que le sacré? À quelle catégorie appar- tient-il? À la causalité, à la finalité, à la présence (immanence), à la trans- cendance inconditionnée et étrangère au monde? Pourquoi l’intention religieuse, voire la dimension sacrale des choses et des êtres arrive si difficilement à prendre corps dans la vie concrète, dans des réalités aussi vitales que la culture, le pouvoir et le travail?

Ces faits ne sont que la conséquence d’un fait fondamental, primaire: La crise du sacré se manifeste surtout par le fait que notre monde n’est plus fondé sur le divin ou le sacré, mais sur l’homme. Le monde n’a plus de

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 173 fondement dans le divin. Le divin, donc le sacré a plutôt pour fondement l’homme. L’homme en tant qu’il est la mesure du monde devient le nouveau Dieu.

Comment cela s’est-il passé? Quelles en sont les conséquences? Voilà le problème général. Dans l’actualité, et du point de vue normatif, comment faire retrouver le sacré?

Ce problème du sacré n’est pas nouveau. L’historique de ce qu’est le sacré depuis l’antiquité gréco-romaine en passant par le christianisme jusqu’au temps moderne le montre. Le sacré de notre monde moderne, c’est la puissance. Le monde moderne ne se remet pas en cause et ne s’interroge guère. Il ne se préoccupe essentiellement que de l’efficacité.

L’efficacité est le sacré du monde contemporain. Elle se rattache à la technique qui en fait son principe et son objectif. Le nouveau fondement de notre monde moderne se trouve ainsi dans le système technicien. Le sacré mystérieux, sacré de la violence (fascinant et invisible), est rem- placé par le sacré de la puissance, c’est-à-dire de la technique. Le sacré mystérieux est disqualifié, changé par un nouveau sacré aux caractères visibles et déployables. Ce nouveau sacré est un sacré à proximité, capable de nuire et de modifier l’environnement et le temps.

Le monde du sacré en Afrique traditionnelle en a subi le coup. Le sacré de l’Afrique traditionnelle semblait être un système que rien ne pouvait changer ni ébranler. La crise du sacré l’a atteint aussi. Ses normes ont sauté, l’harmonie entre le sacré et le profane n’existe plus en réalité.

L’approche de la crise du sacré en Afrique, précisément en Afrique noire, nous impose de comprendre ce qu’est le sacré avant la colonisation, dans la communauté ethno-tribale et quelle est l’évolution de ce sacré dans la crise du sacré chez Cheikh Hamidou Kane (L’Aventure ambiguë) et Amadou Hampâté Bâ (Kaïdara). Ces deux penseurs invitent à situer

174 davantage le débat dans le champ de la crise de l’Afrique dans son rapport au divin et à la technique qu’il lui faut conquérir sans perdre le sens du sacré sans lequel l’homme perd le sens de la vie et reste dans une situation ambiguë, dans une crise sans fin.

Au sens étymologique du mot, la crise signifiant crisis, c’est-à-dire jugement critique, discernement, c’est donc d’un jugement critique, d’un discernement lucide qui donne la vie et la ravit à toute vision de l’être qui fait de la technique l’Absolu que surgira un rapport nouveau de l’homme moderne, et particulièrement de l’Africain au sacré.

Le sacré sera le lien qui peut contribuer à rattacher l’humanité à l’Absolu sans être l’opium qui éloigne l’humanité de la technique et de la réussite sociale. Le lien ne crée-t-il pas un lieu d’unité, l’instance où lorsqu’il s’agit du divin, l’homme moderne, l’Africain établit avec l’Absolu une relation qui lui donne de vivre, ici et maintenant? Le sacré sera aussi le lieu du recentrage sur le bonheur en ce monde, par opposition à toute idéologie qui situe le but essentiel de l’existence hors de ce monde en détournant l’homme de ce monde ou en lui faisant établir avec le divin une relation de quête magique du bonheur, une relation de démission et de passivité.

Le sacré est le lien et le lieu où le rapport à l’Absolu génère et régénère un bonheur qui soit un véritable “salut“, au sens de ce qui grandit et respon- sabilise l’homme à tout point de vue et lui apporte un développement intégral. Il représente une attitude d’ouverture qui tient compte du pro- grès technico-scientifique et incite à rechercher et à promouvoir un pro- grès technico-scientifique qui tient compte du sacré. Le monde moderne, notamment l’Afrique créera un rapport nouveau à la technique et au sacré, le sacré qui sur ce continent pose aussi le problème des phéno- mènes paranormaux et occultes qu’il est urgent de maîtriser. Le sacré tel qu’il est perçu dans les phénomènes paranormaux en Afrique devra être soumis à une rationalité qui prend en compte les dimensions techniques et sacrales, voire spirituelles et humaines de l’existence.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 175 Croyance Religieuse et Émergence des Femmes Leaders Charismatiques dans les Nouvelles Eglises de Côte d’Ivoire

Ahou Virginie Kouadio

La crise qui affecte l’économie ivoirienne depuis le début des années 1980 a eu des incidences particulièrement négatives sur les conditions de vie des populations notamment l’une des couches les plus vul- nérables que sont les femmes. Ces dernières, en effet, après avoir bénéfi- cié d’un certains nombres de programmes de développement, ont juste après les indépendances bénéficiés de programmes particulier de prises en charge visant à assurer leur promotion et leur insertion socio- économique.

D’importants résultats ont pu être obtenus. Ainsi, au niveau de la scolarisation: pendant qu’avant l’indépendance, il y avait 10% de filles qui allait à l’école, l’on a pu atteindre 36,71% en 1970 (Kouassi, 2001). L’accès au soin de santé primaire qui ne concernait que 33% de femmes a pu être à 44% en 1970. Au niveau de l’accès des emplois salariés 38% de femmes représentaient la main-d’œuvre active (ONU, 1995). Toutefois, avec la crise cette politique de développement de façon fondamentale a été remise en cause. La scolarisation de la jeune fille a chuté à 35% (RGHP, 1998). La couverture médicale ne concerne plus que moins de 30% de femmes. Le VIH SIDA représente aussi un problème majeur pour le pays et surtout pour les femmes. Dans leur cas spécifique, la prévalence est estimée à 12% (FNUAP, 1998). La pauvreté phénomène déjà endémique à l’échelle de toute la population est beaucoup plus ressentie chez la femme. Pendant qu’en milieu urbain les hommes sont à 49,5%, au niveau des femmes il est 50,5% (PNUD, 2000). Cependant, un peu à contre courant de ces processus globaux de marginalisation et de précarisa- tion de la femme, cette dernière, de façon récurrente, investit avec succès des secteurs assez inattendus de la vie sociale. A côté du secteur

176 informel, le secteur religieux représente le champ où la prise de respons- abilité des femmes est plus remarquable.

Dans le domaine religieux en Afrique, et particulièrement en Côte d’Ivoire, la décennie 1990 a vu l’émergence et la consolidation d’un nouveau mouvement spirituel particulièrement fort. Il s’agit de ce que les observateurs ont appelé les Nouvelles Eglises. Cette dénomination tire sa source dans ce que Yves Morel définit comme leur apparition récente par rapport aux Eglises catholique et protestante (Morel, 2001). Aussi parce que ces mouvements introduisent une innovation. Cette innovation se situe à au moins trois niveaux. Ainsi au premier niveau, ce nouveau mouvement introduit un renouvellement des formes de manifestations de la foi et de la prise en charge de la destinée spirituelle des croyants. Il accepte et encourage les phénomènes de transes, de prières de délivrance et de guérison miraculeuse. Au deuxième niveau, il table beaucoup sur la vie fraternelle. Ce sont des endroits où les fidèles s’appellent entre eux ‘frères’ et ‘sœurs’. Ils appellent également leurs pasteurs ‘papa’ et ‘maman’. Ce sont des Eglises qui sont fondées sur l’organisation communautaire. Le troisième et dernier niveau est relatif au fait que l’accès à la fonction de pasteurs ou bergers est beaucoup plus facile que dans les autres communautés chrétiennes dites anciennes.

Pour les fidèles de ces Nouvelles Eglises, la fonction de pasteur est plus qu’une vocation, il est un charisme. Ils accèdent à cette idée que l’Eglise est une entreprise. Donc les pasteurs sont des entrepreneurs.

L’accès au poste de pasteur étant facile, les femmes de plus en lus accè- dent au rang de leader charismatique. Elles sont à la tête de ces Eglises qu’elles dirigent comme de véritables entrepreneurs. Dans la seule ville d’Abidjan nous dénombrons en absence de statistique fiable plusieurs Eglises dirigées par les femmes.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 177 Qui sont ces femmes? Quelle est leur trajectoire? Et comment exercent- elles leurs charismes? Et surtout, comment les femmes qui ont le leadership dans les nouvelles communautés chrétiennes peuvent elles amener les croyants et les croyantes à établir avec le paranormal un rapport susceptible de contribuer au développement de l’Afrique?

Pour répondre à cette question, il faut comprendre les fondements cul- turels africains de la présence remarquable des femmes au nombre des ministres dans les nouvelles communautés chrétiennes. L’analyse montre que la femme dans la culture africaine est le symbole de la vie, de la relation fécondante et de bénédiction. Elles sont nombreuses et remarquables dans les principales activités sociales et particulièrement dans les cultes traditionnels. Elles y sont dans plusieurs milieux africains, des prêtresses, des gardiennes du temple, des guérisseuses et des personnes initiées pour prononcer des bénédictions. On compte les femmes parmi les personnes initiées à la sorcellerie.

La culture africaine présente des éléments qui expliqueraient, que des femmes chrétiennes cherchent de plus en plus à exercer un pouvoir charismatique dans les nouvelles Eglises. Dans ces Eglises, comment peuvent-elles contribuer à faire éviter les dérives des rapports des Africains avec les phénomènes paranormaux. La recherche étudie le cas d’une prophétesse dans l’Eglise dénommée «La Source». Il nous est apparu que des femmes leaders charismatiques accueillent les gens avec art et leur font profiter de tous les atouts féminins de l’expression de la foi dans l’invisible et de la communication enrichissante avec celle-ci. Il s’est révélé malheureusement que ces femmes leaders profiteraient de la crédulité des personnes qui viennent à l’Eglise et qui ont recours à leurs conseils et à leurs services spirituels. Cette situation fait que ces femmes ont un niveau de vie économique qui souvent choc. Et fait observer que le paranormal, l’interprétation des rêves, les prières de guérison; sont bien souvent des sources d’enrichissements et de ponctions des fidèles.

178 Notre constat est que les valeurs négatives de la culture ancestrale qui font que l’on compte particulièrement les femmes parmi les sorcières semblent l’emporter sur les valeurs qui font d’elles les signes de vie et de communion. Il ne faudrait pas chercher seulement à amener les femmes à corriger les dérives liées à la croyance aux phénomènes occultes et paranormaux. Il est nécessaire de les emmener avant tout dans les cultes traditionnels à nourrir avec le monde paranormal un rapport consécutif afin de les aider, à travers l’éducation.

Les leaders charismatiques auront aussi à aider l’homme africain à vaincre son impuissance et sa peur devant les forces invisibles, à rompre avec le désir de la vie facile qui le porte à recourir de manière exagérée aux forces paranormales. Il faut à cette fin donner vraiment aux femmes d’être les mères et les éducatrices des hommes. Les femmes qui ont de nouveaux rapports avec les phénomènes paranormaux pour amener les hommes à opérer les changements qui s’imposent.

Tant que les femmes n’établissent pas avec les phénomènes paranormaux des rapports consécutifs en vue du développement de l’Afrique, il sera difficile aux hommes de se libérer de l’asservissement des rapports qu’ils établissent aujourd’hui avec le paranormal. La femme d’abord, puis l’homme après. Comme le disait Maistriaux: «il n’y a rien de grand dans les œuvres de l’homme qui n’est d’abord traversé le cœur de la femme» (Maistriaux, 1964)1.

1 Maistriaux, R., la femme et le destin de l’Afrique, Bruxelles, Editest, 1964, 534 p.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 179 Croyances au Paranormal et Pratiques Religieuses chez les Salaries en Entreprise

Pulchérie Adjoua Desiree Doffou

L’entreprise est une organisation rationnelle qui produit des biens et services pour le marché. Elle est perçue comme un facteur de développe- ment et de croissance économique qui fait appel à des critères de performances et de productivités basés sur la division du travail, la spécialisation des tâches et la promotion des agents au mérite. Dans cette logique, l’on est persuadé que l’avenir du travailleur ne peut être influencé que par l’acharnement au travail et le goût du risque.

Toutefois, dans certaines entreprises en Afrique et particulièrement en Côte d’Ivoire, l’on pense que la consolidation d’un poste, la promotion dans l’entreprise et le bon fonctionnement de celle-ci résultent de pratiques occultes, mystiques et religieuses. Ces pratiques se manifestent en entreprise par la présence de cellule de prière, des adorations, des consultations des voyants, des sacrifices et par l’invocation d’esprit pour obtenir un avantage du chef hiérarchique ou pour combattre un collègue.

Dès lors, l’entreprise articulée autour des valeurs marchandes, des prin- cipes de rationalités et de profit, se verra confrontée, d’une certaine façon au problème de l’expression des croyances avec ses obligations et ses interdits dans une Afrique subsaharienne marquée par une série de crises, qui ont provoqué de grands changements politiques, économiques et sociaux, à travers des programmes d’ajustement structurel successifs (Brou, 1995 ; Zadi, 1998).

Ces changements ont entraîné la précarité et la paupérisation d’une grande partie de la population (Zongo, 2003). Pour remédier aux effets de cette instabilité socio-économique et rehausser leur ‘’position sociale’’ (Bourdieu, 1984), l’une des solutions pour une frange de la population

180 notamment les salariés de certaines entreprises, a été l’adoption de croyances basées sur des phénomènes paranormaux et occultes. Les pratiques associées à ces croyances modifieraient de plus en plus les interactions entre les salariés particulièrement leurs rapports sociopro- fessionnels (Thibodeau, 2006). Pourtant, l’on conçoit l’entreprise comme un lieu régie par des normes de performance, de productivité et de com- pétences des ressources humaines. Ces normes surpasseraient toute autre considération notamment l’intégration des pratiques occultes et religieuses dans la trajectoire socioprofessionnelle, le profil de carrière ou l’essor de l’entreprise elle-même.

Les phénomènes paranormaux concernent la société dans toute sa composante (Soédé, 2007; Kiti, 2007; Béré, 2007). Kabou (1991), Zadi (1998), Diakité (1996) ont mis en évidence le fait que le sous-développement de l’Afrique pourrait s’expliquer en partie par la croyance des membres de sa société aux phénomènes paranormaux. Ces auteurs démontrent que les mentalités et les croyances africaines empêchent le développement du continent, particulièrement dans les milieux comme celui de l’entreprise.

Il est utile de comprendre les représentations sociales liées aux pratiques religieuses et aux croyances des salariés ainsi que le coût que cela entraîne pour eux et pour l’entreprise. Il s’agit d’identifier les croyances mystiques et religieuses mobilisées en entreprise, d’expliquer la présence massive des objets de cultes dans les bureaux, de comprendre les fondements du sectarisme au sein de l’entreprise et de rechercher des solutions en impliquant les populations pour en faire les acteurs sociaux qui corrigent les dérives des croyances aux phénomènes paranormaux dans les entreprises et les différents milieux socio-professionnels.

Cette étude essentiellement qualitative, est basée sur des entretiens semi directifs adressés à des agents et à leur responsable au sein de la SODECI, une entreprise privée en Côte d’ Ivoire.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 181 These Soutenue et Recherche Post-Doctorale

Jules Pascal Zabre

Jules Zabre a soutenu dernièrement à l’Université Catholique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest/Unité Universitaire d’Abidjan (UCAO/UUA) une thèse de doctorat en théologie sur la spiritualité africaine. Le programme de recherche du Volkswagen Foundation lui a permis de faire des enquêtes sur le terrain et de réfléchir en profondeur sur le Sigre, concept clef de sa thèse. Le phénomène du Sigre incarne le non rationnel ou la réalité du paranormal et de l’occulte. Il rend visible l’impact des croyances et des pratiques paranormales sur la vie et l’organisation de la société moaaga (Burkina- Faso).

Les chapitres sur L’existentialisme moaaga, le sens et la signification du Sigre et les conséquences spirituelles et sociales du «Sigre», ont rendu compte de la portée occulte et paranormal de l’idée générale de sa thèse théologique de spiritualité africaine. La thèse a pour titre Subsister en Christ comme «Sigre», chemin de spiritualité chrétienne africaine à partir des Moose (Burkina-Faso) et a été soutenue en février 2007 à l’Université Catholique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest/Unité Universitaire d’Abidjan (UCAO/UUA).

Les recherches post-doctorales du Dr Jules-Pascal Zabre poursuivent une problématique développée à partir des résultats d’enquêtes dans deux pays types des régions côtières et des régions sahéliennes africaines. Autour du thème Solutions au problème du développement: Degré d’influence des phénomènes paranormaux et occultes dans les pays côtiers et sahéliens, Zabre approfondit ses recherches pour montrer que des régions sont plus prédisposées que d’autres aux croyances et aux pratiques paranormales et occultes. Le degré d’influence des phénomènes

182 paranormaux et occultes varie en Afrique selon que l’on appartienne aux régions côtières ou aux régions sahéliennes. Une étude en Côte d’Ivoire et au Burkina-Faso le démontre. Des enquêtes révèlent qu’il y a une plus grande propension à la croyance aux phénomènes paranormaux dans le pays côtier de la Côte d’Ivoire que dans le pays sahélien du Bur- kina Faso.

Selon les personnes, l’éradication des croyances et pratiques paranormales néfastes pour le développement de l’homme et de sa société passerait principalement par le travail dans le pays sahélien, tandis que la prière serait le moyen le plus efficace dans le pays côtier.

Même si nous ignorons profondément toutes les lois de ces phénomènes paranormaux et occultes (du fait de la grande question sur leur rationa- lité), il demeure néanmoins une nette opposition entre esprit ou foi (prière) et action (travail). Pourquoi des croyances très répandues en la sorcellerie et la pratique courante de l’occultisme dans ces deux pays si proches ne trouvent-elles pas une convergence dans la projection de la libération de l’homme africain dans ces domaines précis? Pourquoi un problème «si africain» ne trouve t-il pas UNE seule et même réponse africaine?

Notre hypothèse de travail se précise dans cette affirmative très person- nelle que des pistes et conclusions scientifiques confirmeront pour donner sens à notre problématique: La mer ou le désert influe sur le mental de l’homme et détermine sa pensée, particulièrement dans le domaine des croyances.

Du point de vue africain, la mer est une divinité qui offre toujours un bilan négatif lorsque les riverains et ceux qui l’exploitent ne respectent pas ses préceptes. Elle se met en colère, elle partage sa joie, elle mange et elle boit. Qu’elle soit méditerranéenne ou océanique, l’Africain respecte

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 183 la mer qu’il considère comme un mystère. Beaucoup de pratiques traditionnelles s’y observent. La pêche et l’extraction du sel, par exemple, reposent sur d’antiques traditions. La mer apaise.

Quant au dépôt du sable, de l’absence des arbres qui caractérisent le désert, on le définit comme la résultante du ralentissement de l’air et de l’absence suffisante de pluies. Il provoque la plupart du temps un certain dynamisme chez ses habitants. En raison même de la médiocrité de la couverture végétale, de la conséquence de l’aridité, du froid excessif dans les déserts, des pratiques ancestrales s’y font pour rendre autres les conditions de ces lieux. Le désert irrite.

La mer apaise, le désert irrite. Si la mer et le désert déterminent des croyances, ils caractérisent aussi la recherche de solutions au problème du développement de l’homme.

184 Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa Governance and Social Action in Sudan after the Peace Agreement of January 2005: Local, National, and Regional Dimensions (Prof. Dr. Karl Wohlmuth and Partners)

Building up governance structures is increasingly considered as a means to counter state decay and deal constructively with internal conflicts. Sudan is a case in point where the government and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement/Army have agreed on wealth and power sharing, institutionalised by an interim Government of South Sudan and transitional governments in the federal states. Aims are to build infrastructure and deliver social services while holding revenues subject to public accountability.

The researchers in this project are young scholars from African universi- ties who are offered scholarships to get academic qualifications under international guidance by academics from Sudan, Kenya, Ethiopia and Germany. The research is intended to find answers to the following questions:

● What are the characteristics of the “traditional”/established governance structures in southern Sudan and amongst the refugee and diaspora groups abroad, and how have they changed over time? ● What constitutes core values, what ideology informs these values, and to what extent do these two factors inform governance and social action in the various research sites inside and outside Sudan? ● How are those aspirations of the Sudanese which they acquired in the diaspora, likely to influence governance and social action upon their return? ● Which are the underlying power relations of the emerging governance structures after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and which capacities are there to tackle the causes of entrenched conflicts?

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 185 ● How are these emerging power relations structured at local, sub- regional, national and regional levels, and how are they interlinked? ● Which forces undermine emerging governance structures, how and by whom are they addressed? ● How are the redistributive parts of the Peace Agreement implemented? ● How do local governance structures in the research sites interlink with national, regional and international governance?

The researchers in this project apply an actor-oriented perspective to investigate the dynamics of state-society relations and ways of establishing legitimacy of rule in four southern Sudanese states with complex conflict patterns. Regional dimensions are covered by analysing spillover effects across the Ethiopian border and influences on governance structures from the Sudanese diaspora in Kenya. To study the latter, interviews are conducted with Sudanese in Kenya, Kenyan government authorities, politicians and international organisations dealing with the repercussions of civil war and peace-building.

The research sites are in Upper Nile, Jonglei, Unity and South Kordofan States as well as Juba and Khartoum as locations of the Government of South Sudan and Sudan, Gambella in Ethiopia, Kakuma refugee camp, Eldoret and quarters of Nairobi in Kenya. These sites provide possibilities to investigate how the political, social, cultural and economic dimensions of the conflict are taken up by the respective societies after the Peace Agreement. All sites are characterised by multi-dimensional tensions and conflicts which have been tentatively settled recently. There is the need for institutions to be able to prevent a resurrection of armed struggle and to tackle appropriately the conflicts to come.

Through the common research, a network between African and Euro- pean scholars and members of the young African academic generation has been created. The project promotes academic qualification and

186 capacities, academic exchange, intercultural learning and cooperation among researchers from different parts of Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya, and between the German and African participants. Research outputs are intended to be used as policy inputs for forging cooperation between the Sudan and neighbouring countries.

List of additional master theses:

Joseph Lodiong Lubajo Basic Education and Training in South [email protected] Sudan: current status, challenges and perspectives (Master thesis)

Marilyn Ossome Southern Sudanese Children between [email protected] Socialisation in Kenya and Re-socialisation in Sudan (Master thesis)

Obaka Otieno John Identity and Citizenship in Post-conflict [email protected] Reform and Reintegration: the case of Southern Sudan (Master thesis)

Rania Hassan Ahmed Government in Sudan after the Peace [email protected] Agreement 2005: The implementation of power sharing (Master thesis)

Lokiru Matendo Effects of Social Networks on Liveli [email protected] hoods in Exile and Return: the case of Southern Sudanese refugees in Kenya (Master thesis)

John Moi Venus Building of South Sudan in a Context of [email protected] Conflict Resolution: Discourses beyond ethnicity (Master thesis)

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 187 Participants/Contact:

Professor Dr. Karl Wohlmuth Privat-Dozentin Dr. Elke Grawert (coordinator) University of Bremen Institute for World Economics and International Management Wilhelm-Herbst-Str. 5 28359 Bremen, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Abdel Ghaffar Ahmed Ms. Tayseer El-Fatih Ahfad University for Women Institute of Women, Gender and Development Studies P.O. Box 11222 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Joshua Otor Akol Ms. Samira Musa Armin Damin University of Juba Department of Geography P.O. Box 321/1 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

188 Dr. Samson Samuel Wassara University of Juba UNICEF SCO P.O. Box 1358 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected]

Ms. Esther Ikere Eluzai University of Juba Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology P.O. Box 321/1 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Mustafa Babiker University of Khartoum Development Studies and Research Institute P.O. Box 321 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Professor Dr. Atta El-Battahani Mr. Yasir Awad Abdalla University of Khartoum Department of Political Science P.O. Box 321 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 189 Dr. Paul Wani Gore University of Khartoum Department of Sociology P.O. Box 321 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Professor Dr. Kassahun Berhanu Alemu University of Addis Ababa Department of Political Science and International Relations P.O. Box 1176 Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Mr. Berhanu Denu University of Addis Ababa P.O. Box 41510 Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA E-mail: [email protected]

Mr. Regassa Bayissa Sima University of Addis Ababa College of Commerce P.O. Box 3131 Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA E-mail: [email protected]

190 Professor Dr. Mary Omosa University of Nairobi Institute for Development Studies P.O. Box 30197 Nairobi 00100, KENYA E-mail: [email protected]

Mr. George Katete Moi University P.O. Box 72809 Nairobi 00200, KENYA E-mail: [email protected]

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 191 Subprojects: Political Participation in Sudan: 1986-2008

Yasir Awad Abdalla

Background Sudan, since its independence, witnessed only three democratic intervals (1956-58, 1964-69, and 1986-89) throughout a long history of military rule. These “democratic intervals” failed to provide a sustainable system of government and to achieve a sustainable peace in the country. The Southern, Western (Darfur and Kordofan), Eastern regions and the South of Blue Nile State were engulfed in armed conflicts. The question of political participation has almost been neglected in the long process of negotiations which aim at settling these conflicts. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed by the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in 2005 to end these conflicts, has given greater emphasis to wealth and power sharing. The neglect of the role of the political system in peace-building is an inconsideration of the total structure within which wealth and power sharing takes place. If the issue of the political system is properly considered, it will lead to the discussion about the dialectical relationship between the existence or absence of democracy and the existence or absence of peace.

General political participation is the core characteristic of democracies. The absence of this participation made the three democracies in Sudan to be only an instrument or a formula for maintaining the hegemony of the centre over the rest of the country, of the North over the South, and of the elite over the general population. Within this formula, democracy is just an electoral democracy where the people decide only which segment of the elite is to rule and fulfils the function of a plebiscite in so far as they accept or reject a particular power block.

192 Problem Statement and Research Objectives The dynamics of Sudan’s politics reveals a tendency for democratic regimes to come to power through popular uprisings. These dynamics also reveal the dominance of elitist and centric “democracies” instead of “participatory” democracy or democracy at the local level. Can this explain why wealth and power are concentrated in the urban or central elitist domains and why civil conflicts and war continue?

This research endeavors to study political participation in relation to, or as a function of, the socio-economic relationships within the Sudan. The study aims at establishing the socio-economic determinants and frame- works that shape and explain the state of political participation in the country and finding out whether this participation is a general popular or an elitist one. It also investigates whether there is a geographical and cultural dimension to political participation in Sudan such that certain regions and/or communities are more involved in politics than others and why.

On the theoretical side, there is a lack of theorization of political participation as one of the basic components of democracy and peace-making within the local and cultural African context. Hence, this study endeavors to rethink the concept of “political participation” beyond the abstractions of the classical and contemporary theories which view it as value-free, general and adequate to study the phenomenon cross-culturally. This research intends to look into the conceptualization of political participation within diverse socio-cultural and regime contexts in Sudan. Democ- ratization and peace-building will be studied from the perspective of political participation. The research is intended to contribute to a methodology for tackling the issue of political participation and its links to sustainable peace in the African context.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 193 Methodology and Research Structure In order to identify types of political participation in Sudan, existing ways of participation will be described on the basis of interviews with maximum varied population groups in South Kordofan, Upper Nile, Juba and Khartoum. What the interview partners consider as participation will then be put into context applying a situational analysis method.

The time span of the research, 1986-2008, is chosen to cover three regimes: a democratic (1986-89) and a military one (1989-2005), which are being compared as representing political dynamics within the “Old Sudan”, and the third one being the transformation to “New Sudan”. This thesis is planned to be structured into six chapters as follows: 1. Theoretical Framework - provides a review of the main concepts of the study, criticism of the theories connected to these concepts, an explanation of the methodology and methods of data collection. 2. The Situation of Political Participation - gives an analytical introduction to the economic, social and political situation, framework and structures within which political participation takes place in Sudan. 3. The Sudanese Conception of Political Participation - investigates how the Sudanese people conceptualize the term. 4. Elite or Popular Political Participation - establishes whether political participation in Sudan is an elitist or popular type of participation by investigating participation from the central down to the local level in the administrative framework of Sudan. 5. Centre or Periphery - studies political participation across varied regions within Sudan. 6. Conclusion.

194 Impact of the Sudanese Peace Agreement on Ethiopia: The Case of Gambella

Regassa Bayissa Sima

Research Problem The long civil war in the Sudan (1955-1972 and 1983-2005) which caused large-scale death, displacement and material, social and environmental destruction affected the Sudan’s neighbors in many ways. Thousands of refugees fled to the Gambella region of Ethiopia, insurgent military bases were established, and factional fighting took place in the region. So far there is no major study which identified the impact of the Sudan’s civil war on Gambella region and society. This research intends to narrow the gap, analyzing the changes taking place in Gambella after the Com- prehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The study attempts to answer the following questions: ● What are the main features of inter-state relations (cooperation or conflicts) between Ethiopia and the Sudan at varying times? ● What are the root causes and the external dimensions of the Sudan’s civil war? ● What are the historically rooted cultural, social and economic relations between the peoples of Gambella and particular ethnic groups in the Southern Sudan? ● What are the links between the war in the Sudan and the recurrent violent conflicts and socio-economic crises in the Gambella region of Ethiopia? ● What would be the effects of the success or failure of the CPA on the Gambella region?

Objectives of the Study The main objective of the study is to establish the overall economic, political, social, and ecological spillover effects of the Sudan’s war and

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 195 the CPA on the Gambella people and region. The study also attempts to explore some specific objectives: ● Assess the international dimensions and implications of the Sudan’s war in the inter-state relations, and explore how the war in the Sudan has been affected by Ethiopia ● Investigate the root causes and characteristics of the conflicts between different ethnic groups in Gambella ● Appraise the social, cultural, and economic relations of South Sudanese refugees with the local population of Gambella and examine the effect of the presence of the refugees in Gambella on the eco-system of the region ● Analyse the emergence of the Gambella Regional State and its relations with the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) as well as the prospects and challenges ● Study the social, political and economic changes in Gambella after the CPA

Theoretical Approach and Methodology A lot of studies on the civil war in the Sudan, on causes and complexities of contemporary conflicts, some studies on the longstanding ethnic conflicts in Gambella region and on the Ethio-Sudan relations have been thoroughly reviewed for the proposed research. One result has been that the Northern and the Southern Sudanese writers have differing points of view on the causes of the civil war in the Sudan. For the Northern scholars it was the British colonial administration which brought deep structural tensions (all evils) to the Sudan. The other group of writers, most of them the Southern exile politicians and Southern academics, describe the Sudan conflict as a confrontation between the Northern and Southern cultures defined by blood lines, “Arabs vs Africans”. These scholars emphasize the continuous attempts of the northern leadership to instill its values, religion and culture on the whole Sudan as the source of antagonistic North-South relations.

196 The study is based on a multi-disciplinary approach. During three phases of fieldwork in Gambella, data have been collected through interviews and focus group discussions with indigenous ethnic elders, community representatives, local government officials, agents of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and South Sudanese refugees in different camps. In addition, intensive use is being made of government documents and archives and documentations of national and regional governmental and non-governmental organizations. Reports of representatives of bilateral and multilateral agencies working in the region are being surveyed. Documents of the sub-regional and continental organizations (Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), African Union, Intergovernmen- tal Authority for Development (IGAD) and important bulletins which usually focus on developments in the region such as ‘Horn of Africa’, ‘Africa Confidential’, ‘Sudan Focus’ and internet materials are being consulted.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 197 The Role of Institutions in Improving the Performance of Invest- ment in South Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement

Berhanu Denu

Background This study is being undertaken with the ultimate objective of suggesting the type of institutional arrangements that help improve the performance of the economy in South Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) South Sudan is divided into 10 administrative states with an estimated population of about 10 million. The government of South Sudan (GOSS) is an interim government as per the CPA. South Sudan is endowed with abundant oil and water resources. Two of the research sites are in South Sudan. The remaining one is Khartoum.

Research Problem This study aims at analyzing the relationship between the institutional environment and private investment performance in South Sudan, a country which has newly emerged out of long years of conflict and does not have a full sovereign position yet. The country needs to undertake massive reconstruction measures to reduce poverty, achieve internationally set development goals and achieve sustainable peace. The required improved performance of the economy as a whole requires growth friendly institutional arrangements the information about which is lacking currently in South Sudan. This study is undertaken to generate information on the current institutional conditions in South Sudan with the objective of suggesting the adoption of the appropriate growth friendly institutions.

Research Objectives The main objective of the study is to identify institutional arrangements that improve the performance of private investment in Sudan. The specific objectives include:

198 1. The undertaking of a review of the legal framework in which private business firms are operating in South Sudan, 2. Undertaking the assessment of the conditions of entry into business, the framework of operation of business firms and the process of liquidation when there is bankruptcy, 3. Analyze the degree of the effect between institutional measures (in the forms or rules and constraints governing the interaction among economic agents) on the one hand and the decision to invest or not on the other, 4. Draw up policy recommendations for improved policy formulation and enhancing implementation capacity of the institutions.

Theoretical Approach and Methodology The conceptual framework for analysis in this study is the New Institu- tional Economics (NIE), which holds the view that institutions matter most in the process of economic development. In contrast to the method of Neoclassical Economics, which assumes institutions as exogenously given, the present study analyzes institutions as endogenous variables that explain the performance of the economy. Regression analysis which employs measures of institutional quality obtained from such sources like International Country Risk Guidance (ICRG) of the Political Risk Services International (PSR-group), World Wide Governance Indicators (published by the World Bank), and Index of Economic Freedom by Heritage Foundation. For South Sudan, the cost of starting and running a formal business firm will be used as a proxy measure for the cost of doing business. In general, the approach will apply an analysis of the relationship between investors or potential investors and governance institutions from the viewpoint of Transaction Cost Economics (Williamson, 1985) in South Sudan.

Reference Williamson, Oliver (1985): The Economic Institutions of Capitalism. New York, Free Press.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 199 The Role of Reverse Migration for Socio-cultural Change in the Nuba Mountains and Unity State

Samira Musa Armin Damin

Introduction This research deals with the return, resettlement and rehabilitation of internally displaced people after the civil war between the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) which was ended by signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005.

Internal return migration is a relatively new research area, referring to the movement of people who return to their countries of origin or habitual place of residence after spending a long time in another place within a country or beyond its border (King, 1986; IDMC, 2007).

Migration brings about social change in the lives of the migrants and to the recipient societies. Although social change is in fact a part of human society as it occurs in the process of relation building between populations, the degree of change differs from one society to another (Al Hadi, 1995; Al-Dagass, 1996).

Research Problem Migration with its various types is considered as one of the major factors behind socio-economic and cultural change. Several scholars consider internal migration in Sudan as a consequence of the development model of both colonial and post-colonial Sudan. Migration and displacement are seen as the logical outcome of a development model that for decades concentrated on the modern-urban sector at the expense of the traditional-rural sector. Regional marginalization, based on historical, social, ethnic, cultural and religious factors, created the major divide between the people in Sudan. This resulted in civil war and armed conflict, drought, desertification and famine (Komey, 2005).

200 The civil war was extended to the Nuba Mountains in the end of 1989 because of the same reasons that led to civil war in South Sudan. Accord- ing to these reasons people were forced to move from their homeland to more secure areas. Mass internal migration (displacement) of people was mainly directed towards urban areas, particularly Greater Khartoum, in search of security, shelter and employment. The CPA brought an end to these wars and conflicts and people started to return back to their homeland according to the CPA that stipulates the right to repatriation, resettlement and rehabilitation.

Return migration from urban to rural areas in the Nuba Mountains and Unity State are assumed to induce significant socio-economic, cultural, political and environmental changes in the receiving local societies.

The study tries to answer the following questions: 1. What are the new social, economic and cultural aspects brought by the returnees? 2. Which new social and cultural aspects of life are introduced through the daily interaction between the returnees and the local communities? 3. How do the ethnic groups manage to coexist peacefully after the CPA? 4. In which fields does the CPA realize, achieve and satisfy the hopes and aspirations of the returnees?

Objectives of the Study ● To assess the trend of population mobility, its size and reasons for return migration ● To identify the features of economic and socio-cultural change induced by the returnees in the local societies ● To establish the mechanisms used by returnees to adapt themselves to, or cope with, their environment

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 201 ● To deepen our understanding and insights in aspects related to the theories and dynamics of return migration.

Study Approach and Methodology This research is guided by a social theory approach in the framework of social geography. Given the complexity and multi-dimensional nature of the research theme, an inter-disciplinary approach is adopted in addition to ensure a proper analysis of different socio-cultural and economic phenomena.

In order to attain the objectives of the study, descriptive methods are used to assess geographical location and the dynamics of population movement. Socio-cultural and economic change is investigated using variables such as language, education, income, type of housing, traditions and beliefs. Further methods aplied are observation and interviews, in particular qualitative interviews with key informants and questionnaires for quantitative surveys, besides secondary data.

References Al-Dagass, M. (1996): Social Change between Practice and Theory. Majdalowy House for Publication and Distribution, Jordan. Al-Hadi, A. (1995): Sociology and Development. College of Art, University of Khartoum, Sudan. IDMC – Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (2007), www.internal-displacement.org King, R. (1986): Return Migration and Regional Problems. Croom Helm Australia Ltd. Komey, G. (2005): Regional Disparity in National Development of the Sudan and Its Impact on Nation Building: with reference to the peripheral region of the Nuba Mountains. University of Khartoum, Sudan.

202 Regional Dimensions of, and Institutional Solutions to the Sudan’s Civil War: 1990-2009

George Katete

Research Problem The manner by which a Peace Agreement was ultimately realized on January 9, 2005, following the past twenty-one year old intra-state war in the Sudan is unique, particularly during this era of International Humanitarian Intervention. Unlike other attempts to resolve violent conflicts using vigorous military intervention by Western states in East Africa, as was the case in Somalia or Rwanda (Abiew 1999), this mecha- nism was not attempted for the case of Sudan’s North-South conflict, even though the war caused a lot of deaths and refugee spillovers. What made the international community not take military action? Was the International Community for the first time in the post-Cold War era, complying with the principle of state sovereignty and non-intervention according to the Charter of the United Nations (UN)? What mechanisms led to a peaceful resolution of the Sudan’s north-south conflict, and how workable are these mechanisms?

It is the regionally mediated Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which was signed by the leadership of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GOS) in Nairobi that ended Africa’s longest civil war. Despite this achievement, it remains prema- ture to make a solid conclusion that the CPA has successfully brought the conflict to a complete end (Kiir, 2007; Grawert/El-Battahani, 2007; Katete, 2007).

Research Objectives and Questions This study aims to establish the potentials of regionalism as a modern strategy of governance beyond the state, which aids in conflict resolu-

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 203 tion through an institutional model. In the scholarly discourse, studies on regionalism as a new initiative of conflict resolution in the greater Horn of Africa have almost been neglected.

This research therefore focuses on the past and current events surrounding Sudan and its neighboring states with the aim to scientifically establish ● what role the neighboring states played in the conflicts in Sudan (regional dimensions of the Sudan’s war) ● how the regional body known as Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), with support from the UN, nurtures peace (institutional solutions) ● how the implementation of the CPA will affect the regional power relations and market forces ● the spill-over effects of the CPA to the international politics and international markets ● how the future political-economic relations in the Greater Horn will be shaped.

The research is guided by the following questions: ● Is a regionally mediated peace agreement a viable alternative of peace-making by which international military intervention can be avoided? ● Which institutional conditions are required for such a model or was the Sudan’s North-South peace process only a unique case? ● More specifically, the study will investigate the following: ● Why did the Sudanese warring parties finally agree with the provisions of the regionally mediated CPA of 2005? ● How far does the implementation of the provisions of the Sudan’s CPA satisfy the SPLA and the National Congress Party (NCP), both parties who form the transitional central Sudanese Government of National Unity (GONU)?

204 ● How does the implementation of the CPA impact on politics and power, on the one hand, and economic and market relations, on the other hand, at the regional level as well as internationally?

Methodology and the Theoretical Approaches The research questions are answered through an application of empirical methods and theoretical approaches. Primary data are collected from political actors and institutions involved in cross border peace initiatives, trade and investment, international organizations having a stake in reconstruction initiatives in the Sudan as well as from meetings with governmental authorities involved in issues of governance in Sudan. Structured questionnaires are distributed whenever there are no opportunities to directly meet the interviewees. Focused group discussions and participant observation are further methods applied to collect primary information during the CPA implementation. Internet sources concerning interaction between Sudan and other countries in the region and internationally and newspaper articles focusing on implementation of the CPA are being analyzed and the relevant literature is being reviewed. The primary data will be analyzed using content analysis.

In order to explain the changing methods of conflict resolution, three complementary international relations theories are applied. These are Institutionalism, Constructivism and Regionalism. The core assumption in these theories is that aggressive acts can be resolved through diplo- matic negotiations embedded in institutional settings and not through the adoption of violent military means.

References Abiew, F. (1999): The Evolution of the Doctrine and Practice of Humani- tarian Intervention. The Hague: Kluwer.

Political, Economic, and Social Dynamics 205 Grawert, E./El-Battahani, A. (2007): Oil Cursed, in: Development and Cooperation, Vol. 34, 3 : 110-113, also available at http://www.inwent.org/EZ/content/archives-eng/03- 2007/foc_arts.html Katete, G. (2007): Sampling of Governmental Authorities and Institu- tions within the Horn of Africa and Their Growing Responsibility on Governance in Sudan after the CPA of 2005. Nairobi: unpublished report. Kiir, S. (2007) Speech of Salvar Kiir on the 9th January 2007 during the inauguration ceremony of the second anniversary of the CPA. United Nations Charter, available at http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/

206 Communicable Diseases in Sub-Saharan Africa Molecular Characterization and Estimation of Public Health Relevance of Hemorrhagic Fever Viruses Circulating in Ghana and Nigeria (Privat-Dozent Dr. Stephan Günther and Partners)

Background The term “viral hemorrhagic fever” (VHF) describes a variety of viral diseases which are characterised by fever and bleeding in humans. This syndrome is caused by RNA viruses belonging to the families Filoviridae (Ebola virus and Marburg virus), Arenaviridae (Lassa virus), Bunyaviridae (Crimean-Congo hemorrhagic fever [CCHF] virus, Rift Valley fever [RVF] virus), and Flaviviridae (yellow fever virus and dengue virus) (Table 1). Very recently, the bunyavirus Ngari, which was first isolated from mosquitoes in Senegal in 1979, was associated with hemorrhagic fever in sub-Saharan Africa. After transmission from their reservoir host or vector to humans, these viruses cause an acute infection and there is no evidence of chronic courses.

Lassa virus and other VHF are prevalent in West Africa and led to outbreaks with considerable morbidity and mortality in the past. However, up-to-date information on prevalence and geographic distribution of these viruses is largely lacking. Our preliminary data indicate that Lassa fever is still a significant disease burden in Nigeria. In Ghana, there is evidence for hemorrhagic fevers but the causative agents are unknown. Molecular tools to diagnose Lassa fever and other VHF are not established in Nigeria and Ghana. We assume that the current paucity of reports on VHF in both countries is at least in part due to the lack of diagnostic tools. National research programmes aiming at identifying and characterising VHF agents, as well as estimating their public health relevance do not exist.

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 207 VHF in Ghana Hemorrhagic fevers have been occurring in the northern sector of Ghana since many years. Ghana is a classical endemic area of yellow fever and several outbreaks occurred in the past. With the mass vaccination in West Africa in the 1940s and 1950s, yellow fever virtually disappeared but remained as an endemic disease, but there was a resurgence of the outbreaks after mass vaccination was stopped. Antibodies to yellow fever virus have since 1993 annually been detected in some, but not all, haemorrhagic fever cases (M Osei-Kwasi, unpublished data).

Other viruses which are known to cause hemorrhagic fevers in man such as Dengue virus, Ebola virus, CCHF virus, RVF virus, and Lassa virus have been identified in the neighbouring countries of Togo, Ivory Coast, Nigeria, Benin, Niger, and Burkina Faso. Aedes mosquitoes and Mastomys rodents, found in all West African countries, are known reservoirs for some of these viruses and give rise to the possibility that the non-yellow fever hemorrhagic fever cases may have some of the other viruses as causative agents. There is also evidence for monkeypox virus activity in Ghana. Small mammals imported from Ghana caused an outbreak of monkeypox in the United States. However, the lack of appropriate diagnostic tools in most West African countries make it impossible to establish the true causes of most of these outbreaks.

VHF in Nigeria The first documented viral infection in Nigeria was yellow fever. There were more than 10 severe outbreaks between 1913 and 1991; with cases reported from all the 3 regions that made up Nigeria. Between 1986 and 1990, Nigeria reported 15,000 yellow fever cases which represented 96% of all reported yellow fever cases from Africa. WHO reported the latest yellow fever cases in 2000. Lassa fever is another burden reported for the first time in the world from Nigeria in 1969. There have been reports on nosocomial outbreaks of Lassa fever with case fatality rates of 65%.

208 Apart from these two VHF viruses of major public health importance, a number of other viruses were isolated from both human and animal disease outbreaks, including Chikungunya virus, West-Nile virus, and Wesselsbron virus.

Molecular diagnostic techniques were not available until very recently through collaboration efforts with colleagues in both USA and the Europe. The technique is still in its infancy in Nigeria. Few laboratories have the basic infrastructure with few experts around in Nigeria. This accounts for scanty knowledge of true molecular epidemiology of many of these viruses circulating in Nigeria. It directly reflects our poor recognition and mismanagement of these viral diseases in both human and animals in Nigeria.

Objectives Assessing prevalence and case fatality rate of Lassa fever in hospitals in endemic areas of Nigeria. 1. Sequence analysis, molecular epidemiology, and phylogeny of Lassa virus strains circulating in different areas of Nigeria. 2. Improvement of molecular tests using novel Lassa virus sequence information. 3. Describing the spectrum of clinical symptoms associated with Lassa fever in Nigeria. 4. Identification of viral agents causing hemorrhagic fever in Ghana. 5. Molecular characterization of these viruses by complete genome sequencing. 6. Establishment of molecular tools for diagnosing these viruses in Ghana. 7. Estimating their impact on public health in Ghana.

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 209 Work program According to the objectives, the work program is divided into 6 work packages (WP). WP1 is focused on the establishment of study sites in areas of Nigeria and Ghana where cases of Lassa fever or unknown VHF were reported in the past. Blood specimens and basic clinical information will be collected at hospitals located in these areas based on a simple case definition for VHF (WP2). In parallel, PhD students are being trained in serological and molecular techniques for virus detection (WP3) and these techniques will be established at laboratories in Ghana and Nigeria (WP4). The patient samples will be analysed for VHF agents in the laboratories in Ghana and Nigeria. Advanced testing, genetic characterization of the identified viruses, and the improvement or establishment of specific detection systems for these agents is performed at BNITM (WP5). The activities will be linked to local public health authorities and WHO networks by sharing of information and distribution of laboratory methods (WP6).

Participants/Contact:

Privat-Dozent Dr. Stephan Günther Dr. Meike Hass Bernhard Nocht Institute for Tropical Medicine Department of Virology Bernhard-Nocht-Str. 74 20359 Hamburg, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

210 Dr. Christian Drosten Bernhard Nocht Institute for Tropical Medicine Clinical Virology Unit Bernhard-Nocht-Str. 74 20359 Hamburg, GERMANY E-mail. [email protected]

Professor Dr. Sunday Aremu Omilabu Ms. Deborah Ehichioya University of Lagos Department of Medical Microbiology and Parasitology Virology Research Unit Idi-Araba, Lagos, NIGERIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Mubarak Osei-Kwasi Dr. Ellen Osei University of Ghana Noguchi Memorial Institute for Medical Research Virology Unit P.O. Box LG581 Legon, GHANA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 211 Communicable Diseases in Sub-Saharan Africa Wolbachia Endobacteria in Filarial Infections – Exploring Their Usefulness as Targets for Novel Chemotherapies that Are Anti-filarial, Reduce Filarial Pathology and Interrupt Transmission (Prof. Dr. Achim Hörauf and Partners)

Abstract-background Filarial infections belong to the major diseases in sub-saharan Africa and are strongly associated with poverty. At present, WHO-led control activities in Africa mainly rely on mass administration of microfilaricidal drugs, with quite some success. However, it has become clear that new, complementary therapies must be developed for sustainable control. In lymphatic filariasis (LF), there is the additional need to deliver new therapies for lymphatic pathology, i.e. lymphedema and urogenital pathology such as hydrocele, filaricele and lymphocele, which are not targeted by current mass drug administrations. Depletion of Wolbachia essential endosymbionts of filariae with doxycycline, an approach established by members of this consortium, resulted in macrofilaricidal activity in LF and in long-term-sterilizing activity of adult female worms in onchocerciasis, thus providing “proof of principle” that therapies which target Wolbachia can fulfil major requirements by WHO and the filariasis community for such new drugs.

In this project, we want to: 1) search for new anti-wolbachial antibiotics, which have the potential of broader use than doxycycline, and thus analyze the efficacy of azithromycin; 2 and 3) investigate to what extent LF pathology (lymphedema (2) and urogenital pathology (3)) is caused by Wolbachia and to translate this knowledge into a novel treatment approach for LF pathology; 4) analyze the role of Wolbachia in the local and systemic immune responses in LF;

212 5) analyze, by immunohistology, the impact of anti-wolbachial chemotherapy on the embryogenesis and survival of adult Wuchereria bancrofti worms, which until now have never systematically been analyzed by histological methods; 6) find out if there is a role of filarial Wolbachia in the development of infective larvae (L3) in the vectors and thus, in transmission.

The project involves intensive intra-African collaborations and technology transfer (Cameroon, Ghana and Tanzania) The knowledge gained by this project will be crucial for better understanding the functional role of Wolbachia endosymbionts in human filariasis but also be usable for translation into clinical practice.

Work-packages and collaborating partners: No. Project (work-packages) Collaborating partners in I Analysis of the anti-filarial Ghana, Germany activity of azithromycin in LF II Role of Wolbachia in the Cameroon, Ghana, Tanzania, development of lymphedema Germany III Role of Wolbachia in the Ghana, Tanzania, Germany development of filariceles in comparison to hydroceles IV Analysis of the role of Cameroon, Ghana, Tanzania, Wolbachia in local and Germany systemic pro-inflammatory immune responses V Immunohistological analysis Ghana, Tanzania, Germany of the effect of doxycycline on adult W. bancrofti worms VI Role of Wolbachia in develop- Cameroon, Germany ment of infective larvae (L3) in insect vectors and in transmission

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 213 Participants/Contact:

Professor Dr. Achim Hoerauf (coordinator) Dr. Sabine Mand Dr. Sabine Specht University of Bonn Institute of Medical Microbiology, Immunology and Parasitology (IMMIP) Sigmund Freud Str. 25 53105 Bonn, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Ohene Adjei Mr. Alexander Yaw Debrah Mr. Yeboah Marfo-Debrekyei Kwame Nkruma University of Science and Technology (KNUST) Kumasi Centre of Collaborative Research (KCCR) Kumasi, GHANA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

214 Professor Dr. Samuel Wanji Dr. Nicolas Tendongfor Mr. Mathias Esum Enyong Mr. Tanga MBI Chrysantus University of Buea Department of Life Science P.O. Box 63 Buea, CAMEROON E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Williams Makunde National Institute for Medical Research (NIMR) Bombo Research Field Station P.O. Box 950 Tanga, TANZANIA E-mail: [email protected]

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 215 Subprojects: Wolbachia Endobacteria in Filarial Infections – Exploring Their Usefulness as Targets for Novel Chemotherapies that Are Anti- filarial, Reduce Filarial Pathology and Interrupt Transmission

Alexander Yaw Debrah

Background Lymphatic filariasis is a disease of considerable socioeconomic burden in the tropics. About 200 million people are infected, 50 million with pathology, and 1.3 billion at risk of contracting the infection. The filarial worms causing the disease are transmitted in the larval stage (L3, <1mm) by mosquitoes and they develop into adult worms of up to 10 cm residing in the lymphatic vessels. The currently used anti-filarial drugs kill the microfilariae, and are therefore, able to strongly reduce transmission if given as mass treatment to communities, and thus may ultimately lower the burden of morbidity associated with the infection. However, a chemotherapeutic principle that directly induces a halt in the progression of the morbidity in already infected individuals would constitute a major lead in combating the disease.

Wolbachia and inflammation Wolbachia are intracellular bacteria (order rickettsiales) that have sym- biotic/mutualistic lifestyle within the nematode hosts, since at least 50 million years. The relatedness of Wolbachia to rickettsiales makes them susceptible to tetracycline antibiotics. Depletion of Wolbachia was shown, by our group and others, to lead to a block of embryogenesis and infertil- ity of the adult worms, and ultimately to their death. This is important as there are as yet no non-toxic drugs against the long-lived (up to 15 years) adult worms. In addition, Wolbachia have been shown to induce release of TNF and other pro-inflammatory cytokines from macrophages upon ingestion. Since there is a high turn-over of microfilariae (many of which are born degenerated) that are taken up by macrophages, the immune system is chronically exposed to Wolbachia in infected

216 patients. In turn, this could chronically stimulate lymphangiogenesis as high concentrations of decay worm materials are expected at the site where the adult worms live.

Aim of the study/work-packages 1. investigate to what extent LF pathology (lymphedema and urogenital pathology) is caused by Wolbachia and to translate this knowledge into a novel treatment approach for LF pathology 2. analyze the role of Wolbachia in the local and systemic immune responses of LF 3. analyze by immunohistology, the impact of anti-wolbachial chemotherapy on the embryogenesis and survival of adult Wuchereria bancrofti worms, which until now have never systematically been analyzed by histological methods

Methods and Preliminary results Result 1: Depletion of Wolbachia by doxycycline -assessed by PCR Wolbachia loads per microfilaria determined by quantitative PCR were significantly reduced by 95% four months after doxycycline treatment. Result 2: Loss of worm nests (macrofilaricidal effect) -assessed by ultrasonography (USG). In male patients worm nests in the scrotum (Filaria Dance Sign, FDS) are regularly (>80%) observed and are stable over time. At 24 months after treatment with doxycycline only approximately 15% of patients still had worm nests (which could possibly be new infections after killing of the old adult worms). Result 3: There was a significant reduction (P=0.03) of pro-inflammatory cytokines (TNF, IL-1, IL-6, IL-8) in patients plasma after doxycycline treatment -assessed by ELISA. Result 4: Reduction of lymphangiogenic factors: Plasma levels of vascular endothelial growth factor-C (VEGF-C) and its soluble receptor, sVEGFR-3 (vascular endothelial growth factor receptor-3)

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 217 in microfilaraemic and lymphedema patients were significantly reduced (P<0.05) 12 months after doxycycline treatment- assessed by ELISA. Results 5: Dilation of supratesticular lymphatic vessels-assessed by USG. In male patients worms preferentially reside in the scrotum. Frequently there is a drastic dilation of lymphatic vessels (even in those without worm), which significantly decreased (P=0.04) 24 months after treatment with doxycycline. Result 6: Amelioration of lymphedema Lymphedema staging was performed according to the lymphedema score by Dreyer et al. 2000. There was a strong decrease of lymphedema stages (P=0.005) 12 months after the first round of treatment with doxycycline for 6 weeks-verified by staging. Result 7: Amelioration of hydrocele There was a significant reduction of the stage/size of hydrocele 24 months after doxycycline treatment in patients who had active infection (CFA-positive patients) (P=0.02) but not in CFA-negative patients-assessed by USG. Conclusion: In lymphatic filariasis there is chronic immune-stimulation by Wolbachia as macrophages clear degenerated worm materials. Cytokines stimulate lymphangiogenesis, and depletion of Wolbachia by doxycycline reverses this process and ameliorates lymphatic pathology.

The ongoing study (sub-projects 2, 3, 4, 5) in Ghana is based on these preliminary data.

Status of the work packages of the study in Ghana The ongoing study is being done in 19 villages in Nzema East District and 10 villages in Ahanta West District, all in the Western region of Ghana, along the coast of the Atlantic ocean. From these 29 villages, 172 lymphedema and 82 hydrocele patients were recruited. Of the 172 lymphedema patients, 136 received the full course of treatment and 36 were excluded because they did not meet the study’s inclusion criteria.

218 Of these 136 treated patients, 50 were antigen-positive (CFA-positive) and 86 were antigen-negative. Of the 82 hydrocele patients recruited, 68 were treated and 14 were excluded. Of these 68 patients, 16 were antigen-positive and 52 were antigen-negative.

First follow up (4 months after treatment) The first follow up re-examination was undertaken 4 months after doxycycline treatment in January/February 2007. Of the 136 lymphedema patients treated, 118 (44 antigen-positive and 74 antigen-negative) patients were present for re-examination at the 4 months follow up; and of the 68 hydrocele patients treated 53, (14 antigen-positive and 39 antigen-negative) were also present at 4 months follow up re-examination.

Hydrocelectomy Nine patients underwent hydrocelectomy 4 months after doxycycline treatment in February 2007. Of the 9 patients, 6 had bilateral and 3 had unilateral hydrocele. The tissues and the hydrocele fluid obtained during hydrocelectomy are being analyzed for levels of VEGFs molecules and immunohistological parameters.

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 219 The Role of Wolbachia in the Development of Onchocerca volvulus Infective Stage 3 Larvae (l3) in the Simulium Vector – Impact on the Transmission of Onchocerciasis

Mathias Esum Eyong

Summary Filarial infections affect more than150 million people in the tropics. One of the major forms onchocerciasis, is caused by Onchocerca volvulus. The chronicity and morbidity of onchocerciasis are associated with the longevity of adult worms (>14 years) and the production of millions of microfilariae (MF), which populate the skin and the eye. Existing control programmes by the WHO rely on mass administration of mainly microfilaricidal drugs (MDA) that have the potential to reduce MF loads in infected humans and thus, transmission by the insect vectors. However, severe problems remain that may impede sustainable control. The drug used for MDA, ivermectin, does not permanently sterilize adult worms, and therefore, only prolonged (decades) high coverage (>80%) programmes have a chance of interrupting transmission. Cessation or inter- ruption of mass treatment, or too low coverage in the population, can quickly lead to re-emergence of onchocerciasis, and there are well-documented situations where transmission is continuing even after 10-12 years of ivermectin. It is also likely that O. volvulus will develop resistance to ivermectin, as seen in the veterinary field. Indeed, studies in Ghana have identified O. volvulus populations that are non-responsive to ivermectin. Thus, it is almost certain that repeated iverrmectin mass treatment will not lead to the elimination of transmission of onchocerciasis from West Africa.

There is a pressing need to develop additional chemotherapeutic approaches which either kill adult worms or lead to long-term sterility.

220 In recent years, key pilot trials have been performed with a new chemotherapeutical approach, which targets the essential Wolbachia endobacteria present in many filariae, among them, O. volvulus. This approach has resulted in a far better therapeutic efficacy, leading to long-term sterilization of adult female worms in onchocerciasis. One major finding of key trials in humans with doxycycline, one of the most- used tetracyclines, given at 100mg/day for 6 weeks to onchocerciasis patients, results in depletion of Wolbachia and long-term sterility, which lasts for at least 24 months. This fulfils two important criteria of the WHO for new drug principles, i.e. long-term efficacy, and low costs for drug development since doxycycline is already registered.

Recent studies have revealed which stages of filarial development in the mammalian host require the presence of Wolbachia endobacteria. The overall consensus is that the development from fertilized oocytes over the morula to the (coiled and stretched) microfilarial stage is the most sensitive to Wolbachia depletion. Second to embryogenesis, with regard to sensitivity to Wolbachia depletion, is the development from the infective L3 to adult worms. The microfilarial stage is rather unaffected by the loss of Wolbachia.

Until now, however, no data exists to the question whether Wolbachia are needed, once the microfilariae have been taken up by the transmitting insect vector for their development into the infective larval stage. An answer to this question would lead to a considerable gain of knowledge on the biology of Wolbachia-filaria endosymbiosis in the vector environment, and in practical terms, on the role of Wolbachia in the transmission of filariae.

Objectives The aim of the study is to investigate whether Wolbachia endobacteria are essential in the transmission of onchocerciasis.

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 221 The specific objectives include: 1. The role of Wolbachia in the development of O. volvulus microfilaria to the infective larvae (L3) in the Simulium vector. 2. The role of Wolbachia in the development of O. volvulus L3 to the adult stage

Patient recruitment Volunteers for the study were selected from four neighboring villages in the onchocerciasis-endemic Province of South West Cameroon.

Methods Two bloodless skin biopsies, one each from the back of the knee of each consented participant were asceptically obtained and immersed in 100ml of 0.9% NaCl solution in a separate well of a labeled 96 – well round – bottom microtitre plate. The plates were transported to the laboratory and the skin biopsies incubated overnight at room temperature to allow the emergence of the MF into the saline solution. The microfilariae were counted using the 10-fold magnification of a microscope and the number of mf from the biopsy expressed as the number of mf per milligram (MF/mg) of skin.

Male volunteer O. volvulus MF positive individuals aged between 21 and 50 years, in good general health conditions, with a MF density of 10 MF and above per snip were included in the study.

Randomized, Double-blind placebo controlled treatment with doxycycline 12 consented volunteers were randomly allocated into two treatment groups, 6 in one group treated with doxycycline (200mg per day) and 6 in the other group treated with placebo (control) for 6 weeks.

222 Engorgement of Simulium Flies Fed Simulium flies were captured on consented volunteers at the banks of the Mungo River in Yoke before and after the treatment. Each fed fly was captured in a small plastic container and the flies of each volunteer were kept separately in plastic baskets. The flies were transported in cold boxes and kept in the insectarium for 7 days to allow the MF to develop into the infective larvae (L3). The flies were dissected under a dissecting microscope and the developing larvae (L1, L2, and L3) collected and stored separately in eppendorf tubes in 80% ethanol for PCR quantification of Wolbachia load and examination for morphological alteration of the larvae.

Monitoring of microfilarial load after treatment During the 6 months that flies were captured on the volunteers, skin biopsies were obtained on a monthly basis, in order to assess the volunteers MF load after the treatment. The MF were stored in 80% ethanol for PCR quantification of Wolbachia load.

Preliminary results Before treatment, a total of 4805 flies were captured on the 12 volunteers and1800 flies were dissected. 153 - L1, 871 - L2 and 8601 - L3 larvae were collected respectively. After treatment, a total of 18510 flies have been captured, 5946 dissected and 4662 - L1, 8986 - L2 and 25859 - L3 larvae collected. All the larvae were stored in 80% ethanol. At month 4 post- treatment, the proportion of stage 2 larvae (L2) increased demonstrating delay in the growth of larvae in the vectors. This may be related to the depletion of Wolbachia from Onchocerca microfilariae.

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 223 Communicable Diseases in Sub-Saharan Africa Phase Change Material to Treat Buruli Ulcer through Heat Treatment (Dr. Thomas Junghanss and Partners)

The project is in its initial phase as a pilot study. It is therefore not possible to report about the current state or interim results.

Participants/Contact:

Dr. Thomas Junghanss University Hospital of Heidelberg Section Clinical Tropical Medicine Im Neuenheimer Feld 324 69120 Heidelberg, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Gerd Pluschke Swiss Tropical Institute Molecular Immunology Unit Socinstr. 57 4002 Basel, SWITZERLAND E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Ernestina Mensah-Quainoo District Health Directorate Buruli Ulcer Unit P.O. Box Am 189 Amasaman, GHANA E-mail: [email protected]

224 Dr. Alphonse Um Boock Aide aux Lepreux Emmaüs – Suisse (ALES) Bureau Regional pour l’Afrique B.P. 5807 Yaoundé, CAMEROON E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Dorothy Yeboah-Manu University of Ghana Noguchi Memorial Institute for Medical Research P.O. Box LG581 Legon, GHANA E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Helmut Weinläder Bavarian Center for Applied Energy Research Am Hubland 97074 Würzburg, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 225 Communicable Diseases in Sub-Saharan Africa Meningococcal Meningitis in Sub-Saharan Africa: From the Understanding of the Dynamics of Colo- nization and Disease Patterns to Improved Control (Dr. Thomas Junghanss und Partners)

Meningococcal meningitis continues to be a major cause of morbidity and mortality in sub-Saharan Africa, with nearly 400 million people at risk of periodic, large-scale epidemics of this devastating disease. Within individual areas of the so called African ‘meningitis belt’, major disease epidemics occur in irregular cycles every 8-12 years. They start in the early dry season, stop abruptly at the onset of the rains, but may break out again in the following dry season. The periodicity of these epidemics is not well understood, nor is it possible to predict them accurately. The current approach for control of meningococcal disease epidemics is based on early detection of the disease by the epidemic threshold of 10-15 cases per 100,000 inhabitants per week followed by mass immuni- sations with capsule polysaccharide vaccines. Since the unconjugated polysaccharides are not immunogenic in infants, do not induce long term immunological memory and do not prevent carriage, they can only be used to limit epidemics. Conjugate vaccines, which are currently being developed for the serogroups implicated in epidemic meningitis, could prevent outbreaks. It is likely that they will achieve their main effect by reducing nasopharyngeal carriage of meningococci, as has been the case with a related (serogroup C) vaccine. Serogroup replacement and the emergence of escape variants are potential disadvantageous effects associated with developing herd immunity.

Neisseria meningitides, the meningococcus, is a commensal of the human nasopharyngeal mucosa. It is transmitted by aerosol droplets or through contact with respiratory secretions. Because meningococcal transmission is independent of disease, characterization of the carrier state is crucial for understanding the epidemiology of meningococcal

226 disease. We therefore are investigating meningococcal colonisation and disease in two health districts located in the meningitis belt of sub-Saharan Africa by twice yearly colonisation surveys. In addition, meningococcal disease is monitored throughout the year and patient isolates are compared to the colonisation isolates. Study sites are the Nouna Health District of Burkina Faso and the Kassena-Nankana District (KND) of Ghana.

Our multi-locus sequence typing (MLST) data of colonization and disease isolates indicate, that we stand at the moment at the beginning of a third large wave of epidemics caused by a clone belonging to the subgroup A/subgroup III clonal-complex. Subgroup III meningococci with the sequence type (ST) 5 have caused major epidemics in the African meningitis belt after an epidemic in Mecca during the Hajj 1987. They were replaced in the 1990s by serogroup A, subgroupIII/ST7 meningococci. ST7 bacteria differ from ST5 bacteria in MLST only in one of the seven housekeeping genes analysed, the pgm allele (pgm19 versus pgm3, in ST% and ST7, respectively). Now we are observing both in northern Ghana and in Burkina Faso ST2859 bacteria, which differ from ST7 bacteria again in only one allele (adk3 versus adk1, respectively). Whether this new lineage evolved within the African meningitis belt or outside, remains to be analyzed. Population genomic analyses are required to understand the genetic basis for the emergence of new lineages with epidemic potential. However, our preliminary comparative proteom analyses are indicating that ST5, ST7 and ST2859 serogroup A meningococci differ substantially from each other and are thus speaking against a very recent separation of these lineages.

In the meningitis season of 2006 the Nouna Health district, concentrated around health facilities in the north, has been hit by a serogroup A ST2859 meningococcal meningitis outbreak. In a colonization survey conducted in response to this development in a heavily affected commu-

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 227 nity, a high colonization rate with ST2859 meningococci was observed in April 2006. This colonization rate was still high when a second survey was conducted in November 2006, but had dropped considerably in April 2007, when a third survey was done. This decrease correlated with a decrease in meningococcal meningitis cases in the dry season of 2007. However, other districts of Burkina Faso reported major outbreaks in 2007.

In the southern part the Nouna district we have observed a persistently high level of colonization with serogroup Y meningococci associated with only small numbers of cases of serogroup Y meningococcal meningitis. It will be interesting to investigate further, whether colonization by the Y meningococci protects the population in the south of the Nouna district from colonization and disease by the hyper-virulent serogroup A ST2859 clone.

While serogroup A ST2895 meningococci have spread in Burkina Faso, we have now isolated them in the dry season of 2007 for the first time in Ghana. Four serogroup A, ST2859 meningococcal meningitis cases in the KND could be reconfirmed. In addition, we demonstrated that also an outbreak in a neighbouring district was caused by this meningococcal clone. Overall, 6.3% of the population of the KND turned out to carry ST2895 meningococci with colonization being strongly focused on two compounds in the north of the KND, close to the border to Burkina Faso. There are serious concerns that further spread may be associated in the next dry seasons with severe outbreaks of ST2859 disease in Ghana and elsewhere in the African meningitis belt.

228 Participants/Contact:

Dr. Thomas Junghanss Ms. Jaswinder Kaur University Hospital of Heidelberg Section Clinical Tropical Medicine Im Neuenheimer Feld 324 69120 Heidelberg, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Gerd Pluschke Mr. Valentin Pflüger Swiss Tropical Institute Molecular Immunology Unit Socinstr. 57 4002 Basel, SWITZERLAND E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Abudulai Adam Forgor Dr. Abraham Hodgson Navrongo Health Research Centre P. O. Box 114 Navrongo, GHANA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 229 Dr. Mamadou Bountogo Dr. Ali Sié Mr. Augustin Zoungrana Nouna Health Research Centre P.O. Box 02 Nouna, BURKINA FASO E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

230 Subprojects: Emergence of Neisseria meningitidis Serogroup A ST2859 in Northern Ghana

Abudulai A. Forgor

Introduction While meningococcal meningitis occurs worldwide, its impact is highest in the Meningitis Belt of sub-Saharan Africa, where major epidemics reoccur periodically every 8-12 years with nearly 400 million people at risk. The introduction of new hypervirulent meningococcal clones coupled with extreme climatic conditions and low immunisation status and coverage of the population against the offending serogroup are some of the enabling factors for these epidemics. We describe here for the first time serogroup A subgroup III ST2859 meningococcal carriage and disease in Ghana.

Methods We carried out three colonisation surveys in the Kassena Nankana District (KND) of Northern Ghana from spring 2006 to spring 2007 involving 37 randomly selected compounds. Cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) was collected from suspected meningitis cases during the same period in the KND and a neighbouring district where there was an outbreak of meningococcal meningitis. Throat swabs and CSF samples were analysed by standard microbiological methods locally and isolates were further analysed using Multi Locus Sequence Typing (MLST), Pulse Field Gel Electrophoresis (PFGE) and Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) at the Swiss Tropical Institute, Basel.

Results Out of the 316 swab samples plated during the 18th carriage survey in series, there were 26 (8.2%) positive for meningococcal growth after a previous absence of colonisation in 334 swab samples six months earlier.

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 231 Of these meningococci 24 (92.3%) were non-serogroupables ST192 and two (7.7%) serogroup Y, ST168. Identified in addition, were 17 (5.4%) N. lactamica carriers. Out of 306 swabs plated during the 19th carriage survey, 22 (7.2%) were N. meningitidis of which 19 (86.4%) were serogroup A subgroup III ST2859, three (13.6%) non-groupables, ST192 with only one N. lactamica. Overall, 6.3% of the randomly selected inhabitants of the KND turned out to carry ST2859 meningococci with colonization being strongly focused on two compounds in the north of the district, close to the border with Burkina Faso. Of the 74 CSF samples analysed during the same period, 11 (14.9%) were N. meningitidis, of which four were serogroup A, subgroup III ST2859, one serogroup W135 and one serogroup X. In addition, five (20.3%) cases of Streptococcus pneumoniae but no case of Haemophilus influenzae type b meningitis was observed, demonstrating the efficacy of childhood vaccination against H. influenzae b implemented in Ghana.

Conclusion In a prospective colonisation and disease study we have observed the first emergence of the N. meningitidis serogroup A subgroup III/ST2859 clone in Ghana. These hypervirulent meningococci have caused outbreaks in Burkina Faso in 2006/7 and the risk for meningitis outbreak in Ghana will be high in the coming meningitis seasons. Surveillance on meningitis should therefore be intensified including extension of colonisation surveys. Introduction of appropriate conjugate vaccines should be a high priority for public health planning. Population genomic analyses will be required to understand the genetic basis for the emergence of new meningococcal lineages with epidemic potential.

232 Dynamics of Meningococcal Colonisation and Disease in a Rural District of Burkina Faso

Sié A., Leimkugel J., Pflüger V., Dangy JP, Coulibaly B., Kapaun A., Pluschke G., Junghanss T.

Since 100 years outbreaks of meningococcal meningitis recur in the African Meningitis Belt with a periodicity of 8-12 years and incidence rates of up to 1% of the affected population.

The mechanisms leading to the spread of clonal complexes of Neisseria meningitidis and to epidemics of disease are still unclear. Thus, epidemic meningococcal meningitis remains a continuous threat for the countries of the Meningitis Belt of sub-Saharan Africa despite all the effort for controlling this disease. In years 1996/1997, ~40’000 cases occurred in BF and roughly 150’000 in Africa, with serogroup A, ST5. Between 2001-2004 repeated serogroup A (ST7) and serogroup W135 epidemics (Taha et al. 2002;Nicolas et al. 2005;Traore et al. 2006), have been reported in different places in Burkina Faso.

The basic design of this study is to analyze (1) the dynamics of meningococcal nasopharyngeal colonization, (2)the cerebrospinal fluids of all suspected meningitis patients attending the district health services and (3)the clinical pattern of disease.

In a pilot phase of this study, a meningitis surveillance system covering all 25 Health posts and the district hospital of the Nouna Health district has been established since early 2004.

Materials and Methods The study was performed in the Nouna Health District (NHD) in the Kossi region in Burkina Faso. It’s population is 296’007 and it covers 7464.44 km2

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 233 (ECD Nouna 2005). The district has 25 Health Centers, each covering on average 11’840 inhabitants, and one District Hospital in the city of Nouna.

The Nouna Health Research Center (CRSN) entertains a Demographic Surveillance System (DSS) covering 76’847 individuals of the district population, living in roughly 9000 households with a mean household size of 8.0 in the south of the district (Ye et al. 2002).

Case study Cerebrospinal Fluid (CSF) was taken for diagnostic reason from suspected meningitis patients presenting to a Health Facility of the Nouna Health District and transported to the laboratory of the Nouna Hospital within six hours. There, latex agglutination, direct gram stain as well as cultivation on Blood- and Chocolate Agar using standard microbiological methods. The CSF samples have been stored at -20°C for reconfirmation by PCR later.

Carriage study A longitudinal meningococcal colonization surveys were carried out among the Nouna DSS population with a sample size of 300 peoples living in 37 compounds selected by cluster randomization. Furthermore, in an outbreak village, meningococcal carriage was determined and throat swabs have been collected in 10 compounds of confirmed or suspected meningococcal cases and 4 compounds with no suspected meningitis patient. Throat swabs were plated onto Thayer Martin Agar incubated at 37°C in candle jars for 24 hours. N. meningitidis and N. lactamica were identified and isolated using classical microbiological methods.

Results Disease Pattern in the Nouna Health District in 2006 Between 1st January and 30th July 2006, 410 suspected meningitis cases have been notified at the district level, and 214 CSF samples have been

234 collected. The epidemic threshold of 10 cases per 100’000 was crossed in week 13 and the outbreak reached its peak in week 16. Peak incidences were reported from the Health centre in Ira with 199 cases per 25’663 inhabitants overall (775 cases /100’000).

Laboratory diagnosis confirmed 82 cases of meningococcal meningitis, of these 72 were positive for serogroup A, 4 for serogroup Y and 1 for serogroup W135. For 5 culture negative samples the serogroup could not be determined. Furthermore, 15 S. pneumoniae and 10 H. influenzae cases were recorded. The mortality among patients with confirmed meningococcal meningitis cases was 6.25% (5/80) versus 46.2% (6/13) with pneu- mococcal meningitis. For none of the confirmed Haemophilus influenzae cases lethal outcome was reported.

Dynamic of Meningococcal Colonization Between April 2006 and April 2007, three surveys of Neisseria carriage were carried out in the DSS area in the south of the NHD and in the outbreak village in the North of the district.

In the south of the NHD, colonization with N. meningitidis decreased continuously from 11.4% (36/316) in April 2006 and 8.9% (27/302) in November 2006 to 3.8% (12/311) in April 2007. Serogroup Y was strongly dominating among the carrier strains representing between 81% (22/27) and 94% (34/36) of the carrier isolates.

In contrast, the carriage survey in the outbreak village in the North of the district revealed 13.3% (24/180) meningococcal colonization shortly after the epidemic, increasing to 37% (68/183) in November and declining to 7.8% (14/179) in April 2007. While in 2006, serogroup A was dominating among the carrier isolates with 92% (22/24) and 82% (56/68), its proportion decreased to 36% (5/14) one year after the outbreak.

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 235 The molecular analysis revealed that the serogroup A case- as well as carriage-isolates had the ST2859. Serogroup A meningococci of the same sequence type have been isolated in pilot studies conducted in 2004 and 2005 in the NHD.

Conclusions and Outlook These data show the coincidence of two clones of N. meningitidis in NHD during the year 2006. While the district experienced an outbreak due to N. meningitis A in the north of the NHD associated with a high colonization rate (12.2%, 22/180), in the south 10.8% (34/316) serogroup Y carriage caused only few meningitis cases. The ST2895 clone has been observed in Burkina Faso from 2003 on (Njanpop-Lafourcade et al. 2005) and has also been found in Niger in 2003 (pubmlst.org) and in Ghana in 2007 which could reflect the beginning of wide spreading. This is a new clone appearing as the replacement of ST7 and nothing is clear regarding his virulence. Serogroup Y is so far known to be less pathogenic, but recent outbreaks of W135 and X meningococcal meningitis indicate that several other serogroups may develop an epidemic potential. Therefore, the introduction of a meningococcal serogroup A conjugate vaccine raised concern about coverage of this vaccine and a potential serogroup replacement.

The way forward for our study is to collect more clinical data for assessing the clinical management and clinical surveillance taking into account the national treatment guidelines to accompany the epidemiological surveillance. Also pursuing the carriage survey of these parallel cohorts one in the north and the other in the south seem very relevant for a better understanding of N. meningitis behaviour in the NHD as well as the surveillance of the new strain serogroup A ST2859.

236 Reference List 1. ECD Nouna. Plan d’action 2006. 2005. District Sanitaire de Nouna. 2. Nicolas P, Norheim G, Garnotel E, Djibo S, & Caugant DA (2005) Molecular Epidemiology of Neisseria meningitidis Isolated in the African Meningitis Belt between 1988 and 2003 Shows Dominance of Sequence Type 5 (ST-5) and ST-11 Complexes.J.Clin.Microbiol. 43, 5129-5135. 3. Njanpop-Lafourcade BM, Parent DC, I, Sanou O, Alonso JM, & Taha MK (2005) The establishment of Neisseria meningitidis serogroup W135 of the clonal complex ET-37/ST-11 as an epidemic clone and the persistence of serogroup A isolates in Burkina Faso.Microbes.Infect. 7, 645-649. 4. Taha MK, Parent DC, I, Schlumberger M et al. (2002) Neisseria meningitidis serogroups W135 and A were equally prevalent among meningitis cases occurring at the end of the 2001 epidemics in Burkina Faso and Niger.J.Clin.Microbiol. 40, 1083-1084. 5. Traore Y, Njanpop-Lafourcade BM, Adjogble KL et al. (2006) The rise and fall of epidemic Neisseria meningitidis serogroup W135 meningitis in Burkina Faso, 2002-2005.Clin.Infect.Dis. 43, 817-822. 6. Ye Y, Gbangou A, & Koyaté B (2002) Nouna DSS, Burkina Faso: In Population and Health ed. INDEPTH, International Development Research Center, Ottawa, p.221.

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 237 Communicable Diseases in Sub-Saharan Africa Cutaneous Leishmaniasis in Northern Cameroon: Immunological Studies of Leishmania and Leish- mania/HIV Co-infection in the Mokolo Endemic Focus (Privat-Dozentin Dr. Esther von Stebut and Partners)

Cutaneous leishmaniasis (CL) is a protozoan parasitic disease with over a million new cases per year worldwide. Outbreaks of this infection can lead to serious health and socio-economic impact. Also, leishmaniasis is widely regarded to be one of the most important opportunistic infections in HIV+ individuals. Recently, a large number of studies of CL in murine and other systems have identified several important mechanisms of host immune responses raised against Leishmania major. For example, resistance to L. major in mice requires Th1 cellular responses characterized by IFNg production. In contrast, mice that are susceptible to L. major, i.e. that develop enlarged lesions and/or succumb to infection, exhibit Th2 responses and markedly increased production of IL-10. These observations have heightened hopes for the development of a cure and/or a vaccine for Leishmania infections. However, the relevance of these important findings for humans remains to be shown as virtually none of these experimental data have been confirmed in naturally infected CL patients.

Our present study will characterize in detail defined aspects of the immune response against L. major in CL patients and in patients co- infected with L. major and HIV. First, we will evaluate the prevalence of CL and Leishmania/HIV co-infection in an endemic focus of CL (northern Cameroon). Next, we will attempt to identify underlying cellular and humoral mechanisms of susceptibility and resistance in L. major-infected patients. Specifically, we will assess L. major-infected patients using parasitological, dermatological and immunological tools to correlate the clinical course of CL with the host immune response in affected patients. Finally, the medical personnel of the focus will be trained on the diagnosis, management and report of CL cases.

238 Our study will, for the first time, systematically assess the association of CL and HIV/AIDS in Central Africa. In addition, our investigation will provide a detailed characterization of the immune responses to L. major in naturally infected patients and those co-infected with HIV. These data could lead to the identification of novel mechanisms of protection against Leishmania. In the long run, our study could aid in the development of improved treatment concepts and in the generation of effective vaccine strategies against leishmanial infections. At the local level, the data expected from this study are important for the design of an effective control program of CL and Leishmania/HIV co-infection in northern Cameroon. The initial stages of this control scheme include accurate diagnosis and proper management of cases, both of which are integral aims of our project.

Participants/Contact:

Privat-Dozentin Dr. Esther von Stebut University of Mainz Department of Dermatology Langenbeckstr. 1 55101 Mainz, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Albert Same Ekobo University of Yaoundé I Medical Division Laboratory of Parasitology & Mycology P.O. Box 3266 Yaoundé, CAMEROON E-mail: [email protected]

Communicable Diseases in Sub-Sharan Africa 239 Professor Dr. Marcus Maurer Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin Department of Dermatology and Allergy Charitéplatz 1 10117 Berlin, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Blaise Dondji Yale School of Medicine Department of Pediatrics New Haven, CT 06520, USA E-mail: [email protected]

240 Violence, its Impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building Local Strategies of Conflict Management in Guinea-Bissau (Prof. Dr. Georg Klute and Partners)

The project combines two positions: Firstly, “state fragility” and the remarkable vitality of (political) actors in some parts of Africa and, secondly, theoretical debates about the emergence of informal polities within or alongside the African State. The research aims at analysing local strategies of conflict management and their articulation with the respective legal systems of conflict resolution at a national and possibly international level.

Non-state political orders have appeared recently on the political stage in Africa. If these orders are not to be just ephemeral they will have to come to terms with the “problem of violence”, which often lies at the heart of the formation of political order. We thus assume that not only the state, but all existing informal polities have to cope with violent conflicts. Modes of resolution of conflicts must be developed, above all the resolution of violent ones, besides, or parallel to, or in articulation with, conflict resolution by the state.

It is thus the ability to employ regular strategies of conflict resolution, we would argue, that decides about the future of those informal political orders besides the state. We further assume that conflict resolution itself is a source of power. Local power groups may use mediating services in order to establish power positions or even informal polities. In contexts of weak states, legal pluralism seems to be particularly marked, resulting eventually in active forum shopping. In heterarchical, as opposed to monoarchical, settings, violations of legal norms are only sanctioned irregularly. In these contexts, the legal and the political sphere visibly overlap.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 241 The main research questions include: ● Are we standing before the re-emergence of chieftainship rule in a post-colonial context? ● Are we witnessing the emergence of heterarchical orders in Africa? ● Is it possible to integrate local non-state forms of conflict resolution into the constitution of the modern state? Or are “traditional” forms of conflict resolution “anti-democratic”? ● Will the fragmentation of state order in Africa lead to a transitional period of violence of all against all in the Hobbesian sense?

Research The research team (4 PhD candidates, 1 Master candidate and 5 senior researchers) comprises scholars from anthropology, sociology, economy, law, history, cultural sciences and agricultural sciences working at different spots throughout Guinea-Bissau. In order to ensure the comparability of collected data, the research draws particularly upon the extended case method, an important means of data collection in legal anthropology, i.e. the analysis of conflict cases, and the extended analysis of institutions of conflict resolution. Legal systems are perceived as “processes”, and researchers follow cases of conflict and their resolution from the local to the national and possibly international level. Comparability and cross- checking of data are assured both by the parallel application of common methods of data collection and constant exchange and dialogue among the researchers through monthly meetings at INEP for the discussion and critical review of findings. The meetings alternate with periods of fieldwork or the elaboration of scientific texts.

Fieldwork is divided into three phases: 1) February to July 2007; 2) December 2007 to April 2008; 3) January to March 2009. Court files’ analysis provides a first valuable basis for subsequent data-collection, particularly by the djumbai-

242 method which draws from grounded theory and bears similarities with “observed conversation” or “participant audition” approach. The Djumbai-method was developed at INEP by a number of researchers, some of them involved in the current project. Furthermore, the extended analysis of institutions of conflict resolution helps to grasp the articulation of various legal systems which are needed to explore the interdependency of the various systems and the nature of their specific relationships.

Preliminary Results at different research spots Bubaque, Rubane (Bijagos-archipelago): While regular, non-state forms of conflict resolution are well established among the islands’ farmers and fishermen, the autochthonous population seems to be in latent conflict with recently arrived groups. There are, on the one hand, fishermen from neighbouring countries, and, on the other, “global players”, such as the tourist industry and their clients and drug traders, mainly from South America, bringing big and “dirty” money to the archipelago. As the main phenomenon with respect to conflict, we observed deep crises of trust among the various social actors, increasingly affecting also relationships and processes of exchange within the autochthonous population. One of the reasons seems to be that no uniform procedure of conflict resolution has been agreed upon – particularly between autochthonous and newly arrived groups. A second reason is that the morally protected boundaries between various spheres of exchange are affected by monetarisation and migration processes which result in the co-existence of divergent normative representations.

Quinhamel (Biombo-region): The regional legal authorities point to the abuse of alcohol and a high rate of vigilante justice, which apparently escapes state control. Apart from the phenomenon of vigilante justice, there is a strong tendency of active “forum shopping”. In this context, however, cases of dispute settlement threaten to become sources of new

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 243 conflicts. Remarkably, even the police, actually an auxiliary corps attached to the public prosecutor, is approached by the population and functions in fact as an institution of conflict resolution. Though not fore- seen by the state’s constitution, this phenomenon seems to be tacitly tolerated in the whole country resulting eventually in competition and conflictual relationships between the two institutions of the State.

Bambadinca (Bafatá-region): It is often claimed that the legal system of the state prevails over all other legal systems in a given society. In Bam- badinca, the assumption of a hierarchical relation has to be questioned, for the judge of the local state court seems to draw his judgements from “traditional customary law”. This can be partly explained by the general task of local courts which are supposed to function according to local representations of (legal) norms and as arbitrating instances. The phenomenon, however, also hints at the persisting power of traditional authorities, and possibly at an oscillating hierarchy of decision-making in conflicts, particularly marked in the Bafatá-region where several ethnic groups and religions cohabit. More generally, our data refer to issues like the relationship between power and law, namely to the question of who determines (legal) norms, and to the nature of the relationship between codified law of the state and informal “customary” law.

Mafanco (Gabú-region): Research starts from the assumption that the political-military conflict of 1998 had a negative impact on the production system while the “informal economy” witnessed considerable evolution. This holds in particular true for transnational economical activities, such as (illegal) drug trading. The study intends to get deeper insight into the local economy and into the influence of traditional, i.e. non-state institutions in guaranteeing economic exchange, in particular safe transnational trade. Does local economy have a chance to improve despite of unfavourable macro-economic conditions? Are there parts of the local economy which benefit from political instability? Do border-regions

244 depend on national economic strategies and a functioning state, or are they more orientated towards neighbouring countries and their economic markets?

Gabú (Gabú-region): The region’s head-chief makes us wonder whether here modernity comes in traditional guise. While engaged in (modern) business and well equipped with modern labels, he seems to use “tradition” and the longue durée of his family’s rule as powerful resources for legitimacy. The organisational and mobilising abilities of this neo-traditional chieftaincy indeed surpass those of the modern state, which helps to mobilise (economic) resources and distribute them according to the chieftaincy’s own logic. It is not yet clear, however, whether the chief only carries forward the intermediary tradition of his family or whether he reinforces his position by way of links with modern economies and international partners.

Canchungo (Cacheu-region): The fact that the “traditional” chief of the region has been at the same time a public civil servant raises the question of the relationship between “traditional authorities” and the state. Instead of describing it as opposite relations, we rather seem to be confronted with a situation where both sides are strongly entwined. In this case, one can hardly speak of the imposition of state rule, but rather of processes of informal socialisation and privatisation of the state’s pre- rogatives by the “traditional” and modern elite. The local population, on the other hand, seems to be separated from state structures and services by an ever widening gap through processes of delegitimization of state rule. In this context, institutions of dispute settlement on the local and eventually international level are addressed, whereas the national level is avoided, a phenomenon we propose to call provisionally “forum hopping” (as opposed to forum shopping).

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 245 Encheia (Oio-region): Encheia is situated in the region of the Balanta, an acephalous ethnic group structured in equal segments and organised in age sets. While silent to outsiders about (violent) conflicts or even pre- tending to live in “perfect harmony”, cases of collective vigilante justice between Balanta lineages (or villages) seem to be endemic in the region. Indeed, the number of homicides is one of the highest in the country. It is not clear, however, whether this refers to a particular vitality of seg- mentary traditions of conflict resolution, or whether this indicates the malfunctioning of the legal system of the state. By contrast, conflicts with the “outer world”, that is with neighbouring ethnic groups, are mostly solved by avoidance, a practice described in literature as an old Balanta tradition.

Bissau: The study analyses local state courts, police offices and “traditional” institutions of dispute settlement in three parts of the capital Bissau selected for their different degrees of urbanisation. Due to strong interethnic mixture, dispute settlement by “administrative chiefs”, like mostly in rural areas, does not exist in the capital. There are instead religious institutions filling in the gap. Also local state courts have gained legitimacy by integrating successfully arbitration oriented at “traditions” into the body of state jurisprudence. Simultaneously, traditional institutions in the capital go through remarkable innovation processes. Taking into consideration the high rate of vigilante justice in the capital, the authority and legitimacy of state and non-state forms of conflict resolution, as well as the dominance of the codified law have to be heavily doubted.

Guinea-Bissau: Religious and spiritual means of local conflict resolution seem still to be of importance in Guinea-Bissau. The study differentiates between adherents of genuine African and those of universal religions. Forms of conflict prevention and dispute settlement are strongly shaped by local traditions. In Muslim regions, Gam´mu encounters for the lecture

246 of the Qur`an also serve as platforms to settle transethnic and even transnational intergroup disputes. The gathering is attended by Muslims from Guinea-Bissau, Guinea Conakry, Senegal and the Gambia. Is sanc- tioning transcended into the “other world” or can we observe tendencies to rigidly apply Islamic law? Do religious harmony and faith promote solutions to conflicts? Concerning genuine African religions, the study concentrates on the spiritual ceremony of Finka-firquidja or Kalomp- pissap of the Manjacos. To perform the ceremony, harmony among the villagers and absence of conflicts are urgently needed. Conflict prevention occurs during the preparation of the ceremony. As it takes place frequently in traditional Manjaco environment, social pressure to resolve or to avoid conflict on the village level is very high.

Participants/Contact:

Professor Dr. Georg Klute Ms. Anne-Kristin Borszik (coordinator) University of Bayreuth Institute for African Ethnology 95440 Bayreuth, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Dieter Neubert Dr. Elísio Macamo Universität Bayreuth Kulturwissenschaftliche Fakultät Entwicklungssoziologie 95440 Bayreuth, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 247 Dr. Mamadou Jao (General Director of INEP) Dr. Pedro da Costa Dr. Augusto Idrissa Embaló Dr. Birgit Embaló Mr. Augusto João Bock Mr. Samba Tenem Camará Mr. Raul Mendes Fernandes Mr. Fodé Abulai Mané Ms. Paulina Mendes Ms. Caterina E. G. Viegas Gomes National Study and Research Institute of Guinea-Bissau (INEP) P.O. Box 112 Bissau, GUINEA-BISSAU E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

248 Subprojects: O Papel dos Sistemas Jurídicos Costumeiro e Oficial na Gestão de Conflitos na Guiné-Bissau: Caso da Região de Cacheu

Paulina Mendes

A Guiné-Bissau é caracterizada pela existência de uma multiplicidade de sistemas jurídicos de gestão de conflitos, resultando da complexidade da sua realidade social e da coexistência de várias ordens normativas. Com efeito, coexistem lado a lado, o sistema “costumeiro” e o sistema oficial, fruto do passado colonial e da dificuldade de afirmação do Estado, asso- ciada à legitimidade “natural” que a tradição goza no seio da população. Ao longo da sua história, a Guiné-Bissau tem sido palco de numerosos conflitos, entre os quais conflitos armados. Para a resolução destes conflitos o sistema jurídico “costumeiro” é normalmente procurado em primeiro lugar por uma larga percentagem da população. Assim, a procura do sistema oficial é na realidade social e cultural guineense quase que sinónimo da impossibilidade de reconciliação amistosa dos actores em conflito.

Com este trabalho pretende-se analisar e sistematizar as estratégias em que se baseiam os diferentes sistemas jurídicos de gestão e de resolução de conflitos e avaliar o seu desempenho nomeadamente no que diz respeito à eficiência; analisar os conflitos nas suas diversas dimensões e nos procedimentos adoptados na sua resolução; determinar o perfil socio-económico, cultural, geográfico, etc. dos actores; evidenciar o grau de legitimidade que a população confere a cada um dos sistemas. Nesta perspectiva, para podermos concretizar estes objectivos, partimos das seguintes questões: porque é que o país apresenta a diversidade de sistemas jurídicos?; em que pressupostos se assenta cada um desses sistemas?; o que leva os actores em conflito a optarem por um em detrimento de outro? Para respondermos a estas questões partimos das seguintes hipóteses:

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 249 a. a diversidade de sistemas jurídicos de resolução de conflitos reflecte a complexidade da realidade social guineense, caracterizada pela multietnicidade, pela coexistência de várias ordens normativas e pela fraqueza do Estado; b. os actores recorrem ao sistema oficial para gerir conflitos só depois dos meios utilizados pelos sistemas “costumeiros” não surtirem efeitos; c. num contexto de pluralismo jurídico, a escolha de um determinado sistema jurídico pelos actores depende daquele que melhor serve os seus interesses, da sua localização geográfica, do nível de instrução escolar e do poderio económico dos mesmos; d. o sistema “costumeiro” de gestão de conflitos discrimina as mulheres, na medida em que as suas estratégias se fundamentam no poder patriarcal.

O nosso tema integra-se no debate teórico que considera a diversidade de sistemas de gestão de conflitos paralelos ao do Estado poder ser alternativa à hegemonia da inspiração neoliberal e corresponder também à necessidade de Estados-nações, que são caracterizados pela diversidade cultural. Com efeito, Georges Gurvitch desenvolveu uma abordagem complexa do pluralismo jurídico, segundo a qual a legislação estatal não é a única e nem a principal fonte do mundo jurídico. Existem numerosos grupos sociais ou sociedades globais, independentes do Estado e capazes de produzir normas jurídicas. Cada grupo possui uma estrutura que gera a sua própria ordem jurídica autónoma e reguladora da sua vida interior. O conceito do pluralismo jurídico relega-nos para a situação de hibridismo jurídico, na medida em que cada personalidade jurídica se torna composta, incorporando diferentes representações normativas (Santos 2003: 49). Assim, os grupos sociais, as comunidades ou os cidadãos têm à sua disposição um leque de opções entre as várias ordens jurídicas, recorrendo ao forum shopping (Benda-Beckmann). O pluralismo jurídico, como um “sistema de decisão complexo”, implica hoje um cruzamento interdiscipli-

250 nar entre normatividade (Direito) e o poder social (sociedade). Uma perspectiva crítico-interdisciplinar revela que o carácter fragmentado do legal não é mais visto como caótico, sendo perfeitamente possível viver num mundo de legalidade policêntrica, segundo Wolkemer. Contudo, alguns estudiosos argumentam que as dificuldades que estes sistemas alternativos de gestão de conflitos podem apresentar, têm a ver com a sua democratização, isto é: em que medida podem garantir a imparciali- dade em relação ao género, uma vez que as sociedades africanas são quase tipicamente patriarcais?

Alguns resultados preliminares de trabalho de terreno 1) A sociedade Manjaca caracteriza-se por fortes valores sócio-culturais e religiosos. A sua principal actividade económica é a produção de arroz e a extracção da palmeira. É um povo emigrante, com um particular peso da emigração para Europa, cuja remessa tem servido para financiar projectos familiares e comunitários de desenvolvimento tais como a construção de escolas e centros de saúde. Com efeito, a diminuição da mão-de-obra devido ao fenómeno migratório tem estado a ser compensada pela chegada de trabalhadores sazonais, pagos pelas remessas de emigrantes, a partir de meados dos anos 1990. 2) Os aspectos sócio-culturais da sociedade Manjaca subdividem-se em duas categorias: nas festas tradicionais (pedim e pecel utchai) e nas cerimónias (casamento, becuith, pessom bepene/ronia irã), unguram (cerimónias funébres), pelas pum (toca-tchur) e pelump petchap (finca firquidja). 3) Estrutura social das tabancas estudadas: A tabanca do Bachil tem uma estrutura social multi-étnica. Para além dos Manjacos de Tchur que são “donos do chão” e Felupes que são refugiados, também nela residem uma ínfima parte de comerciantes e trabalhadores sazonais da etnia Fula. Quanto a tabanca de Utia Cor, ela alberga apenas Manjacos.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 251 4) Existem duas sistemas de gestão de conflitos na Região de Cacheu: o sistema “costumeiro” e o sistema oficial. O primeiro tem como insti- tuições de resolução de conflitos a família, o chefe de bairro, o chefe da tabanca e o régulo. Existem ainda várias estruturas religiosas e ocultas. Betchesal (djomgago) é uma instituição suprema e pública de resolução de conflitos, vista pelas comunidades locais como sendo de excelência. Porém, ao mesmo tempo que resolve conflitos também produz conflitos, porque as decisões decorrentes do seu interrogatório abrem caminho a novos conflitos. Cansaré é uma instituição exclusiva de mulheres, acredita-se que resolve problemas de infertilidade. Funciona também como instituição de gestão de conflitos, porém, produzindo ao mesmo tempo novos conflitos. Napene (djambacós) e o irã são também outras figuras de resolução e de produção de conflitos no seio da etnia Manjaca. No que concerne o sistema oficial, existem a polícia e o tribunal.

Conclusões Nos casos de conflitos analisados até à fase actual dos estudos ficou claro não existir a exclusividade de sistemas jurídicos na Região de Cacheu, porque num único caso verifica-se ora a intervenção de dois sistemas ora de várias estruturas do mesmo sistema. Isto evidencia a existência do pluralismo jurídico nesta Região. O recurso ao forum shopping é visível nesta sociedade, na medida em que os actores implicados em conflitos procuram os sistemas e as estruturas que acham melhor servirem os seus interesses. A auto-justiça é uma atitude frequente nessa sociedade, porque os respectivos actores na maior parte das vezes não recorrem a nenhum dos sistemas jurídicos, mas praticam sua própria justiça. Importa realçar que na Região de Cacheu, no âmbito do sistema oficial de resolu- ção de conflitos, o tribunal não é a única estrutura implicada no sistema de justiça, mas também a polícia. Existe uma forma de cooperação espe- cífica entre os dois sistemas jurídicos nesta Região, porque o régulo é solicitado na maior parte das vezes pelas instituições do sistema oficial

252 para servir de conselheiro em casos de tratamento de conflitos considerados sensíveis. O sistema jurídico “costumeiro” preocupa-se com a cessação de conflitos, enquanto o sistema oficial privilegia fazer a justiça. Os trabalhadores sazonais preferem residir junto dos refugiados, pelo facto de praticarem a mesma religião; isso pode abrir no futuro um conflito religioso no Bachil.

Bibliografia Araújo, S. (2005), Pluralismo júridico e emancipação social: Instâncias comunitárias de resolução de conflitos em Moçambique, comunicação apresentada na 11ª Assembleia Geral do CODESRIA, Rethinking African Development: Beyond impasse, towards alternatives. Maputo. Bell, J. (1997), Como realizar um projecto de investigação, Lisboa: Gradiva. Bierschenk, T. e Sardan, J. O. (1996), Les Pouvoirs en l’Absence d’État: Configurations du pouvoirs politique local et rapports à l’État en milieu rural centrafricain, Berlin: Das Arabische Buch. Ferreira, V. (1986), “O inquérito por questionário na construção de dados sociológicos”, in Augusto Santos Silva e José Madureira Pinto (orgs.), Metodologia das Ciências Sociais, Porto: Edições Afrontamento: 165-195. Ghiglione. e Matalon, B. (1993), O Inquérito. Teoria e prática, Oeiras: Celta. Klute, G. (2004), «l’Ethnographie théorique des conflits ethnique violents», in: Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, Lisboa (in print). Oliveira, M.C.S., (s/d), “Pluralismo jurídico: uma análise de práticas em misericórdia”, http://jus 2.vol.com.br/doutrina/texto.asp?id=7502. Santos, B. S. (2003). «O Estado heterogéneo e o pluralismo jurídico», in: Boaventura de Sousa Santos e João Carlos Trindade (org.), Conflito e transformação social: uma paisagem de justiça em Moçambique. Vol. I, Cap. I. Porto: Afrontamento: 47-128. Wolkmer, A. C. (s/d ), “Pluralismo jurídico: o novo paradigma de legiti- mação”, http://www.mundo jurídico.adv.br/si_artigos?código=646.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 253 O Lumo como Fenómeno da Economia Informal e o Seu Papel na Gestão Local de Conflitos (no Leste da Guiné-Bissau)

Samba Tenem Camará

Problematização No projecto da pesquisa sobre estratégias locais de gestão de conflitos na Guiné-Bissau, pretende-se trabalhar sobre o lumo como local de produção e resolução de conflitos. Que tipos de conflitos são gerados no lumo? Quais são estratégias e técnicas utilizadas para a sua resolução? O lumo é uma feira informal, rural e urbana, semanal orientada essencialmente para a troca de produtos entre a população da mesma zona ou entre dois países limítrofes (Ribeiro 1992: 22).

O objectivo da pesquisa é estudar as estratégias e técnicas de gestão de conflitos nos lumos, pelas instituições não estatais. Com este estudo pretende-se realizar uma introspecção mais profunda sobre o lumo, concentrando-se no seu funcionamento, nos negócios e nos conflitos gerados. Constatou-se que o lumo é um mercado específico com vocação de estabelecer encontros semanais entre camponeses, pequenos nego- ciantes rurais e comerciantes sobretudo da economia informal dos centros urbanos. Pela constatação no terreno, propomos duas hipóteses: 1) o lumo é um local de produção e resolução dos conflitos; 2) existência de dois tipos de conflitos: a. conflitos de origem económica, manifestados nas seguintes duas formas: – incumprimento de acordos comerciais; – não pagamento das taxas tributárias; b. conflitos de natureza social: I. relacionados com a utilização do espaço para exposição das mercadorias; II. entre a população local e a Administração do Sector sobre a repartição das receitas da cobrança das taxas do lumo. Os conflitos de origem social são

254 provocados pela aglomeração de uma grande quantidade de pessoas com objectivos diferentes.

Funções do lumo Baseando-nos no trabalho de terreno, constatamos que o lumo incorpora duas funções fundamentais: Ele opera como instituição financeira informal porque nele se realizam vários tipos de trocas comerciais, com capacidade de gerir volumes de negócio consideráveis. Ao mesmo tempo tem uma função social que é caracterizada especialmente pela possibilidade de oferecer oportunidades para encontros sociais de grandes dimensões. Desta maneira, o lumo transforma-se num patamar de comunicação social alargada, incluindo comunicação entre personalidades destacadas da região, possibilitando assim a tematização de assuntos importantes pelas comunidades locais, como por exemplo questões relacionadas com conflitos. Por outro lado, as autoridades aproveitam o espaço do lumo para divulgar informações diversas, como sobre campanhas de vacinação, educação sanitária ou recenseamento da população. Partidos políticos e organizações da Sociedade Civil (ONGs) aproveitam as concentrações do lumo para anunciar as suas actividades e programas.

Desenvolvimento histórico do lumo na Guiné-Bissau Segundo Ribeiro (1992:22), os lumos são uma forma de organização de mercado relativamente antiga nesta zona de Africa. Contudo, a sua história é bastante instável; ela é suportada por duas componentes: a necessidade de troca entre populações da mesma zona ou separadas apenas por uma linha de fronteira, e a vantagem económica que advém de um outro país vizinho. Antes de sua massificação na Guiné-Bissau, essas feiras rurais conhecidas por lumo já funcionavam na região de Cacheu em regime rotativo entre povoações dos diferentes regulados (Carreira 1960:751)1.

1 Aliás, os lumos já foram reportados no século XVI, por Alvares D’Almada (1946).

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 255 A proliferação dos lumos – e os conflitos ligados a eles e a sua gestão através das autoridades locais não estatais – torna este tema cada vez mais atraente e actual. Esta proliferação evidenciou-se mais a partir do conflito político militar de 7 Junho de 1998. Para suportar esta afirmação é bom referir-se que de 1998 até 2007 surgiram na Guiné-Bissau 30 lumos2. A evolução considerável de movimentos operários informais no meio rural já não pode ser ignorada pelas autoridades estatais que tentam tirar vantagens disso, sobretudo através de eficientes métodos de cobrança de impostos de mercadoria. Recuando-se um pouco no tempo, constata-se que nos anos 1980, o período de início das reformas económicas e da liberalização do mercado, já havia indícios de revitaliza- ção de lumos duma forma cautelosa e tímida.

Foi o conflito político militar atrás referido que catalizou a expansão dos lumos no país, pois nessa altura o funcionamento das estruturas do Estado caiu ao mínimo, limitando-se praticamente ao nível das regiões (o comércio, as alfândegas e o fisco). Contactos diplomáticos e a coopera- ção internacional realizaram-se a partir de Dakar. O aeroporto de Bissau ficou encerrado. Nessas circunstâncias, a população foi obrigada a ser criativa e inventar alternativas de sobrevivência, praticando pequenas actividades económicas e garantindo-lhes assim a sobrevivência diária.

Muitos autores nacionais afirmam que, “se não fosse as actividades do sector informal que triplicou em termos de volume, as consequências da guerra seriam muito mais dramáticas para a vida da população guineense”3. A fraqueza das estruturas estatais evidenciou-se por exemplo no facto do controle e da fiscalização alfandegárias da parte da fronteira

2 São dados provisórios que podem ser acrescentados, porque a recolha das informações está em curso. 3 Alfredo Handem & Samba T. Camara – Relatório sobre Impacto da Economia informal na redução da exclusão social e da pobreza nos PALOP.

256 guineense terem sidos extremamente limitados, facilitando actividades económicas transnacionais tais como negócios ilegais das mercadorias cuja circulação era proibida. Esta situação contribuiu para a proliferação dos lumos na Guiné-Bissau como alternativa comercial e garantia de sobrevivência de uma larga camada da população. A escolha do lumo de Mafanco para o nosso Estudo é motivada pelo facto de, apesar da sua pequena dimensão espacial, se tratar de um lumo com especial vitalidade, com uma diversificação interessante de características que enriquecerão o Estudo.

Estudo de caso na aldeia de Mafanco Mafanco fica situado na maior região do país com a superfície de 8.867 km2, a região de Gabu, no Leste do país, fazendo fronteiras com o Senegal e com a Guiné-Conakry. Os dois bairros que compõem Mafanco são habi- tados essencialmente pelas etnias Fula e Mandinga. Ao nível da aldeia existem instituições permanentes não estatais que contribuem para o sucesso de actividades de desenvolvimento comunitário e de gestão de conflitos, tais como a representação do régulo, dois chefes de bairros, dois chefes religiosos, chefes de famílias e outras personalidades importantes e respeitadas pela comunidade. Outras instituições não estatais classificadas por não permanentes de gestão de conflitos em Mafanco são: o lumo, gam’mu e outras cerimónias4 da vida rural. A única institui- ção estatal de gestão de conflitos em Mafanco é a representação da Segurança do Estado.

Entre os conflitos identificados neste lumo queremos destacar um deles pela sua envergadura. Trata-se de conflitos entre a população local e a administração estatal. A reivindicação da população local das receitas que provêm de cobrança de imposto de mercadoria durante o dia do

4 Formas de culto religioso; sacrifício, ritos, cerimónias fúnebres, casamentos etc.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 257 lumo está na origem do conflito. A população reivindica 50% da soma total das cobranças, uma exigência que a administração estatal não aceitou. O conflito atingiu uma dimensão colectiva, estando num lado toda a administração estatal e no outro toda a população de Mafanco. Para evitar escalacão, escolheu-se o representante local do régulo para servir de mediador. Desde 17 anos da existência do lumo, apesar de cobranças contínuas dos impostos da parte do Estado, não se registou investimento algum no quadro do lumo, o que os aldeãos acham injusto.

Bibliografia Almada, Alvares de (1946): Tratado Breve dos Rios de Guiné e do Cabo Verde, Lisboa. Carreira, António (1960): Região dos Manjacos e dos Brâmes: alguns aspectos da sua economia, Lisboa: Governo da colónia. Ribeiro, Rui (1992): A sociedade crioula na Guiné-Portuguesa. 1900-1960, Lissabon: ISCTE.

258 Gestão de Conflitos e Relações de Género: O Caso da Comunidade Pepel na Região de Biombo, Guiné-Bissau

Caterina E. G. Viegas Gomes

O nosso trabalho de pesquisa tem a sua especificidade em estudar a gestão e estratégias de resolução de conflitos e as relações de género e a posição da mulher no ambiente de conflito na comunidade pepel. As mulheres desta etnia são as potenciais agentes para a organização, pre- paração e realização das cerimónias nas famílias e na comunidade em geral, pois elas poderão ter um papel fundamental na gestão de conflitos. Todos os ritos são feitos com a participação e contribuição delas. Á base de nossa reflexão estão as possíveis contradições entre autoridades tradicionais e as instâncias oficiais, nomeadamente o tribunal sectorial. Temos, assim, as três hipóteses: ● preferência da justiça informal pelos régulos que consideram o tribunal como vicioso e corrupto. ● contradicção entre o costume pepel e o direito positivo; na área do direito de sucessão, a tradição aponta o sobrinho materno como potencial herdeiro dos bens do falecido tio: do chão5, das bolanhas, dos gados, das casas, etc. – em vez de serem os filhos do falecido a herdar. ● À mulher é excluída todo e qualquer direito de herança.

1 As localidades de estudo, Quinhamel e Cupedo, estão situados na região de Biombo, perto do capital Bissau. Quinhamel, a sede da região, tem cerca de 37 mil habitantes, enquanto a região de Biombo tem uma popu- lação total de 60.420 habitantes. Existem quase todos os serviços do estado em Quinhamel, tais como o comité de Estado, o tribunal do sector,

5 Para os diferentes significados do conceito chão e a sua utilização na Guiné-Bissau ver Viegas (2007:31) e Augel & Cardoso (1996: 229).

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 259 as delegacias de identificação, da educação, de saúde, de plano; a polícia de ordem pública e um quartel militar. Os dados recolhidos no tribunal de Quinhamel mostram que a maior parte de conflitos são resolvidos na base de reconciliação. Os principais conflitos civís são os de herança, de propriedade, reivindicação de bens paternais, cobrança de dote ou casamento. Os conflitos de crime são na sua maioria o homicídio, violação sexual e ameaça.

2 A organização pepel estabeleceu uma ordem social dentro de um quadro tradicional e de um determinado território da pertença uterina. A função ritual ilumina os valores místicos e os princípios básicos. Os pepel são uma sociedade hierarquizada com uma estrutura semi-vertical, que conhece a posição do chefe e uma certa diferenciação em classes, sobretudo clãs. A etnia pepel esta composta por sete djorçons6 (Drift 2000).

A comunidade da tabanca está representada pelo régulo e pelo comité de tabanca (representação do Estado). O régulo é uma entidade suprema da comunidade e uma figura muito respeitada em nome da grandeza da tradição. Por representar o seu povo, todos os apelos e problemas sociais são lhe dirigido. Ele distribui a terra do seu regulado. Todo o indivíduo que vive no seu chão tem de se submeter a ele, aceitando as suas ordens. Normalmente, cada djorçon tem os seus chãos e diferentes regulados.

3 As instituições de resolução de conflito: A existência do pluralismo jurí- dico é uma realidade na comunidade pepel. Como apontou Sara Araújo (2005), o pluralismo jurídico defina-se como um alargado conjunto de instâncias de resolução de conflitos com diferentes ordens normativas.

6 Djorçon significa linhagem. A linhagem é o grupo de filiação unilinear em que todos os membros se consideram como descendentes, quer em linha agnática (patrilinhagem) quer em linha uterina (matrilinhagem), dum(a) antepassado(a) comum conhecido(a) e nomeado(a), e são, em princípio, capazes de descrever as ligações genealógicas que os ligam uns aos outros de forma a remontar ao antepassado por uma linha genealógica ininterrupta. (Djalò, 1997; Carreira, 1951)

260 Em Biombo, pode-se apontar quatro níveis de justiça: auto-justiça, justiça tradicional/não-estatal, justiça no tribunal de sector e justiça no tribunal régional. Observa-se numerosas instâncias tradicionais de resolução de conflitos, denominadas por Araújo (idem) instâncias comunitárias. O pluralismo jurídico manifesta-se na prática de forum shopping. A maior parte das famílias procura a justiça nas diferentes instâncias jurídicas, registando-se a procura de justiça por conveniência. A prática da auto- justiça, que ocorre à vista das autoridades do Estado, justifica este facto. O Juiz do tribunal de Quinhamel afirma existirem lacunas do sistema jurídico oficial no que concerne as normas tradicionais pepel. A aplicação do direito do Estado afecta o direito tradicional pepel, sendo as normas desta etnia diferentes daquelas do sistema jurídico oficial.

As principais instâncias tradicionais de resolução de conflitos são: o régulo, o djambacus, o balobeiro, o irã, o cansaré, entre outros. António Carreira sublinhou o papel dos agentes religiosos e instâncias espirituais (balobeiros e djambacus) na vida social dos pepel. Ele referiu que a tradição pepel está apegado ao culto dos sete djorçons, cada um deles representativo de uma classe social e portador de uma designação, que estão simbolizados por determinados animais considerados como tótens: a onça, o timba (urso formingueiro), a lebre, o sapo, o frintaba (pequena cabra de mato) e o macaco. O referido estudo assinala ainda que cada djorçon tem o seu defunto protector e cada defunto tem um irã, conselheiro que o representa. Além de mais, os pepel possuem irã para a protecção das mulheres. As referências de Carreira demostram que as instâncias tradicionais de resolução de conflitos nos pepel são antigas e estão diferenciados por género e por classe social.

Clara Saraiva (2003) aponta no seu estudo sobre os costumes dos pepel e mais especificamente sobre os seus ritos funerários que o papel do régulo é o elo de ligação com as instituições políticas do Estado e que a sua autoridade é decisiva na resolução de conflitos no quotidiano e na

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 261 celebração de cerimónias. As mulheres e o régulo são agentes de referên- cia para a realização das cerimónias dos pepel.

Para ilustrar a exposição precedente, apresentamos um exemplo de um conflito à volta de um homicídio. Este conflito surgiu após o falecimento de um jovem. O tio agrediu o sobrinho, batendo nele. Este ficou doente e foi hospitalizado, teve alta e regressou para a tabanca. Depois de três dias o sobrinho veio a falecer. Antes do funeral, a família do falecido decidiu descobrir a verdade sobre a morte súbita. Foi feita a cerimónia de djon gago (uma forma de oráculo tradicional), que acusou o tio que tinha batido no jovem. Disseram que o régulo ordenou a multidão para baterem na pessoa que foi indicada pelo djon gago como o malfeitor. Assim sucedeu que a multidão bateu nesta pessoa durante quatro dias. O malfeitor depois de tanta sova foi salvo pelo seu filho que o levou para o hospital. Nesta situação, a segunda vítima foi para a polícia participar do régulo.

4 O papel das mulheres pepel na resolução de conflitos: Mesmo que o régulo seja a entidade principal para a resolução de conflitos, ele tem personalidades de auxílio para o seu poder: o balobero, o djambacus e o concelho de homens grandes. Entre estas personalidades, uma mulher está sempre presente. Ela tem influências indirectas nos irãs, nas balobas e na cansaré. No caso de Cupedo, além da mulher ser a fundadora da tabanca, é quem é responsável pela segurança da comunidade.

Conclusão: As estratégias de resolução dos conflitos nos pepel são aplica- das por conveniência, nas diferentes instâncias tradicionais e estatais. Estas estratégias poderão ser eficientes se for, por um lado, possível inte- grar as normas tradicionais no direito positivo e, por outro, sensibilizar a comunidade pepel. A busca de soluções alternativas para a resolução de conflitos será facilitado através de uma melhor compreensão das estra- tégias tradicionais de gestão e de resolução de conflitos – tendo em vista

262 particularmente o papel das mulheres pepel e as relações de género – não só na comunidade pepel mas também em diferentes sociedades africanas.

Bibliografia Araújo, Sara (2005), “Pluralismo Jurídico e Emancipação Social: Instâncias Comunitárias de resolução de conflitos em Moçambique”, Conferência de Codesria: 1-12. Augel, Johannes; Carlos Cardoso (1996): Transição democrática na Guiné- Bissau e outros ensaios. Bissau: INEP. Carreira, António (1961), “Símbolos, Ritualistas e Ritualismos Animo- Feiticistas na Guiné Portuguesa”, in: Boletim Cultural da Guiné Portuguesa, nº63: 505-539. (1951), “A poligamia entre os grupos étnicos: contribuição para o estudo da instituição da poligamia nos territórios africanos”, in: Boletim Cultural da Guiné Portuguesa, nº 24, 16 p. Drift, Roy van der (2000) “Democracy: Legitimate Warfare in Guinea- Bissau”, in: Soronda 7: 37-75 Saraiva, Clara Maria (2003), “ Rituais funerários entre os papeis da Guiné- Bissau” in: Soronda, nova série, nº6, Bissau: INEP: 179-209. Viegas, Caterina (2007), A expansão da cidade de Bissau e a mobilidade da Etnia Pepel, Lisboa: ISCTE: 31-45. http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quinhamel, 2007-08-21. http://www.paigc.org/biombo.htm, Agosto, 2007.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 263 Actores e Instituições Tradicionais de Resoluções Locais dos Conflitos

Fodé Abulai Mané

Contexto A nossa pesquisa está localizada no Sector de Bambadinca, zona Sudeste da Guiné-Bissau que constituiu, há muito, um interface entre as diferentes zonas geográficas e culturais. Bambadinca tem ligações com as Regiões do Sul, Norte e Leste do país; a sua característica é de ter grandes exten- sões de planícies de água doce (lalas), cortada por vários braços de rios que estiveram na origem da concentração das pessoas em pequenos aglomerados (tabancas), junto aos rios para as práticas de agricultura, pesca e pastagem. O Sector é constituído por dois grandes regulados que remontam ao tempo do Império de Gabú, o regulado de Badora a Leste e de Bassum mais a Sul (ver Niane 1989: 201). O nosso trabalho concentra-se na própria vila sede Bambadinca e no regulado de Bassum cujo principal tabanca é Xime. É uma zona multiétnica, porém, os mais importantes são os Mandingas, Fulas, Balantas e Beafadas. Adoptámos como etnia de referência os Mandingas, devido ao seu enraizamento secular na zona e à sua aparente conservação das características originais de hierarquização, onde cada membro tem uma posição determinada de acordo com a sua “casta”, mesmo assim, mantendo relações intensas com os outros grupos.

Historia A zona de Bassum foi inicialmente povoada pelos Beafadas, mas em número reduzido. Os Mandingas chegaram à zona através de imigração, constatando-se um grupo que veio por via do Futajalon originário do Mali e designados de Tilibonkóse. Outros vieram do Gabú. Quando os Mandingas chegaram à zona já eram islamizados, e esta religião atraiu os povos já residentes na zona, o que facilitou a sua “mandinguização”, principalmente dos Beafadas, o que aparentemente torna muito nume-

264 roso este grupo na zona. O regulado actual, dos Baldés de Taibata, uma das 35 tabancas que o compõem, surgiu na sequência da guerra7 entre os Fulas e Mandingas, que os Fulas venceram e onde implantaram um reinado próprio, aceite pelas outras etnias.8 A especificidade dos Man- dingas de Bassum é a sua interligação com vários grupos étnicos, donde se notam alguns resquícios do paganismo nas suas práticas quotidianas e nos seus valores, um pouco diferente dos outros no que concerne a maior ligação aos valores e culturas islâmicas.

Conflitos mais frequentes Bassum é uma zona que aparentemente parece calmo, isto é, sem conflitos, mas analisando os registos dos tribunais e da policia, vê-se que existem de facto alguns conflitos, alguns até violentos, apesar de não ser da proporção das outras zonas do país. Os conflitos mais frequentes são de família, de propriedade de terra, de furtos e de obrigações (dívidas).

Instituições locais estatais de resolução de conflitos Destas instituições é de referir o Tribunal Judicial de Sector de Bamba- dinca composto por um juiz, um delegado do Procurador Geral da Repú- blica e dois auxiliares. Mas a polícia e os comités também resolvem alguns problemas sem os passar para o Tribunal. O Tribunal de Sector foi criado em 1994 e resolve os pequenos litígios, aplicando não só as leis formais mais também os costumes locais. É uma instituição judicial diferente dos tribunais comuns, devido à sua proximidade da população. A sua lei permite que recorra às estratégias locais de resolução de conflitos. São instâncias judiciais mais recorridas comparados com os tribunais regionais que aplicam somente o direito positivo.

7 Existem contradições quanto à data exacta desta guerra, mas tudo indica que foi no final do século XIX. 8 Considerando a coincidência entre as fontes orais e as literaturas escritas como por exemplo de Barros 1947, Quintino 1966, Augusto Silva 1958.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 265 Instituições não-estatais (tradicionais) Algumas das instituições tradicionais são permanentes e outras não, mas eventualmente são recorridas para resolver alguns conflitos. Consi- deramos como instituições permanentes o régulo que para além da natureza política da sua função resolve os conflitos de acordo com um procedimento próprio na sua área de jurisdição. O procedimento da justiça do régulo é interessante dado que não tem carácter individual nem autoritário. Inicia-se pela recepção de queixas por intermédio dos seus assessores (batulais), depois é convocado o conselho do régulo com os seus colaboradores. Este decide primeiro de acordo com o consenso ou pela maioria. É um modelo pouco recorrido actualmente, devido à perda de espaço do poder tradicional, principalmente desde os primeiros anos da independência em que foram desmantelados, em nome do Estado unitário. No caso de Bassum, o régulo procura manter influências na sociedade, investindo com o seu poder económico, os conhecimentos de outras culturas e o seu bom relacionamento com as autoridades estatais, obtendo assim uma imagem digna que permita que seja recorrido na resolução de muitos problemas. Também, conhece-se os chefes de tabanca em cada povoação e os almamis (chefes religiosos) que são as entidades tradicionais locais recorridas para a resolução dos litígios. A autoridade destes provêm de serem as primeiras famílias a habitarem a zona e por isso estarem interessados, mais do que ninguém, em que haja paz social. No caso de Xime, existe uma instituição herdada do tempo pre-islâmico, que se acreditava ter albergado um grande espírito que podia resolver os problemas entre os humanos como os casos de furto, de feitiçaria, de adultério e de mortes inexplicáveis. É o baloba (jinó). Apesar da islamiza- ção, as pessoas confiam de que recorrendo aos jinas podem ver os seus conflitos resolvidos. Ao lado das instituições permanentes, os Mandingas de Bambadinca e Xime aproveitam sempre as grandes concentrações de pessoas para promoverem as reconciliações entre as pessoas em conflitos. Uma destas instituições são os gam’mus.9 Na véspera tentam mediar os conflitos ou desentendimentos entre as pessoas, através de perdões

266 mútuos, por considerarem que a aceitação dos pedidos e das esmolas oferecidas depende da pureza dos espíritos e que, se continua a ter ódio, não está limpo. O mesmo procedimento é seguido nas esmolas de choro10. Os lumos (feiras semanais), por serem momentos de grandes encontros de pessoas são aproveitados para, em paralelo, nas casas familiares, na casa do régulo ou junto dos grandes dignitários, concentrar pessoas e resolver algumas questões. Mesmo as autoridades estatais aproveitam estas ocasiões para emitirem orientações colectivas.

O que se nota recentemente a funcionar com eficácia é a mediação por kunhinás (pessoas de belas palavras, tradução literal do mandinga) que são recorridas com muita frequência para prevenirem ou resolverem os conflitos. São figuras habituais nas vilas Mandingas, mas não adquirem esse título formalmente e nem são publicamente assumidos. As kunhinás mediam problemas sensíveis que os partidos em conflito não querem trazer ao público. Quando alguém quer, por exemplo, recuperar uma dívida de uma pessoa que não quer denunciar publicamente, ou há conflitos de propriedade entre indivíduos com alguma proximidade, tanto familiar como afectiva, os kunhinás procuram aproximar as partes e resolver os seus problemas. Ainda existe a particularidade de acom- panharem sucessivamente a vida dos que tiveram problemas, ajudando- lhes a esquecerem do passado conflituoso. Esta mediação é efectiva, que julgamos nascer dos conhecimentos pessoais e da reputação do kunhiná, não necessariamente da sua origem familiar, poder económico ou força física, como é o caso dos kandás11. Por isso, a relativa passividade que é notada nas tabancas Mandingas cremos que se deve à eficácia dos seus órgãos de prevenção e de mediação dos conflitos.

9 São grandes cerimónias religiosas anuais de pedir e agradecer colectivamente a Deus para todos os habitantes e filhos da zona partem de princípio de que esta cerimónia deve ser feita com um “coração limpo”. 10 Trata-se de uma espécie de missa para as almas das pessoas falecidas, também nestas cerimónias os familiares procuram reconciliar-se para que a alma do defunto se deite em paz. 11 Kandás são designações dos grandes guerreiros e títulos atribuídos às pessoas que têm um certo poderio físico e que são capazes de, coercivamente, imporem certas soluções.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 267 Forum Shopping A existência de varias instituições de resolução de conflitos – formais e não formais, permanentes e casuais – facultam ao individuo a possibilidade de avaliar a que instituição levar as suas preocupações e onde é que as suas pretensões serão melhor satisfeitas. Apesar das instituições estatais, concretamente os tribunais de Sector e a polícia se colocarem formalmente acima de todos, só os conflitos violentos e alguns inter- étnicos são canalizados para os organismos estatais. Estes reconhecem a necessidade de valorização dos mecanismos locais por serem aqueles que são mais próximos e adaptáveis à vida local, contrariamente às leis formais que são uniformes para todo o país. A realidade da zona de Bambadinca é uma boa demonstração de pluralismo jurídico, porque concorrem em simultâneo instituições diferentes, normas diferentes e valores divergentes no mesmo espaço e sob os mesmos indivíduos.

Auto-justiça A estatística dos registos do tribunal judicial de Bambadinca revela que são relativamente reduzidos os processos que vêm das tabancas Mandingas, contrariamente à ideia de que o não-recurso às instituições formais significa que as pessoas fazem justiça com as suas próprias mãos, já que é inevitável em qualquer sociedade surgirem conflitos. No caso de Bambadinca e Xime, se tomarmos em conta que a verificação de auto-justiça está caracterizada por dois momentos – a avaliação do acto como ilícito pela vítima e a acção própria –, verificamos que as estratégias de prevenção e de mediação e a grande valorização dos costumes locais são relativamente eficazes, até ao ponto das pessoas conseguirem auto- dominarem-se, antes de recorrerem às instituições jurídicas ou permiti- rem que os mecanismos existentes intervêm na solução dos seus litígios.

Outra hipótese aceitável da existência de poucos casos de auto-justiça é a forte ligação familiar, económica e social denotada nas configurações das tabancas e dos lugares de actividades económicas o que ajuda a

268 explicar o carácter pouco violento dessas sociedades comparado com outras zonas do país.

Bibliografia Augusto Silva, Artur (1958), Usos e costumes jurídicos dos Fulas da Guiné Portuguesa: ensaio, Bissau: Centro de Estudos da Guiné Portuguesa. Barros, Augusto de (1947), «A invasão fula na Circunscrição de Bafatá: queda dos Beafadas e Mandingas: tribus «Gabu N’ Gabé», in: Boletim Cultural da Guiné Portuguesa, Vol.II, Nº 7: 737-744. Niane, Djibril Tamsir (1989), Histoire des Mandingues de l’Ouest. Le royaume du Gabou, Paris: Karthala. Quintino, Fernando Rogado (1966), «Sobrevivências da cultura etiópica no ocidente africano», in: Boletin Cultural da Guiné Portuguesa, Vol. XXI, N° 81.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 269 Estratégias Locais de Resolução de Conflitos na Guiné-Bissau: Estudo de Caso da Região de Oio (tabanca de Encheia)

Augusto João Bock

O estudo de caso proposto em Encheia visa testar as seguintes hipóteses de investigação: ● a profunda crise do sector judicial no sector de Bissorã (por exemplo a falta de meios materiais e humanos), tem um impacto considerável nos sistemas judiciais na secção de Encheia; ● as formas de resolução de conflitos em Encheia estão relacionadas com as formas de comunicação que os “jovens” das tabancas estabelecem com os homens grandes; ● as particularidades culturais dos Balantas – mais concretamente a autoconfiança e a crueldade dos jovens – influenciam a gestão local dos conflitos e determinam a gravidade e a escala dos conflitos; ● a integração do poder tradicional em outras formas de poderes pode ter um papel determinante como potencial recurso na resolução pacífico de conflitos no território de Encheia em particular e na região de Oio em geral;

É sobre este conjunto de preocupações que o presente trabalho de inves- tigação se realiza. Analisaremos a evolução da situação actual, assim como o funcionamento das instituições locais (estatais e não estatais) em termos de resoluções de conflitos, tendo em conta as preferências dos arguidos, assim como o impacto dessas escolhas: causas, consequên- cias e oportunidades.

Encheia foi escolhida por causa da “situação de violência e crime organi- zado”, que aí se verificaram nos últimos anos. Encheia é uma tabanca antiga e importante em termos históricos como zona originária da etnia balanta. Actualmente, devido ao grande fluxo migratório dos jovens para

270 o Sul do país e para as grandes cidades, a população de Encheia diminuiu a cerca de 30% nos anos 1979 a 2002 ( de 847 para 564 habitantes, INEC 2002), com a etnia maioritária Balanta, que são conhecidos por Balantas do Norte. Na sociedade dos Balantas a poligamia12 é aceite. Esta prática pode também ser fonte de conflitos, por razões de rivalidade entre as esposas e ainda por inveja por maior poderio produtivo e acumulação de capital. A riqueza de um homem Balanta, como chefe de agregado familiar, é entendida em função do número de filhos e do número de esposas, como força de mão-de-obra. A organização da mão-de-obra familiar dos Balantas depende fortemente da organização do sistema de consumo em que o chefe do agregado familiar é quem determina as necessidades individuais e o tempo que cada um dos membros lhes é obrigado a dedicar.

A etnia Balanta é também muito conhecida por causa da sua riqueza cultural – por exemplo as cerimónias de toka-tchur13 e a famosa luta tradicional denominada kut´hun na língua Balanta. Ainda são conhecidas outras interessantes manifestações culturais, tais como a cerimónia de fanado14 e as festas tradicionais de quisondé, canta pó, brokson e a festa de casamento15. É importante sublinhar que é precisamente nessas cerimónias e festas tradicionais que surgem grandes conflitos violentos registados no nosso estudo de caso com grandes números de vítimas (mortas ou feridas). Salientamos os seguintes 3 casos ou processos criminais para serem analisados:

12 Casamento de um homem com duas ou mais mulheres, vivendo numa só casa, em que a preparação das refeições é feita numa única panela ou num único fogão, com orientação do marido como chefe de agregado. 13 Cerimónia funebre. 14 Circuncisão. 15 Todas essas festas se realizam de maneira típica e particular de deferentes formas de danças tradicionais dos balantas. Sempre são organizados entre as moranças ou tabancas. Nesse contexto as decisões dos homens grandes são indispensáveis na concertação e marcação das datas para a realização de qualquer evento deste carácter.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 271 1. O primeiro caso: trata-se do crime de uma mulher que assassinou a sua rival, 2ª esposa do marido. Um ano mais tarde, o irmão da vítima assassinou-a também, em prol de auto-justiça (vingança). O caso interessa-nos na medida em que se nota a possibilidade de continuar observar o ciclo de vingança em prol de auto-justiça. 2. O segundo caso: trata-se de um processo de crime que ocorreu na festa tradicional canta pó entre duas moranças. Houve um morto e vários feridos. Durante as nossas observações, constatamos um espírito de possível vingança (auto-justiça), alegando-se que “não há justiça nesse país e o criminoso daqui a nada vai ser libertado” – “Portanto, assim que ele sair vamos matá-lo também”, juraram os familiares da vítima. 3. No que concerne o 3º caso, o processo criminal refere um jovem assassinado em Encheia na cerimónia fúnebre toka-tchur. O assassino conseguiu fugir e foi entregar-se ao tio em Bissau. O tio, apesar de ser um comandante militar, foi obrigado a esconder o sobrinho. O caso nos interessa na medida em que nos permite analisar a atitude do tio como alto responsável do Estado: essa atitude do tio permite-nos aceitar a hipótese de autoconfiança e coragem dos jovens que praticam esses tipos de crime por cada um deles conhecer alguém directa ou indirectamente ligado às autoridades do Estado que lhes pode proteger em caso de um eventual problema.

Nesse sentido, nota-se pouca procura de poder tradicional como instituição de resolução de conflitos por parte da população na zona, o que obriga o encaminhamento de muitos processos de conflitos para a polícia ou para o tribunal de sector em Bissorã. Este facto reduz a possibilidade de explorar as vantagens de forum shopping em termos de resoluções de conflitos nessa sociedade. Na sociedade balanta falava-se sempre dos “concelhos de anciãos”, uma instituição que hoje em dia observa um poder reduzido em termos de tomada de decisões e mais concretamente em casos de

272 resoluções de conflitos. Apesar dessa afirmação, observa-se em Encheia algumas instituições estatais (comité de tabanca e representante da segurança) e não estatais (irã) a serem aproveitadas na resolução de conflitos.

Uma outra questão importante a sublinhar é o papel actual dos jovens nas resoluções de conflitos como vectores da mudança. Em Encheia os jovens tomaram a iniciativa para contornar a situação de roubos e outras questões como factores e origens de conflitos na zona. A iniciativa consiste na criação de associações de jovens de cada tabanca para reso- luções de conflitos em geral e dos conflitos relacionados com roubos em particular. Essa iniciativa é louvada e entendida pela população como forma de reforçar a capacidade de intervenção de diferentes poderes estatais e não estatais existentes em Encheia tais como irãs, comités de tabancas e o representante da segurança que continuam a desempenhar um papel determinante em termos de resolução de conflitos. Todas as restantes instituições estatais tais como a Esquadra de Polícia, a Delegacia do Ministério Público e o Tribunal encontram-se em Bissorã, para onde a maior parte dos problemas ou conflitos são encaminhados.

Para terminar, ainda nesse fase de estudo, constata-se que há varias questões a investigar na sociedade balanta de Encheia. Por exemplo: por um lado, há dificuldades de distinguir o papel de um “chefe da tabanca” daquele do “comité da tabanca”, e o destes daquele dos “homens grandes” das tabancas. Por outro lado, questiona-se as suas competências em termos de resolução e prevenção de conflitos. Parece-nos que a priori são os jovens que de facto criam conflitos e decidem sobre as formas da sua resolução. Será que essa iniciativa dos jovens de criar associações para a resolução de conflitos pode ou não, em termos de legitimidade e respeito, substituir o conhecido poder do “concelho de anciãos” dos “homens grandes” nas comunidades balanta de Encheia?

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 273 Gabú: Dimensions of the Local Chief’s Influence in Political Processes and Conflict Resolution. Outline of a research project

Anne-Kristin Borszik

Gabú’s head-chief, Saico Embaló, makes us wonder whether here modernity comes in traditional guise. On the one hand he is engaged in “modern” business bringing development projects and infra-structures to Gabú, promoting thus local development according to his, the chief’s, logic. Accordingly, he is also equipped with modern labels like a moped. On the other hand he seems to use “tradition” and the longue durée of his family’s rule as powerful resources for legitimacy. The Embaló family, one of the most important Fulani families in the Gabú region, settled in the village of Okhomoude. The Embalós have played an important role in the region, first as part of the ruling elite in the Fulaadu polity, the successor of the Kaabu kingdom, and later on, after colonisation, as local and regional chiefs.

As for the contemporary political landscape of Gabú, Saico Embaló’s position seems to surpass the intermediary tradition his family has experienced as local chiefs during colonial times – subordinated to the state’s authority and superior to the local population, implying the intermediary dilemma of “serving two masters”. Saico also seems to do more than just carrying on with the neo-traditional position ascribed to local chiefs since independence and, more explicitly, since the democratization process of the 1990’s. We rather assume that he reinforces and moulds creatively his position as “hereditary traditional chief” by creating link- ages with modern economies and international partners and by employing his organisational and mobilising abilities, thus establishing an equivalent position to local state authorities. The accomplishment of this equivalence implies oscillating hierarchies of decision-making between state and non-state actors. Oscillating hierarchies and the

274 intertwinement of state and non-state actors are one of the key hypotheses of the overall project on “Local strategies of conflict management in Guinea-Bissau”.

During our short visit to Gabú in March 2007 we realized that the head- chief of Gabú maintains social relations (ties) with a great variety of political, economic and religious actors – be they related to the modern state or not, be they kin, in-laws or without kinship relation, be they Fulani, Mandinga or Balanta. These ties build his social network.

How can this network be characterized? Is Saico Embaló as powerful and influential as he makes us believe? This will be the initial core questions future fieldwork in Gabú will try to answer. To get deeper insight in the local social network, we need to ask: Are we dealing in Gabú with ethnically shaped traditional life-worlds? Put differently, can we identify “patterns” of action, moral convictions and concepts of religion or spiri- tuality passed on from one generation to the next within one ethnic group? In case we can state such traditional life-worlds, we assume that social ties are more stable and predictable the more tradition-bounded and ethnically shaped – and thus more institutionalized – such life-worlds are. And the more stable social ties, the easier the chief will exercise control over them, which obviously might help him to accomplish certain purposes such as enlarging his political legitimacy, enforcing his position of power in Gabú, gaining influence in decision-making in political processes and conflicts or supervising economic activities. By pursuing specific strategies in order to accomplish these purposes he attempts at better controlling his social environment. Thus, agency comes into play. Agency is, however, always limited by other actors’ attempts at controlling their social environment.

In Gabú, I am interested in the nature of the network of state and non-state actors, particularly in the question whether the mutual

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 275 interdependence of these actors is based on individual interests and strategies. People’s strife for control over a social environment and their attempts to power is conceived by Harrison White, an American sociologist, as a social “pecking order” (White 1992). Fulani’s attempts at – and the assumed will to – power will be verified for the Gabú context. While other Fulani societies in the West African region have lately been studied extensively (cf. for example Azarya, Breedveld, de Bruijn, van Dijk 1999; Bah 1998; Boesen 1999; Diallo 1997; Riesman 1977), most recent literature on the Fulani of Gabú dates from the colonial period (cf. Moreira 1948, Silva 1958).

We furthermore assume that the character and intensity of the chief’s (and others’) ties are shaped by specific local political and cultural discourses. Discourses take concrete form in the way people think and talk about their ties and those ties’ history. Djumbai (gossip) among neighbours, friends and kin is one of the contexts of discourses. Meetings of the elders are another occasion to discuss the mode of Fulanis’ social relations as manifest in everyday life or in ceremonies such as marriage, rites de passage, and funerals. Elders discuss inter-ethnic and inter-gen- erational conflicts, local politics and other aspects of daily life, hence bringing social networks into being, or affirming or strengthening existing social ties. Another occasion when social networks are evoked opens up when djidius (the Bissau-Guinean griots) narrate the history and origin of the Fulani of Gabú. Ancient kin relationships are confirmed and the chief’s legitimacy of leadership is heightened by the frequent repetition of a glorious past. White called the concretisation of political and cultural discourses stories (White 1992). Stories, in turn, shape ties.

Methodologically, a triangle of methods will be applied. Social Network Analysis helps mapping the chief’s actual involvement in local power relations and the characteristics of his social network. Who are the chief’s most important contacts among state and non-state actors and

276 at what levels – political, economic, religious etc. – cooperation takes place? Discourse Analysis sheds light on political and cultural discourses that shape the social network and people’s ties. Stories on ties and the ties’ history will be analysed by a person-centred, phenomenological approach: Life-World Analysis will help to understand how people – and especially the head-chief himself – perceive their position within the network, how they create meaning concerning their actions and how they estimate the scope of their agency.

In an assumed “pecking order”, space for local dispute settlement and conflict resolution is equally contested. By applying the Extended Case Method for the study of concrete cases of conflict and their resolution, I will concentrate on the chief’s position in local dispute settlement. Our assumption is that power and law are mutually interdependent. Consid- ering Pierre Bourdieu’s idea of the conversion of forms of capital (Bour- dieu 1977) – actors strategically transfer power (or capital) from one field to another – the chief might quite easily transform political into juridical power. Thus, the better the chief’s position in a socio-political network, the better his chances to be approached as dispute settler.

Bibliography Azarya, Victor; Anneke Breedveld, Mirjam de Bruijn, and Han van Dijk (eds.) (1999), Pastoralists under pressure? Fulbe societies confronting change in West Africa, Leiden: Brill. Bah, M. Alpha (1998), Fulbe presence in Sierra Leone. A case history of twentieth-century migration and settlement among the Kissi of Koindu, New York: Lang. Boesen, Elisabeth (1999), Scham und Schönheit. Über Identität und S elbstvergewisserung bei den Fulbe Nordbenins, Münster: LIT. Bourdieu, Pierre (1977), Outline of a theory of practice, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 277 Diallo, Youssouf (1997), Les Fulbe du Boobola. Genèse et évolution de l’état de Barani (Burkina Faso). Köln: Köppe. Moreira, José Mendes (1948), Fulas do Gabú, Memórias, 6. Bissau: Centro de Estudos da Guiné Portuguesa. Riesman, Paul (1977), Freedom in Fulani social life. An introspective ethnography, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Silva, Artur Augusto da (1958), Usos e costumes jurídicos dos Fulas da Guiné Portuguesa, Memórias, 20. Bissau: Centro de Estudos da Guiné Portuguesa. White, Harrison C. (1992), Identity and Control, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

278 Violence, its Impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building Travelling Models in Conflict Management. A Comparative Research and Network Building Project in Six African Countries (Chad, Ethiopia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Africa and Sudan) (Prof. Dr. Richard Rottenburg and Partners)

Research Concept The project is based on the observation that conflicts and efforts in conflict management (i.e. processes concerning conflict dynamics, their prevention and resolution) are embedded in localised processes and particular social alliances while simultaneously being informed by trans-locally circulating ideas and models. In the form of theoretically informed empirical studies in selected regions in West Africa, Northeast Africa and Southern Africa, the project asks if and how trans-local organisational, legal and political models influence conflict prevention, dynamics and resolution. It analyses how such models are translated into the particular context, i.e. merged with traditional ways of dealing with conflicts or are rejected.

While building up a research network across language divides in Africa, this interdisciplinary project aims at understanding the trans/local character of conflicts and conflict management in sub-Saharan Africa and, more generally, how globally circulating models and ideas are employed in structuring and giving meaning to them.

The models are either developed somewhere abroad within the global arena of professional conflict management, or they are developed locally, where the conflict happens. Their common characteristic, though, is that at a certain point they become standardised and are used in various other conflict situations, i.e. they travel.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 279 Objectives The project first asks where, when and how a specific pattern of conflict management has emerged, where it has first been applied and how it was translated by the local actors into their own agendas.

It secondly asks how such a pattern of conflict management is turned into a model by being picked up in a different context and used as a blue-print that has potentials independent of its original context.

Thirdly, the project is interested in how the original pattern (that has become a model by having been imitated) changes as a result of its stan- dardisation, imitation and hence travelling. Within the second and third aspect the globalisation of social scientific knowledge plays a crucial role. In that sense the project analyses how within the newly emerging global arena of professional conflict management concepts and basic assumptions of the social sciences become universalised by being globally applied.

Organisational Structure and Research Network The project connects 18 research sub-projects located in Chad, Ethiopia, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Africa and Sudan. In each country the PhD candidates have started their research project in December 2006 (see below).

Their research is supervised by six African scholars who have worked and published in the relevant field. The African supervisors contribute to the research with a sub-project dealing with the same subject as their PhD candidate. In a similar way, each PhD research project is supported and supplemented by one of six German country partners (see project homepage).

280 Participants/Contact:

Professor Dr. Richard Rottenburg Dr. Andrea Behrends (coordinator) Dr. Thomas Kirsch Mr. Sung-Joon Park University of Halle-Wittenberg Institute for Social Anthropology and Philosophy 06099 Halle (Saale), GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Günther Schlee Dr. Jacqueline Knörr Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology P.O. Box 11 03 51 06017 Halle (Saale), GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Khalil Alio Mr. Laguerre Dionro Djerandi Université de N’Djamena Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines à Ardep Djoumal B.P. 1117 N’Djamena, CHAD E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 281 Professor Dr. Kees van der Waal Ms. Tinashe Pfigu University of Stellenbosch Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology P.O. Box X1 7602 Matieland, SOUTH AFRICA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Musa Adam Abdul-Jalil Mr. Mutasim Bashir Ali Hadi University of Khartoum Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology P.O. Box 321 Khartoum, SUDAN E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Joe A. D. Alie Mr. Sylvanus Nicholas Spencer University of Sierra Leone Fourah Bay College Department of History and African Studies Mount Aureol Freetown, SIERRA LEONE E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

282 Dr. Ahmed R. Dumbuya Ms. Lena Thompson University of Sierra Leone Fourah Bay College Mount Aureol Freetown, SIERRA LEONE E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Dr. Tadesse Berisso Mr. Dejene Gemechu Addis Ababa University Institute of Ethiopian Studies P. O. Box 1176 Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 283 Subprojects: From Democracy to Power-Sharing: The Role of the Educated Elite of South Darfur in Conflict Management

Mutasim Bashir Ali Hadi

The Sudan has been witnessing long and violent conflicts, especially in the region of Darfur, which represents the area of my study. This region is located in western Sudan and it is divided into three states: Northern, Western and Southern Darfur. The conflicts are multidimensional, economic or resource based, political, cultural and identity related, low and high levels, local and regional. In the past Darfurians used to manage conflicts with a traditional conflict solving model called “Judiyya”, but gradually the elite adopted other models of conflict management. In this range, my study examines how power-sharing has come to be adopted as a model of conflict management in Darfur.

Power-sharing can be regarded as a system of governance, consisting of practices and institutions that result in broad-based governing coali- tions that are generally inclusive of all major ethnic groups. It first came to Sudan when the peace agreement between the Government of Sudan and the southern rebel movement (Ananya) was signed in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) in 1972. But this agreement fell apart, war restarted again in 1983 and in 2004 the Sudanese government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) agreed on power sharing protocols as part of the peace deal. This was signed in January 2005 in Naivasha (Kenya) and became known as the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).

In Darfur, a recent agreement provides for “power-sharing” through the creation of a Transitional Darfur Regional Authority that works with the federal government. This adoption of power sharing as a model of conflict management in Darfur represents a remarkable shift in approaches

284 to conflict. While formerly the Darfurian elite saw democratisation as the path to peace and integration, it now adheres to power sharing as the only way possible in reaching their aims of participating national governance. My study aims at documenting, explaining and understanding the reasons behind this shift.

I will conduct most of my fieldwork in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur. Further areas of research will be: Khartoum State, El-Fashir and El Geneina with the aim of interviewing members of the respective communal elites. So far, I collected documents including archival material in Khar- toum, but most of the data are from individual interviews and group discussions with members of the Darfurian elite who came to visit Khartoum. They represent various social categories; some are traditional leaders and others are teachers, government officials, researchers, and leaders of farmers and pastoralists, politicians, lawyers, students and graduates, army and police soldiers and officers and traders.

According to my review of the relevant literature and the interviews, some findings can be summarised as follows: ● The conflict in Darfur has three dimensions: a) local clashes of interests between the ethnic groups, which are mainly resource based, b) regional ethnic tensions with a racial dimension, which often are said to be between Arabs and non-Arabs, and c) political disagreements between Darfurians and the central government. ● Concerning the two different types of elites, traditional and modern, I found that the first generation of the educated elite from Darfur originated from families of traditional leaders and had no or little disagreements with their traditional orientations. There was a time mainly in the 1970s and 1980s when the modern educated elite went into strong opposition to the traditional elite. The “teacher” and the “chief” became the key opponents. Presently, again, there seems to be no sharp distinction between traditional and modern educated elites.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 285 This is also related to the fact that in recent years some tribal leaders attained university degrees or are educated in some other way. ● The elites play an important role in conflict management in Darfur. Its members take part in raising and escalating as well as resolving conflicts in the area. Many of the non-elite Darfurians I talked to believe that the educated elites are the main factor in the escalation of conflicts in Darfur. This might be related to the fact that nowadays they tend to underline their ethnic origins to get support under the disguise of aiming at resolving the major conflicts in the region. ● Members of the elites have various takes on conflict management, and also on the model of power sharing. They refer to power sharing mostly when discussing about the above mentioned third dimension of the conflict; that is the political disagreement between Darfurians and the central government. Many of them think that it is the policies of the central government towards Darfur which are causing them to turn away from their former approaches of democracy to now adopt such models as power sharing. Still, many members of the elite fear that the model of power sharing may create further conflict between Darfurian groups because it emphasises ethnicity. They would rather like to see a re-emergence of traditional models of conflict resolution.

286 Le Projet Pétrolier Tchadien – Un Nouveau Modèle de Prévention et de Résolution de Conflit (Oil Extraction in Chad – A new Model for Conflict Prevention)

Laguerre Dionro Djerandi

Cette présentation consiste à mettre en exergue les premières impres- sions et avis ou données collectées pendant les premiers travaux de terrain. Il convient de noter cependant que cette phase est intervenue après une laborieuse recherche documentaire qui certes ne s’est pas encore achevée.

En effet, nous avions initialement précisé que la plupart des décisions concernant le projet pétrolier tchadien sont prises par le pouvoir central notamment à N’Djaména. Ce qui justifie la nécessité de mener des enquêtes non seulement dans la zone pétrolière mais aussi dans la capitale. Nous relevons que c’est effectivement pour la première fois qu’une institution comme la Banque Mondiale investie dans un tel domaine. En investissant, la Banque a entouré ce projet d’un certain nombre de contours et de nouveautés qui ont fait de lui un modèle dont le succès sera transposé dans les projets semblables d’autres pays. Ici, il ne s’agit non seulement des initiatives officielles prises pour gérer le conflit autour du projet qui ont une forte connotation extérieure mais aussi des modèles locaux développés qui ont de forts liens avec ceux d’autres pays ou qui peuvent être utiles dans d’autres pays.

Fort de cela, nous avons commencé une première phase des travaux de terrain à N’Djaména. Nous avons travaillé avec des structures telles que le Ministère du pétrole, la Coordination nationale du projet pétrole, le Collège de contrôle et de surveillance des ressources pétrolières, certaines personnalités du consortium et des institutions internationales, certaines

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 287 ONG et autres organisations impliquées dans le projet pétrole. Nous n’oublierons pas de noter des entrevues assez riches que nous avons eues avec certains natifs de la région pétrolière qui vivent à N’Djaména.

Il faut rappeler que les entretiens ont tourné autour des questions suivantes: – pourquoi le projet pétrolier tchadien considéré comme modèle pose-t-il problème aujourd’hui ? – qu’est-ce qui est à l’origine de la crise entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans ce projet ? – quels sont les motivations ou les intérêts que chacune des parties entend conserver en adoptant telle ou telle position ? – quelle est la responsabilité de ces différents acteurs et l’impact du conflit sur la situation politique et socioéconomique du Tchad ? – quelles sont les différentes formes de réaction développées par les populations locales et leur impact sur le projet? – les modèles retenus initialement et ceux en application actuellement peuvent-ils s’appliquer dans des projets d’autres pays? Autrement dit, le modèle tchadien est-il transposable?

A la lumière de ces problématiques, voici quelques hypothèses – Le conflit sur le projet pétrolier tchadien serait un conflit d’intérêt ; – Le conflit résulterait du fait qu’à la base, le projet a été mal ficelé, mal négocié; – L’implication trop faible des populations locales et surtout la non prise en compte de certains modèles locaux serait une des sources du conflit.

288 Indigenous Institutions as a Travelling Model for Conflict Management: A Case study of Borana-Oromo and their Neighbours

Dejene Gemechu

Africa has experienced perennial inter- and intra-ethnic conflicts. Such violent confrontations bear heavy human, economic, and social costs and are major threats to development. The problem was and still is more serious in the Horn of Africa. Violent confrontations of the Somali clans, the Darfur case of the Sudan and the Ethio-Eritrean boundary conflict are some of the major problems that still remain unsolved. Apart from these major conflicts, with international attention and intervention, both intra and inter-ethnic conflicts are part of the history and the common experiences of Ethiopian pastoralists in general and the southern Ethiopian pastoralists and agro-pastoralists in particular.

Tuning into the global attention to inter and intra-ethnic conflicts and their management the present study sheds light on traditional institutions for conflict management among the Borana and their neighbours. The Borana are one of the Oromo groups among whom gada1 is fully operational. They inhabit southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya. They are predominantly pastoralists. The research, therefore, offers an insight into traditional institutions, including the gada institution as travelling models through which conflicts are discussed, analyzed and managed. Through the intervention of NGOs and the Ethiopian government traditional institutions are currently widely employed in conflict management at different levels. These interventions take place across the Ethiopian regional states and also cross the border.

1 Gada is a variety of democratic political organization that the Oromo have developed and used at least for the last five hundred years.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 289 Based on the present fieldwork and a review of the relevant literature the following are some of the preliminary findings. Competitions and tensions in the Borana lowland involve highly interwoven factors of economic, political, cultural and identity issues. Among the various factors the most frequently mentioned cause of conflict is competition over the use of resources. Research indicates that factors like the frequently occurring drought in the region, rapid increment in human and animal population and unpalatable grass expansion have contributed to this effect. These findings are confirmed by my data first hand.

Historically, apart from simple and immediate material interest for the Borana killing from among the enemy was embedded in their very culture as a structural requirement of their political system. This practice is currently getting outdated, yet inter-ethnic conflicts persist and flare up in new forms as old ones phase out.

In addition, it is unequivocally authenticated by my data that subsequent to the downfall of the authoritarian socialist regime and the introduction of new state structure with ethnic based politics since 1991, conflicts dramatically take different forms than they have done before. The changes are in the sources, objectives, magnitude and intensity as well as in actors and management. A highly politicized ethnicity let inter- ethnic competitions and tensions over identity, representation and boundary issues escalate.

Violent conflicts over the area can be roughly divided into two: resource based and politically charged conflicts, but both are not absolutely exclu- sive to each other. The Borana’s conflicts with their bordering districts of Southern Nation, Nationalities and People Regional State in the west have rather been resource based, whereas the Borana’s conflicts with the Gabra, Guji and all Somali clans tend to be politically motivated, and only take the camouflage of competitions over natural resources.

290 My preliminary findings show that, given the present situation, any top-down conflict management interventions by the government proved inappropriate and bear no or little fruit, for it deviated from centuries of custom, locked in the pastoralists’ form of living. These interventions directly aim at attaining political objectives of the ruling party rather than sustainable peace and security. Since recent years, however, a number of NGOs based in Ethiopia and Kenya in cooperation with government administrative units at different levels have started to adopt and praise the effectiveness of traditional institutions such as gada as mechanisms of conflict management. The efforts of NGOs entail providing necessary backing and structure so as to build up local capacity for peace and conflict management, rather than direct implementation of the traditional institutions as such, where the former contexts have been already messed.

The interventions have been revealed in three different, but interwoven approaches. The first aims at enhancing awareness of the complexity of conflicts. In this regard, a number of training workshops have been conducted targeting the main actors, both government officers and community leaders. Secondly, various peace dialogues and conferences have been organized with pastoralists of the Ethiopian lowland and northern Kenya. Third, peace committees have been organized (in some cases cross border) from among the communities, which are supposed to respond and intervene in any potential confrontation, as a way forward to conflict transformation.

However, a very important question here is whether NGOs succeed in using traditional institutions of conflict management in an effective way. In regard to this question, practical experiences exhibit that the effectiveness of traditional institutions of conflict management varies depending upon the methodology employed and the nature of the conflicts addressed. Interventions where the contenders are empowered

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 291 and allowed to critically deal with their own problems with no or only little external pressure are successful. As far as the traditional society is concerned the truth of subsequent events pertinent to the conflict are all important to arrive at a peace agreement and to promoting real trust among the warring groups.

Likewise, joint problem solving conferences of the community with the intervention of external actors are able to make a positive impact if fierce competitions over scarce resources are the root causes. Empow- ering effective institutional mechanisms to regulate the use of shared resources could handle the problem. However, if the conflicts are implicitly and/or explicitly deep rooted in ethnic based policy of the government traditional institutions are not appropriate anymore to mitigate conflicts.

292 Local Responses to a ‘Travelling Model’ of Crime Prevention and Management: Community Policing in Stellenbosch, South Africa

Tinashe Pfigu

The ‘community policing model’ in crime prevention and management represents an idea of team effort. Central to this idea is the participation of local people in dealing with crime and its related problems. Commu- nity policing upholds coordinated tactics between the police and the local people. In theory, it encourages partnerships between civil society, business, government, the police and the local people.

The Community Policing ‘model’ The failure of the traditional reactive nature of policing resulted in national governments and police departments introducing community policing, for example in the United States and the United Kingdom where the concept was first widely used. The aim was to motivate the police and local people to work together to reduce crime and understand better the conditions in which crime occurs.

Community policing has been referred to as the first serious attempt to transform the relationship between police and communities towards a cooperative understanding (Trajanowicz and Bucqueroux 1990). The multiple ideas in community policing show that this is a body of knowledge or a philosophy of crime prevention from which several strategies towards crime prevention are drawn. The concept of community policing was popularised in line with democratic ideals which promote citizens/ communities to take part in their own policing. This is embraced in the international trend towards crime prevention.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 293 The ‘Travelling Model’ Concept Guiding the larger Volkswagen Project on Travelling Models of Conflict Management in Africa is the notion of ‘travelling models’. The notion is used in this study as an instrument to unravel the flows of ideas, practices and networks in community policing. The use of community policing in different spaces and the adaptations that occur represent the ‘travelling’ nature of the model. This is facilitated and supported by existing national policies, re-orientation of police duties towards service delivery and the upholding of participatory governance globally.

Fieldwork The study is taking place in three different residential areas in the Stel- lenbosch municipality, in the Western Cape Province of South Africa. The different sites allow comparing the work of community policing and how local people in different contexts and with different experiences work with the concept. The three communities vary in terms of class, local history and racialised experiences. These variables are used to understand how they grasp and work with community policing. It is interesting to note that although the residents in the area of study might have different everyday experiences, there exists a general consensus on their goals, that is to live free from the fear of crime and work towards crime prevention.

The fieldwork entails participant observation, open-ended qualitative interviewing with actors in community policing networks ranging from the members in the neighbourhood watches, the police, the municipality, grassroots organisations working on community safety issues and the residents of Kylemore, Kayamandi and Stellenbosch suburbs.

My research shows that the three communities expose different approaches to how people organise themselves and how they deal with crime under the guidance of the community policing model. The struc-

294 tures are broadly the same, for example the neighbourhood watch, but the day-to-day functions are determined by the people who are fully committed to the working of these structures and the problems being encountered at a particular time. The Stellenbosch police inspector tasked with community policing stressed “we need to understand the type of crimes in specific communities and the fears the residents have. It is important to note that everyone has a different opinion of the police, because of different experiences with the police”. This explains the various attitudes people have towards the idea of participating in their own policing or to what extent they participate. She raised this concern because the experiences in her work have shown her that the police still have to do a lot to get the attention of more people to work with them around community policing. While the community members who participate in community policing are regarded as being committed, the station commander at the Stellenbosch police station at one community policing forum meeting (CPF), stressed “things are looking good, but there is more room for improvement. The (CPF) chairperson added “we have a role to create something that is more tolerant in order to draw the attention of the public: we need something that will make them more passionate, for now we just have to wait for new ideas.”

The challenge is to include the majority of the community members on board. The majority are probably quite aware of the problems that their community faces, for instance drug and alcohol abuse related crimes in Kayamandi and Kylemore. One member of the community who says she has seen her community change over the years said in frustration “the problem is that Kylemore is a split community, they cannot stand together about what they want even though everyone knows everyone”. However, in Kylemore the neighbourhood watch is complimented for doing a good job by most of the community members interviewed so far. The watch consists of volunteers who work in groups of about four people to patrol their community and surrounding farms every night.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 295 Crime, in the post-conflict situation in South Africa, is an indication of broader social issues that continue to plague a society moving from apartheid and huge inequality towards democracy and integration of all members of society. In Kayamandi, a youth church pastor highlighted in an interview, “the question is how can we put Kayamandi on the map? How then can we say let us stand together and do things for ourselves. There are other issues around crime that people do not really want to talk about, for example, is it the failure of the family that is causing crime, is it the foreigners, is it the lack of resources, not dealing with these issues results in confusion and despair that is why we need critical self reflection”. There is an implied view here that community policing needs to deal with issues in a more far-reaching way by including, for example, the family to be responsible for guiding the youth.

A reflection on fieldwork conducted so far shows that community members make up their own tool kit in an informal or formal way to decode and conceptualise the larger ‘community policing model’. This is done so that they can make it user-friendly to their communities. Numerous efforts are being made towards crime prevention and management in the Stellenbosch municipality. The ‘model’ has maintained its core principles which centre on service orientation, partnership, problem solving, empowerment and accountability. The support on a larger platform for community policing is provided by the national policy in South Africa.

296 Travelling Models in Development Policies: The Role of Political Elites in the Democratisation Process in Post Conflict Sierra Leone and Liberia.

Sylvanus Nicholas Spencer

Background Sierra Leone and Liberia are two neighbouring states on the west coast of Africa. They have rich natural resources, fluid open borders and their capitals (Freetown and Monrovia) were founded as safe havens for freed slaves. Furthermore, both countries are emerging from bloody and destructive civil wars characterised by gross human rights violations. They are, with the help of the international community, currently engaged in post-war reconstructions. This involves, among other things, undertaking a program of democratization.

Democratization as a Travelling Model Western conceptions, discourses, policy ideas and experiences about conflicts and their management are trans-locally diffused and have resulted in the issuing of certain globally circulating prescriptions or ‘travelling models’ to address specific problems. It is generally agreed that the civil conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone and elsewhere in Africa had their roots in bad governance. Accordingly, democratization, as part of the ‘good governance’ prescription for so-called ‘failed states,’ is one of the travelling models that have found their way to Africa and beyond. Many Western countries, the United Nations, donor agencies and funding institutions like the World Bank have now made ‘good governance’ a pre-condition for aid and loans to developing countries.

The elites, especially the so-called Western educated elites, are channels or agents through which the model of democratization has been transmitted into these states. My thesis examines their perceptions of democratization, their role in the subsequent processes of democratization and

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 297 the historic and cultural factors that have shaped these processes in both Sierra Leone and Liberia.

Some Research Findings Generally, there is a growing desire among ordinary citizens for a democratic transformation to take place. Such a desire rests on the conviction that a truly democratic system has the potential to sustain peace, stability and foster development in these war wearied countries.

Therefore, the political elites are under pressure from both ordinary citizens and the international community to undertake democratic reforms and promote democratic practices and values like accountability, transparency, respect for the rule of law, political pluralism and broad- based participation.

The Western oriented political elites of Sierra Leone and Liberia have repeatedly expressed and affirmed their commitment to democratic change. With the help of the international community “Governance Reform Commissions” and other institutions have been established to support the process of democratization. Some efforts are being exerted to promote constitutional and legal reforms, respect for human rights, freedom of speech etc.

Although these actions are a move in the right direction and apparently represent some levels of commitment to the democratic process, a closer observation would reveal that the political elites have certain reservations which are reflected in a tendency to procrastinate, make hesitant moves and manipulate the democratic process. This at times translates into the payment of lip service and lack of political will which are impediments to democratization.

298 A political elite interviewed in Monrovia candidly expressed the view that such tendency is necessary if, in his own words, “the political elites are not to commit political suicide”. In other words, certain elements of the democratization process require promoting values and practices that seemingly threaten the political aspirations of the elites. It should however be realised that where there is total devotion to the democratic transition process, it is the national interest that should supersede personal political ambitions.

The wavering attitude of political elites is also connected with the fear that democratization gives the ordinary citizens muscles to hold governments accountable, checkmate excesses and make what is at times c onsidered “unreasonable demands.” Some elite informants have voiced the opinion that unless the democratization process is gradual and cautious, the high expectations it carries make it run the risk of becoming a harbinger of instability rather than peace and development.

Some elites have also expressed reservations about the involvement of the international community in the democratization process. This they view as a subtle breach of national sovereignty and a form of neo-colonialism. They have grudgingly tolerated this mainly to get political legitimacy and gain access to international loans and donor support.

Although unschooled traditional rulers in the impoverished rural communities generally do not have a thorough understanding of what democratization means, they in some cases share similar misgivings as the formally educated elites. In particular, those in Sierra Leone are uneasy about the ongoing decentralization process which is yet to commence in Liberia. This process which is regarded as grassroots democratization is seen by some chiefs as bypassing and undermining their traditional authority.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 299 Although there is a general belief that political elites are bent on jealously guarding and perpetuating their pre-eminent position, the unschooled traditional rulers tend to be much more accepted and respected in their local communities in spite of having less knowledge of and regard for Western democratic values and procedures. This is in contrast to what obtains in urban centres where elites in local government and national government levels are generally viewed with much disfavour by a much more westernised citizenry.

Where political elites are fully committed to bring about democratic transformation, one would expect to see them actively taking the initiative to raise awareness among the populace (starting with their constituencies) about the merits and practice of democracy thereby contributing to empowering them for meaningful participation in the process. However, they are much more visible in providing civic education during elections, which implies that the primary interest is to win votes since it is voter education that they tend to emphasis.

No matter the nature of elite’s perception and reaction to the democratic process, it is clear that the wheels of democratization are in motion in these two countries and might not easily be stopped. Each piece of democratic reform, even if feeble or faint-hearted, is whetting the appetite of citizens to advocate even more meaningful reforms. The growing number of civil society groups like CGG (Campaign for Good Governance) in Sierra Leone and CEDE (Centre for Democratic Empowerment) in Liberia are through civic education and advocacy work applying some amount of pressure for change.

Although political elites in these countries have been making some strides in promoting democratic change, they certainly need to demonstrate a stronger commitment thereby winning the fledging confidence of the citizenry who generally view them as unpatriotic, arrogant, selfish

300 and corrupt. This sharply contrasts with their ideal image of political elites as people who should serve as role models, exhibit dynamic leadership, identify with the masses by sharing their concerns and serve as far sighted agents of much needed positive change. By tackling corruption and delivering services, the elites would go a long way to present democracy as a viable alternative to personalised rule.

Current State of Research At present, I am still in the research field where I have been conducting interviews and holding focus group discussions in Sierra Leone. Time has also been spent reviewing some of the relevant literature. Field work will resume in Liberia in January, 2008.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 301 Women’s Right and Gender Mainstreaming as a Travelling Model for Post Conflict Reconciliation in Sierra Leone and Liberia

Lena Thompson

As a travelling model women’s rights and gender mainstreaming are being used both in Sierra Leone and Liberia to enhance and sustain the concept of democracy and human rights. It is generally recognised that the marginalization and the second class status of women in both countries contributed to the abuses suffered by women and girls during the war. Therefore the concepts and policy discourses prescribed and implemented by international agencies directly or indirectly through local non-governmental organizations are seen as means to enhance human rights and sustainable democracy. The aim of my thesis is to critically examine the impact and effectiveness of these processes. The travelling model’s compatibilities, applications and translations in relation to the local national dynamics shall be assessed together with the responses of the local communities. I have been conducting literature review for the theoretical framework of the research and tried to find my way through the extensive resource materials. The research attempts to analyze the differences between local and trans-local conceptions and interpretations of gender. Field work is still ongoing in Sierra Leone and will continue in Liberia later in the year.

Preliminary findings In Sierra Leone and Liberia the promotion of women’s rights and gender mainstreaming are concepts that have been generally accepted by government through policy formulation and bureaucratic and constitutional reforms. It has also led to increasing activism of women’s groups publicly advocating change at the sub-regional and regional level. How- ever, although governments generally appear to be receptive to these concepts and demands, there is a perceived lack of political will and

302 administrative capacity. There are differences between Sierra Leone and Liberia with the latter seemingly more proactive in promoting women’s right which could be explained by Liberia being the first African state to elect a woman as president.

There is a general belief that women’s roles have changed as a result of the war in spite of cultural norms. Post-conflict reconciliation has provided the space for women to demand their rights and also to educate the larger society. In Sierra Leone, in recent months some gains have been achieved with the enacting of the gender and child rights bill but this was largely due to the incumbent government’s quest for re-election rather than to any long term lobbying by human and women’s rights groups. Cultural constraints and stigmatization continue to be impediments to any gains achieved. Female genital mutilation continues to be a highly sensitive, delicate and contested issue even for groups such as MARWOPNET (Mano River Women’s Peace Network) because it is a highly political and cultural one that has some of its strongest advocates amongst educated women.

A reason for silencing the message of empowerment I found to be the fear of alienating men who are generally hostile and protective of their dominant role and status in society – in the words of a male interviewee: ‘Everything is now women’s right as opposed to human rights.’ Female empowerment involves educating not only (uneducated) women who are most receptive but also men who use cultural and religious norms as a justification to maintain the status quo and who resent imported concepts as discrediting traditional African beliefs.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 303 Violence, its Impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building Reconciliation and Social Conflict in the Aftermath of Large-scale Violence in Southern Africa: The Cases of Angola and Namibia (Prof. Dr. Heribert Weiland and Partners)

Both Angola and Namibia are cases in which histories of violence during colonialism and liberation struggles (and in Angola followed by civil war) have deeply impacted on the configuration and reconstitution of the social fabric, and on the construction and consolidation of state structures after independence (and, in Angola, peace in 2002). The extremely complex social structures in both countries were moulded by settler colonialism and post-colonial rule, situations implying conflict and cleavage. The consequences include sweeping socio-economic change, displacement, urbanisation and transformations of social identities. In an effort to pacify the conflict potential of the tensions resulting from these cleavages, governments in both countries have resorted in rhetoric and practice to national reconciliation. However, the policies adopted to reach this objective have not only largely failed to address fundamental problems such as collective traums, the consequences of gross human rights violations, increased inequality (including the consequences of the rise of new ruling elites), but in many cases, by commission or omission, have entrenched these problems. On the other hand, initiatives of various civil society institutions and political actors (and in Namibia, also of ethnic groups) complement and/or counteract this official discourse and practice. In contradistinction to the much-praised approach of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, official reconciliation policy in both countries is studiously silent about past wrongs, ostensibly to avoid fuelling existing divisions.

It is a central proposition of our project that reconciliation is a contested terrain where competing social interests are played out in practice and discourse. These contestations are explored from the interdisciplinary

304 and comparative perspectives of socio-economic structures and social identities, social psychology and political discourse, including the politics of memory. At the same time, the project is designed to promote systematic post-graduate training of young scholars of excellence from both Angola and Namibia. They are supervised by senior scientists actively involved in the research. A transcendent goal of the project’s pro-active approach is the promotion of networking and intensive exchanges between the relevant knowledge communities situated in and concerned with Angola and Namibia.

From the start, the project has had two sections, one for each of the countries involved. Capacity building takes the form of closely mentored research over and above the course work required by the institutions where the students are enrolled (in Portugal in the case of the junior researchers from Angola and in South Africa for those from Namibia). The thematic orientations adhere to a common grid of altogether eight research lines designed to facilitate comparative discussion at a more advanced stage of research. These include:

● social structures (especially post-colonial class formation); ● social thinking (especially social identities) ● rural communities: resilience and self-regulation ● psychological impacts (Angola only) ● dominant discourses and practices of reconciliation and nation- building ● discourse on alternatives and practices of reconciliation and nation-building ● memory politics (Namibia only) ● attitudes and practices of the losers of the civil war (Angola only)

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 305 Each research line includes up to three subprojects, each of which is headed by a senior researcher, who as a rule supervises one to four junior researchers.

Due to the considerable differences that exist between the two countries in terms of academic debate and available researchers, there are differences of emphasis between the two sections on some of these research lines. Nonetheless, the research lines have been conceptualised on the basis of a common overall approach, which is closely related to current actor-centred concepts. In this perspective, two interrelated strands can be distinguished: (1) the fundamental concern with the aftermath of large-scale and pervasive violence as a central aspect of the colonial legacy and, in the case of Angola, of protracted civil war after independence, and (2)efforts to consistently relate, by a diversity of approaches, hard facts such as social inequality, destructive effects of war-induced migration and social disaggregation, the long-term effects of genocide, and the behaviour of political (administrative, military) and economic power- holders to the ways such experiences are reconstructed in people’s minds today. In this, we aim at a significant contribution to empirical research on the overall societal configuration in both countries at both the objective and subjective levels. In pursuing this aim, the focus is on the current state of development in historically grounded cleavages – whether they are being overcome, deepened or trans- formed – and what new cleavages may appear.

Individual research undertaken in this framework addresses a wide range of topics and social environments using a number of research methodologies and instruments. These include desk research and content analysis, participant observation, empirical surveys and interviews. Again, our individual investigations will range from small social nexuses such as single villages or a particular ethnic group, through cities and surrounding regions, to the entirety of the countries concerned. The

306 choice of research methodologies and instruments also reflects the interdisciplinary composition of the project group, which includes political scientists, sociologists, social anthropologists, social psychologists, historians and a theologian.

This project will pioneer a comparative perspective on two countries that not only are neighbours, but also have in many ways a shared history. This aspect in particular concerns recent experiences of violence. During the 1980s, internal power struggles in Angola, the war of liberation in Namibia, and South Africa’s occupation of the latter together with a strategy of destabilisation against the former coalesced into a war theatre covering northern Namibia as well as most of southern and central Angola. Similarly, in the late 1990s, the last phase of the Angolan civil war severely affected the Kavango region in northern Namibia. At the same time, there has been surprisingly little intellectual interaction between the academic communities of the two countries or between those concerned with each individual country. There is also little work so far that takes into account the interlinkages in recent history. While this is not the main thrust of the project, it is hoped that bringing together scholars from both countries and exchanging and comparing their results will set in motion a process that will contribute to changing this situation.

Participants/Contact:

Professor Dr. Heribert Weiland (coordinator) Professor Dr. Reinhart Kößler Arnold Bergstraesser Institute for Socio-Cultural Research Windausstr. 16 79110 Freiburg, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 307 Professor Dr. Fernando José Pereira Florêncio Professor Dr. Franz-Wilhelm Heimer Professor Dr. João Milando Dr. Nelson Eduardo Guerra Pestana Mr. Jorge Chaves Ms. Maria de Fátima Mr. Paulo Inglês Instituto Superior de Ciências do Trabalho e da Empresa (ISCTE) Centro de Estudos Africanos Av. das Forças Armadas 1649-026 Lisboa, PORTUGAL E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. André du Pisani Professor Dr. William A. Lindeke University of Namibia Department of Political & Administrative Studies P.O. Box 13301 Windhoek, NAMIBIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

308 Dr. Volker Winterfeldt University of Namibia Department of Sociology P.O. Box 50944 Windhoek, NAMIBIA E-mail: [email protected]

Ms. Pamela Claassen Mr. Phanuel Kaapama University of Namibia Windhoek, NAMIBIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Mr. George du Toit Paulinum Theological Seminary P.O. Box 16008 Windhoek, NAMIBIA E-mail: [email protected]

Ms. Ludmilla Doëses Polytechnic of Namibia Windhoek, NAMIBIA E-mail: [email protected]

Ms. Memory Biwa Ms. Napandulwe Shiweda National Archives of Namibia P.O. Box 13250 Windhoek, NAMIBIA E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected]

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 309 Professor Dr. Gerhard Tötemeyer P.O. Box 651 Windhoek 9000, NAMIBIA E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Jean-Michel Mabeko Tali Howard University Department of History Washington, USA E-mail: [email protected]

Professor Dr. Margarida Ventura University Agostinho Neto Lubango Faculty of Education Av. 4 de Fevereiro, nº7, 2º andar Luanda, ANGOLA E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

310 Subprojects: Narratives, Rituals and Sacred Sites of the Nama-German War in Southern Namibia

Memory Biwa

‘If their children feel pain now, how did they feel during the war?’ The ongoing research takes its cue from sentiments such as this, as voiced by a traditional leader of the !Gami-#nun of Bas (Warmbad) in southern Namibia, who along with others were engaged in the war of 1903-1908 in southern Namibia. This violent engagement between various Nama communities and German soldiers is recognised as a war of genocide today. It is often commemorated in Southern Namibia by the affected communities such as the Kai-//Khaun of !Hoaxa!nas, !Khara-khoen of !Gochas, /Khobesen of Khaxatsus (Gibeon), !Aman of/Ui-#Gandes (Bethanie), //Haboben of/Koes, besides the !Gami-#nun.

The recording of narratives about this war from the perspective of the affected communities is rare and the number of informants is dwindling. This is confounded by the hegemony of dominant narratives of the war as extracted from archival sources by persons or institutions that have the resources to disseminate the information to a wider public. Domi- nant narratives at commemorative events also have a way of silencing other stories that may offer an alternative discourse of the war. A case in point is the trajectory of the !Gami-#nun community. The official memory of the war commences in 1904, thus the year 2004 in Namibia was presented nationally as the centennial commemoration of the Herero-German and Nama-German Wars. Representing 2004 as the year to commemorate the war had the effect of overlooking the initial resistance of this community of Bas (Warmbad) in southern Namibia. They had their centennial commemoration in October 2003 as their forebears had engaged German soldiers as early as the end of 1903.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 311 Therefore, recording of still retrievable accounts therefore forms one main content and objective of my research. The research will take me into the homes of individuals where this history has been passed on from great grandmother to grandmother, to the events held to memorialise heroines and heroes of the war and to sites that are held in the eyes of individuals or the community as sacrosanct. Thus I am engaging with how the war is being remembered by individuals or the collective and how this is shaping national history and vice versa.In June 2007, I interviewed thirteen informants from Gibeon, Bethanie and Warmbad through a project funded by the Namibia Institute for Democracy. The aim of the project is to discuss the war with people that have any stories that were passed on to them and to generally open up a platform where members of Herero, Damara, San and Nama communities may engage with the German community about the war and the affects thereof in Namibia.

One of the most significant ways in which individuals and communities remember the war is directly linked to the dead, whether through accounts of how people died on the battlefields, or in the concentration camps, or through present markings of the dead through gravesites, gravestones and plaques. It is through the retelling of the dead that the history of the war comes alive. One such ritual where the retelling of the war history is linked to gravesites is the commemoration held in February 2007 by the !Aman community of Bethanie. At Shark Island, a previous site of a concentration camp where groups of people, including members of the !Aman community were kept during the war, a plaque has been erected by the community on the same site as the memorials to German officers. The community also visit the mass grave and allude to the skeletons scattered in the desert close to the town of Luderitz. This commemoration forms as part of the re-appropriation of the memory of the war by a disenfranchised community. The burial ceremony through dramatisation of the war events, performing cultural dances, prayers

312 and hymns is seen as vital to laying to rest the persons that were tor- tured on the island. These are rites of healing, not in the same form but with the same ideas in mind, as practised by Nama communities of old, where certain practises took place at funerals that would ensure the protection of individuals or the collective even after an event that had the potential to place them in a precarious position in their society.

My dissertation will thus document how this war has been a symbol of suffering, resistance and survival in communities that were affected by the war in Southern Namibia in an attempt to clarify some of the misrepresentations in the historiography of the war. Bringing war narratives of communities in Southern Namibia to the fore allows for a widening of the scope in which the war has been characterised in Namibia. Silenced voices of individuals or communities are able to take part in the grand narrative of the war. Indigenous knowledge of the war must be given equal prominence to existing literature of the war. Bearing the past through storytelling also aids the healing processes of communities affected by the trauma of the war.

There are many variables that determine the ways in which stories are remembered and retold today. One of these concerns the identity which an individual or a community emphasises in a certain social, political and economic context. The narrations as well as commemorative performances about the war are thus directly linked to the safeguarding of particular traditions and/or identities. Other variables that influence the kind of stories that are told are how individuals relay traumatic and violent narratives. In some cases the impact of war stories on individuals and communities will be of such a nature that they are not easily articulated and as a result these stories of the war are negated from representations of the war.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 313 The ways in which individuals or communities remember are ultimately shaped by the cultural contexts in which they live. The individuals or collectives are actively creating or preserving the way in which they view themselves. In spaces where the war is remembered in Southern Namibia an idea of being ‘Nama’ is emphasised whether it is through the stories of the origin of the community, traditional attire, artefacts presented during the event or cultural music performances.

In some cases the dominant ways of remembering can affect what people remember and forget. The way communities present their stories may be influenced by the national history of anti-colonial resistance for example. Often there is a conflict between ethnic group and national identities. It is of particular interest to analyse how communities in Southern Namibia and the Northern Cape, South Africa concur and challenge national identities presented as part of nation building and reconciliation in Namibia and South Africa.

314 Social Structure and Mental Health: Anxiety and Depression Among Urban and Suburban Populations of Lubango

Jorge Chaves

The thesis presented here is part of the project “Reconciliation and Social Conflict in the Aftermath of large-scale Violence in Southern Africa: the cases of Angola and Namibia”, and more specifically of the subproject “Violence, Values and Mental Health in Huíla” which focuses on the psychic impacts of the violent conflicts and is coordinated by Prof. Margarida Ventura.

After the end of the civil war, which in Angola lasted almost thirty years and ended in 2002, one of the problems of the country is that of mental health. This field has been neglected due to the lack of specialists and studies on the most frequent pathologic phenomena that have appeared as a consequence of protracted violent conflicts.

Against this background, the research undertaken for this thesis will inquire into the relations between the social structure and the mental health, especially phenomena of anxiety and depression, of the population of the city of Lubango and its surroundings. The main interest is to define a field of psychosocial intervention, in the perspective of psychology of health.

The main investigation instrument will be interviews of a survey based on a representative sample.. The stratified random sample includes 500 interviewees (youths and adults of both sexes and different levels of education), among them 250 of the city and 250 of the surroundings. In order to catch the phenomena of anxiety and depression the approaches developed by Stai and Beck will be used.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 315 This method will allow correlation analyses of the variables (indicators) of social structure and mental health. Special attention will be given to the question whether there exist (or not) significant differences between urban and suburban milieus concerning social structure, problems of mental health and the relations between them.

The theoretical and methodological preparations of the research were started in March 2007, simultaneously with the collection of data on the social structure of the population under analysis. In June/July 2007 the interviews in the surroundings took were carried out; the ones in the city are scheduled for September/October 2007.

The statistical evaluation of the data will be done while at the same time the coursework of the Ph.D. study will begin in Lisbon in October 2007. In 2008 there will be – during further stays in Lubango – further field research using qualitative methods, in order to complete and check the quantitative data, e.g. concerning possible connections with direct or indirect experiences with violent conflicts.

Writing of the thesis will be started after the Ph.D. coursework end in July 2008, and is expected to be finished by the end of 2009.

316 Natural Resource Scarcity as Instigator of Conflict and Reconciliation in Northern Namibia after Independence

Pamela Claassen

Namibia is currently confronted with increasing incidences of conflicts relating to natural resource scarcity such as land degradation, waning opportunities for land ownership, deforestation, water shortages, desertification, etc. However, given Namibia’s geographical location, conflict over natural resources has always been present. In colonial Namibia, conflict over natural resources erupted in particular on how these resources were distributed. Namibia’s domination under South Africa’s apartheid rule, affected spatial developments adversely and left many regions fragmented, incoherent, disintegrated and unequal. This factor is acknowledged in existing literature; however, very little information is available on the impacts the liberation war has had on natural resource depletion. Northern Namibia, where the Liberation war was most intense, is also home to almost 80 percent of Namibia’s total population.

As a developing nation, Namibia faces increasingly complex, fast-moving and interacting natural resource scarcities. Various analysts agree that these scarcities can overwhelm community efforts to cope with environmental changes and can actually reduce a country’s ability to deliver democratic reforms. Consequently, natural resource scarcity sometimes contributes towards driving contemporary communities into social conflict, and in acute cases, into a spiral of violence, institutional dysfunction, social fragmentation (and in some instances social cohesion). This includes deepening existing ethnic cleavages, that haven’t had the time to be bridged so far. Independent Namibia adopted a policy of reconciliation as a strategy to forgive the past economic injustices by all sides concerned. However, this strategy of national reconciliation is seemingly a smoke screen and provides an opportunity for blanket

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 317 amnesty, and perpetuates existing economic privileges, while also creating a new elite sector in the name of affirmative action incentives for a few. In turn, this largely excludes Namibia’s populous northern regions. The pseudo stability that emerged as a result of a strategy of national reconciliation remains questionable in the absence of a truth and reconciliation commission.

It is therefore important to explore the role that natural resource scarcity plays in the politics of national reconciliation in the aftermath of violent conflict (colonial period) and new conflicts (post-colonial period). The rural northern communities call for an examination and these communities’ resilience under different kinds of stress such as natural resource scarcity and the violence. It is also crucial to examine and understand the different national actors. For example, the role of traditional authorities in situations of conflict vs. the role of government, their respective interests, and how they manage conflict.

This is also related to class formation in independent Namibia, and how the poor rural areas are excluded from nation-building projects such as national reconciliation projects/policies which are usually driven by personal interests such as dominant power relations, an increasing trend in conflicts over waning natural resources, and the widening gap between haves and have-nots and the powerful and the powerless on the other hand. In contributing to the discourse of natural resource scarcity and conflict, there is a need to infuse its multi-dimensional nature (i.e. socio- political and environmental) in the affected communities.

However, not only can natural resource depletion be instrumental for conflict, it can also be instrumental for reconciliation. In the absence of adequate resources to ensure a sustainable livelihood, this scarcity can also be an instigating factor to put differences aside and find ways to cooperate, which can lead to reconciliation, when people realise that if

318 they want to survive in their natural environments, they need to work together.

Therefore the objectives of this study are as follow: ● To outline and assess the role of natural resource scarcity as instigator of conflict; ● To determine if natural resource scarcity has a dual cause/affect of both conflict and reconciliation; ● To determine how communities negotiate/resolve natural resource conflict; ● To explain the historical colonial incidences of conflict over natural resource scarcity; ● To compare and contrast the colonial incidences of conflict to that of post-colonial conflict over natural resource scarcity.

The importance of the study is to also contextualise conflict over natural resource scarcity, and evaluate its importance to specific instances of conflict and evaluate its importance to national reconciliation and nation building efforts. Ecological and environmental factors must be integrated in our understanding and explanation of these conflicts, and we must pinpoint the different forms of conflict, instead of generalising conflict situations over scarce natural resources. There is a need to understand how the reconciliation came about, what mechanisms were used, and how these operate (i.e. did government intervention take place; did communities solve these problems; etc.).

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 319 Issues Undermining Intergovernmental Relations in Namibia

Ludmilla Doëses

In accord with common practice in many post independent African countries, Namibia inherited a centralised regime characterised by fragmentation of tribal based homelands. These were the lines that the current government attempted to redress by creating a new dispensation based on decentralisation strategy within the unitary political structure. In that regard, the term, “decentralisation” has lately become a buzz word in Namibia, especially in political discourses. In addition and aside from the liberal Constitution which enshrines the provision of democratic and subordinate government, the government also promulgated laws relevant to effect meaningful decentralisation objectives premised on sound and effective intergovernmental relations. However, these statu- tory provisions are still far from realisation.

In Namibia the executive is dominant as it controls the legislature that shapes the law to overcome legal obstacles in its way. Local authorities depend for their powers on Parliament, which is controlled by central government. Thus, some form of central control and changes in the functions that local authorities administer are continuing features of central-local relations. The limitation of this study is that it can only show the limited aspects of the interaction in the context of coordination and cooperation.

In the past, the extent of central control has generally been extreme because of apartheid rules (the principle that practiced divide and rule). Then, it has been administratively convenient to give central government an absolute dominant role over second tier governments by way of tribal administration. With independence, this system was abolished.

320 And Article 1(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia, 1990 (Act 1 of 1990), provides that ‘Namibia is established as a sovereign, secular, democratic and unitary State founded upon the principles of democracy, the rule of law and justice for all’.

This provision in itself explains the nature of relations and interactions between the different levels of government. Namibia is characterized by centralized authority and territorial integration. Namibia’s regional and local governments are creations of the Constitution and other national legislation and enjoy only delegated legislative and financial authority. These descriptions explain the peripheral nature of regional and local government and their position as inferior to the central/national government. The reference to the national government as central denotes the dominance of the centre in the affairs of the country in the real sense of the world, it explain the supremacy of the centre over the peripheral governments. It has in essence set the agenda for national politics and nature of centre-local relations in Namibia. Ministry of Regional Local Government, Housing and Rural Development (MRLGH & RD) obtained its overall mandate with respect to local government from the constitution and was restructured right after the independence to go along with the new laws on regional local government administration and decentralization. This Ministry is the major agent in the supervision of local authorities in Namibia.

The Constitution enunciates itself, through Article 111(2), for an Act of Parliament to regulate and administer the boundaries amongst others and limits the legislative powers of sub national governments (SNGs), i.e. regional councils and local authorities) through Article 111(5).

Therefore, the study seeks to investigate the problem of lack of central and local government coordination, cooperation, conflict resolution mechanisms and poor communication. Lack of coordination between

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 321 the actors at the central and lower levels of government is often exacer- bated by lack of communication. What is perhaps most striking in this regard is the complete absence of any institutional framework through which such coordination can be achieved. A lack of mechanisms and procedures to facilitate the resolution of intergovernmental relations (IGR) hampers effective relations between the centre and the local level. “An absence of formal institutional mechanisms for IGR is generally an indication of institutional capacity problems”, as Boex and Matinez- Vazquez state on a more general level.

Well-designed monitoring and support of local service provision and revenue collection that may help SNGs to discharge their responsibilities more efficiently are deficient. It is clear that the weakness in the current nature of IGR is directly related to a lack of clear constitutional definition of IGR in Namibia. According to the Constitution, Act 1 of 1990 ‘Namibia is a unitary state based on democratic principles’, nevertheless an absence of a framework for the latter leads to manoeuvring of power by the centre and consequent conflict. The envisaged Decentralization Policy is believed to change the institutional set up but does not clearly elucidate the role of the central government but only concentrates on SNGs.

The purpose of this study therefore is to analyse the effectiveness of intergovernmental relations in Namibia. The study further seeks to explore the existence of institutional arrangements for intergovernmental coordination, cooperation, communication and conflict resolution. The study further seeks to determine the operations and effectiveness of the institutional arrangements in Namibia. In particular the study will explore the nature and extent of institutional adaptation to the various pressures compelling coordination between the center and SNGs in Namibia. It seeks to propose measures for intergovernmental cooperation and conflict resolution.

322 While it cannot give equal attention to all the possible aspects of intergovernmental relations, this study attempts to outline some issues of general concern as well as issues with specific relevance to institutional arrangements for IGR and conflict resolutions mechanisms/framework. Hence, the primary objective of the study is the determine issues undermining the effectiveness of Intergovernmental Relations in Namibia.

Secondarily the study seeks to 1) describe the nature and scope of IGR 2) examine the strengths and weaknesses of IGR 3) explore the existence of institutional arrangements for inter - governmental cooperation, coordination, communication and conflict resolution 4) determine the operations and effectiveness of such institutional arrangements 5) to examine the extent of institutionalised adaptation to the various pressures compelling coordination between the center and the SNGs 6) propose measures for intergovernmental cooperation and conflict resolution

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 323 Rural Populations in Huíla and Social Resilience in the Context of War and its Aftermath

Maria de Fátima

The dissertation presented here is part of the project ”Reconciliation and Social Conflict in the Aftermath of large-scale Violence in Southern Africa: the cases of Angola and Namibia”, and takes place in the subproject on resilience of rural populations in Angola, coordinated by Dr João Milando.

The research objects are 1) The resilience of the rural communities in Huíla, anchored in their traditional knowledge of how to deal with adverse circumstances, particularly the extreme vulnerability, precarious situations, situations of menace and domination as well as severe economic, cultural and political limitations caused by the civil war that devastated the country during almost thirty years. 2) Types of relationships and reciprocal influence between the armed forces of Angola (Government/MPLA and UNITA), Cuba and Namibia (SWAPO) and the rural communities under analysis. Particularly interesting is the role of the armed forces in the protection of the communities and vice versa, and the resulting multiple (commercial, cultural, symbolic).exchanges.

The analysis will be carried out in a comparative perspective, taking into account, on the one hand, contexts in which the populations were directly and heavily affected and subsequently relocated, and on the other hand, contexts in which the populations were indirectly affected, being hosts of relocated populations. The research will be concentrated on the municipality of Humpata, where both situations can be found.

324 The aim is to produce empirically based knowledge about the capacity of resistance and the survival strategies of the rural populations under the stress of the devastating wartime conditions that ravaged Angola for decades. The study will hopefully be a contribution to an in-depth debate over the problem in question.

The methodology used consists of a combination of semi-structured interviews with individuals and groups, with members of the community and with experts, and systematic observation, facilitated by the fact the author was born and grew up in Humpata.

The work on the thesis started in January 2007. The first phase of field work ran until March 2007, inclusively. It had exploratory character and served to define with precision the areas of the field work, and to establish first contacts with the targeted populations and the regional authorities.

From April to August 2007 a phase of bibliographical research, analyses of documents and deepening of the theoretical approach was realised. It took place in Lisbon and in permanent contact with the coordinator of the subproject who is at the same time the supervisor of the thesis. This period was also put to use for the participation in different seminars and conferences. In this context the author presented a paper on “The role of the Umbanda (healer) in the life of the rural population of Humpata (Huíla-Angola)” at a conference held at the occasion of the 2007 “Africa Day” (May 25th) with the purpose to spread and debate the results of the dissertation research.

The period from September to December 2007 will be used for the con- tinuation of the work under way since April, and for the preparation of the second phase of field work which will take place in 2008. In September the formal inscription for the Ph.D. study will be made, followed by the

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 325 first Ph.D. compact seminars. In October the author will participate in a course on “Field work and theories of qualitative interviews”, organised by CODESRIA in Maputo. At the end of November the author will give a paper on the subject of the thesis at an international conference on “Angola 2007: what transmutations and reorientations?”, taking place at ISCTE. Right after this the author will participate in the colloquium organised by the Volkswagen Foundation in Bamako.

For 2008 it the remaining Ph.D. coursework is scheduled, and in an interval the main field work in Humpata will be carried out during two or three months. Towards the end of 2008 the analysis of the data collected will be carried out, and the thesis is expected to be written until the end of 2009.

326 Late Colonial and Post-colonial Transformations of the Societal Structure in Angola

Paulo Inglês

The dissertation presented here is part of the project on ”Reconciliation and Social Conflict in the Aftermath of large-scale Violence in Southern Africa: the cases of Angola and Namibia”, and takes place in the subproject which carries the name of the thesis and is coordinated by Prof. Franz-Wilhelm Heimer.

The detailed conception of the thesis was submitted in due time to the VolkswagenStiftung. Its purpose is to elaborate a comprehensive view of the development and current dynamics of the social formation encom- passing the territory of Angola from the 1960s onwards. The underlying epistemological interest is to furnish a theoretical as well as empirical framework for the understanding of the genesis, developments and consequences of the violent conflicts that have taken place in Angola during the last fifty years, and of the ways in which Angolan society(ies) have dealt (and are at present dealing) with these experiences. Such a framework is vital, but until now not existent.

Special attention will be given to the development of the social classes in urban areas, particularly the constitution of a new dominant class, whose formation is realized through patrimonial and predatory practices. The analysis of the socioeconomic and political dynamics induced by this class will allow to better understand the two most important effects of the political economy it stands for: the poverty and ”exclusion” of the overwhelming part of the population and the diversity of middle classes (or ”intermediary strata”) fulfilling essential support functions.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 327 In this context it will be a major aim to identify possible potentials of new conflicts or of a transformation of the current logic of production and reproduction of social structures. In other words, the point will be to discuss the patterns of the process of “nation building” up to now and its possible future.

The work on the thesis began in March 2007 in Lisbon. Since the start of the coursework of the Ph.D. study was delayed to October 2007, the work programme scheduled for the first six months is the following: ● Deepening of the theoretical approach through the systematic study of the relevant sociological texts. The aim is to define criteria for appropriate operationalization. ● On this basis, the next step is a more precise formulation of the methodological options ● Systematic bibliographical work to compile the relevant primary and secondary sources on social structures in Angola.

From mid-August to mid-September, the participation in an evaluation project led to a stay in Angola, urban as well as rural regions, which resulted in important inputs for the dissertation research, concretely for a fuller understanding of the present empirical situation and for the definition of adequate analytical approaches.

For the next six months the following steps are scheduled: ● Formal inscription for the Ph.D. study in September, with the first courses starting in October. ● Participation in a course on methodology of social science research in Africa, organized by CODESRIA in October in Maputo. ● Participation in the preparation and realization of the international conference on “Angola 2007”, taking place at ISCTE in the end of November.

328 In 2008 the remaining Ph.D. coursework will take place. In an interval there will be a period of empirical research in Angola of about two months. It is expected that the Ph.D. dissertation will be ready for presentation by the end of 2009/beginning of 2010.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 329 The Role of the Church in Independent Namibia: Reflections on Reconciliation and Nation-Building

George du Toit

Independent for 17 years, Namibia has a Christian population of over 90 percent. Under its Constitution freedom of religion and of conscience is guaranteed. Prior to independence in 1990, the indigenous black denominations supported by some of the earlier missionary churches contributed greatly to the socio-moral, socio-ethical, socio-economic and socio-political life of the country.

As a popular conscience and constituting a moral universe, the church played a key role in expressing itself on many social, economic, and political issues, which normally would be the preserve of the government and the State. Many Namibians have come to regard the Church as a consistent, reliable custodian of truth, reconciliation, hope, justice and as the ‘voice of the voiceless’.

At independence in 1990, the Church played a formative role – together with other agencies – in the transition to democracy, notably in the domain of refugee repatriation and their reintegration into society. The Church also proclaimed the need for national reconciliation, forgiveness, tolerance, peaceful co-existence and social justice. Informed by the analytical approach put forward by church leaders, notably in Zimbabwe and South Africa, the proposed doctoral thesis intends to harness the role of the Church in truth seeking, reconciliation, mediation, forgiveness, restitution and peace.

In doing so, the thesis intends to augment the political project of the Namibian state and its construction of a national identity on the premise of ‘One Namibia, one Nation’. In particular, the research tends to fore-

330 ground the primacy of cultural factors and memory politics as two important seams of the nation-building project.

The purpose of the research will be to critically and in a theoretically- informed way interrogate the role of the church and its potentially important contribution in reconciliation and nation-building. Aspects that will deserve special attention, include, among others:

(1) The Church as a symbol of unity and a constitutive agency in the construction of nation-hood and national identity. (2)The strategic challenges that await the Church in becoming truly inclusive and formative for positive citizenship. (3)A critique of the trajectory of ‘national reconciliation’ and what roles the Church can play in anchoring the project more securely in the lives of ordinary Namibians. (4)The role of the Church as a facilitator of a broad-based national dialogue on matters of common concern such as poverty, socio- economic inequality, land redistribution, prejudice, alienation and enmity. (5)An exploration of the boundaries of the role of the Church in respect of reconciliation, forgiveness and peace.

Informed by these primary research questions, the thesis intends to offer policy recommendations-albeit from a spiritual and moral perspective – that could conceivably shape and deepen those of the State/Government in the domains of poverty, the unresolved land issue, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and the skewed nature of the country’s social economy.

Violence, its impact, Coping Strategies, and Peace Building 331 List of Participants

Name, First Name Page

Abdalla, Salma Mohamed Abdalmunim ...... 23, 26 Abdalla, Yasir Awad ...... 189, 192 Abdul-Jalil, Musa Adam ...... 282 Aboubakari, Abdulai ...... 71, 72 Adjei, Ohene ...... 214 Adjoulouvi, Léon Comlan ...... 148, 173 Agbakoba, Joseph C.A...... 146, 149 Ahmed, Abdel Ghaffar ...... 188 Ahmed, Mohamed Hamed ...... 23, 29 Akol, Joshua Otor ...... 188 Alhassab, Ahmed Alhassab Omer ...... 23, 39 Ali, Osman Mohamed Osman ...... 23 Ali Bako, Mahamane Tahirou ...... 69 ,76 Alie, Joe A. D...... 282 Alio, Khalil ...... 281 Anamzoya, Alhassan S...... 71, 80 Asogwa, Nicholas U...... 146, 150 Babiker, Mustafa ...... 189 Bako-Arifari, Nassirou ...... 70, 84 Beck, Kurt ...... 22 Behrend, Heike ...... 338 Behrends, Andrea ...... 281 Ben Amara, Ramzi ...... 22, 32 Béré, Zacharie ...... 147 Berhanu Alemu, Kassahun ...... 190 Berisso, Tadesse ...... 283 Berner, Ulrich ...... 18, 22 Berthé, Salif ...... 338 Bierschenk, Thomas ...... 66, 69, 90 Biwa, Memory ...... 309, 311

332 Bock, Augusto João ...... 248, 270 Borszik, Anne-Kristin ...... 247, 274 Bountogo, Mamadou ...... 230 Budniok, Jan ...... 69, 92 Camará, Samba Tenem ...... 248, 254 Chabi Imorou, Azizou ...... 70, 96 Chaves, Jorge ...... 308, 315 Chesworth, John ...... 23 Chrysanthus, Tanga MBI ...... 215 Claassen, Pamela ...... 309, 317 Damin, Samira Musa Armin ...... 188, 200 Danfulani, Chikas ...... 24, 36 De Fátima, Maria ...... 308, 324 Debrah, Alexander Yaw ...... 214, 216 Denu, Berhanu ...... 190, 198 Diawara, Mamadou ...... 10, 338 Dibua, Marie Esther Uju ...... 147, 152 Djerandi, Laguerre Dionro ...... 281, 287 Djiré, Moussa ...... 70, 99 Doeses, Ludmilla ...... 309, 320 Doffou, Pulchérie Adjoua Desiree ...... 148, 180 Dondji, Blaise ...... 240 Du Pisani, André ...... 308 Du Toit, George ...... 309, 330 Dumbuya, Ahmed R...... 283 Efraime Junior, Boia ...... 338 Ehichioya, Deborah ...... 211 El-Battahani, Atta ...... 189 El-Fatih, Tayseer ...... 188 Eluzai, Esther Ikere ...... 189 Embaló, Augusto Idrissa ...... 248 Eyong, Mathias Esum ...... 215, 220

List of Participants 333 Ezenweke, Elizabeth Onyedinma ...... 147, 157 Fernandes, Raul Mendes ...... 248 Fichtner, Sarah ...... 69, 103 Florêncio, Fernando José Pereira ...... 308 Fomba, Mamadou ...... 70, 107 Forgor, Abdulai Adam ...... 229, 231 Friedel, Boris ...... 339 Fuest, Veronika ...... Fwatshak, Sati ...... 24 Gemechu, Dejene ...... 283, 289 Geschiere, Peter ...... 339 Gliber, Martina ...... 339 Gore, Paul Wani ...... 190 Grawert, Elke ...... 188 Gropp, Cornelia ...... Guenther, Stephan ...... 207, 210 Gunsenheimer, Antje ...... 339 Hadi, Mutasim Bashir Ali ...... 282, 284 Hamani, Oumarou ...... 69, 111 Hanne, Detlef ...... 340 Hass, Meike ...... 210 Hendricks, Fred ...... 340 Hoerauf, Achim ...... 212, 214 Hoerbst, Viola ...... Hutchful, Eboe ...... 340 Imorou, Abou-Bakari ...... 70, 116 Inglês, Paulo ...... 308, 327 Jao, Mamadou ...... 248 Junghanss, Thomas ...... 224, 226, 229, 233 Kaapama, Phanuel ...... 309 Katete, George ...... 191, 203 Kaur, Jaswinder ...... 229

334 Keita, Naffet ...... 340 Kirk, Michael ...... 341 Klatser, Paul ...... 341 Klute, Georg ...... 241, 247 Knoerr, Jacqueline ...... 281 Koch, Stefan ...... 342 Koessler, Reinhart ...... 307 Kogelmann, Franz ...... 22 Kopwe, William ...... 23, 42 Kouadio, Ahou Virginie ...... 148, 176 Kriger, Robert ...... 341 Krull, Wilhelm ...... 6, 341 Lachenmann, Gudrun ...... 342 Lindeke, William ...... 308 Lock, Sarah ...... 342 Mabeko-Tali, Jean-Michel ...... 310 Madu, Jude Emeka ...... 147, 159 Makinde, Abdul-Fatah ’Kola ...... 25, 46 Makunde, Williams H...... 215 Mand, Sabine ...... 214 Mané, Fodé Abulai ...... 248, 264 Marfo-Debrekyei, Yeboah ...... 214 Mendes, Paulina ...... 248, 249 Mfumbusa, Bernardin ...... 25, 50 Milando, João ...... 308 Mombo, Esther ...... 23 Muehlberg, Christoph ...... 342 Mwinyihaji, Esha ...... 24, 54 Niessen, Manfred ...... 342 Obidigbo, Jude ...... 147, 161 Obiwulu, Aloysius ...... 147, 163 Oguejiofor, Josephat Obi ...... 147, 166

List of Participants 335 Olivier de Sardan, Jean Pierre ...... 69 Omilabu, Sunday ...... 211 Onwuama, Michael Emeka ...... 146, 169 Osei, Ellen ...... 211 Osei-Kwasi, Mubarak ...... 211 Osiro, Rebecca A...... 23, 58 Papendieck, Henner ...... 343 Park, Sung-Joon ...... 281 Pestana, Nelson Eduardo Guerra ...... 308 Pfigu, Tinashe ...... 282, 293 Pluschke, Gerd ...... 224, 229, 233 Richter, Nicole ...... 343 Rocksloh-Papendieck, Barbara ...... 343 Rottenburg, Richard ...... 279, 281 Same Ekobo, Albert ...... 239 Schlee, Guenther ...... 281 Schmid, Stefan ...... 343 Shiweda, Napandulwe ...... 309 Sié, Ali ...... 230, 233 Sima, Regassa Bayissa ...... 190, 195 Sissoko, Moussa ...... 343 Soédé, Nathaniel Yaovi ...... 148, 171 Specht, Sabine ...... 214 Speitkamp, Winfried ...... 344 Spencer, Sylvanus ...... 282, 297 Steinberg, Rudolf ...... 344 Tanner, Marcel ...... 344 Tchantipo, Saï Sotima ...... 70, 131 Tendongfor, Nicholas ...... 215 Thompson, Lena ...... 283, 302 Tidjani Alou, Mahaman ...... 69, 135 Um Boock, Alphonse ...... 225

336 Van der Waal, Kees ...... 282 Varanda, Jorge ...... 344 Ventura, Margarida ...... 310 Viegas Gomes, Caterina Eleonarda ...... 248, 259 Von Eisenhart-Rothe, Dominik ...... 345 Von Trotha, Trutz ...... 345 Wanji, Samuel ...... 215 Wario, Halkano Abdi ...... 24, 62 Wassara, Samson Samuel ...... 189 Weiland, Heribert ...... 304, 307 Weiss, Roland ...... 345 Wendl, Tobias ...... 143, 146 Wessler, Adelheid ...... 345 Widmer, Helene ...... 346 Willms-Hoff, Indra ...... 346 Winterfeldt, Volker ...... 309 Wohlmuth, Karl ...... 185, 188 Zabre, Jules Pascal ...... 148, 182 Zeck, Sabine ...... 346

List of Participants 337 Addresses

Behrend, Heike Prof. Dr. University of Cologne Institute for African Studies Meister-Ekkehart-Str. 7 50923 Cologne, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Berthé, Salif Prof. Dr. Université de Bamako Faculté des Lettres, Langues, Arts et Sciences Humaines BP. E. 3637 Bamako, MALI E-mail: [email protected]

Diawara, Mamadou Prof. Dr. University of Frankfurt/Main Institute of Historical Ethnology Grüneburgplatz 1 60323 Frankfurt/Main, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Efraime Junior, Boia Dr. UBS Optimus Foundation Management Children & Talents 8098 Zürich, SWITZERLAND E-mail: [email protected]

338 Friedel, Boris Camera 13 1 Park Road Richmond 2006 Johannesburg, SOUTH AFRICA E-mail: [email protected]

Geschiere, Peter Prof. Dr. University of Amsterdam Amsterdam School for Social Science Research Department of Cultural and Social Studies P.O. Box 9555 1012 CX Amsterdam, THE NETHERLANDS E-mail: [email protected]

Gliber, Martina Dr. Fondation Mérieux 17, Rue Bourgelat 69227 Lyon, FRANCE E-mail: [email protected]

Gunsenheimer, Antje Dr. University of Bonn Institute VII, Division for Precolumbian Studies and Anthropology Römerstrasse 164 53117 Bonn, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Addresses 339 Hanne, Detlef Dr. Volkswagen Foundation Program Manager Department of Natural and Engineering Sciences, Medicine Kastanienallee 35 30519 Hannover, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Hendricks, Fred Prof. Dr. Rhodes University Department of Sociology P.O. Box 94 Grahamstown 6140, SOUTH AFRICA E-mail: [email protected]

Hutchful, Eboe Prof. Dr. Africa Security Dialogue and Research (ASDR) Executive Director #27 Kofi Annan Avenue North Legon, GHANA E-mail: [email protected]

Keita, Naffet Dr. Université de Bamako Faculté des Lettres, Langues, Arts et Sciences Humaines DER des Sciences sociales B.P. 3041 Bamako, MALI E-mail: [email protected]

340 Kirk, Michael Prof. Dr. University of Marburg Institute for Co-operation in Developing Countries Department of Business Administration & Economics Am Plan 2 35032 Marburg, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Klatser, Paul Dr. Royal Tropical Institute (KIT) Biomedical Research Meibergdreef 39 1105 AZ Amsterdam, THE NETHERLANDS E-mail: [email protected]

Kriger, Robert Dr. National Research Foundation P.O. Box 2600 Pretoria 0001, SOUTH AFRICA E-mail: [email protected]

Krull, Wilhelm Dr. Volkswagen Foundation Secretary General Kastanienallee 35 30519 Hannover, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Addresses 341 Lachenmann, Gudrun Prof. Dr. University of Bielefeld Faculty of Sociology P.O. Box 10 01 31 33501 Bielefeld, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Lock, Sarah The Nuffield Foundation Commonwealth Programme Coordinator 28 Bedfore Square London WC1B 3JS, GREAT BRITAIN E-mail: [email protected]

Mühlberg, Christoph Dr. Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) International Affairs Division Kennedyallee 40 53175 Bonn, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Niessen, Manfred Dr. Koch, Stefan Dr. Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) Humanities and Social Sciences Kennedyallee 40 53175 Bonn, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

342 Richter, Nicole Volkswagen Foundation Department of Natural and Engineering Sciences, Medicine Kastanienallee 35 30519 Hannover, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Rocks loh-Papendieck, Barbara Dr. Papendieck, Henner Programme Mali-Nord (GTZ/KfW) B.P. 100 Bamako, MALI E-mail: [email protected]

Schmid, Stefan Dr. University of Frankfurt/Main Centre for Interdisciplinary Research on Africa (ZIAF) Grüneburgplatz 1 60323 Frankfurt/Main, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Sissoko, Moussa Dr. Point Sud Center for Research on Local Knowledge B.P. 3266 Bamako, MALI E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Addresses 343 Speitkamp, Winfried Prof. Dr. University of Gießen Institute of History Otto-Behaghel-Straße 10 C1 35394 Gießen, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Steinberg, Rudolf Prof. Dr. University of Frankfurt/Main President Senckenberganlage 31 60325 Frankfurt am Main, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Tanner, Marcel Prof. Dr. University of Basel Swiss Tropical Institute Socinstr. 57 4002 Basel, SWITZERLAND E-mail: [email protected]

Varanda, Jorge Centro de Estudos Africanos ISCTE, Av. das Forças Armadas 1649-026 Lisboa, PORTUGAL E-mail: [email protected]

344 Von Eisenhart-Rothe, Dominik Katjusha Films P.O. Box 91171 Auckland Park 2006 Johannesburg, SOUTH AFRICA E-mail: [email protected]

Von Trotha, Trutz Prof. Dr. University of Siegen Faculty of Sociology Adolf-Reichwein-Str. 2 57068 Siegen, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Weiss, Roland The German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) Southern Hemisphere Department Africa/Sub-Saharan Africa P.O. Box 20 04 04 53134 Bonn, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Wessler, Adelheid Dr. Volkswagen Foundation Program Manager Department of Humanities and Social Sciences Kastanienallee 35 30519 Hannover, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Addresses 345 Widmer, Helene Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH Cooperation with African Research Centres P.O. Box 5180 65726 Eschborn, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Willms-Hoff, Indra Dr. Volkswagen Foundation Executive Management Natural and Engineering Sciences, Medicine Kastanienallee 35 30519 Hannover, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

Zeck, Sabine Zeck Travel Malapertstr. 11 60320 Frankfurt am Main, GERMANY E-mail: [email protected]

346