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Copyright by Negar Kalbasi-Ashtari 2010 The Thesis committee for Negar Kalbasi-Ashtari Certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: The Donya of the Iranian Diasporic Popular Culture: From Tehrangeles to Malmo APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: ________________________________________ (Joseph Straubhaar) __________________________________________ (Madhavi Mallapragada) The Donya of the Iranian Diasporic Popular Culture: From Tehrangeles to Malmo by Negar Kalbasi-Ashtari, B.S. Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2010 Dedication To my parents and sisters, for encouraging me to take the less traveled path. Acknowledgment First and foremost I offer my sincere gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Joseph Straubhaar, for his insightful guidance and his heartening interest in what I had to say about my country and my people. I would also like to extend my gratefulness to my committee member, Dr. Madhavi Mallapragada, whose marvelous class on the media of diasporas inspired and sculpted this project. I am forever indebted (figuratively and literally) to my lovely parents, Shahin and Ahmad. This would have been impossible without their sacrifices. I am also thankful to the rest of my family, especially Shadi and Sheida, for the endless moral support and the countless reminders to just get it done! Last but not least, I am grateful to my friend, Laleh, for always listening when I threatened to quit and humoring me with the most absurd life alternatives. v The Donya of the Iranian Diasporic Popular Culture: From Tehrangeles to Malmo by Negar Kalbasi-Ashtari, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2010 SUPERVISOR: Joseph Straubhaar Since the 1979 revolution the Iranian popular culture, specifically the popular music, has turned into a peculiar landscape complicated by politics, regulations, technology and the border-crossing of resources. The Islamic Republicʼs initial ban on popular music caused a massive exodus of artists and producers out of the country and eventually to Los Angeles. There, the popular music industryʼs resources and talents reunited and resumed their production. At the same time, inside Iran, the absence of a popular culture (Iranian or otherwise) created a vacuum in the public sphere that the government-endorsed mystic art- house cinema and traditional music could not fill. The Iranian public turned to its now-exiled pop artists and despite the ban, the cassettes and videotapes of the Los Angeles productions flooded the black markets. Thereafter, when describing music, the terms diasporic and popular became synonymous for Iranians. The present study examines the relevance of the Iranian diasporic popular culture to the construction of the Iranian youth identity and identifies global satellite age trends from within the diaspora that subvert or revise the hegemonic order of Tehrangeles popular culture. vi Table of Contents CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. 1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS................................................................................................... 7 LIMITATIONS ................................................................................................................... 8 CHAPTER TWO: METHODOLOGY .............................................................................. 12 SIGNS........................................................................................................................... 15 ENCODING / DECODING ................................................................................................. 15 HEGEMONIC DISCOURSE............................................................................................... 16 REPRESENTATIONS OF THE OTHER................................................................................ 19 CHAPTER THREE: THEORIES OF TRANSNATIONAL MEDIA .................................. 22 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .......................................................................................... 22 Globalization ........................................................................................................... 22 Hybridity .................................................................................................................. 26 Diasporas................................................................................................................ 27 CHAPTER FOUR: THE POLITICS OF SATELLITE TELEVISION ............................... 31 VIETNAMESE EXILIC SATELLITE ..................................................................................... 35 CHAPTER FIVE: IRANIAN DIASPORA AND POPULAR CULTURE ........................... 38 IRANIANS IN AMERICA.................................................................................................... 38 TEHRANGELES: A SUBCULTURE AND A GENRE............................................................... 41 THE CRISIS OF AUTHENTICITY – HYBRID EVEN AT HOME ................................................ 43 DIASPORA AT HOME...................................................................................................... 46 CHAPTER SIX: THE FINDINGS .................................................................................... 48 THE ETHNOSCAPES: FROM TEHRAN TO MALMO ............................................................. 49 THE FINANSCAPES: RECORDS NO ONE BUYS ................................................................ 50 THE TECHNOSCAPES: SATELLITE AND DIGITAL AGE ....................................................... 52 MEDIASCAPES: WHY MUSIC VIDEOS?............................................................................. 53 DEVOURING THE OTHER................................................................................................ 55 POLITICS OF REPRESENTING HYBRIDITY ........................................................................ 59 RACE & GENDER .......................................................................................................... 60 CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION ............................................................................... 65 IMAGES.......................................................................................................................... 69 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 74 VITA................................................................................................................................ 83 vii Chapter One: Introduction Exilic pop culture is a dynamic process of signification, acculturation, and social relations that links displaced communities to their homelands, to diaspora communities elsewhere, and to the host societies in which they live. Because of this linkage and the resultant exchanges, none of the three cultures – the homeland, the exiles, or the host society – remains unchanged (Naficy, 2002, p. 231). Originally featured in Melodifestivalen, an annual competition for picking the song to represent Sweden at the Eurovision Song Contest, the hit single Roma by the Iranian born Swedish singer Cameron Cartio climbed to the fourth spot on the Swedish charts in 2005 and stayed on the chart for eight weeks (“Discography Cameron Cartio,” 2008). Soon followed a music video directed by Cameron Cartioʼs brother, Alec, a producer and director who has refined the standards of production since entering the Iranian diasporic music video market in 2002. The music video for Roma opens with the image of an airplane cruising smoothly against a backdrop of white clouds. Transposed on this image is a map of Europe with an animated red line indicating the flightʼs route. An Arabic tune accompanies the picture as the familiar names such as Copenhagen, Stockholm, Amsterdam, Scotland, Ireland, and England appear on the map. Cartio is then 1 shown inside a plane, gazing out the oval window through which the viewer can see that the red line has reached an illegible destination. Both the music and the image fade out and in the following scene Cartio is shown on the stage surrounded by dancers and cheering fans. He sings Askun gara kata mira etefele me hira hira Mafium asala mira eto ya bara yu ta kasaro Eshero maski jafati mahi baroa mana si yato vayo Hamona achiro haparo, ha ha Hamona achiro haparo and the beat picks up as the chorus chimes in. I remember watching this music video – and hearing Roma – for the first time in 2005 while spending a summer afternoon at my parentsʼ watching the Los Angeles-based Iranian satellite channels with friends. As soon as Cartio started singing a heated debate ensued over what language the song was in. Armenian, Swedish, Russian, or “somewhere in the Eastern Europe,” we ignorantly guessed. It was not until I started my preliminary research for this project that I found out that the song was in neither of those languages. Cameron Cartio had made up the lyrics in an entirely invented language, claiming that they were written in the “borderless language of love” (Pourya, 2008). Roma was no less a catchy and upbeat tune than the Persian pop music produced in Los Angeles; yet, we were not willing to fully commit ourselves to it 2 until we could locate a point of origin1 for the song because even when exposed to a supposedly post-national text that claims to transcend national and language