LATE MEDIEVAL NUPTIAL RITES Paride Grassi and the Royal

LATE MEDIEVAL NUPTIAL RITES

Paride Grassi and the Royal Wedding of Székesfehérvár (Hungary) in 1502*

Medieval papal legates had various agendas and functions and were commissioned to act as the highest representatives of the Pope and the papal curia in spiritual matters as well as in diplomatic and political issues. Dip- lomatic activity, jurisdictional rights and spiritual matters were the most crucial part of their activity. They were also, however, the highest prelates in their legatine province (a large area of the several dioceses and archdi- oceses to which they were sent), surpassing even the local bishops or arch- bishops, equal to no one. This means they ranked highest in society, being equal in the court society to kings and emperors.1 Thus, it is only natural that the papal legates de latere (i.e. cardinals) often took part in the secular or ecclesiastical ceremonies at the royal courts where they were staying. In order to be able to analyse one such ceremony, the example of the royal court of Hungary and Bohemia in Buda (present-day Budapest) is brought up here. There are a number of examples of these ceremonies in connection with the Hungarian royal court in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Papal legates came to the courts of Sigismund of Luxemburg and Mat- thias Corvinus (Hunyadi) quite often and frequently resided at the court or in its vicinity for a certain time. This also remains valid for the successors to King Matthias, Kings Wladislas II Jagiellonian and his son Louis II, who

* The study and research was generously supported by the Centre of Excellence of the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic, no. 14-36521G, Centre for Cross-Disciplinary Re- search into Cultural Phenomena in Central European History: Image, Communication, Be- haviour and the ýeský historický ústav v ěímČ (Istituto storico ceco di Roma). 1. On legatine ritual and ceremonial, Franz Wasner, “Fifteenth-Century Texts on the Cer- emonial of the Papal ‘Legatus a latere’,” Traditio 14 (1958) 295-358; a basic study on legates in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Werner Maleczek, “Die päpstlichen Legaten im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert,” in Gesandtschafts- und Botenwesen im spätmittelalterlichen Europa, ed. Rainer C. Schwinges and Klaus Wriedt (Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke, 2003) 33-86.

52 Antonín Kalous

– as Kings of Hungary and Bohemia – were key sovereigns of Central Eu- rope when dealing with the Utraquists of Bohemia and the Ottoman Turks, or securing peace among Central European rulers. One such example of a papal legate who stayed at the court of King Wladislas is Cardinal Pietro Isvalies.2 He had stayed on his legation in Central Europe in 1501-1503 and during this time, became a member of the Hungarian and Bohemian royal court despite travelling around his province. He came from a Spanish family from Messina and soon connected his life to the Church as Arch- bishop of Reggio di Calabria. During the pontificate of Pope Alexander VI, he also held the position of governor of the city of Rome for five years, from 1496-1500. He was created cardinal in Rome on 28 September 1500 just prior to his being named papal legate de latere on 5 October that same year. He was consequently sent to his legation with the highest commissions and faculties. He had received extensive instructions on 18 Novem- ber, which even specified the road he was supposed to take to Hungary, the same road that was taken by the Cardinal and Archbishop of Esztergom (in Hungary) Tamás Bakóc in 1513 after he was created legate to Hungary. The road, they took, led them to Ancona, then by sea to Senj (Zengg), to Zagreb and then to Buda, obviously a safer road during the winter, even though the voyage by sea might have been problematic.3 Like other papal legates de latere, Cardinal Pietro Isvalies was supposed to be well paid during (or rather after) his legation. The records of the Papal Chamber indicate that he spent thirty-five months outside Rome and it was a current practice in the second half of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries to pay the cardinal legates a large sum of 500 florins per month. This was an income that surpassed the revenues of all Italian bishoprics with the single exception of the Patriarchate of Aquileia (and even one monthly payment was more than the average yearly income of all Italian bishops).4 Since he was given only a smaller sum in advance and

2. For basic information see, Filippo Crucitti, “Isvalies (Isvalli, Isuales), Pietro,” in Diziona- rio biografico degli italiani, vol. 62 (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 2004) 679-683. 3. ASV, Misc., Arm. II 30, fol. 141v-151r; Augustinus Theiner (ed.), Vetera monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae gentiumque finitimarum historiam illustrantia, vol. 2, Ab Ioanne PP. XXIII. usque ad Pius PP. V., 1410-1572 (Roma, 1891) 269-276; Artner Edgár (ed.), “Magyarország mint a nyugati keresztény mĦvelĘdés védĘbástyája”: A Vatikáni Le- véltárnak azok az okiratai, melyek Ęseinknek a KeletrĘl Európát genyegetĘ veszedelmek ellen kifejtett erĘfeszítéseire vonatkoznak (cca 1214-1606) (Budapest – Rome: Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem, 2004) 147-157. 4. For a detailed study, Antonín Kalous, “Financing a Legation: Papal Legates and Money in the Later Middle Ages,” in Money and Finance in Central Europe during the Later Middle Ages, ed. Roman Zaoral (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016) 205-221. For the income of Italian bishoprics, cf. Denys Hay, The Church in Italy in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) 10-11.

Late Medieval Nuptial Rites 53 during his stay in Hungary, his case had to be discussed in the Papal Cham- ber even after he returned back to the City in October 1503. A year and a half later, in May 1505, the Papal Chamber confirmed its remaining debts to the cardinal of 11,500 florins, a large sum which had to be paid off later on.5 The money was supposed to serve the legate, to allow him represent the Pope properly and leave him financially and materially independent in the secular environment of the royal courts as well as in the ecclesiastical institutions of the province which originally took care of the needs of the papal legates. Cardinal Pietro was, however, personally quite successful in his dealings in Hungary, and like many other legates or nuncios previously, was awarded the position of bishop in the country. In his case, it was the bishopric of Veszprém that provided him with extra income even after he had left Hungary; it was run by his Italian vicar Tommaso Bellorusso.6 When sent to Central Europe, Cardinal Pietro became one of the three legates who were simultaneously commissioned to preach and organise a Crusade in Europe.7 The Western part of Latin Christendom (France, Spain, Portugal, England) was supposed to be dealt with by Cardinal Juan Vera, Germany by the renowned Cardinal Raymund Peraudi and the East- ern part of Latin Christendom (most importantly Hungary, Bohemia, Po- land, but also other easterly parts) by Cardinal Pietro.8 His commissions gave him the possibility to publish indulgences for pious deeds in favour of the planned Crusade, namely financial contributions, which were one of the basic activities as a number of preserved printed documents (litterae confessionales) show.9 His commissions, however, did not only include the matters of the Crusade, as it is mentioned that he should also deal with

5. ASV, Cam. Ap., Div. Cam. 57, fol. 140v-142v. 6. ASV, Arm. XXXIX 28, fol. 424r-v; György Bónis, “Olasz vikáriusok Magyarországon a reneszánsz korában és a Beneéthy-formuláskönyv,” Leveltári Közlemények 44 (1973-74) 89- 101, p. 93. Cf. also the research of C. Tóth Norbert, to whom I would like to thank for sharing his book in preparation, Magyarország késĘ-középkori fĘpapi archontológiája (1458-1516). 7. See for example, Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571). Vol. 2: The Fifteenth Century (Philadelphia, PA: The American Philosophical Society, 1978) 531-533. 8. He himself defined his position and legatine province as ad Hungarie Bohemie et Polonie regna necnon Prussiam Russiam Livoniam Littuaniam Valachiam Slesiam Lusatiam Moraviam Transilvaniam Dalmatiam Sclavoniam Croatiam Corbaviam et Moscoviam omnesque et singu- las regnorum et provinciarum predictarum civitates terras atque loca illis subiecta et alia eis adiacentia apostolice sedis de latere legatus, BAV, Vat. lat. 3922, fol. 305v. 9. E.g. BAV, Vat. lat. 3922, fol. 305r-v; VČdecká knihovna Olomouc, sign. II 39012 (a charter bound to an old printed book); Magyar nemzeti levéltár Budapest (MNL), OL DL 36087, 66756; or distributed through his commissaries as in MNL OL DL 74975, see also Antonín Kalous, Plenitudo potestatis in partibus? Papežští legáti a nunciové ve stĜední EvropČ na konci stĜedovČku (1450-1526) (Brno: Matice moravská, 2010) 358-361.

54 Antonín Kalous matters of heresy in Bohemia, Valachia, and in Moravia, res illas Bo- hemorum, Valachorum et Olumocensium.10 The matters of the Bohemians naturally meant negotiations with the heretical Czechs of Bohemia and Moravia, the Utraquists, who had special rights confirmed by the Council of Basel to the Hussites.11 Cardinal Pietro was mentioned as one of the negotiators and the traditional Utraquists even criticised the discussion by their elders with the legate, as attested to by a contemporary diary note from February 1502.12 In that year, the legate even informed Pope Alexander VI about the efforts of the King in bringing the Roman Church and the Utraquists together, as the Pope mentioned in his letter to King Wladislas.13 The negotiations were, however, not successful, as the demands of the Utraquists did not change and neither of the parties wanted to make concessions. The Valachian issues were in all prob- ability linked to the troubles in the areas of the Latin rite in Podolia, which were devastated by Moldavian expeditions in 1498 as a retaliation to the Polish expedition of Jan Olbracht a year earlier.14 The Olomouc matters were related to the actual events in the city of Olomouc, the public dispu- tations between Dominicans and members of the Unity of Brethren, the only church that broke off from Rome even prior to the German Refor- mation in the 1520s.15 It is clear that Cardinal Pietro, who personally vis-

10. ASV, Misc., Arm. II 30, fol. 150r; Theiner, Vetera monumenta Poloniae, vol. 2, 275; Artner, “Magyarország”, 155. 11. Cf. about the Compacts, František Šmahel, Die Hussitische Revolution, vol. 3 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Schriften, 43/3) (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2002) 1641-1690; František Šmahel, Basilejská kompaktáta (Praha: Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 2011); for later negotiations, Antonín Kalous, “The Politics of Church Unification: Efforts to Reunify Utraquists and Rome in the 1520s,” in Friars, Nobles and Burghers – Sermons, Images and Prints: Studies of Culture and Society in Early-Modern Europe. In Memoriam István György Tóth, ed. Jaroslav Miller – László Kontler (Budapest – New York: Central European University Press, 2010) 179-197. 12. Franz Palacký, Geschichte von Böhmen, vol. 5/2 (Praha: Friedrich Tempsky, 1867) 40-41. 13. Jaroslav Eršil – JiĜí Pražák (eds.), Archiv pražské metropolitní kapituly. Vol. 2: Ka- talog listin a listĤ z let 1420-1561 (Praha: Univerzita Karlova, 1986) 168-169. 14. Cf. Alexandru Simon, “Valahii úi domnii lor în războiul veneto-otoman (1499- 1503),” Anuarul institutului de istorie “A. D. Xenopol” 50 (2013) 49-61, 50; cf. also Natalia Nowakowska, “Poland and the Crusade in the Reign of King Jan Olbracht, 1492-1501,” in Crusading in the Fifteenth Century: Message and Impact, ed. Norman Housley (Basings- toke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004) 128-147. 15. Cf. Amedeo Molnár, “Protivaldenská polemika na úsvitu 16. století,” Historická Olo- mouc 3 (1980) 153-174, 156-159; Tamar Herzig, “Le ‘sante vive’ italiane tra propaganda antie- reticale, appello alla crociata e critica luterana,” Genesis: Rivista della Società italiana delle sto- riche 10 (2011) 125-146; Tamar Herzig, “Flies, Heretics, and the Gendering of Witchcraft,” Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 5 (2010) 51-80; Antonín Kalous, “Between Hussitism and Refor- mation, 1450s-1520s,” in The Transformation of Confessional Cultures in a Central European

Late Medieval Nuptial Rites 55 ited Olomouc and many other places in his province, had a large agenda and these matters could only provide a small hint.16 Ceremonies and festivities in the cities and in particular the royal court also kept him busy. In Buda he took part in the solemn Eucharistic procession in 1501, where he even sponsored a special wine fountain for the occasion.17 The most significant event of the following year for the court was, however, the royal wedding of King Wladislas and the French princess Anne of Foix and Candale;18 and Cardinal Pietro naturally could not miss that. Anne, the bride, was sent from France and accompanied by her relatives and other French noblemen to Venice.19 The stay in Venice was, however, not merely a stop on the way. There were ceremonies and festivities related to the future Queen of Hungary organised in the city, and even an epithalamium, a nuptial song or poem, on the marriage of Wladislas and Anne with various allusions to antiquity published there in July 1502.20 A Hun- garian embassy met her in Venice with a mission to transport her to her future husband, King Wladislas. It was actually a Hungarian embassy, even if one of the members of Anne’s retinue reported that there were French, Hungarians and Bohemians accompanying her as she was leaving Venice on 20 August.21 Czechs (Bohemians or Moravians) were not present. It is quite revealing that when King of Hungary Matthias Corvinus

City: Olomouc, 1400-1750, ed. Antonín Kalous (Rome: Viella, 2015) 41-64, 60; misinterpreted by Simon, “Valahii,” 50, as the earlier dispute for the bishopric of Olomouc. 16. E.g. the legate’s relation to Wrocáaw (Breslau) in Silesia has been treated exten- sively by Jan Drabina, “Kontakty Wrocáawia z legatem papieskim, kardynaáem Piotrem Isvali, w pierwszych latach XVI wieku,” Studia historyczne 21 (1978) 529-544; or in Polish matters, cf. Janusz Smoáucha, Papiestwo a Polska w latach 1484-1526: Kontakty dy- plomatyczne na tle zagroĪenia tureckiego (Kraków: Societas Vistulana, 1999) 89-91. 17. András Kubinyi, “Diplomáciai érintkezések a jagelló kori magyar állam és a pápaság között (1490-1526),” in FĘpapok, egyházi intézmények és vallásosság a középkori Magyarországon (Budapest: METEM, 1999) 107-121, 112; I would like to thank Károly Goda for drawing my attention to this event and for sharing his book in preparation, Károly Goda, Processional Cultures of the Eucharist: Vienna and her Central European Counter- parts (ca. 1300-1550). 18. Two basic works must be referred to, Wenzel Gusztáv, “II. Ulászló magyar és cseh király házas élete 1501-1506,” Századok 11 (1877) 630-641, 727-757, 816-840 and Josef Macek, TĜi ženy krále Vladislava (Prague: Mladá fronta, 1991) 132-177. 19. Her journey to Venice was described in Wenzel, “II. Ulászló,” 730-735. 20. Matthaeus Andronicus Tragurinus, Epithalamium in nuptias Vladislai Panno- niarum ac Boemiae regis et Annae Candaliae reginae, ed. Ladislaus Juhász (Leipzig: Teubner, 1933). 21. Two reports edited by Antoine Le Roux de Lincy, “Discours des cérémonies du mariage d’Anne de Foix, de la maison de France, avec Ladislas VI, roi de Bohême, précédé du discours du voyage de cette reine dans la seigneurie de Venise, le tout mis en écrit du

56 Antonín Kalous sent his embassy to Naples in 1476 to bring his new wife and queen Beat- rix, many representatives of the Bohemian lands were present, as he was still at war over the Bohemian Crown and needed to prove himself as King of Bohemia.22 King Wladislas, on the other hand, who did not have to fight for the Crown any longer, did not feel the need to include the Bohemian nobility in his embassy at all. Petr z Rožmberka (Petr of Rožmberk), one of the highest representatives of the Bohemian nobility, was upset and wrote letters to the ruler, who explained that there was a lack of time for proper organisation. The same reason was provided by Petr z Rožmberka to the King when he could not accept the invitation to the royal wedding and festivities in Székesfehérvár and Buda.23 The wedding took place after the arrival of Anne to the Kingdom of Hungary, at the border of which she was greeted by another embassy this time led by János Corvin, the natural son of King Matthias, the predecessor of King Wladislas, and by Count Bernardin Frankopan. On the journey to the centre of the kingdom, the future Queen was accompanied by magnates and ladies of their families. She was greeted and given a number of gifts including carriages. One of them had five shields attached to it with the coats-of-arms of the kingdoms of Hungary, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia and the last bearing the coat-of-arms of the family, the Jagiellonian eagle. After more than a month of travel from Venice, Anne was greeted by King Wladislas and a retinue of his courtiers on 27 September outside Székesfehérvár. A colourful camp of many tents was pitched there for this occasion. The greeting was quite similar to that of Queen Beatrix in De- cember 1476, but the early autumn must have been much more pleasant for the new Queen than the snows that framed the meeting of Beatrix and Matthias. The French informer even states that it was on a “beautiful and clear day.” Moreover, there was a multitude of people expecting and wait- ing for the new Queen under a huge golden inscription on red velvet that commandant d’Anne, reine de France, duchesse de Bretagne, par Pierre Choque, dit Bre- tagne, l’un de ses rois d’armes. Mai 1502,” Bibliothèque de l’école des chartes 22 (1861) 156-185, 422-439; only the second report was published by Henrik Marczali (ed.), “Közle- mények a párisi nemzeti könyvtárból,” Magyar Történelmi Tár 23 (1877) 97-113. The sources are studied and newly edited by Attila Györkös, Reneszánsz utazás: Anna királyné 1502-es fogadtatásának ünnepségei Észak-Itáliában és Magyarországon (MáriabesnyĘ: Attraktor, 2016). These reports as well as Wenzel, “II. Ulászló,” 729-757 and József Fógel, II. Ulászló udvartartása (1490-1516) (Budapest, 1913) 128-134 are a basis for my narrative that follows. 22. Albert de Berzeviczy (ed.), Aragoniai Beatrix magyar királyné életére vonatkozó okiratok (Budapest: Magyar tudományos akadémia, 1914) 27-29. 23. Antonín Rezek (ed.), “Dopisy rodĤ hradeckého a rosenberského od roku 1450 do 1526,” in Archiv þeský, vol. 10, ed. Josef Kalousek (Prague: Bursík & Kohout, 1890) 104- 105.

Late Medieval Nuptial Rites 57 bore the name of the bride, Anne. Apart from others, Wladislas was accompanied by his brother and later the Polish king Sigismund Jagiellonian, the Count of Gáogów and Opava, by Tamás Bakóc, Cardinal and Arch- bishop of Esztergom, the Counts of Bavaria, ambassadors of Venice and Dubrovnik and many other magnates and prelates of the Kingdom of Hun- gary. The French report mentioned Cardinal Pietro Isvalies on the second place in the royal retinue. Tamás Bakóc greeted the Queen in the name of the King and the kingdom and her response was translated by the Bishop of GyĘr (she probably spoke French and it was translated into Latin, but the languages are not specified in the report). The entire retinue consequently entered the town of Székesfehérvár, where the usual ceremonies were held. All the inhabit- ants, including the Jews, met the royal entourage, the procession of local clerks showed the retinue to the city, visited the basilica and sang Te deum laudamus. A day later, a group of horse riders returned from Visegrád bearing the Holy Crown of the realm, which the Queen was crowned with on 29 September, the day of the coronation and the royal wedding. A large number of people were also present, all high representatives of the secular as well as ecclesiastical powers of the realm and foreign guests. The French report describes in detail all the splendour of the clothes and the pomp of the entire ceremony. Monseigneur le legat representant la personne du pape was also present according to this account, which states that the Holy Mass was conducted by the Archbishop of Esztergom, Tamás Bakóc together with eight bishops. Prior to the Mass, the King entered an oratory, from which he emerged with the crown on his head and walked up to the high altar, with the sceptre and the orb being carried by two magnates. Wladislas stood in front of the high altar in majesty at the start of the Mass with all the signs of his power. The King was accompanied by his bride and nuptial ceremonies were carried out, which are unfortunately not described in detail in the French report. The coronation followed. The Cardi- nal (presumably Bakóc) asked the representation of the kingdom if they wished Anne to be crowned: they all replied coronetur. After the wedding and coronation, which were held in the main church, a great feast followed which was again attended by all the highest ranking guests (including Car- dinal Pietro Isvalies). The following day was dedicated to an audience with the ambassador of the King of France. The court consequently moved to the royal residence in Buda where they arrived on 3 October. Additional festivities followed there as in the case of Matthias and Beatrix twenty-six years earlier.

58 Antonín Kalous

Neither the French report, nor the reports from Venice24 mention that Cardinal Pietro Isvalies actively participated in the liturgical ceremonies. It is always Tamás Bakóc, the Archbishop of Esztergom and Cardinal of St Martin in Montibus, who is mentioned by the sources, he being the one who celebrated the whole Mass. There were still, however, additional reports which might suggest otherwise. Papal legate Pietro was definitely not conducting the coronation, which was in the hands of the local and traditional prelate, the Archbishop of Esztergom, although he might have been the one who celebrated the nuptial liturgy and the wedding itself. This at least might be concluded from the Roman diary of the papal master of ceremonies, Paride Grassi.25 The papal master of ceremonies was interested in all that was happening at the papal court in Rome and particularly in any matters related to papal (and thus also legatine) liturgy and ceremony. He even actively organised and – based on older documents – designed liturgical as well as solemn courtly events, described them and listed the order of the rituals in Rome, etc.26 The diary itself is preserved in the Vatican library in a number of copies, as it was frequently used later as a model in designing liturgical ceremonies.27 Paride Grassi, who was in constant contact with the Pope, the Cardinals, the legates and all the servants of the court had detailed and first-hand information on all the happenings. The paragraphs of his diary on November 1504 contain an extraordinary sec- tion that includes the liturgical ordo for the wedding of King Wladislas and Queen Anne, and is entitled Ordo servandis in sponsalitiis regis quem

24. Nicolò Barozzi (ed.), I diarii di Marino Sanuto, vol. 4 (Venice: Visentini, 1880) col. 348. 25. For basic information see, Massimo Cereza, “Grassi, Paride,” in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. 58 (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 2002) 681-684; and in detail, Marc Dykmans, “Paris de Grassi,” Ephemerides liturgicae 96 (1982) 407- 482; 99 (1985) 383-417; 100 (1986) 270-333. 26. A helpful overview of the works in relation to (papal) ceremonial is provided by Jörg Bölling, Das Papstzeremoniell der Renaissance: Texte – Musik – Performanz (Frank- furt am Main: Peter Lang, 2006) 35-68; detailed studies by Jennifer Mara DeSilva in her dissertation and further studies, see Jennifer Mara DeSilva, Ritual Negotiations: Paris de’ Grassi and the Office of Ceremonies under Pope Julius II & Leo X (1504-1521), PhD dissertation (Toronto: University of Toronto, 2007); see also e.g. Jennifer Mara DeSilva, “‘Personal’ Rituals: The Office of Ceremonies and Papal Weddings, 1483-1521,” in Mar- riage in Premodern Europe: Italy and Beyond, ed. Jacqueline Murray (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2012) 47-71. 27. Overview of the manuscripts, Pierre Salmon, Les manuscrits liturgiques latins de la bibliothèque vaticane. Vol. 3: Ordines romani, Pontificaux, Rituels, Cérémoniaux, Studi e testi, 260 (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1970) 101-149.

Late Medieval Nuptial Rites 59 servavit cardinalis Reginus legatus in Vngaria, quando rex desponsavit reginam anno domini 1502.28 As the order of the items in the diary, even in the autograph manuscript, seems to be unchanged and original, the ordo was transcribed by Paride Grassi a year after the return of the papal legate from his legation. The fact that the ordo appeared in Grassi’s diary confirms the closeness of the master of ceremonies with the Cardinals and in general being a leading figure in the ceremonies of the papal court. There was regular communication between Grassi and the papal legates before they left Rome, as he was designing their ceremony and organising the session of the consistory as well as the procession of other cardinals that accompanied them to the gates of the city. They were in close contact also after they returned. Moreover, it is quite possible that Grassi as master of ceremonies, who was responsible not only for the papal ritual but also for the ritual and ceremonial of cardinals and papal legates, drafted the text of the ordo himself. The text con- tains a typical wedding liturgy of the period. It may be compared to Liber sacerdotalis, the Roman Ritual, by the Dominican friar Alberto da Castello which was written in the beginning of the sixteenth century (even though Pope Benedict XIV claimed that it was printed in 1497),29 and as a standard book of ritual published a number of times during the century.30 When compared to the nuptial rites of the 1523 edition of the Liber sacerdotalis, the text of the ordo reveals the same structure, usage of the same benedictions, prayers and psalms that are typical for nuptial rites,31 even though it is not a direct copy of the Roman Ritual. The introduction and the conclu- sion of the whole liturgy are specific, of course, because they relate to the

28. BAV, Vat. lat. 4739, fol. 36v-38v, this manuscript is considered an autograph by Dykmans, who published several texts from it in Dykmans, “Paris de Grassi,” Ephemerides liturgicae 99 (1985) 411-417; other manuscripts for example, BAV, Vat. lat. 12272, fol. 34v-36r; Vat. lat. 12303, fol. 117v-122v; Chig. L I 17, fol. 161r-169r. 29. Benedicti XIV pont. opt. max. … Opera omnia …, vol. 11 (Venice: Josephi Remon- dini & Antonii Zattae, 1787) 145; this date is also mentioned by reference works, cf. e.g. Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 3rd ed., vol. 8 (Freiburg: Herder, 1999) col. 1208. 30. The 1523 edition seems to be the first edition of the book, cf. Davide Righi, Il “sacerdotale” di Alberto da Castello e le sue numerose edizioni (1523-1603): Analisi delle edizioni e della struttura del “Liber sacerdotalis.” Una introduzione allo studio del testo e delle fonti. Tesi per il conseguimento della Licenza in Sacra Teologia, Istituto di Liturgia pastorale (Padova, 2013); Cyrille Vogel, Introduction aux sources de l’histoire du culte chrétien au moyen âge, ed. Bernard Botte (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto me- dioevo, 1981) 222. 31. Alberto Castellano, Liber sacerdotalis… (Venice: per Melchiorrem Sessam et Pe- trum de Ravanis, 1523) fol. 33v-38v. Cf. also in general James Monti, A Sense of the Sa- cred: Roman Catholic Worship in the Middle Ages (San Francisco, CA: Ignatius, 2012) 209-233.

60 Antonín Kalous unique event of the royal wedding. What is specific is also the fact that the bride is twice mentioned explicitly by her name, Anna. The pontifex, i.e. the papal legate who was representing the Pope and asserting the highest authority over all the local regulations and customs, first spoke to the couple and reminded the King of his promise made per procuram on an earlier occasion. After interrogating both about their faith, the Cardinal blessed the rings, prayers were sang over them and the couple accepted the rings on their ring fingers. The procedure is the same as in Liber sacerdotalis, the prayers and benedictions (Benedic, domine, hos anulos and Creator et conservator) are identical. After the benediction, the psalms that were sung were also used both in the ordo as well as in the standardised version of Liber sacerdotalis (Manda deus virtuti tue; Domine exaudi orationem meam). Both the orders use the same biblical images of married couples and their offspring (Adam and Eve, Tobias and Sarah) and biblical women for comparison with the Queen (Rachel, Re- becca, Sarah) in later benedictions as well as some identical psalms later on (Beati omnes; Salvum fac servum tuum). The orations, which were sung towards the end of the ceremony, are again quite typical and incorporated in both the ordo and Liber sacerdotalis, even though in the ordo one of them is called Oratio super regina.32 The sources on the royal wedding at the court of Buda do not, unfortunately, describe in detail what appeared in the ordo. The active participa- tion of Cardinal Pietro is attested only by the text, which is edited below. A similar event is described by a few sources in 1476, when the royal wedding of Matthias Corvinus and Beatrix of Aragon took place in Buda. Two of the three reports mention just that they were married; the third – a report of a Bavarian, Hans Seybold – reported what happened. However, his account is very general and uses, probably, some kind of wedding liturgy himself, as he wrote a few years after the event and quotes some of the typical Psalms and orations. He is, on the other hand, describing the role of the papal nuncio with the power of a legate, Gabriel Rangoni.33 Detailed accounts of the performative dimension of the royal wedding of 1476 and even more so that of 1502 are regrettably missing. The text of the ordo confirms the activity of Cardinal Pietro Isvalies in Central Europe and at the royal court in particular. The close connection may be illustrated by the above-mentioned naming of the Cardinal to the position of Bishop of Veszprém as well as the later selection of him as the

32. Cf. the previous note for details, especially Alberto Castellano, Liber sacerdotalis, fol. 34v-37v. 33. Béla Borsa, “Reneszánszkori ünnepségek Budán,” Tanulmányok Budapest múltjából 10 (1943) 13-53, 48-49. Late Medieval Nuptial Rites 61 cardinal protector of Poland, Hungary and Bohemia at the papal curia in 1507. Moreover, it may even show possible ways of spreading unified and standardised liturgical practice in Central Europe, which would have been transferred by papal legates, be it on unique and singular occasions.

Department of History Antonín KALOUS Palacký University Na HradČ 5 CZ-77180 Olomouc [email protected]

APPENDIX

Liturgical order for the nuptial rites and ceremonies of the King of Hungary and Bohemia Wladislas II Jagiellonian and Queen Anne of Foix and Candale from 1502, as recorded by Paride Grassi in his diary in November 1504. (The text in italics and all the crosses are written in red ink in the manuscript, the rest is black.) .

BAV, Vat. lat. 4739, fol. 36v–38v

Ordo servandis in sponsalitiis regis quem servavit cardinalis Reginus34 legatus in Vngaria, quando rex desponsavit reginam anno domini 1502.

Ordo benedicendi anulos et sponsos. Pontifex cum stola et pluviali stet in cornu sinistro altaris, ad quem accedant sponsus et sponsa et stantes coram pontifice. Dicat ad eos pontifex: Quoniam secundum sacrorum canonum instituta sponsus et sponsa ante matrimonii consumationem in ecclesia benedicendi sunt, maiestates vestre, ut ritum ac mandata sancte Romane ecclesie summorumque pontificum servent, causa recipien. be[ne]dictionis, priusquam matrimonium carnali copula consumarent, ad ecclesiam accesserunt. Nos autem auctoritate apostolica in primis, qua fungimur in hac parte pro hac vice derogamus omnibus et singulis aliis rebus, verbis, cerimoniis ac actibus, que de consuetudine seu ex statutis tam provincialibus quam synodalibus in sponsalibus et matrimoniis contrahendis in hac provintia fieri consueverunt. Deinde sequatur pontifex et dicat vertendo se ad regem, quando matrimonium iam conctractum esset per procuratorem: Quamvis inter maiestates vestras matrimonium per verba legitime de presenti per procuratorem contractum fuerit, nihilominus vestra serenissima maiestas accipit in uxorem suam serenissimam dominam Annam etc. Et promittit ei vestra serenissima maiestas, quod ab isto tempore in antea eam semper pro coniuge

34. Pietro Isvalies.

62 Antonín Kalous tenebit et illam diliget ac eidem tanquam uxori sue fidem servabit nulloque unquam tempore secundum divine humaneque legis precepta eam derelinquet. Et accepto responso ab ipso petat fidem super altari et sue maiestas ponat manum super altari et pontifex superimponat dexteram suam vel extremos digitos vel sua maiestas ponat /37r/ manum suam super manu pontificis et eodem modo interogetur regina et simili modo faciat. Hiis peractis benedicantur anuli et sit ibi paratum aspersorium et petat in primis ab utroque, ut deponant anulos et advertat diligenter, quis sit anulus sponsi et quis sponse. Deinde incipiat: Adiutorium nostrum in nomine domini. R. Qui fecit celum et terram. Oremus. Benedic+ domine hos anulos, quos in nomine domini nostri Jesu Christi benedi+cimus, ut qui eos portaverint in tua pace consistant et in tua voluntate permaneant et in tuo amore vivant et senescant et multiplicentur in longitudine dierum per eundem Christum dominum nostrum. Alia oratio. Creator et consecrator humani generis, dator gratie spiritualis, largitor eterne salutis, tu, domine, spiritum sanctum tuum paraclitum de celis super hos anulos emite, ut qui illos gestaverint, sint armati virtute celestis defensionis et perficiant illis ad eternam salutem per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum etc., qui tecum in unitate eiusdem etc. Et aqua benedicta illos aspergat. Deinde anulum sponse ponat pontifex ad digitum anularem sponsi dicens: Anulo suo subarret te dominus Jesus Christus et tamquam sponsum decoret te corona. R. Amen. Et similiter sponsus anulum suum ponat ad digitum anularem sponse pontifice dicente: Anulo suo subaret (sic) te dominus Jesus Christus et tamquam sponsam decoret te corona. R. Amen. Vs. Benedicti sitis a domino. R. Qui mundum ex nihilo fecit. Finita benedictione anulorum benedicat utrumque et incipiat pontifex: Adiutorium nostrum in nomine domini. R. Qui fecit etc. Benedictio. Bene+dicat vos deus pater, custodiat vos dei filius + illuminet vos spiritus sanctus + ostendatque dominus vultum suum vobis et misereatur vestri, convertat dominus faciem suam super vos et det vobis pacem omnibus diebus vite impleatque dominus vos omni benedictione celesti /37v/ in remissionem omnium peccatorum vestrorum, ut habeatis vitam eternam. V. Manda deus virtuti tue. R. Confirma hoc deus, quod operatus es in nobis. V. A templo sancto tuo, quod est in Hierusalem. R. Tibi offerent reges munera. V. Increpa feras harundinis.

Late Medieval Nuptial Rites 63

R. Congregatio taurorum in vaccis populorum, ut excludant eos, qui probati sunt argento.35 V. Domine exaudi orationem meam. R. Et clamor meus ad te veniat.36 V. Dominus vobiscum. R. Et cum spiritu tuo. Oremus. Omnipotens et misericors37 deus, qui primos parentes nostros Adam et Evam sua virtute copulavit, ipse corpora vestra sanctificet, benedicat + atque in societate et amore vere dilectionis, coniungat per dominum nostrum. Oremus. Deus Habraham, deus Isac, deus Jacob. Benedic + hunc serenissimum regem et reginam et semina semen vite eterne in mentibus eorum, ut quicquid pro utilitate didicerint, hoc facere cupiant per Christum dominum nostrum. R. Amen. Psalmus. Beati omnes, qui timent dominum, qui ambulant in viis eius38 et perficiat totum cum gloria patri. Kyrie eleison Christe eleison Kyrie eleison. Pater noster. Et ne nos inducas. R. Sed libera. V. Salvum fac servum tuum et ancillam tuam. R. Deus meus sperantes in te.39 V. Mitte eis auxilium de sancto. R. Et de Syon tuere eos.40 V. Esto eis domine turris fortitudinis. R. A facie inimici.41 V. Domine exaudi orationem meam. R. Et clamor meus ad te veniat.42 V. Dominus vobiscum. R. et cum spiritu tuo. Oremus. Deus, qui tam excelenti misterio coniugalem copulam consecrasti, ut Christi et ecclesie sacramenta presignares in federe nuptiarum presta quesumus, /38r/ ut quod nostro ministratur offitio tua benedictione potius impleatur per Christum dominum. R. Amen.

35. Ps 67(68):29-31. 36. Ps 101(102):2. 37. ms. et misericors: corrected from sempiterne. 38. Ps 127(128):1. 39. Ps 85(86):2. 40. Ps 19(20):3. 41. Ps 60(61):4. 42. Ps 101(102):2.

64 Antonín Kalous

Alia oratio. Propitiare domine supplicationibus nostris et institutis tuis, quibus propagationem humani generis ordinasti benignius assiste, ut quod te auctore iungitur, te auxiliante servetur per Christum. R. Amen. Alia oratio. Deus, qui potestate virtutis tue de nihilo cuncta fecisti, qui dispositis universitatis exordiis homini ad ymaginem dei facto, ideo inseparabile mulieris adiutorium43 condidisti, ut femineo corpori de virili dares carne principium docens, quod denuo placuisset intuitu numquam liceret disiungi per Christum dominum nostrum. R. Amen. Alia oratio. Bene+dic domine hanc conventionem et sicut misisti angelum tuum Raphaelem ad Tobiam et Saram filiam Rachelis ita digneris domine mittere benedic+tionem tuam super hos serenissimos regem et reginam, ut in tua semper voluntate permaneant. Et in tuo amore vivant et senescant et multiplicentur in longitudine dierum per Christum dominum nostrum. + Amen. Oratio super regina. Oremus. Deus, per quem mulier iungitur viro et societas principaliter ordinata et benedictione donatur, que nec sola per originalis peccati penam, nec per diluvii est ablata sententiam respice propitius super hanc famulam tuam Annam, que maritali iungenda consortio tua se expetit protectione muniri sit in ea iugum dilectionis et pacis fidelis et casta nubat in Christo imitatrixque sanctarum permaneat feminarum, sit amabilis ut Rachel viro suo, sapiens ut Rebecha, longeva et fidelis ut Sarra, nihil in ea ex actibus suis ille auctor prevaricationis usurpet nexa fidei mandatisque permaneat uni thoro iuncta, contactus illicitos fugiat, muniat, infirmitatem suam robore discipline sit verecundia, gravis sit pudore venerabilis, /38v/ sit doctrinis celestibus erudita, sit fecunda in sobole, sit probata et innocens et ad beatorum requiem atque ad celestia regna perveniat et videat filios filiorum suorum usque ad tertiam et quartam generationem et ad optatam perveniat senectutem per dominum nostrum. R. Amen. Benedictio. Benedictio + dei patris omnipotentis et filii + et spiritu sancti + descendat super vos serenissimos regem et reginam. R. Amen. Deinde dicat: Quos deus coniunxit, homo non separat. Et accipiat pontifex manum dextram regis et regnie et iungat illos simul et sequatur. Ita vos coniungo in nomine patris + et filii + et spiritus sancti +. R. Amen. Aspergat illos aqua benedicta dicens: Maiestates vestre serenissime vadant in pace. R. Amen.

43. ms. mulieris adiutorium: corrected from adiutorium mulieris.