CCIVILIVIL SSZEMLEZEMLE www.civilszemle.hu xiv. évfolyAm 3. szám

nnSZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL A mAgyAr nemzeti identitás megtArtásA A hAtáron túl és A diAszpórábAn: A civil szférA szerepe (PapNorbert–KákaiLászló

sustAining hungAriAn nAtionAl identity in neighbouring countries And the diAsporA: the role of civil society orgAnisAtions (NorbertPap–LászlóKákai

nnTANULMÁNYOK /ARTICLES sketch of the hungAriAn non-profit sector After the regime chAnge (LászlóKákai–ViktorGlied)

geogrAphicAl And sociAl issues of the operAtion of hungAriAn non-governmentAl orgAnisAtions in croAtiA – the cAse of bArAnjA (AndorVégh–ErikaGúti)

non-governmentAl orgAnisAtions in the hungAriAn–hungAriAn knowledge trAnsfer of orgAnising tourism (TiborGonda–AlpárHorváth)

the role of hungAriAn–AmericAn civil And church orgAnisAtions in preserving the hungAriAn identity (GáborSzalai-PéterReményi-NorbertPap)

the identity preserving efforts of the in AustrAliA through the exAmple of the hungAriAn community school in AdelAide (JenőPalotai–ÁgnesSzabó–ÁkosJarjabka)

christiAn missions As civil society movements At the service of the indiAn society (NándorZagyi–MariannaÁcs)

2017/3nnnnn CIVIL SZEMLE

WWW.CIVILSZEMLE.HU XIV.ÉVFOLYAM3.SZÁM Szerkesztôbizottság/EditorialBoard BeliaAnna,HarsányiLászló,KirschnerPéter,KutiÉva, MarschallMiklós,MiszlivetzFerenc,NagyÁdám

Szerkesztôség/Editors Felelôs szerkesztô/Executive Editor NáraiMárta Rovatszerkesztôk/Editors CsongorAnna(Társadalomésállam/SocietyandState) KákaiLászló(Elméletileg/Theoretically) PéterfiFerenc(Közösségekésciviltársadalom/Community  andCivilSociety) SebestényIstván(Világ-nézet/InternationalReview) Képszerkesztô/Image Editor GönczôViktor Online szerkesztô/Online Editor BodLevente Vendégszerkesztô/Guess Editor PapNorbert

Cikkjavaslatokat,ötleteket,véleményeketa[email protected]címrevárunk. Elôfizethetôawww.civilszemle.hucímen

Afolyóiratjelenszámábanmegjelenttanulmányok aPécsiTudományegyetemKiválóságiCentrumokpályázatakeretében, a„BékeéskonfliktusKözép-EurópábanésaBalkánonKiválóságiCentrum” kutatóinakmunkájakéntjötteklétre.

Thepaperswerepublishedwithinthecontextofthe ”PeaceandConflictintheBalkansandCentralEurope“CentreofExcellencesofthe UniversityPécsprogram.

Kiadó CIVIL SZEMLE ALAPÍTVÁNY www.civilszemle.hu 1137Budapest,Pozsonyiút14. Tel./fax:(+36-1)221-8099 E-mail:[email protected] Felelôskiadó:NizákPéterkuratóriumielnök KészültaPharmaPressNyomdában Felelôsvezetô:DávidFerenc

ISSN1786-3341 TARTALOM/TABLEOFCONTENTS

■■ SZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL Pap Norbert–KákaiLászló:A mAgyAr nemzeti identitás 5 megtArtásA A hAtáron túl és A diAszpórábAn: A civil szférA szerepe NorbertPap–LászlóKákai:sustAining hungAriAn nAtionAl identity 9 in neighbouring countries And the diAsporA: the role of civil society orgAnisAtions

■■ TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES LászlóKákai–ViktorGlied:sketch of the hungAriAn non-profit sector 13 After the regime chAnge

AndorVégh–ErikaGúti:geogrAphicAl And sociAl issues of the operAtion 35 of hungAriAn non-governmentAl orgAnisAtions in croAtiA – the cAse of bArAnjA

TiborGonda–AlpárHorváth:non-governmentAl orgAnisAtions 51 in the hungAriAn–hungAriAn knowledge trAnsfer of orgAnising tourism

GáborSzalai–PéterReményi–NorbertPap:the role of hungAriAn–AmericAn civil 65 And church orgAnisAtions in preserving the hungAriAn identity

JenőPalotai–ÁgnesSzabó–ÁkosJarjabka:the identity preserving efforts of the 87 hungAriAn diAsporA in AustrAliA through the exAmple of the hungAriAn community school in AdelAide

NándorZagyi–MariannaÁcs:christiAn missions As civil society movements 105 At the service of the indiAn society

■■ SZERZÔINK /AUTHORS 121

CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. ■■■■■■■3 Fotó/GönczôViktor SZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL

A magyar nemzeti identitás megtartása a határon túl és a diaszpórában: a civil szféra szerepe

A „magyar” társadalom civil szerveződéseinek sajátosságai jelentős különbségeket mutatnakazországhatáronbelüléskívül.Mígamagyarjelzőazországhatáronbelül nemjelentsemmikülönösetésanemzetijellegamagyarországinemmagyar,teháta nemzetikisebbségekcivilszervezeteinekvonatkozásábanhordozinkábbcsakmegkülön- böztetőjelleget,addigamagyarállamterületenkívüla„magyar”jelzőéstartalommár másképpenjelenikmeg.Amagyarnonprofitszektorfejlődésénekarendszerváltásutáni szakirodalmaigenterjedelmeséstémákszéleskörétfogjaát.Hivatalosiratok,rendszeres statisztikaijelentések,továbbákutatásianyagokszülettekkülönfélemegközelítésekből, amelyekelégségesinformációtnyújtanakahhoz,hogyleírjukéselemezzükmajdhárom évtized„nonprofittörténelmét”akáregészenkülönlegesperspektívákbólis.Ugyanakkor nagyonkevesettudunkazoknakaszervezeteknekaműködéséről,amelyekamagyar nyelvhez és kultúrához kapcsolódnak, ráadásul e civil szervezeteknek a tevékenysége néhatávoliországokbanfolyikúgy,hogyakapcsolatukazanyaországgalnéhaerős,más- korviszontnagyonlaza. AKárpát-medencénbelüli,deamagyarhatárokontúli,illetveaKárpátokvonulatán kívül,diaszpórábanélő„magyar”civilszerveződésekjellemzőenfelvállaljákazezekbea szervezetekbetömörülttermészetesés/vagyjogiszemélyekmagyarnemzetijellegének fenntartását,akultúra(nyelv,nemzetiünnepek,népiésvallásihagyományok)megőrzé- sétésmegújítását.Ugyanakkorazegyesföldrajzi területekeniskaraktereskülönbségek figyelhetőkmegannakmegfelelően,hogyamagyarjellegethordozóésfenntartanikívá- nócsoport,illetveszerveződésmilyentörténetikontextusbanjöttlétre,milyenfelekezeti sajátosságai voltak, a diaszpóra közösségek esetében pedig, hogy milyen történelmi- politikaiviharokközepettehagytákelazanyaországot. A kérdés értelmezéséhez a kulcs a magyar nemzetf elfogás. Fontos áttekinteni a különbözőélethelyzeteket,amelyekazországonbelüli,amaihatárokontúlelterülőtör- ténelmiországterületenmegtelepedett,valaminta20.századsoránanemzetközimigrá- ciósfolyamatokrévéndiaszpórábaszóródottmagyarokatilleti. Amagyaridentitásmeghatározóalapjaanyelv.Amagyarnemzetállamhatárainkívül anyelvfenntartása,műveléseamagyarsághoztartozásalapja.Ezkülönösenafiatalabb korosztályokesetébenjelentősfeladat,illetvekihívás.Anyelvaktívhasználataelsősorban közösségialkalmak,példáulamagyarnyelvűistentisztelet,azünnepialkalmakkortörté- nő magyar nyelvű megemlékezések, magyar kulturális programok szervezése, illetve a gyermekfoglalkozások, iskolák, továbbá kiemelten a cserkészet révén valósulhat meg. A magyarnyelvmeglehetősenegységes,anyelvhasználatistandardjaifejlettek,aztcsak dialektusoktagolják.Afelvidéki,erdélyi,délvidékimagyaroknyelvhasználatisajátosságai inkábbcsakkisebbmértékbenbefolyásoljákanyelvátörökítését,fenntartását. Amagyarnyelvmellettaközösősöknekéshősöknek,illetvearájukvalóemlékezés- nekvanidentitástfenntartóhatása.Amagyarsághőseirevalóközösemlékezetfenntar-

CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. ■■■■■■■5 SZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL tásaelsőrendűenanemzetiünnepekmegtartásán,illetveazadottközösségetérintőtör- ténelmisorsfordulókravalóemlékezésenkeresztülvalósulhatmeg.Ebbenakörbenmeg- jelenneka„regionáliséshelyihősök”,valamintatörténelmikánonbólkiszorulthelyekés személyiségek,azalternatívtörténelemszemélyiségeiis.Ahősökközöttnemcsupán anyaországiak,hanematörténelmiországterületrőldiaszpórábakerültkiemelkedősze- mélyiségekiselőfordulnak.Ilyenhősöktovábbáabefogadóországbanjelentőstörténel- miszerepetbetöltött,példakéntállíthatósikeresmagyarokis. Amagyarakadémiaiszférátóltávolabbelhelyezkedő,amagyarállamikultúr- ésokta- táspolitikátólkevéssébefolyásoltközösségekkörébenamagyarságeredetérevonatkozó áltudományos,esetenkéntfantasztikuselképzelésektöbbesetbeniselterjedtek,illetve virágoznak.Ilyenekkülönösenaturanizmustémakörébetartozósumerológia(amagyar- ságsumereredetéthirdetőnézetrendszer),amagyarságtörök,vagyaszékelységhun eredetérevonatkozónézetek,illetveamagyar–törökvagyamagyar–japánrokonságot hangsúlyozószerveződések.Szélesebbkörbenelterjedtekamagyarnyelvfinnugorere- detéttagadónézetekis.Többesetbenabefogadóországősikultúrájában(dél-amerikai indiáncsoportok,aboriginőslakosok)vélnekfelfedezniamagyarsággalrokonvonásokat, jellemzőenmindentudományosalapnélkül.Adiaszpóramagyarokfinanszíroztakszá- mos,amagyartörténelmikánonbabelenemillőnézetethirdetőkiadványt,amelyeka megjelenést követően megtalálhatóak a magyarországi másodlagos könyvpiacon és a keletiezotériairántiérdeklődéstkihasználvabefolyástgyakoroltakamagyarországitura- nista körökre is. A turanizmus (neo-turanizmus) jelenleg virágzik Magyarországon és összekapcsolódva a magyar külpolitika „globális nyitás”, „keleti nyitás” és „déli nyitás” politikáival,felértékeliatávolabbiországokbanélő,valójábanmarginálishelyzetűésszere- pű közösségeket. Ezen civil szervezetek ezért a kétoldalú kapcsolatokban gazdasági, demográfiaierejükfelettjátszhatnakszerepet. Anemzetiidentitásfenntartásábanfontosszerepevanamagyarkonyhánakis.Ajel- legzetesmagyarételek(gulyás,pörkölt,csirkepaprikás,töltöttkáposztastb.)elkészítésea közösségialkalmakfontossajátossága.Adiaszpóraközösségekfiatal,amagyarnyelvvel, kultúrávalmárkevéskapcsolatotápolótagjainaksokesetbenmárcsakacsaládikonyha néhány étele biztosít azonosulási lehetőséget. Ugyanígy a magyar néptánc, illetve a dalokismereteisazutolsókapcsolatlehetamagyarnemzettelésanemzetikultúrával. A magyarcivilszervezetekneképpenezértfontosfeladataa„magyarházak”,közösségi terekfenntartása,aholaközösségtagjaiamagyardalokkal,táncokkalésételekkeltalál- kozhatnak. Avallási,egyháziközösségekheztartozásnakisnagyszerepevan,különösenapro- testánsgyülekezetekesetében,aholamagyarnyelvneknincsalternatívája.Akatolikus közösségekesetébeneznemígyvan,hiszenakatolikusvilágegyházpüspökiszervező- désielvemiattapapszemélyénekkiválasztásaésanyelvhasználatigazodikaközösség

6 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. SZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL etnikaiésnyelviváltozásaihoz.Ezértamagyarkatolikustemplomokaterületre,település- reérkezettújbevándorlókmegérkezésévelelveszthetikmagyaretnikaijellegüket.Apro- testánsközösségekenneksokkalkevésbévannakkitéveésezértsokkalinkábbhordoz- zákmagyarjellegüketgyakranbefogadvamásfelekezetűeketis,hogyamagyarszóés hagyományokfenntartójakéntműködjenek. Amagyarközösségekfennmaradásátnemcsupánavallásiösszetételfentebbemlí- tettváltozásaifenyegetik.Abefogadó,illetvetöbbségitársadalomviszonyaiközöttisze- mélyes siker az állam nyelvének és kultúrájának maradéktalan elsajátítását igényli. A vegyesházasságok,abarátiviszonyok,ahelyipolitikaijátszmákban,konfliktusokban valórészvételhatazidentitásrais.Aközösségilétéssikerességmásnemzetiközössé- gekbenalkalmazkodástkövetel.Amagyarsághozvalókizárólagostartozásérzésétfel- váltjákvagyfelválthatjákatöbbesidentitások.Ugyanakkorezújmagyarnemzetfelfogást kíván.Az„ittélned,shalnodkell”,továbbáanyelvhez,iskolához,templomhozavégsőkig ragaszkodnikell,vegyesházasságotnemlétesíteniparancsolataialighaértelmezhetőka globalizációésacirkulációsmigrációviszonyaiközött.Azaszemlélet,amikizárjaatöb- besidentitásútamagyarságbólszükségszerűenezennövekvőlétszámúcsoportoknakaz elvesztésétisjelentik.Aztamodellt,amieztlehetővétesziértelemszerűenadiaszpóra magyarságcivilszervezeteibenlehetkikísérletezniéselterjeszteni.Úgyértelmezzük,hogy ez egy igazi 21. századi feladat, amelynek meg kell felelni és ennek kutatása nagyon perspektivikuskutatóiközösségünknek.APécsiTudományegyetem„Békeéskonfliktus Közép-EurópábanésaBalkánonKiválóságiCentrum”2017-benalakult,hogyátfogjaaz egyetemgeopolitikai,politika- éskisebbségtudományiéskapcsolódódiszciplínákképvi- selőit.Jelenkötetbenazőtanulmányaikolvashatók. Ajelenspeciálisszámafentigondolatoknakmegfelelőenelőszörrövidenáttekintia magyarnonprofitszektoralapvetőszerkezetijellemzőit,majdezutánadrávaszögiésaz észak-amerikai,valamintazausztráliaimagyarokmegmaradásánakalapkérdéseivelfog- lalkoziknyelvi,vallásiésközösségiszíntereken.Vizsgáljukahatárontúlimagyarságutazási sajátosságaitisegyesettanulmányonkeresztül.Amagyarkeletinyitásésanemzetiiden- titásformálódásánakegyfontostérsége,aholamagyarmisszionáriusokfeladato- kat vállaltak és segítettek egy pozitív Magyarország képet kialakítani. A tanulmány átfogja az Indiába irányuló, elsősorban protestáns missziós tevékenység civil kereteit. A kutatásnakkülönösindoka,hogybárkevésséfeltártjelenségkörrőlvanszó,ugyanak- koratársadalmiérdeklődésnövekvőiránta.Amagyarkormányzatisolyannagymértékű érdeklődéstmutatadiaszpórábanélőkiránt,amireazelmúlt100évbennemakadpél- da.Aspecialissuekereteiközöttvizsgálthálózatosegyüttműködésekmegértéseaglo- balizációviszonyaiközöttinemzetihelytállásnakfontostényezője.

PapNorbert–KákaiLászló

CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. ■■■■■■■7 SZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL

irodalom

AMagyarDiaszpóraTanácsdokumentumai. http://bgazrt.hu/npki/a_nemzetpolitika_oktatasa/alapdokumentumok/a_magyar_diaszpora_tanacs_dokumen- tumai/a_magyar_diaszpora_tanacs_dokumentumai/(Letöltve2018.01.12.) BorbándiGyula(2006):Amagyaremigrációéletrajza1945 –1 985. Hága:MikesInternational–Budapest:OrszágosSzé- chényiKönyvtár. KovácsNóra(szerk.)(2005):Tanulmányokadiaszpóráról. Budapest:Gondolat–MTAEtnikai-nemzetiKisebbségkuta- tóIntézet. TorbágyiPéter(2004):MagyarokLatin-Amerikában. Budapest:MagyarNyelvésKultúraNemzetköziTársaság.

8 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. SZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL sustaining hungarian national identity in neighbouring countries and the diaspora: the role of civil society organisations

Thecharacteristicsofcivilsocietyorganisationswithinthe“Hungarian”societyshow significantdifferencesinthecountryandabroad.Whiletheadjective“Hungarian”hasno specialmeaningwithinthecountry’sbordersandthenationalcharacteronlycarriesa distinctivecharacterregardingthecivilorganisationsofnon-Hungariannationalminorities in the country, outside the state territory the “Hungarian” adjective and the related contentshaveadifferentmeaning.TheliteratureofthedevelopmentoftheHungarian non-profitsectorafterthetransitiontodemocracyisvastandcoversawiderangeof topics. Official records, regular statistical monitoring, and numerous research works conductedfromvariousapproachesprovideenoughinformationtodescribeandevaluate the “non-profit history” of almost three decades, even based on special perspectives. However,weknowverylittleabouttheorganisationswhicharerelatedtoourlanguage and culture, but they operate in other countries, and therefore the ties between the organisationandthehomecountryaresometimesstrong,sometimesloose. Cross-bordernon-governmentalorganisationswithintheCarpathianBasin,aswellas Hungarian civil organisations in the diaspora further abroad typically undertake to sustaintheHungariannationalcharacterofthenaturaland/orlegalpersonsjoiningthe organisations,andthepreservation/renewalofculture(language,nationalholidays,folk and religious traditions). However, in different geographical locations there are characteristic differences based on the historical context of the establishment and specificdenominationofthegroupororganisationintendedtocarryandsustainthe Hungarian character. In the case of diaspora communities, the historical and political stormscausingemigrationarealsocharacteristic. Inordertointerprettheissue,understandingHungarianapproachtothenationisof keyimportance.Itisimportanttohaveanoverviewofthesituationsofestablishingthe originallyintra-country,butnowcross-bordercommunities,aswellastheinternational migrationtrendsofthe20thcenturyaffectingtheHungariandiaspora. ThefundamentalbasisofHungarianidentityisthelanguage.Outsidethebordersof the Hungarian nation-state, sustaining and propagating the language is the basis of Hungarianidentity.Thisisespeciallyasignificanttaskandchallengeinthecaseofthe youngergenerations.Theactivepracticeofthelanguagecanbeimplementedprimarily through community events, such as Hungarian-language church service, Hungarian commemorations at festive celebrations, the organisations of Hungarian cultural programmes,aswellaschildren’sactivities,schoolsandthescoutmovement.isquiteunified,itslinguisticpracticestandardsaredevelopedandvarietiesare only manifested in some dialects. The characteristics of the linguistic practices of in,Romania,SerbiaandCroatiaonlyhavealimitedinfluenceonthe transmittalandsustainmentofthelanguage.

CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. ■■■■■■■9 SZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL

In addition to the Hungarian language, common ancestors, heroes and the commemoration thereof contribute to the sustainment of identity. Sustaining the commonmemoryofHungarianheroescanprimarilybepractisedthroughcelebrating nationalholidaysandcommemoratingmajorhistoricaleventsrelevanttothespecific community. In this regard, regional and local heroes, as well as persons and places removedfromthehistoricalcanonandthoseofalternativehistoryalsoappear.Heroes includemajorpersonalitiescomingtothediasporafromthemothercountryaswell. AndsuchheroesmayalsobeexemplaryHungariansplayinganimportanthistoricalrole inthetargetcountry. InthecaseofcommunitiesdistantfromtheHungarianacademicsphere,underless influencefromtheHungarianstateculturalandeducationpolicy,pseudo-scientificand imaginary theories also appear or flourish regarding the origins of Hungarians. These includeforexampleSumerology(thebeliefoftheSumerianoriginofHungarians)related toTuranism,theapproachessupportingtheHunnishoriginofHungariansorSzeklers (Székelys), as well as organisations emphasising the relationships between the Hungarian/TurcicandtheHungarian/Japanesepeople.BeliefsdenyingtheFinno–Ugric origin of the Hungarian language are also widespread. In several cases, people find familiar features in the ancient cultures of their target country (Southern American indigenous peoples, Aboriginal Australians), typically without any scientific proof. Hungariansofthediasporahavefinancedseveralpublicationspromotingnon-canonical views of Hungarian history, which then appeared in the secondary book market of , and (supported by the interest in eastern esotericism) had an influence on HungarianTuranistcirclesaswell.Turanism(Neo-Turanism)stillflourishesinHungary,and togetherwiththe“GlobalOpening”,“OpeningtotheEast”,“OpeningtotheSouth” policiesofHungarianforeignpolicy,ithighlightsremoteHungariancommunitieswhich actuallyliveinamarginalpositionandplayasimilarrole.Therefore,suchcivilsociety organisationscanplayaroleexceedingtheiractualeconomicanddemographicpower inbilateralrelationships. Nevertheless,Hungariancuisinealsoplaysanimportantroleinsustainingnational identity. Preparing typical Hungarian dishes (goulash soup, goulash, paprika chicken, stuffedcabbage,etc.)isanimportantelementofcommunityevents.Formanyyoung members of the diaspora communities who have less intensive relationship with Hungarianlanguageandculture,inmanycases,familymealsarethesoleopportunityto practiceidentity.Similarly,Hungarianfolkdanceandtraditionalsongsarealsooftenthe last link to the Hungarian nation and national culture. Therefore, the operation of “Hungarianhouses”andcommunityspacesisanimportanttaskofHungarianNGOs, wheremembersofthecommunitycanencounterwithHungariansongs,dancesand dishes. Associationwithreligiousandchurchcommunitiesalsoplaysamajorrole,especially in the case of the Protestant congregations where Hungarian language has no alternative. This is not the case with the Catholic communities, since because of the episcopalorganisationalprincipleoftheCatholicChurchtheselectionofthelocalpriests

10 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. SZERKESZTÔIELÔSZÓ/EDITORIAL and the linguistic practice complies with the ethnic and linguistic changes of the community.Therefore,uponthearrivalofnewimmigrantstoaregionormunicipality, Hungarian Catholic churches can lose their ethnic Hungarian character. Protestant communitiesaremuchlesspronetothisandthereforetheycarryontheirHungarian charactermuchmore,evenafterinvolvingpeopleofotherdenominations,inorderto operateaspreserversofHungarianlanguageandtraditions. The survival of the Hungarian communities is not only threatened by the aforementionedchangesofreligiouscomposition.Inaninclusiveand/ormajoritysociety environment,personalsuccessrequirestheperfectknowledgeofthestate’slanguage andculture.Mixedmarriages,friendships,participationinlocalpoliticsandconflictsalso affectidentity.Communityexistenceandsuccessrequiresadaptationtodifferentnatio- nal communities. The awareness of exclusively belonging to Hungarians is/can be replaced by multiple identities. This also requires a new Hungarian approach to the concept of nation. The commands of “here you must live and die” (from Szózat, a secondnationalanthemofHungary),stickingtoonelanguage,school,churchtillthe bitter end and avoiding mixed marriages cannot prevail in the environment of globalisation and circulatory migration. The approach excluding multiple identity from Hungarians will necessarily lead to losing these increasingly large groups. The model whichenablesthis,canclearlybetestedandpromotedinthecivilsocietyorganisations oftheHungariandiaspora.Weinterpretthisasatrue21stcenturytaskwhichhastobe fulfilled,andtherelatedresearchholdsgreatperspectivetoourresearchercommunity. The“PeaceandConflictinCentralEuropeandtheBalkansExcellenceCentre”oftheUni- versityofPécswasestablishedin2017tojointherepresentativesofthegeopolitical, politicalscienceandminoritysciencedisciplinesoftheuniversity.Thisvolumeincludes theirstudies. In accordance with the above principles, this special issue will first provide an overviewofthebasicstructureoftheHungariannon-profitsectorandthendetailsthe mainissuesofthesustainmentofHungariancommunitiesinBaranya,NorthAmerica andAustralia,fromlinguistic,religiousandcommunityperspectives.Acasestudyisalso providedtoexaminethecharacteristicsofcross-borderHungariansregardingtravelling. India is an important target region for Hungary’s “Opening to the East” and the formationofnationalidentity,whereHungarianplayedimportantrolesand contributed to establishing a positive image of Hungary. The paper covers the civil organisationframeworkoftheprimarilyProtestantactivitiestargetingIndia. Theresearchissupportedbythenotionthatthistopicisless-examined,yetthereisan increasingsocialinterestsurroundingit.TheHungariangovernmentalsoshowsgreat interestinpeoplelivinginthediaspora,whichwasunprecedentedinthelast100years. Understanding the network of cooperation examined in this special issues is an importantfactorofnationalsustainmentinanenvironmentofglobalisation.

NorbertPap–LászlóKákai

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references

DocumentsoftheHungarianDiasporaCouncil(MagyarDiaszpóraTanács) http://bgazrt.hu/npki/a_nemzetpolitika_oktatasa/alapdokumentumok/a_magyar_diaszpora_tanacs_dokumen- tumai/a_magyar_diaszpora_tanacs_dokumentumai/(downloaded12.01.2018) Borbándi, Gyula (2006): A magyar emigráció életrajza 1945 –1 985. Hága:Mikes International – Budapest:Országos SzéchényiKönyvtár. Kovács,Nóra(ed.)(2005):Tanulmányokadiaszpóráról.Budapest:Gondolat–MTAEtnikai-nemzetiKisebbségkutató Intézet. Torbágyi,Péter(2004):MagyarokLatin-Amerikában.Budapest:MagyarNyelvésKultúraNemzetköziTársaság.

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sketch of the hungAriAn non-profit sector After the regime chAnge

László Kákai–Viktor Glied

introduction

The literature of the development of the Hungarian non-profit sector after the transition to democracy is vast and covers a wide range of topics. Official records, regular statistical monitoring, and numerous research works conducted from various approaches provide enough information to describe and evaluate the “non-profit history” of almost three decades, even based on special perspectives. However, we knowverylittleabouttheorganisations,whicharerelatedtoourlanguageandculture, buttheiroperationcoversothercountries,andthereforeonlyhavesometimesstrong, sometimesloosetiesbetweentheorganisationandthehomecountry.Theterm“net- work”inthiscontextmeansthesystemofhubsandconnections.Ingeneral,networks arecreatedbecausetheparticipantssolvepro blemsjointly,useeachother’sresources, exchangeexperienceandimprovethecoordinationoftheiractivities(Kákai2009:106). Anotherapproachisalsopossible,itiscalledmarket-businessnetwork.Inthiscase,we describe a mostly systematically organised sphere which primarily belongs to market logic, and in which the dominant element is the participants focusing on their own interests, and following strategies in their actions – considering market conditions – whichenablethemtomaximiseprofit(Gajduschek2009:71). BasedonEuropeanexperiences,thedifferentnon-governmentalorganisations(e.g. intheeconomic,socialwelfare,environmental,cultural,education,etc.sectors)mayplay

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a fundamentally important role – although with varied intensity – in developing, implementing and controlling regional, county or municipal level social/economic programmes.Theprogrammesdecreasedifferencesbetweencertainsettlementtypes, social groups, sectors and enterprise forms, and balance different forms of social/economicexclusion.TheparticipationofNGOsinregional,countyandmunicipal level developments puts economic development programmes into a wider interpretation framework, involving different social welfare, environmental, anti- discriminationandotherperspectives.Regional,countyandmunicipallevelNGOscan becomemakersofnewrelationshipnetworksaswell. Thesenewrelationshipnetworks1 cansupportthedevelopmentofnewtypesof cooperation forms in each country, municipality or spatial framework, between the state, economic and non-governmental actors of regions, counties, towns, as well as actors of a national and transnational/European level.Basedontheabove,itcanbe concluded that organisations embedded in the local society can better support the developmentofadenserelationshipnetwork,theimprovementofsocialcohesionand the inclusion of information potential of the society in decision-making. Through interpersonal relationships – according to László Osváth – these support decreasing transactioncosts,avoidinggametheoryproblemsinsociety,operatingsocialselection mechanismscontributingtodevelopment,establishingtheidentityandself-protection mechanisms of local society, and also contribute to improving the health of society (Osváth2009:19). Thepapersinthisissuepresentcountriesandorganisationsfromthisfield,enabling ustogetapictureofwhatmovescivilorgovernment/civilnetworks,whatrelationships andactivitiesarebecomingdominantfortheorganisationsinthesecountries,andwhat formsandwaysofkeepingintouchwiththehomecountryexist.Beforewehitthe groundrunningwiththisissue,itisadvisabletoreviewtheheterodoxdevelopmentand directionsoftheHungariancivilsector,afterthetransitiontodemocracy.

development in numbers

Theescalationoftheeconomic,politicalandsocialcrisisfromthemid-80sgenerated a“revival”oforganisationallifeinHungary.Atthebeginningofthe1980s,newtypesof socialself-organisingemergedfrompeacemovementstoecomovements,whichwere laterfo llowedbya“newwave”ofstudentmovements,self-directingcollegemovement andtheclubmovementwithinandoutsideuniversities,aswellaspoliticallyoriented associationsandforums.Thebeginningofthepoliticaltransformationwasmarkedby thereappearanceoffoundationasalegalentityin1987,andthenitwentonwiththe ratificationoftheAssociationsActin1989.Itwasconcludedwiththeamendmentof CivilCode(enactedin1990)whichabolishedtheformerrestrictionthatafoundation couldonlybesetupwiththeapprovaloftherelevantgovernmentauthority.Following the1989Act,whichguaranteedtheconditionsoffreelysettinguporganisations,taking

14 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES advantage of the historical opportunity and the erosion of the political system, the numberoforganisationswasgrowingcontinuously(Kákai2009:6).Whilein1982there were 6,570 registered organisations, in 1989 their number reached 8,51 4 (Harsányi– Kirschner1992). The decade preceding the political transition brought about the rebirth and re- exploration of the civil society all over the Central and Eastern Europe region. The preparationandpracticalimplementationofthetransitionwaslargelyduetothecivil movements. The internal structure of the sector also changed: between 1987 and 1989 the numberofart,citypreservation,andculturalorganisationsincreasedsevenfold,andthe numberofother,typicallyself-startingassociations(environmentalprotection,humane, pensioner,economic/professional)alsoincreasedtenfold. Wealsoneedtohighlightthecounterprocessduringwhichdoubletransformation oftheformerstatepartypowertookplace.Bybreakinguptheformerassetsofthe statepartyandbuildingontheinfrastructureofsomeofitssatelliteorganisations,new associations and foundations were formed, this time within the legal framework of democraticlaws.Theirofficialswere“scattered”buttheywereabletocarryonwith theirpersonalnetworkingoutsidetheparty.Someofthemtrulyworkedtoestablishan independentcivilsociety,whileothersretainedtheirpoliticalconnections(Kákai2009:6). Afterthetransition,thedynamicsoftheregion’scivilsocietycracked,inasense.The reasonforthisononehandwasthatthenewpoliticalelitesimplyabsorbedagreatpart ofthesystemchangerintellectualswhothusexchangedthecivilsectorforthepolitical one.Ontheotherhand,theeconomicdifficultiesarrivingtogetherwiththetransition wereobviouslyunfavourableforcommunityactivities.Therewasashifttowardsofficial expertise and the organized interest groups possessing an economic agenda (Boda 2011:175). After40yearsofstatesocialismwhichresultedintheforcedabolitionofcivilsociety and the erosion of social capital, the patterns and conventions of society’s self- organizingandrepresentationwerenotpresentineveryareaofsociety.Therefore,there werenoopportunitiesforthevarioussocialgroupstosatisfythedifferentsocialneeds. Wehavetosaythatthefasteconomicandconstitutionalchangescouldnotbefollowed byt hedevelopmentofthebourgeoissociety’scivilculture.Mostofthepoliticaléliteand the active civilians of the post-communistic countries were socialised in the old communistsystem.Theirexpectationsconcerningpaternalism,stabilityandthewelfare stateareunbroken,theyexpectthemaintenanceofallthoseundertheconditionsof market-economy,too. Bytheendofthe1990sthesegmentationofthecivilsectorbecamesharpandclear inHungary.Inadditiontothisfact,thestrengtheningoftheorganizations,theincreasein theireconomiccontributionandthestabilizationofthesociallegitimacyoftheinterest groupsbroughtaboutdeepchangesinthesector. TheHungariannon-profitregulationdoesnotfollowanyoftheEuropeanexamples, whichitselfisnotaproblem–itisnotobligatory to followoneofthetrends.Itis,

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however,arealproblemthattheprevailingdecisionmakershadnoconceptandalong- termandsystem-basedperspectivewhenchangingtheregulations.Weovertookmany componentsfromforeignpractices;however,thiswasnotdonealongaclearconcept, soprecariousness,originatingintheoften-contradictiousrules,becamecodedintothe system.Atthesametime,theCivilLawpassedin2011andthepublicadministrationand municipalreformsimplementedinparallelmadeconsiderablechangesinthisstructure; primarilyinthefieldofsocialservices(healthcare,educationandsocialpolicy)andpub- lic services the government made the responsibilities strongly centralized. This might resultinadifferentstructureoftheHungariannon-profitsector2;thusafter2010the Hungarian non-profit sector started showing the features of the developing (Mediterranean)model.Allthisisclearlyindicatedbythechangeshavingtakenplacein thedevelopmentpathofthesector(Figure1.).

Figure1.Developmentofthenonprofitsector:accordingofnumber,revenuesandemployees, 1993 –201 3

380038 %

330033 %

280028 %

230023 %

180%

130013 %

80% 151993993 1995991 2000 2006 62006720072002008 82002009 2009 2010 0201 201112012012 2201 2013 3201 2014 2015 NumberNumber of organisationor tionanisag Revenuesues ataenRev at constant pricesprices NumberNumber of emplemployeesees (FTE)*(FTE)*oy Revenuesues aenRev aatt constant prprices per ororganisationtionanisagices

Source: CentralStatisticalOffice,1990 –2015.

Afterthetransition,thenumberofthecivilorganisationsmultipliedrapidly,thesector keptexpandingdynamicallyandcontinuouslyuntil1997(Figure1). Thisprocesswasmainlyduetotheintensivespreadofthefoundationsthathad beenverysmallinnumberinthepreviousera.In1997,the“phaseofextensivegrowth” hadfinished,andbetween1998and2000thenumberoftheoperatingorganisations hardly changed. However, the studies done by the Central Statistical Office in 2000 markedaclearslowdowninthesector’sdevelopmentdynamics.Itmeansthatsince 1997,thenumberoforganisationshasnotactuallychanged.Moreover,2000wasthe firstyearwhenthesizeofthesectordidnotincreasebutactuallydecreased.Following thedecline,or“flatteningout,”ofthedevelopmenttendency,againtherehasbeena growthtrendsince2003.Thisprocesswasmostlytheconsequenceoftherapidgrowth

16 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES inthenumberofthefoundations.Thenthe“phaseofextensivegrowth”ended,and between 1998 and 2000, the number of the operating organizations remained at a consistentlevel. Recently, the situation of the non-profit sector seems to have reached a critical turningpoint.TheHungarianCentralStatisticalOffice(201 3)reportedthatforthefirst timein2012,threeimportantindicatorsofthesizeandtheeconomicandsocialweight of the sector (the number of organizations, the number of employees, and overall incomeinrealterms)showedlowervaluesthanthepreviousyear.In201 3,accordingto theCSO(201 4)thisdecreasecontinued,thoughonlyregardingserviceprovidingnon- profitcompanies. Afterwards,aslightincreaseappearedwhichwasconnectedtocorporatenon-profit organizations.Foundationswerehardlyfundedinthisperiod.Bytheendofthe2010,the numberoftheorganizationsseemedtobecomestableagain.TheHungariannon-profit sectorappearedtohavebecome“saturated”with65thousandorganizations.Sincethe populationofHungarywas–althoughpermanentlyshowingadiminishingtendency– aroundtenmillion,thevaluesindicatedinthousandscanalsobeunderstoodasthe numberoforganizationsper10thousandpeople,asindicatorspossibletobeusedin internationalcomparisons,aswell.Sothisindicatorbecamefourtimesasbig,itgrew from16to65in20years. Subsequent to 2010, the situation changed. The number of the organizations has been continuously decreasing since then. While in 2010 the Central Statistical Office registered 64,987 organizations, in 2015 this number was 62,1 52 (the number was decreasingyearafteryear).Then,sincethebeginningoftheeconomiccrisis,thistrend, withtheexceptionofemployment,hasbecomequitemoderate.However,2012wasthe firstyearwhenallthreecurvesmoveddownwardscomparedtothepreviousyear.Since thenthedeclineinthenumberoforganizationscanbeattributabletotheeffectofAct CLXXV of 2011 on the FreedomofAssociation,ontheNon-profitStatusandonthe OperationandSupportofCivilOrganizations(“CivilAct”),whichlauncheda“cleansing” processwithinthesector.3 Thesteadyincreaseinthenumberofemployeesexceptforthe201 3downturndue tothenationalizationofthehealthcareinstitutionalsystem–seemstohaveended.In 2015,weexperiencedadecreaseof2.5%.Incontrast,revenuesgrewby4.9%inreal value. As the reasons for this tendency, we can mention the alterationsinthelegal environment,thegovernmentalactionsagainsttheNGOsandthestructuralchangesin the system of financial support. The ratio of the total income of the non-profit organisationhadincreasedslightlyintermsoftheGDPbyexactlyonthirdduringthe20 years, and it was still below 5 percent (4.16) in 201 3. A much more dynamic developmenttookplaceinthefieldofemployment:thelabourmarketshareofthe sectorgrewalmostthreetimes.Inaddition,sincethetotalnumberofemployedinthe countrydidnotpracticallychangethisperiod,thisextensionmaterializedinabsolute terms,aswell.

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The total income of the sector until 2017 exceeded HUF 1,655 billion4 (Figure 2.), whichmeansthatitgrewfromthe118billionin1993tothirteenasmuch,andmore thantripleascomparedtothe496billionin2000.

Figure2.Therevenuesofnon-profitorganisations,1993 –2015

1,800,0008,1 000,,000 9,38 0 4 1,600,0001,6000,,000 3 ,543 ,971,41 1 1,543,389 1,471,930 1 . .1 1 0 .1 . 5 09,1238,1 1,400400,0000,,000 9 9,5241,1 ,1 5522,20,1 6, 56 2,1 2 1,256,190.1 2 1,241,595 1,238,190.1 1,202,255 6 694. 4 ,309,1

1,200,000,21000,, 000 14,404. ,11 1,114,404.2 1,093,694.2 09 4 6 64,3 1 . .1 244 9 964,309 ,698 1,000,00001,000,, 000 5554,7 8 896,244 94 94,4680 54,7 54,78 6.530, 854,755.1 806,494

8800,000000,, 000 1 731 731,053.6 8 , ,50

6600,000000,, 000 5 .42,58541 94 495,508 5.968, 415,582.4 2.2 5 58 6 358,689.5 3 9

4400,000000,, 000 . 7 7. 03 , 284,3 284,362.2 .36,9181 9 7.562 23 239,037.9 .4 7. 57 , 181,916.3 1 4 9 9, 2200,000000,, 000 ,4 811 139,265.7 13 118,457.4

0 1201 7991 7 2201 5991 52005200 32013201 5201 0201 6991 6200 8200 07 9931 9981 9991 9941 2011 2012 2015 2013 1997 2010 1995 2014 2014 200 2007 1993 1996 1998 1999 1994 2005 2003 2003 2006 2008 2000 2000 2009 2009 2004 2004

Source: CentralStatisticalOffice,2016.

However, after 2010 the linear tendency in the growth of the incomes stopped. (Figure3.).Therewereseveralreasonsofthis.Theconnectionofthereductioninthe statesupportoftheNGOStothegeneralcentralizationeffortsaswellasthepower- basedcentralizationofthenon-profitserviceswasquitevisible5.Itisaconsequenceof allthisthattheincomestructure,whichearlierhadadaptedtotheWesternEuropean scheme,keptonpermanentlydeviating(Kuti2016:289).In2002,thegovernmentsetthe targettoraisetherateofgovernmentalsupportwithinthegrossincomeofthenon- profitsectorto40percent,whichwasthelowerlimitintheEuropeancountries(Bódi– Jung–Lakrovics2003:202). The financial situation of non-profit organizations has for a long time been characterizedbyexcessivedependenceonStateandEUresourcesandthedecreasing

18 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES sizeofsuchresources.Inaddition,thelackoflocal,corporateandindividualdonorsand thesmallnumberofotherpossibleresourcesalsomaketheoperationofthemajorityof HungarianNGOsquitevulnerable.

Figure3.Distributionoftherevenuesofnon-profitorganisationbysource,2007–2015

Source:CentralStatisticalOffice,2016.

According to the data, this target was reached, and the rate did not change in consequenceoftheworldeconomiccrisisin2008,either.In201 4,however,theincome structurewasweirdlysimilartothatin1997. It is worth examining the economic data in geographical frames, especially with respecttothemultiplyingeffectsoftheeconomiccrisis.Wecangetdifferentpicturesof thestructureordevelopmentofthenon-profitsectordependingonwhetherweuse theindicatorsofthenumberoforganizationsorofeconomicpowerwhenanalysing thestructure(Kákai2015). Concerning the economic strength of the counties6, (compared to the national situation) there were no considerable changes between 2006 and 2010. The certain7 countiesremainedinthesamecategories(Figure4.).Theonlycountymakinganegative shiftwasFejér.PositivechangeshappenedinBorsod-Abaúj-Zemplén,Szabolcs-Szatmár- BeregandSomogy. Intheearly2000s,intheperiodofeconomicboom,theGDPpercapitaincreased. Between2000and2008,ineachofthethreeexaminedyears(2000,2006and2008), thevalueofthegrossdomesticproductshowedgrowingtendency.

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Theessenceoftheprocessisthattheregionsexceedingtheaverageindevelopment (MiddleHungary,MiddleTransdanubiaandWesternTransdanubia)hadbeendeveloping fasterthantheaverage,whiletheregionsbelowtheaveragelevelofdevelopment(Sout- hernTransdanubiaandSouthernGreatPlains)hadshownimprovement.However,the pace of this considerably lagged behind the average8. The development of Northern HungaryandtheNorthernGreatPlainshadmoreorlessmetthenationaltrends.This trendchanged,tothedetrimentofthedevelopedregions,bytheeconomiccrisis9. Allthissuggeststhatthecrisisfinallyactsinthedirectionofthedecreaseinthe regionalinequalitiesofdevelopment,whichisinitselfdesirable,butthisunfortunately takesplacebythedegradationofthemoredevel opedregions,andnotthecatchingup ofthelessdevelopedareas.Theonlyrelationwherethefurthergrowthandsharpening ofthedifferencesisexpectedisthecapitalcountrysiderelation). By 2010 – basically as a result of the world economic crisis – the value of this indicatorfelltoamuchlowerlevelandthenincreasedagainin2012(Kákai2015:624)

Figure4.Non-profitorganisationeconomicpotentialin2010

Source: CentralStatisticalOffice.

Thechangewasnotsudden–itwascontinuous.Theeconomicsituationofthenon- profitorganizationskeptonworseningafter2011. Whilein2010therewere“only”fivecountieswithweakeconomicpotentials,this numbergrewtonineby2011,andasshowninthenextfigure,in201 3wefound14of the19countiesfacingthissituation(Figure5.)(Kákai2015:627).

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Figure5.Non-profitorganisationeconomicpotentialin201 3

Source: CentralStatisticalOffice.

The results make us draw the conclusion that although the number of the organizationsisaffectedbytheeconomicdevelopmentlevelofthecertainregion,this, however,doesnotmeanthattheorganizationsworkinginmoredevelopedareasget higheramountsoffinancialresourcesfromthecompaniesoperatingintheirregion.

the hungarian civic sector after 2010

Background The-KDNPalliancewontheparliamentaryelectionsin2010withtwo-thirds majority.Havingstablemajorityintheparliament,thenewgovernmentbeganradically transformingthesubsystemsofsocietypracticallywithoutanyresistance.Between2010 and 2012,thecountrysawanavalancheoflegislation,anewconstitution,aswellas hundredsofnewandamendedactsofparliamentwereadoptedinafewyears.The announcementoftheProgrammeofNationalCooperationinMay2010laiddownthe objectivesthatstilldefinethedirectionsofgovernancetodate.Thisincludedthekey elementsofcompletelyamendingtheregulationandfinancingoftheNGOsector,as wellaslayingdownentirenewfoundationsforthecooperationbetweenNGOs,the governmentandmunicipalities.Duetotheswiftandradicalchanges,protestsorvarying intensityandsupportbegun,butbyearly2015thesehavemoreorlessdriedout. *

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During the regime changes in Eastern Europe, civil society played the function of constant fighting for independence and social recognition, as well as establishing an alternative political pole, as opposed to the single-party state. With the consensual transitioninHungary,thedemocraticruleoflawwasbasicallyestablishedwithoutacivil societybasis.Legislativeframeworkdidexist,butinsteadofhavingapowerfulcivilsoci- ety,westillonlyseea“socialtissue”madeupofatomisedcitizens,inalackofstrong communities, with missing movements, organisations and institutions, as well as a cultureaimingtocooperatewiththestateinsomeform(Fricz2016). Therole,legalstatus,legislationandgravityofthecivilsectordevelopedindifferent waysineachcountryinCentralandEasternEurope.Duringthe1990sandthe2000sit constantlytriedtofinditsrole,placeinsociety,tasksandopportunities.Mostimportant featuresofNGOsincludedweakembeddednessinthesociety,weakadvocacyskills,lack ofnetworking,andcapacity,aswellasdeficiencyofeffortstoinvolveresources.For liberal and left wing civil initiatives, the role of counterbalancing power obviously becameimportantafter2010,whilethegovernmentconsidersthesetypesofactivities illegitimate, and part of the opposition politics. The weakly embedded civil sector becamefurtherpolarisedwiththechangesthathavetakenplaceafter2010,itlostits roomformanoeuvreanditsindependencehasbecomequitedubious. The characteristics of the “new civil activities – civilitics” were summarized by founderoftheopenlypro-governmentCivilÖsszefogásFórum(CivilUnionForum,CÖF), president of Civil Összefogás Közhasznú Alapítvány (Civil Union Public Benefit Foundation,COKA).Thecontributionofcommunitiesandcitizensinpublicaffairs.This activityisnaturallydiverseandrepresentedbydifferentsubcultures,butineachcase,it should be ruled by the definitive factor, the spirit of national unity. Based on this, everyone who consider themselves members of the nation and act in a specific community,thuspromotingthepublicgood,takespartinexercisingauthoritytosome extent,andtheysupportgoodgovernanceandrepresentpublicinterest.Thecitizenof the21stcenturyisdisappointedincontinuouspromises,tiredofpoliticalconflictsandat the same time demands dialogue, different forms of cooperation, the feeling of community, which exceeds individual ambitions (Csizmadia 2016). The “quasi- outsourcing” of government responsibilities, the cutting-back of state solutions for socialsolidarity,ortransferringsomesocialwelfareexpensestomarketcompetition,as wellasthere-strengtheningofthestateredistributionfunctionafterrepeatedcrises,all facecontinuouscriticism(Kákai2009).InEasternEurope,thedilemmaconsistsoftwo mainquestions: 1.How and with what means can the government control the specification of the tasksofnon-governmentalorganisations,thedevelopmentoftheopportunitiesfor the civil sector and the increase of its capacity? In summary, how does the state envisionthefutureofthecivilsector? 2. Howcanthecivilsectordefineitself,howcan/willtheycooperatewiththestate;can thispoliticisedsphere,sufferingfromthelackoforganisation,embeddednessand historicalrootsformanindependentpole?(Pánovics2015)

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Asanalternativetotheneo-liberaleconomicapproach,balancingfromonecrisisto another, the globalisation-critical organizations proliferating in the late 1990s could proposesolutions.Itaimedtoincreasetheroleofanewtypeofstate,thatislimitedin itsinterventions,sensitivetowelfareissuesandhindersdamagingmarkettrends,butthe underlyingstructurewasstrengtheningcooperationanddecentralisationineachcase, based on fundamentally liberal approaches (Brady–Schoeneman–Sawyer 201 4). The change announced in 2010 was that the so-called illiberal approach focuses on the conceptofnation,i.e.theprimacyofcommunityandnationoverindividualinterests.In the same time, Tamás Fricz also recognises that civilsocietyisthesphereofsociety wherecontrolisexercisedoverthestate.Civilsocietyisnotasolebeing:itsexistence canbeinterpretedinitsrelationshipwiththestate.Civilsocietyandthestateliveina symbioticrelationship:thereisnostate–i.e.democraticstate–withoutindependent civilsociety,andthereisnoindependentcivilsocietywithoutastate (Fricz2016:32).

After 2010

Fromthepointofviewofthecivilsector,thesituationinHungaryafterthechange ofgovernmentin2010wasdeterminedbythreefactors. 1. Activities of the formalised or informal groups (and the loose network thereof) fightingagainsttheradicalreformsofthegovernment,whicharelinkedtothecivil sectorinavastarrayofforms,includingpersonnelandresourceallocation. 2.Theprocessof“colonising”thecivilsector,withthenewso-called“NGOact”(Act CLXXVof2011onthefreedomofassociation,thepublicbenefitstatus,aswellasthe operation and support of non-governmental organisations). With this, the government has narrowed the volume of national financial resources available to NGOs,itcreatedanewfundingdistributionmechanismcalledNationalCooperation Fund(NCF)(NEAinHungarian)andbyamendingtheinterpretationofpublicbenefit, itreducedthenumberofapplicantsaswell.Thenewlegislationdidnotintendto correctthedeficienciesoftheNationalCivilFund;instead,itdisassembledtheentire institutional framework and replaced it with a new one. In case of the NCF, promotingnationalunitywasassignedasamainrole,andithasbecomeabasic criteriaofpartnership.TheprovisionsofthenewCivilCode,whichenteredintoforce on15March201 4,significantlyalteredtherulesofestablishingandoperatingnon- governmental organisations, especially foundations. Since 15 March 201 4, newly establishednon-governmentalorganisationscanonlyberegisteredbasedonthese newregulations.UpontheentryintoforceofthenewCivilCode,alreadyregistered and pending associations and foundations were also required to amend their foundingarticlesinordertocomplywiththeprovisionsofthenewact10. 3.Dividingthecivilsectorintocategoriesoffriendandfoeorganisationsofthesystem, i.e. into “good” and “bad” NGOs. The first one means the organisations which support the government and its politics without any preconditions, lead by Civil

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UnionForum,whilethelattercategorymeansconflictingcivilians,“financedfrom abroad, carrying out political activities”. The latter statement was codified by Act LXXVIof2017ontheTransparencyofOrganisationsReceivingForeignFunds.More than90%oftheHungariancivilsocietyisintherangebetweenthetwopoles. Changes in 2010 created new, previously unknown movements and groups that could bring masses on the streets in a short time and then transformed those into parties (or they diminished entirely). The movements were typically based on single issues, and the buzzwords of the protests they organised were mixed with multiple levels of grievances and demands. These initiatives were created and fuelled by the divisivepoliticsofFidesz(Vári2013:242).Thesuccessandsubsequent“emptiness” of SzolidaritásandMilla(One-MillionPeoplefortheFreedomofPress)isagoodexampleof how effectively Fidesz could remove the checks and balances aimed to restrict the powerofthegovernment,andchangesystemsconsideredunchangeablewithoutany real ressistance. The “stop and go” political games permanently applied by the government made it impossible for opposing organisations to adapt to the ever- changing central communication, and to increase or maintain the resistance of their members,whichultimatelyledtofatigue(Glied201 4).Aftertheendof201 3, the big waveofstreetpoliticshaveended,duetothegovernment’sinexorability,theweakness of opposition forces and the lack of support and organisation behind different civil initiatives. Szolidaritás, Milla and other initiatives merged into the shaping left-wing alliance,losttheiroriginalidentityandsuffereddefeatattheelections,thustheywere unabletorefreshpoliticalparties. Sociologist Zsuzsa Ferge very accurately defines the true reasons.11 Leftist social movementswerecreatedtofightforthere-democratisationofHungary,towidensocial dialogueandtoactuallyimplementthat,buttheysoonbecamecharacteristicallyprotest movements.Inadditiontoprotestinggovernmentpolicies,theiraimsincludedpreparing theconditionsforacountryprovidingabetterlivelihoodandincreasingparticipationto involve more people in the democratic decision-making process. Several reasons contributedtotheir“failure”,includingthelackofdemocratic,intelligentcitizenstaking partinpublicmatters,aswellastheinexperienceofcivilorganisationsintheconfusing andinterest-drivenworldofpolitics,existentialuncertainty,senseofbeingthreatened and the lack of true vision. Because of the decreasing role of the institution of representativedemocracy,theweaknessofparticipatorydemocracyinEasternEurope andthefailingtraditionalpartysystem,activecitizensawaitacivilupheavaltofindaway to renew politics. However, because of the lack of activity and attention, it is an extremelyhardandalmostfutiletasktofulfil. Thestepstakenbythegovernmenthavenotconfirmedtheraisond'etreofthecivil sector,whilethegovernment’sapproachandthedefamationcampaignshadapowerful negativeeffectontherecognitionofcivilsocietywithinthewholesociety.Thelegalfra- meworkdoesnotsupporttheworkanddevelopmentofNGOseither.However,ithas beenaclearlyimportant(andlongoverdue)measure–notquestionedbyanyone–to re-regulateand(sotosay)“cleanse”thesector.However,intensedebatescommenced

24 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES about"whyandhow".Theunfavourablelegislativechangesadoptedbetween2011and 2017 regarding the operations of organisations, as well as the implementation of existing regulations resulted a degradation of the general legal framework of the sector12.Theso-called“NorwegianCivilFundCase”shouldbementionedatthispoint,as an important phase of government attacks against NGOs financed from abroad (as well).Itpreparedthegovernment’snarrativedividingNGOsinto“good”and“bad”civil organisations.Thiscaseiscompatiblewiththeclaimofthegovernmentpropaganda statingthatthe“political”activitiesofNGOsarealwaysfightingthesystem,andthe closedstructureofpoliticsshallbereservedtoparties(Ágh2016:25).AlreadyinAugust 2013,acommunicationsattackwaslaunchedagainsttheNGOspartiallyfinancedfrom abroad. They have been called “fake civil organisations” financed from abroad, interveninginpoliticsandtheservantsofGyörgy(George)Sorosinthegovernment’s communicationwhoarefinancedfromtheHungarian-bornbillionaire’s“wallet”(Torma 2016:268–269).Inhisspeechatthe25thBálványosSummerFreeUniversityandStudent CampinBa˘ileTuşnad(Romania),on26July201 4,primeministerViktorOrbán(explicitly mentioning the “disputes” related to the Norwegian Fund) stated that these organizationsare“politicalactivistspaidbyforeigners” whointendto“haveinfluence onthestatemattersofHungaryatthemoment,regardingspecificquestions” 13.The increasingtensehasescalatedduringthesummerandautumnof2014betweenthe HungariangovernmentandtheNorwegianFund,theEEAFundandthroughthemthe Hungarian NGOs managing the fund. Investigations started against the four fund implementer foundations and their 58 grantees. Representatives of the Hungarian governmentaccusedthecivilorganisationsandtheirleadersofcommittingcriminalacts, the police and the tax authority investigated their cases, the tax authority even suspendedtheirVATnumbersandtheirofficesweresearched. The Norwegian Fund halted its payments to Hungary, because the Hungarian government unilaterally changed the domestic implementer body of the entire NorwegianFund,andthusthediplomaticrelationsbetweenHungarianandNorwayalso deteriorated. This is when the Hungarian government started to investigate the organisations supported by the civil fund, and Hungary received many instances of criticismandwarningsfromitsinternationalpartners,includingtheCouncilofEurope andtheUnitedStates.Intheend,theHungariangovernmentconcludedadealwiththe Norwegian party (which was originally intended to be confidential), stipulating that Hungarian authorities will stop harassing the affected NGOs and comply with the agreementsconcludedearlier.Inreturn,theHungarianpartyrequestedtherighttoveto the organisation carrying out the distribution of funds. A prosecutor ordered the investigationof7outof58examinedorganisations,uncoveringminordeficiencies.The NationalTaxandCustomsAuthoritycloseditsinvestigationon20October2015. The investigationlastedagainsttheorganisationsformorethanayear,itwasterminated withoutrevealinganycriminalacts. During the anti-migrant campaign and the campaign on the relocation quota (2015–2016)onlytheHungarianTwo-tailDogParty(MKKP)–whichofficiallybecamea

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party in 201 4 – could provide an alternative. Only the joke party could gather a significantamountofdonationsfortheiranti-governmentcampaigns,andtheycould also mobilise a large number of volunteers. After some observed uncertainty in late 201 4,fromthespringof2015thegovernmentcouldtotallydominatethepoliticalagen- daandthemedia,andtheoppositionhasbeenunabletotaketheinitiative.Thesurreal, complexandcynicalmessagesofthejokespartyprovedtobefoodforthoughtto manyindifferent,disillusionedandapoliticalyoungcitizens,andthisalsomadeimpacts inthepoliticallife.Inthelackoftruepoliticalalternatives,thepartofthepublicthat demandedachangeofgovernment,aswellastheoppositionforceslackingnewideas bothexpectedtoheterogeneousstreetproteststoprovidethemuch-neededmomen- tum.Oneofthepeaksofthepoliticalactivitiesrelatedtothemigrantcrisishasclearly beenthereferendumagainsttherelocationquotaproposedbytheEuropeanUnion (2 October2016).Inthisregard,MKKPandthejoiningNGOs(HungarianCivilLiberties Union,HungarianHelsinkiCommittee)launchedacampaignencouragingvoterstocast invalid votes, thus practicallymobilisingthepublic.Thereferendumwasinvalidinthe end,andbecauseofthelargeshareofinvalidvotes(6.27%)themediastartedtoguess whether MKKP will stand for elections in 2018. However, as the 2018 elections are approaching,partiesintendingthefindthemostfavourableformofcooperationclearly getmoreattention.Differentpre-electionconceptsincludetheoptionofinvolvingcivil initiatives14,andNGOsareabletoreacttocertainissuesmorequicklyandefficientlyas parties. Such emblematic issues currently include the Budapest Olympics planned for 2024, regarding which Momentum Movement had launched a referendum initiative, whicheventuallyledtothegovernment’retreat. AfterApril2016,thegovernmentlaunchednewattacksagainstthecivilorganisations financedfromabroad.Theseincludelarge,Budapest-basedNGOs,aswellasprofessionally organised,permanentlyoperatedcivilorganisations,withemployees,sustainedprimarily throughdonationsandfunding/grantprogrammes.SuchNGOsincludetheHungarianCivil LibertiesUnion,AmnestyInternational,theHungarianHelsinkiCommittee,etc.Financiers includeOpenSocietyFoundation,whichisfrequentlyaccusedofbeingthe“outpostsof György Soros”. In late 2016, Viktor Orbán claimed that 2017 “was going to be about displacingSorosandthepowershesymbolises” 15.Thisnarrativeissupportedbythefact thattheseorganisationsactuallyreceivefundingfromforeigndonors,andtheiractivities are not based on wide public participation, but on a narrow team of professionals. However,inordertosustaintheirprofessionalcredibilityandindependence,theyavoid gettingtooclosetopoliticalparties,eventhoughtheysharesomepersonnelandinformal relations,especiallywiththeleft-wingparties(aftertheirbreakwithFerencGyurcsány) andthe(former)politiciansandhinterlandofLMP(Glied2014). JánosLázárcalledcivilians“foreignmercenaries”,andthevice-chairmanofFidesz, SzilárdNémethwentasfarasnamingtheorganisations,inJanuary2017,thegovernment considersharmful.TheHungarianCivilLibertiesUnion,theHungarianHelsinkiCommittee andTransparencyInternationalwerelistedastheorganisationsthat“intendtoinfluence politicswithoutanylegitimateformofparticipation”.“Thefakecivilorganisationsofthe

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SorosEmpirearesustainedtopushtheagendaofglobalcapitalandpoliticalcorrectness overnationalgovernments.Theseorganisationsneedtobepushedbackbyallmeans, andIthinkthattheyneedtobeclearedawayfromhere.Ithinkthatwiththeinternatio- nalcircumstances,thetimehascome,” statedSzilárdNémeth16.Theseorganisationsare mostlyknownascivilrightsadvocacygroups,providingcounselling,protectinginterests, fighting for transparency and against corruption, as well as support investigative journalism.Fromthepointofviewofthegovernment,truecivilorganisations provide service activities important and useful to the society, and they express no criticism towardgovernmentpolicies,andhavenopoliticalactivitiesatall.Fakecivilorganisations are financed from abroad, express political opinion and criticism against the government,inadditiontoparticipatinginorganisingandimplementingcertainanti- government political activities. The struggle continues in 2017, since government politicians refer to national security reports, while György Soros sent the following messageinhisspeechinearly2017inDavos:“Thethreatsexpressedbymembersofthe governmentagainsttheHungariancivilsocietyareopposedtothevaluesoftheEUand underlyingcommitmenttotheruleoflaw.Civilsocietyisanecessarypartofdemocracy, aswellasopendisputesarenecessaryforpolitics”17. “Civil”initiativeshavealsobeencreatedinthehinterlandofthegovernment,notonly on the “opposition and democratic” side. CÖF and other pro-government civil organisationswereestablishedin2009astheprofessionalsuccessorsof“civilcircles” operatinginthe2000s.Theybridgethegapbetweenthedifferentright-wingideologies, socialgroupsandsubcultures,andlinkthespheresofNGOS,cultureandbusiness,while also expressing their “politics free” attitude in their political activities. Instead of cooperatingwithtruenon-governmentalorganisationsoperatingindependentlyfrom politics,thegovernmenthasestablisheditsowncivilhinterland(GONGO–Government OrganisedNGO)andgavepowerstopublicbodiesthatcarryoutfundingallocationand distribution activities, clearly distinguishing between activities that can be supported, oughttobesupportedandmaynotbesupported.Thegovernmentsignificantlycutthe number of public foundations and rather created and reinforced funds and bodies operatingwithinthestatebudget,suchastheArtFund,theNationalCooperationFund, the Hungarian Olympic Committee and the Hungarian Academy of Arts (Sárközy 2014:206).

the ngo Act and the national cooperation fund (ncf)

Thesituationofthecivilsectorgravelychangedafter2010,withinthe“systemof national cooperation”. Instead of public benefit, the prin ciple of “public service – provisionsofservice”gainedimportance,andthedecreaseoflocalcivilcooperation opportunitiesprovidedanewoperativeframeworkforcivilactors(Sebestény2016:61). The forms, rules of the civil sector, as well as the issues of withdrawing funds have alwaysbeenimportantfactorsfortheactorswithinthesphere.In2010about65,000

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organisationsoperatedinHungary,alittlemorethanone-third(23,500)asfoundations, and41,500ascollectivenon-profitorganisations.62%ofthefoundationsarerelatedto threefieldsofactivity:education(32%),socialwelfare(16%)andculture(14%)18. The changeofgovernmentin2010significantlytransformedtheregulationsapplicabletothe sector. In this year 18,000 organisations had income from grants, 28% of all organisations.Thegrantsavailabletothesectorexceeded121billionHUF.Althoughthe totalamountofgovernmentfundingincreasedby6billionHUFin2011,almost70%was paidtonon-profitbusinessassociationsandpublicfoundations.In2015,alittlebitmore than62,000registeredcivilorganisationsoperatedinHungary.Consideringassociations, themostpopularscopesofactivitiesarerecreation(23%),sports(19.5%)andculture (1 4%).Incaseoffoundations,theleadingscopesofactivitiesareeducation(32%),social welfare(16%)andculture(14%).Organisationalcapacitygraduallydeterioratedafter2011, since unfavourable financing conditions did not encourage organisations to improve capacities and human resources. In 2015, the number of NGOs decreased by approximately1,700(2.7percent)andthenumberoftheiremployeesby2.5percent.19 Regardingtheclassiccivilorganisationformsoffoundationsandassociations,state fundingfromthecentralbudgetreducedafter2010by6billionHUF,andthisincome formaccountedfor31percentoftheirtotalincome,comparedto34percentin2010 (Kákai201 3: 48).Thedecreasewasprimarilyexplainedbycuttingthesupportfunding availabletotheNationalCivilFundin2011,amountingto2.8andthen(soonlater)to3.38 billionHUFcomparedto6-7billionHUFbudgetsavailableintheprecedingyeartothe fundanditssuccessor,NCF.AccordingtoÁdámNagy’sevaluationoftheproportionsof theentirefundingbudget:“atanominalvalue,almost40%,atarealvalue(considering inflationaswell),30%ofthepreviousperiodwasavailable”(Nagy2014:52).Thenumber of submitted tenders decreased by an average of 5-6000 from 2010 to 2015, and stabilised around 12,500, however the amount of NCF funding provided to each organisationincreasedto750,000HUF.AccordingtothedataoftheHungarianCentral StatisticalOffice(KSH),boththenumberofNGOsandthenumberofemployeesthereof decreasedafter2012,whilethetotalincomeofthesectorslightlyincreased.However, the increase of income was mostly attributable to non-profit enterprise, instead of traditionalnon-governmentalorganisations. On5December2011, the National Assembly adopted Act CLXXV of 2011 on the freedomofassociation,thepublicbenefitstatus,aswellastheoperationandsupport of non-governmental organisations (NGO Act). Chapter X of the act includes the provisionsapplicabletotheNationalCooperationFund.Thedirectobjectiveofthenew civilfundingsystemistoprovideclearerandmoretransparentcriteriathantheformer NationalCivilFundProgram(NemzetiCivilAlapprogram),atthesametimeeasingthe administrativeburdenontheapplicantNGOs,aswellastheorganisationsandbodies participating in its operation (Kákai 2013:55). NCF is headed by the Council, which controlsandcoordinatestheworkoftheorganisation.TheCouncilcarriesoutitsduties based on the annual working plan approved by the minister. The body has nine members:

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•three members are directly elected by the electors authorised the represent the organisationsapplyingthroughthecivilcandidacysystem,pursuanttotheNGOAct; •three members are selected by the National Assembly via its relevant specialised committee; •threemembersareappointedbytheminister(actinginitsownauthority),basedon the strategic partnership agreement concluded with NGOs based on the act on socialparticipationinthepreparationoflegislation; •TheChairoftheCouncilisappointedbytheministerfromthemembersofthe Council. TheCouncilshallbeginoperationaftertheappointmentofeachmemberandthe officialreceiptoftheirmandates.MembersoftheCouncilareappointedforthetermof fouryears.Atthemeetingcalledtoorderlawfully,theCouncilhasaquorumifmore thanhalfofallmembersparticipateinvoting.EachmemberoftheCouncilhasonevote. TheCounciladoptsitsdecisionbyapprovalofthemajorityofthememberspresent. MeetingsoftheCouncilareopen20. TheboardsoftheNCFdecideontheuseoffunds,thepreparationofcallstotender, the evaluation of the received applications, the supplementing of the missing information therein, as well as the professional control of the implementation of supported objectives. Therefore each board is also the forum of making specific, operative decisions, similarly to the National Civil Fund. Each board consists of nine members,threemembersaredelegatedthroughthecivilcandidacysystem,threeare delegated by the minister for the specific policies, and three are appointed by the ministerunderhis/herownauthority. Asmentionedabove,themostsignificantchangewastheadoptionoftheso-called NGOAct.Theentryintoforcein2012wasprecededbyaone-yearpreparatoryphase. The draft legislation was shaped during a four-month long, intensive public debate. However,numerouscontradictionsanddeficiencieshadremainedintheact,whichhad tobecorrectedthroughsubsequentamendments.Thethreemostimportantdifference comparedtothepre-2011conditionsaretheorganisationform,publicbenefitstatusand thepublicfundingsystem(Sebestény2016:66).“True”NGOshavenotbeenthoroughly distinguished,thuscivilorganisationwithalargeamountofincomeandhighnumberof employeesarenotdifferentiatedfromsmallcivilinitiatives,andadministrativeburdens havenotdecreased.Theaspectofpublicservicehasbeenpreferredtotheformerterm of public benefit. According to the new meaning, “public” means undertaking a governmenttaskinthefieldsofwelfare,culture,educationorhealthcare,basedonan agreementconcludedwithabodyfinancedfromthenationalbudget.Thenew,single- phasepublicbenefitqualificationhasbecomemeasurablesinceJune201 4,afterNGOs havebeenregisteredandthedecisionsweremadebythecourts.Thenewsystemisthe quasinationalisationofthecivilsector,thenumberoforganisationssupportedbythe NCFwasalmosthalvedin201 3,buttheamountoffundingdistributedamongthemwas onlyslightlyreduced.Thismeansthatasimilaramountoffundsisdistributedamonga smallernumberofNGOs.Similarprocessesarebeingimplementedatthel evelofthe

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municipalities, where the self-government of the town/village or a body thereof concludes agreements with a narrow range of local NGOs, thus simultaneously decreasingandincreasingtheintensityoflocalpartnerships.

conclusion

Summarizing,thelegalandeconomicregulationshavecreatedawideinstitutional frameworkandfavourable(thoughnotideal)conditionsforthedevelopmentofcivil initiatives and non-profit service provision since 1989. Due to all these reasons and circumstances, if we had to describe the Hungarian non-profit sector in a single sentence,wewouldsaythefollowing.Althoughitsnumberandmembershipmaybe significant,itisparticularlyweakintermsofresourcesanditsroletoaccumulatesocial capitalandtoparticipateinnationalandlocalpoliticaldecision-makingprocessesandto articulateinterests.Summingupthedevelopmentsandchangesintheexaminedperiod ofalmosttwodecades,wecanundoubtedlystatethattheweightofthenon-profit sectorconsiderablyincreasedbothinabsolutetermsandwithinthenationaleconomy. Atthesametime,owingtotheheterogeneouscompositionofthesector,withinthe organizational heaps of very much differing nature, this process gained diverse emphasizes,andtheshiftexperiencedandmeasuredbycertaindimensionswerenot onlyofdifferingdynamics,butinsomecasesofopposingdirections,aswell.Inaddition, althoughwehavenofigurestoproveourconclusion,thetendenciesdescribedabove andother–notonlyempirical–informationthatwehaveaboutthesector’sactivity clearlydemonstratethefactthattheweightofthenon-profitsectorgrewduringthe yearsexamined. ThetraditionalweaknessoftheHungariancivilsectorhasnotchangedafter2010 either,butitspolarisationfurtherescalated,bothinthefinancialandpoliticalsense.After theaccessiontotheEUin2004asignificantlylargerfundopenedthantheprevious ones,whichwasmostlyavailabletoorganisationwithbetterfinancialconditionsand largercapacities.Differentformofparticipatingindevelopments(softparticipation)also developed, both at the national and at the local levels. Participatory and deliberative decision-makingmechanismssufferedacontinuoussetbackafterthefinancialcrisisin 2008,andafter2010, these were reduced to a government partnership form that is merelybasedontrustandloyalty.Largeorganisationscouldretaintheirdominance,but iftheyreceivedfundingfromabroad,theyhavebecomesuspiciousintheeyesofthe government. The circumstances and opportunities of small organisations have not changed remarkably; they had received small volume grants from National Civil Fund before2011andfromtheNCFsince2012,inordertoimplementtheirprojects.However, anewlycreatedgrouphasbeenestablishedandstrengthened,asaso-calledpseudo- NGO,whichguaranteestherequirementsofitsoperationthroughopenlysupporting governmentpolicies.

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Insummary,wefacethesamedilemmaswhateachHungariangovernmenthasseen sincethetransitiontodemocracy:“Whatshallwedowithourcivilsector,whatshallbe our goals with them?”. Should it be considered a group of socially responsible organisations undertaking public duties, or shall they be recognised as independent communities, counterbalancing the government? Alternatively, should they be transformed into a group loyal to the government and be evaluated based on this aspect?Experts,researchersandcivilactorsagreethatanewcivilstrategycoulddefine thesector’sfuture.Howevernosuchdocumentisplannedtobecreatedasoflate2017.

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Sárközy,Tamás(201 4):Kétharmadostúlkormányzás.Budapest:ParkKönyvkiadó. Sebestény,István(2016):Félévtized–egészenújkörnyezetben.In:Antal,Attila(ed.):Acivilekhatalma–Apolitikai térvisszafoglalása.Budapest:NoranLibroKiadó.61 –84. Brady,ShaneR.–Schoeneman,AndrewC.–Sawyer,Jason(2014):CritiquingandAnalyzingtheEffectsofNeoliberalism on Community Organizing: Implications and Recommendations for Practitioners and Educators. Journal for SocialActioninCounselingandPsychology, 6.,(1.),36–60. Szabó,Máté(2001):Társadalmimozgalmakéspolitikaitiltakozás.Budapest:RejtjelKiadó. Torma,Judit(2016):Anorvég-ügy–CivilszervezetekellenikormányzatitámadássorozatMagyarországon(201 3és 2016).In:Antal,Attila(ed.):Acivilekhatalma–Apolitikaitérvisszafoglalása.Budapest:NoranLibroKiadó.266– 281. Vári,György(201 3):ASzolidaritásútja.In:Krasztev,Péter–VanTil,Jon(eds.):Tarkaellenállás.Kézikönyvrebelliseknek ésbékéseknek.Budapest:NapvilágKiadó.234–266.

notes

1Bymeansofrelationshipnetworkanalysiswecanconcludethatthesocialnetworkcomprisesafiniteamount ofactorsandtherelationshipsbetweenthem.Actorscanbeindividuals,organisations,corporations,nations,i.e. collectivesocialunitsaswell,andtherelationshipcanbedefinedasthepileofspecifictypesoflinksbetween theactors(Csizmadia2008:268). 2 Seethegovernmentalbehaviourperformedduringthelatestperiod,liketheactionsoftheCivilUnionForum openly supporting governmental policy or the steps made against Ökotárs Foundation, responsible of the NorwegianCivilFundinHungaryorthepolitical“persecution”oftheHungarianandinternationalorganizations beingsomehowconnectedtoGyörgySoros. 3 Thecivillawstatesthatasaconsequenceofthefailuretosubmitthemandatoryannualfinancialstatements thecourtinitiatestheterminationordeletionoftheseorganizations. 4 App.C 5billion.(https://www.ksh.hu/docs/hun/xstadat/xstadat_eves/i_qpg003.html) 5  We can refer to the governmental task centralization actions executed in health care in 201 3 or the transformationofthepublicserviceprovidersintogovernmental/non-profitcorporationsstartedin201 4,which considerablyreducedtheactivitiesofthe“classical”civilorganizationsinthefieldsofhumanandpublicservices. 6 Tomeasuretheeconomicpotential,weusedtheGDPdataaggregatedbycounties.Wecategorizedthemas favourable,moderateandweakaccordingtotheirdeviationfromthenationalaverage.Thefavourablecategory includesthecountiespossessinganindicatorwellabovethenationalaverage,themoderategroupincludes thosearoundtheaverageandthegroupnamedweakcontainstheonesshowingaperformanceconsiderably belowtheaverage. 7 Bács-Kiskun,Baranya,Békés,Csongrád,Győr-Moson-Sopron,Hajdú-Bihar,Heves,Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok,Komá- rom-Esztergom,Nógrád,Pest,Tolna,Vas,Veszprém,Zala. 8 KözpontiStatisztikaiHivatal,nyilvántartásiszám:J/7503,Magyarország2011:86. 9 By 2010,despitetheeconomiccrisis,thegapbetweenMiddleHungary(asthemostdevelopedregion)and NorthernHungary,theleastdevelopedregion,deepenedfurtherascomparedto2007:thedifferencebetween the two regions in 2010 was 2.8 times as much, (Központi Statisztikai Hivatal, nyilvántartási szám: J/7503, Magyarország2011:86.) 10RegulationsapplicabletoNGOschangesignificantly.21February201 4 http://birosag.hu/media/aktualis/jelentosen-valtozik-civil-szervezetek-szabalyozasa 11GondolatokaDEKA-ról1.FergeZsuzsafeljegyzéseazEgyesület(KARD)alakulóülésének. http://docplayer.hu/46965-Gondolatok-a-deka-rol-1-ferge-zsuzsa-feljegyzese-az-egyesulet-kard-alakulo- ulesenek.html 12 Sustainabilityindicatorsoforganisationin2016–Hungary.June2017.USAID-ÖkotársAlapítvány. http://okotars.hu/sites/default/files/downloads/civl_szervezetek_fenntrathatosaga_2016.pdf 13Amunkaalapúállamkorszakakövetkezik(Theeraofawork-basedstateisdawning,speech,Tusványos,201 4) http://mandiner.hu/cikk/20140728_orban_viktor_a_munkaalapu_allam_korszaka_kovetkezik_beszed_tusvanyos _201 4 14MikeczDániel:Tömegvonzás?Acivilpolitizálásesélyei. http://ujegyenloseg.hu/a-civil-politizalas-eselyei/2017.01.02.

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15 http://www.kormany.hu/hu/a-miniszterelnok/beszedek-publikaciok-interjuk/orban-viktor-interjuja-a-888-hu-n. 15/12/2016 16NémethSzilárdmegnevezte,milyencivileketakarnakeltakarítaniazútból[SzilárdNémethnamedtheNGOs theywanttoclearaway].http://index.hu/belfold /2017/01 /11 /nemeth_szilard_megnevezte_milyen_civileket_akar- nak_eltakaritani_az_utbol.11 /01 /2017 17 Sorosbeszóltazálcivilezőkormánynak,azMTIkihagyta[Sorosargueswiththegovernmenttalkingaboutfalse civilorganisation,buttheHungariannewsagencyomitteditfromitsreport]. http://index.hu/belfold/2017/01 /20 /soros_beszolt_az_alcivilezo_kormanynak_az_mti_kihagyta/.20/01 /2017 18http://www.ksh.hu/docs/hun/xftp/stattukor/nonprofit/nonprofit10.pdf 19Sustainabilityindicatorsoforganisationin2016–Hungary.June2017.USAID–ÖkotársAlapítvány. http://okotars.hu/sites/default/files/downloads/civl_szervezetek_fenntarthatosaga_2016.pdf 20 http://civil.info.hu/web/nea/tanacs

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geogrAphicAl And sociAl issues of the operAtion of hungAriAn non-governmentAl orgAnisAtions in croAtiA – the cAse of bArAnjA1

Andor Végh–Erika Gúti

introduction

In minority societies, the non-governmental (civil) sphere particularly protects and supports special areas of the community, which are considered important from the perspective of protecting (local, regional, national, etc.) identity or are tolerated (remaining)elementsofexistencewithinthemajoritysociety(e.g.politicalalliancesare not,butculturalmovementsare).Thus,theirorganisational/structuralexistencerapidly reacts to existing social changes (legislative determination), but clearly also preserves traditional elements as well (especially from the perspective of national minorities relatedtospecifictypesofnationalism).Anotherimportantdeterminationofminority civilexistenceisthesystemofrelationshipswiththemothernation,whichactsasan external determinationfactorinsupplementing the aforementioned minority/majority relations(Bodó201 4).

hungarians living in croatia from the perspective of the geographical spatial structures of croatia

ThemajorityofethnicHungarians(Magyars)liveinPannonianCroatia,whichshows mostly Central European and Danube Basin type characteristics of social/economic

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development, municipal structure, material and spiritual culture within the spatial structureofCroatia.Sincethe11thcentury,thehistoryoftheregionhasbeenclosely associatedwiththehistoryofHungary(intheformofastateunionaswell,after1102). ItsspatialandmunicipalstructurehasbeenaffectedbythepresenceofTurksinthe Balkans and Central Europe. It is partially the reason why Pannonian Croatia can be dividedinto(a) awestern,socially/economicallymoredeveloped;and(b) aneastern,less developedpart,sincetheborderbetweenthetworegionsiscloselylinkedtotheborder oftheformerTurkishoccupationzone. Consideringitsspatialstructureandpoliticalfundamentals,Croatiaisacentralised state,howeveritsstatemodelisnotunitaryfromahistoricalorpoliticalviewpointeither, itismuchmoreregionalisedandfragmented– thiscausedthereactionofcentralisation. This two are the root causes of the specifically unbalanced economic and social developmentandthecharacteristicspatialstructurethereof. The fate of the Hungarian-speaking area is especially impacted by the regional differences within the country: dissimilarities between the regions are particularly manifested in the extremely uneven distribution of the population, the education differences,differentunemploymentandpercapitaincomefigures,disparateincomes oflocalandcountygovernments.Themostdeprivedregion:SlavoniaandBaranja.Its development has been set back by the Yugoslav war, and it is still the most underdevelopedregionwiththelowestGDP(whichmeansthattheGDPoftheseareas isunder65%ofthenationalmean,withthemajorityofthepopulationlivinginvillages and active in agriculture). Considering urbanisation, this region is lagging behind the AdriaticcoastalareasofCroatia,whereboththenumberandproportionoftownsis higher(Reményi2006;Hajdú201 3;Lőrinczné201 4).TheBaranjaenclaveisa“separate worldofitsown”withthecentreofBeliManastir(Pélmonostor)(Hajdú2013:212–21 3). Based on data from the national census of 2011, the population of Croatia is 4,284,889.ThepopulationhasbeengrowinguptotheYugoslavwar(by3.96%from 1971to1981,by3.97%from1981to1991),butdothesignificantmigrationduringthe decadeofwar,thepopulationdecreasedby6.11%from1991to2001andby2.67%from 2001to2011.TheexpulsionofSerbscausedthelargestlossofpopulationincounties with the most heterogeneous ethnicities, e.g. the decrease in Lika was 34.94%. The Slavonian counties affected by the war (Požega, Vukovar, Osijek, Virovitica) show a population decrease exceeding the national average (Rácz 2013:40–41). With the populationof187,000thelargestminorityhasstillbeenSerbsin2011(4.36%).Serbslive allaroundinCroatia,withtheexceptionof25municipalities,mostoftheminZagreb (17,526);Vukovar(9,654);Rijeka(8,446)andOsijek(6,752). ThemajorityofCroatianMagyarsliveinOsijek-BaranjaCounty(Osječko-baranjska županija),mostofthemintheSouthernBaranjaareasofthecounty,northoftheDrava. Consideringmunicipalitiesandopćinas,arelativemajorityofHungarianslivesinKneževi Vinogradi (Hercegszöllős), with a proportion of 38.66%. A proportion of Hungarians exceeding10%isalsofoundinthreeotherBaranjaopćinas –Bilje(Bellye)29.62%;Draž (Darázs) 24.58%; Petlovac (Baranyaszentistván) 13.72% – and in a couple of Vukovar

36 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES municipalities – Klisa (Tard) 18.26% and in Laslovo (Szentlászló), located in the ErnestinovoadministrativeunitsouthofOsijek,19.28%.EthnicHungarians(atleastone) liveineachcountyandcapitalcitydistrict,in89%ofalltownshipsandmorethanhalfof allmunicipalities.

the croatian baranya situation in the field of state

TheshapeanddevelopmentprocessoftheterritoryofCroatiahascausedseveral interestingpoliticalgeographicalphenomena.TheDubrovnikexclavedividedbythe“BiH corridor in Neum”, the territory of the quasi-Croatian village of Uništa in Bosnia and Herzegovina,thelandandseaareasfamouslydisputed(withSloveniaandMontenegro), andthesubjectSouthernBaranjaareaaswell,althoughitisrarelyincludedinthelist. Thisstateterritoryisthefarthestfromtheseaanditisonlyaccessiblethroughbridges crossingtheborderingrivers,showingthecharacteristicsofanexclave,althoughitdoes notcomplywiththeclassicdefinitionthereof,onlyseemssimilarfromastateterritorial perspective. Thisterritoryisanexclaveofthestatethatisthefarthestfromthesea;moreover,it cannot be accessed on the river at all, only via bridges. This exclave character was preservedintheYugoslavianperioduntil1962,whenthefirstbridgeonlyforpublicroad trafficatOsijekwasconstructed.Earlieronlyonerailwaybridge,whichwasusedalsofor publicroadtraffic,andsomeferry-crossingsconnectedsouthBaranyawiththeother territories of Yugoslavia – Croatia and Serbia. A Danube bridge strengthening the easternconnectionswithBačka(Bácska)andSerbiawasbuiltatBatina(Kiskőszeg)in 1974. The public road bridge at Osijek was damaged in the wars starting in 1991 following the collapse of Yugoslavia, thus separating Baranya, which was otherwise underSerbiancontrol,fromCroatia.TheHungarianbordercrossingswerecompletely closedatthistimeandonlytheDanubebridgetowardsSerbiameantthesouthernBara- nyaconnections.TheCroatianstateworkedalotontheimprovementoftheisolated position.Theybuilttwobridges,whosestrategicvaluesaremoreimportantthantheir rolesinthetraffic.Thefirstbridgewasbuiltin2001betweenBelišće(Valpovo)andthe territoriesofBaranya.Therearenosettlementsatthenorthern,Baranyabanksofthe Drava.TheotheroneisthebridgeofthewesternbypassroadofOsijek,which was handedoverin2007.

the Question of a centre

TheothersignificantdisadvantageoftheterritoryofBaranyainCroatiaisthatitis withoutarealcentreasthecompleteBaranja(Drávaszög)belongstothecatchment areaofOsijekfromnecessity.BythetimethissouthernpartofBaranyabecamepartof the southern Slavic state form, there was no settlement with city rights, and Beli

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Manastir (Pélmonostor), the only fifth largest settlement of the territory, became the administrativecentre.TheconfirmationoftheadministrativeroleofPélmonostorwas duetoitspositioninthegeographyoftraffic,whichwassignificantlyreducedbythe drawingoftheborderofTrianonandbythat,withtheeliminationofseveralroads, however, it grew by the continuous economic developments, which were the most intensiveduringtheperiodofthesecondYugoslavianstate.Duringthewarconflictsin 1991themajorityofthepopulationoftheBaranyatrianglefledpartlytoOsijek,partly abroad,toHungaryandfromtheretoWesternEurope.Themajorityofthepeoplewho fledtoOsijekdidnotreturntotheirformerresidencesinBaranya,andanotherpartof themhasdoubleresidenceandbecamedaily/weeklycommuters.

the basis of the economy

The Croatian part of Baranya is decisively flat, well-utilisable agricultural land, from whichonlyonepeak,theloessplateauoftheBánihillsemergesoutwithits211m height of summit. This topographical element enriches the agricultural character with vineyardsandfruit-gardens.Theeconomicopportunitiesoftheterritoryaredominated byitsagr iculturalpotential,respectivelybyitstransitcharacterfirstinHungarian–Croatian andpartlyinBiHrelations.AstheYugoslaviansocialismgaveupthefullnationalization oftheagriculturalgoods,theagriculturemaintaineditssocialpositionstrongerherein thedecisivelyruralterritoriesthaninHungary.Thisisalsosupportedbythelargeststate investmentintheBaranjaregionafterthesecondworldwar,relatedtothenationalised estatesoftheindustrial/agriculturalcomplexinBilje(PIKBilje).Itoperatedasaunitofthe Agrokorfoodcorporationuntilthecollapseoftheenterprisein2017,currentlythesingle mostsignificantdomesticpoliticalandeconomicissueofCroatia(every4themployeein CroatiaislinkedtothecollapseofAGROKORtosomeextent).

other social and economical Questions

In addition to the above several factors determine and often corrupt further the conditionofthesocietyandeconomyofthisterritory.Oneofthemisthesystemof relationtotheminorities,whichisasignificantsocialprobleminCroatiasincethewar between1991and1995.FirstofallithamperstheCroatian–Serbianrelationship,butitis exactly Baranya and the region along the Danube, which became one of the core territoriesoftheSerbsinCroatiaafter1995andalsotheHungarians,whosesocialrelation istobesaidtobemuchbetterwiththemajority,isstronglyfocusedinBaranya(Baranja) inCroatia.Thedisadvantageouseconomicsituationandthepresenceofminoritiesinthis cornerofEuropemakeupanoften-adversepair.Wewouldliketoillustratethistriple connection with the group of migration-minorities-unemployment in the next table, mentioningthatthedistanceandaccessibilityofthesingleterritoriesfromOsijek,ascent-

38 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES re is one more distinctly important indicator. The difference between the data of the censusof2001and2011isbecauseofthemethodofcensus,however,thisdifferencehad anidenticalimpactonallterritories,thusthereceivedvaluescanbecompared.

Table1.Migration,employmentandincomefiguresofBaranja(2011)

Rate of Distance employees Rate of Total Difference from with a people with population 2001=100% Osijek permanent no income in in 2011 (km) income in 2011 2011

21.25% 34.16% Popovac/Baranyabán 2,084 –14.2 42 m: 13.62% m: 12.81% f: 7.63% f: 21.35%

22.37% 37.54% Petlovac/Baranyaszentistván 2.405 –12.3 40 m: 14.47% m: 14.55% f: 7.9% f: 22.99%

31.16% 36.62% Bilje/Bellye 5,642 +2.95 7 m: 18.14% m: 15.42% f: 13.02% f: 21.2%

21.32% 31.73% Draž/Darázs 2,767 –17.55 43 m: 13.87% m: 11.56% f: 7. 45% f: 20.17%

26.56% 35.94% Darda/Dárda 6,908 – 2 .1 9 1 2 m: 15.1 2% m: 15.19% f: 11.44% f: 20.75%

23.69% 32.92% KneževiVinogradi/Hercegszöllős 4,61 4 –11.03 27 m: 15.06% m: 13.13% f: 8.63% f: 19.79%

14.78% 31.04% Jagodnjak/Kácsfalu 2,023 –20.27 27 m: 9.34% m: 12.95% f: 5.44% f: 18.09%

27.09% 31.31% Čeminac/Laskafalva 2,909 +1.85 16 m: 16.43% m: 14.48% f: 10.66% f: 16.83%

27.70% 33.23% BeliManastir/Pélmonostor 10,068 –8.36 35 m: 15.08% m: 14.41% f:12.62% f: 18.82%

Source: DZS[=Dražavnizavodzastatistiku–RepublicaHrvatska]Census(2011).

InBaranja,almostaquarter(24%)ofthepopulationisemployedandhaspermanent income.Emigrationfromareaswithloweremploymentratesishigher(e.g.Jagodnjak [=Kácsfalu]whereemploymentis14.78%andemigrationhasbeen20.27%in10years; whilethepopulationof17.55%leftDražfrom2001to2011whereemploymentis21.32%. Comparedtothis,thepopulationofBiljeincreasedby3.2%andaboutone-thirdofthe populationhaspermanentemployment).Employmentrateisalsorelatedtosex:the

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rateofwomenemployedislowerthanmen,whiletheproportionoffemaleswithno incomeishigherthanmales.Emigrationishigherfrommunicipalitieswithapproximately 2,000residents,thanfromurbanisedareas.Thedistanceandaccessibilityofeacharea fromOsijek,thecentreisasignificantlyimportantindicator2. FromtheresearchconductedbyTamásKissinBaranja(Table2.)weknowthatincome povertyalsohasanethnicdimension.Theproportionofincomepovertyishigheramong HungariansthanCroatsandSerbs(Kiss2010:119);alsoincomefiguresaremuchmore polarised within the Hungarian population as well (Kiss 2010:117): therefore income inequalitiesintheethnicHungarianpopulationcancaseadditionaltensionsintheregion.

Table2.Proportionofincomepovertyineachnationality

Non-income poor Income poor Hungarians(N=297) 76.4 23.6 Croats(N=486) 88.5 11.5 Serbs(N=126) 81.718.3 Total(N=925) 83.116.9

Source: Kiss(2010:117).

Thedemographic/socialcrisiscausedbythewarhadanexponentialimpactonthe region(Végh2013:273–274):agriculturalpopulationisshrinking,societyisageing,and youngpeopleleavethearea.Aftertheeconomiccrisisin2008andthesubsequent period, Croatia suffered a significant loss of population. Statistical estimates give a numberof50,000to100,000emigrants.Althoughtheintervalisquitewide,considering the difference between Germany and Croatian statistics which shows double the numberoftheformerthantheofficialCroatiandata,thiswideestimateseemsjustified (somestatisticdemographersestimatethenegativebalanceofthelast 4–5 years to reach 200,000 people)3. In the spatial sense, this emigration primarily affects the continentalEast,especiallyOsijek-BaranjaCounty,withthecentreofOsijek4.

statistics data on ethnicity and mother tongue

Ethnic Hungarians in Baranja have been demoted to minority in numerous municipalities(Table3.),theyonlyhavearelativemajorityinKneževiVinogradiwiththe populationof1,786(38.66%)[forcomparison:In1991relativelylargesingleHungarian populationswereonlypresentin4obćinas:Bilje2,435(29.62%);Draž1,232(26.6%);Beli Manastir1,006(7.7%);andataofthe2001censusshowlargerHungarianpopulationsin onlytwomunicipalities:KneževiVinogradi2,121(40.08%)andBilje1,921(35.1%)].In2011, theirproportiononlyexceeded10%infourdistricts:Petlovac330 (1 3.72%), Bilje 1,671 (29.62%);Draž680(24.58%)andKneževiVinogradi1,784(38.66%).

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Table3.TheethnicandmothertonguecompositionofBaranjamunicipalities(people,%)2001,2011

municipalities Ethnicity ---- mother tongue Hungarians % Croats % Serbs % Other % Population 104 4.2 1,675 69 506 20.8 142 6 2001 2,427 60 2.47 2,058 84.8 276 11.37 33 1.6 Popovac/Baranyabán 81 3.89 1,488 71.4 355 17.03 160 7.6 2011 2,084 42 2.02 1,811 86.9 177 8.49 54 2.6 395 14.4 1,957 71.3 144 5.2 247 9.1 2001 2,743 349 12.72 2,225 81.12 56 2.04 113 4.1 Petlovac/Baranyaszentistván 330 13.72 1,761 73.22 122 5.07 192 7.9 2011 2,405 – – 1,962 81.59 108 2.91 – – 1,921 35.1 3,020 55.1 246 4.4 293 5.5 2001 5,480 1,840 33.58 3,437 62.72 65 1.1 9138 2.5 Bilje/Bellye 1,671 29.62 3,547 62.87 216 3.83 208 3.6 2011 5,642 1,561 27.67 3,902 69.16 57 1.01 122 2.2 874 26 2,278 67.8 94 2.8 110 3.4 2001 3,356 833 24.82 2,428 72.35 60 1.79 35 1.0 Draž/Darázs 680 24.58 1,931 69.79 90 3.25 66 2.4 2011 2,767 625 22.59 2,059 74.41 47 1.7 36 1.3 581 8.2 3,663 51.8 2,008 28.4 810 11.6 2001 7,062 387 5.48 5,323 75.35 954 13.53 398 5.6 Darda/Dárda 482 6.98 3,848 55.7 1,603 23.20 975 14.1 2011 6,908 276 4.00 5,000 72.37 741 10.73 891 12.9 2 ,1 21 40.08 1,781 34.3 956 18.4 328 6.5 2001 5,186 2,060 39 .72 2,491 48.03 527 10.1 6 1 08 2.0 KneževiVinogradi/Hercegszöllős 1,784 38.66 1,758 38.1 815 17.66 257 5.5 2011 4,61 4 1,703 36.91 2,249 48.74 456 9.88 206 4.5 73 2.8 676 26.6 1,642 64.7 145 5.9 2001 2,537 41 1.62 1,171 46.16 1,274 50.22 51 2.0 Jagodnjak/Kácsfalu 61 3.02 391 19.33 1,333 65.89 238 11.7 2011 2,023 40 1.98 839 41.47 950 46.96 194 9.6 112 3.9 2,558 89.5 76 2.6 1104 2001 2,856 81 2.84 2,711 94.92 25 0.88 39 1.4 Čeminac/Laskafalva 90 3.09 2,567 88.24 172 5.91 80 2.7 2011 2,909 43 1.48 2,782 95.63 56 1.93 28 0.0 933 8.4 6,085 55.3 2,920 26.5 1,048 9.8 2001 10,986 630 5.73 8,721 79.38 1,279 11.64 356 3.2 BeliManastir/Pélmonostor 801 7.96 5,750 57.4 2,572 25.5 945 8.7 2011 10,068 551 5.47 7, 4 81 74.3 1,379 13.7 657 6.5 2001 7,411 16.6 23,693 55.5 8,592 20.1 3,234 7.8 42,633 Total 2011 5,980 15.1 23,041 58.4 7,278 18.46 3,121 7.9 39,420

Source: 2001.évicenzus(Bárdi–Fedinec–Szarka2008:485);DZS[=Dražavnizavodzastatistiku– RepublicaHrvatska]Census(2011).

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Thedevelopmentofnationalityproportionsintheregioncorrelateswithassimilation andemigration,aswellastheimmigrationofcertainethnicgroups(Croats,Serbs).By thetimeofthe2011census,theCroatethnicityhasbecometheabsolutemajority,the proportion of Serbs shrank to 18.5% and Hungarians to 145.1%. As seen in Table 3., considering the embracement of the mother tongue, the tendencyinBaranjaisthe same for ethnic Hungarians as in the entirety of Croatia, i.e. more people openly embracetheirHungarianethnicitythentheirHungarianmothertongue,whichclearly shows apparent linguistic assimilation, which automatically contributes to ethnic assimilation(Szilágyi2002).ThetendencyissimilaramongSerbs,whilethecaseisquite theoppositeinthecaseofthedominantgroupofCroats.Ifwecomparethe2001and the 2011 data, then the results are even less favourable to Hungarians. There is no municipality–withtheexceptionoftheSerb-majorityJagodnjak–wherethenumber of Hungarians decreased, but their proportion compared to the population slightly increased–wherethenumberofpeopleembracingtheirmothertongueandethnicity hasnotdecreasedby2011. So the above-mentioned facts specify tasks for non-governmental organisations, encourage the start-up of corrective mechanisms, while political traditions, cent- ralisation and economic/social inequalities hinder the strengthening of civil society (Kövér2015:7).

the issue of hungarian ngos in baranja

Thesignificanceofcivilsocietyinaminorityenvironmenthasbeenresearchedby many,alsofromtheperspectiveofethnicHungarianslivinginneighbouringcountries. These papers primarily focus on the compact of only partially assimilated Hungarian communitiesinSlovakia,Serbia(Vojvodina)andRomania(Transylvania),sincetheseare theareaswheretheminorityHungariancivilsphereshowinguniquephenomenaand operating with multiple poles has developed (Székely 2012; Dániel 201 4; Dániel–Kiss 201 4;Ágyasetal.2016). IfwecomparethecaseofCroatiawiththeaforementionedones,thereareapparent differences:asmallnumberoforganisation,monolithicstructure(mostareculturaland traditionalistorganisations),thelackofurbanmunicipalities,issuesofacentre,existence ofinternalcontradictionscomparedtothelowdemographicbasis,etc.Still,especiallyin thecaseoftheBaranjaarea,thereisanapparentunevennessthatwepresumetobe causedbytheabove-mentionedgeographicandsocialcharacteristics.

non-governmental framework in croatia

Croatiancivilcommunitiesweremainlycreatedbyotherdeterminingfactorsthanin Hungary.Itisprimarilytheirhistoricalembeddednessandtheirhistoryofdevelopment,

42 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES whichisdifferentfromHungary(Bežovan2002;Procjena…2011).Althoughtheformer YugoslavsystemwasmoreliberalandsomewhatmoreopenthantheHungarianone,it imposedsimilarrestrictionsonthecivilsphere,becausemostoftentheseorganisations weretherootsofanti-Yugoslavmovementscriticisingthesystemandoftenlabelledas nationalists(Ágyasetal.2016).Itshallalsobeemphasisedthatcivilsocietyhasdifferent rootsanddevelopmentpathswithinYugoslaviainSlovenia,CroatiaandSerbiaaswell. National character and national resistance (anti-unity sentiment, federalism, autonomism) were predominant in Croatia in the case of these movements and organisations, while in Serbia it was not national resistance, but liberalism that contributed to the social and political roots of establishing these organisations (also playingapoliticalrole)(Milivojević2006).Bothtypeswereintellectual,andlargermasses only participated in civil organisations with explicitly apolitical aims, thus putting into effectsignificantstatecontroloverthecivilsphere. With the independence of Croatia, in the 1990s, the country experienced a civil boom(typicallyapplicabletocountriesinastateoftransition)withthespecificcharacter ofsignificantimpactonthesocialmovementscausedbythewar(s)takingplaceinthe region. Therefore, in the range of civil movements, war veteran groups and other organisationsreactingtopost-warsocialproblemsrepresentedamajorarrayafter1995 (Bežovan2002).ThisisalsotheperiodwhenHungarianorganisationswereformed,and manyofthem(primarilythoseactiveinthefieldofculture)simplytransformedfromthe formerYugoslavorganisationstoCroatianones.Itmustnotbeforgotten,thatthemost importantpartofethnicHungarianregions–theentireterritoryofBaranja,aswellas EasternSlavoniaalongtheDanubeandsignificantpartsoftheCroatianSyrmia–were onlytransferredtoCroatianadministrationduringthepeacefulreintegrationfollowing the Erdut Agreement, in 1998. This late accession posed the problems of delay and organisational disadvantage to Hungarians living in the area, since their core area in Croatiaislocatedrighthere. Croatia’sactonnon-governmentalorganisationswasadoptedfirstin1997,thenin 2001andin201 4.Thelatteractwaslastamendedin2017.Consideringtheselaws,the oneadoptedin201 4causedthelargestuproaronbehalfofcivilcommunities,sinceit intendedtointroducesignificantgovernmentcontrolinthissphere,primarilythrough strictfinancialaccountingrulesandtheunificationofotherelementsaccordingtothe samestandard.Theamendmentin2017mostlyupdatedthelatterprovisions. Theaforementionedactin201 4alsointroducedatransparent(andthuscontrollable) NGOdatabase,whichincludesthedataofactiveandterminatedorganisationsaswell (https://uprava.gov.hr/registar-udruga/826).Contrarytotheabove,nomajordeclineof NGOsfollowedthelaw,onlyasortofrestorationcomparedtothe1990s,inwhichthe numberofcivilassociationsisreduced,buttheactdidnotcauseenmasselegislative termination of the organisations, and the compulsory registration has not cut the numberoforganisationseither.

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hungarian civil organisations among minority ngos in croatia

ThecivilmovementsofHungariansinCroatiaaredistributedspatiallywiththesame concentration as the Hungarian population within the country. The overwhelming majorityofHungariansliveinthecountywiththecentreofOsijek,includingprimarily theBaranjaareas.ThenumberofHungarianNGOsisalsothehighestinthiscounty. From the civil associations operating in the county according to the NGO database operatedbytheCroatianPublicAdministrationMinistry(=Ministarstvouprave),91has theprotectionofminoritycultureand/ortheprotectionofminorityrightslistedamong theirobjectivesandactivities5.42oftheseareHungariancivilorganisations!Thisnumber isveryimportantconsideringthefactthatthenumberofNGOshandlingminorityissues comparedtothepopulationnumberisthehighestinthiscounty– thereare91such organisations for 305,032 residents, while in the capital city Zagreb only 94 such organisationexistsfor709,017residents(including2withaHungarianfocus).Among othercounties,Vukovar-Srijem(Vukovarsko-srijemska)countyissignificant,inwhichthe ministryregisters40minorityorganisationsforthepopulationof180,117,including 10 Hungarianorganisations.Inothercounties,thenumberofregisteredHungarianNGOsis typically1or2,buttherearenoHungarian-focusorganisationsregisteredintheministry databasein10counties. Thesubjectdatabaseincludesthedataof52,270organisations,including480that dealwithminorityissues.Theseinclude64civilorganisations,whichexplicitlyrepresent Hungarianminorityobjectives.Weunderstandthatmerelytheresearcheddatabaseis notenoughtocompletelygettoknowthenon-governmentalorganisationsinCroatia, but since registration has serious consequences in several issues (e.g. applying for funding,participationingrantprogrammes),weconsideritsignificant,andthereforethe results of the research work representative, although not entirely complete.Itisalso problematic that certain civil organisations do not publish their range of activities, therefore it cannot be queried. This may also be caused by the database only categorisingalimitednumberofpre-definedactivityrangesandactivities,andincasea specificorganisationcannotlistitselfintheprovidedsystem,thenourmethodscannot indicatethemasorganisationshandlingminority(inthiscase:Hungarianminority)issues. However,thisdoesnotchangeourfindings,butsupportsthem,becausethismeansthat there are additional non-governmental organisations, which can contribute to the numberofHungarianassociationsandfurtherspecifytheirrangesofactivities. BasedontheaforementioneddatabasefiguresitcanbeconcludedthatHungarians livethemostactiveminoritycivillifeinCroatia,theonlysimilarminorityistheRoma (Romani) community which covers less associations, but a larger (and less centre- specific)area.Surprisingly,thelargestminorityinthecountry,Serbsareabsolutelyunder- represented(consideringtheirnumberandsignificance)inthissegmentofsociety.This canonlybeexplainedbyanoteworthysocialphenomenon.WhileSerbswerethemost significant obstacle of the independence of Croatia (the framework of national independence), Hungarian fought together with Croatians (also with foreign policy

44 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES supportfromHungary)inachievingnationalindependence,ascomrades.Inourview, this helps explaining the common attributes of Hungarian assimilation and Croatian empathy.HungarianidentitycanbeexpressedasaCroatiancitizen,evenifHungarian attributesincludetheknowledgeoruseoftheHungarianlanguage,andHungarianroots can also be recognised (in the lack of a national conflict between Hungarians and Croatians)ifthelinguisticlinkislostandassimilationisadvanced. In addition to these, it shall also be emphasised that this over-representation of Hungarians also has a more specific organisational explanation, i.e. the blending of political life with non-governmental organisations (Bodó 201 4). Because of the small number of Hungarians and their political division, the 5% threshold of sending a representativetotheSabor(theCroatianparliament)istoohighforthem,andtherefore theorganisationsrepresentingHungarianinterestsoperateofcivilcommunitiesorthe unityorganisationsofcivilcommunities,insteadofpoliticalparties.Theregionalunitsof theirunityorganisationsarealsoregisteredseparately,thereforeincreasingthenumber ofHungariancivilorganisations.Sinceinsomemunicipalities,theseorganisationsarethe onlysocialgroupstorepresentHungarianinterests,theirtaskexceedtherepresentation ofinterests,alsoincludingotherimportanttasks,e.g.supportinglocalculturallifeorthe localeducationofthemothertongue(Mák1997;2008) In addition to Croatian resources, there are two additional highlighted sources of supportingandfundingcivilinitiatives(bothinthefinancialandorganisationalsense): international on the one hand, including the Hungary-Croatia IPA Cross-border Co- operation Programme of the European Union, and Hungarian on the other hand, providing objectives and means as well to the Croatian NGOs. In IPA projects, two Croatia-basedHungariancivilorganisationsparticipatedaspartners(inthisprogramme, none has acted as Lead Beneficiary so far) according to data retrieved from the http://www.hu-hr-ipa.comwebsite. –HorvátországiMagyarVállalkozókSzövetsége[=AllianceofHungarianEntrepreneurs inCroatia]fromFeb201 3to31Aug2014 –Magyar Gasztronómia Egyesület [=HungarianGastronomyAssociation]from1July 201 4to30June2015 Bothassociationsareactiveintheprofessional(business)sector,notintheinterest representation sector in the strict sense, but the representation of the economic interestsofaminorityishardlyseparablefromthesystemofeconomicinterests.Also, theself-governmentsofHungarianmunicipalitiesinCroatia(notasnon-governmental actors,butasgovernmentbodies),suchasKneževiVinogradi,BiljeandDarda,aswellas KopačevothroughtheKopačkiRitNaturalPark(asapublicinstitution),participatedin IPA programmes during the last six or seven years. In comparison, e.g. Croatian organisationsinHungaryhavenotbeenrepresentedinanyIPAprojectinthisperiod, and therefore this can be considered a success, representing the dominance of the Baranjaarea.However,itshouldbenotedthatseveralpriorityareaswereleftunusedby the minority sphere in these tender periods, especially in segments, which could be significantprioritiesforHungariansinCroatia,suchasbi-andmultilingualism,economy,

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cross-bordercommunitydevelopments(whichusedtobeprioritieswhenIPAtenders werefirstannounced). ForHungarianslivingintheCroatianstate,thethirdimportantelementisHungarian presence.Thisismanifestedincivilinitiativesandotherareasaswell,e.g.theHungarian EducationandCulturalCentreinOsijek,ortherenovationofchurchesinCroatiainthe courseofpost-warreconstruction.Thissystemofrelationshasseveralbranchesand divisions,thistimewefocusononeofthem,whichweconsiderrepresentative.Thisis theexampleandassistanceprovidedbythemothercountry,inordertoprotectcultural values. Hungary has established a special regional and hierarchical system (systems) to protect cultural values, some of them focusing on international, others on national issues.Herein,wehighlighttheCommitteesofCollectionsofHungarianValuesAbroad, withoneofthemfoundinCroatiaaccordingtothewebsite: Horvátországi Magyar Nemzetrész Értéktár és Horvátországi Magyar Nemzetrész Értéktár Bizottság [=CollectionofHungarianValuesinCroatiaandCommitteeofthe Collection of Hungarian Values in Croatia]. Chairman: Jakab, Sándor (HMDK)/Pajrok, Andor,31327Bilje/BellyeP etőfiSándoru.78.(Contact)[email protected].Thedataofthe searchpageofthesamewebsitedisplaythefollowingelementswithintheCollectionof HungarianValuesAbroad6: 1.TombofGedeonÁcs; 2. CalvinistchurchbuildingsinBaranja; 3. TombofJuliannaBorkó; 4.TombofIzsákBéni; 5. Granary; 6.AncienttoolsofholmandriverfishinginBaranja; 7.Agriculturalfoodproduction; 8. Gastronomy– smokedcarp,pike,paprikafishsoup,bloodpuddingwithcarp,bean stew; 9. Bonnets; 10.Traditionalroosterslaughter; 11.DancesaroundtheMaytree. Unfortunately, details of the specific elements are not available, including links to specific locations, or the types, contents of each element. In comparison, the list of Hungarians in Prekmurje (Slovenia) – who are in a similar position – comprises six elements,aswellasthevaluelistsofHungariansinandSlovakia,albeittheyare inahardlycomparableposition.ThewebsitelistsTransylvaniawithfourelementsand Vojvodinawith64.Thus,itcanbeconcludedthatHungarianrepresentationinCroatia hasclassifiedthisHungarianvalueregistryasaseriousidentity-buildingelement,which can be the future basis for a civil alliance that increases links to Hungary and civil activitiesaswell(althoughneitherisself-explanatory).Unfortunately,linkstolocations arespeculativeinsomecases(inthelackofdetailedinformation),stillhowever,each elementseemstobelinkedtoBaranjaoramunicipalitytherein.Inthissegmentalso,the

46 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES presenceoftheBaranjaregion(andtheHungarianslivingthere)issignificantinthefield of non-governmental initiatives and civil opportunities. This is an extremely exciting topic,consideringthefactthatthereisnoHungarianelementlistedamongthelarge number(156)ofCroatianculturalheritageelements(althoughtherearetwonationality relatedones,bothofthemaredialects).HungariansinCroatiabelongdirectlytothe national(andnotthenon-territorial,i.e.extra-territorial)Hungarianstructure,fromthe perspective of spiritual cultural heritage, while it is not represented in the Croatian spiritualheritagesystemwhichoperatesasaterritorialsystem.

summary, final statements

TheHungarian–CroatianbordersectioninBaranjaiscurrentlystilloneoftheclosed, frontier-type borders in the Carpathian Basin, primarily due to the international migration crisis, and because of its character hindering Schengen-integration. This significantlyobstructstheeverydaylifeofHungariansinBaranja,whoarebytheway veryactivefromtheperspectiveofcivilcommunities,aswellasbothregionsalongthe border,torecoverfromtheireconomicdepression.Seemingly,agriculture–whichisthe socialandeconomicbasisforlifealongbothsidesoftheborder–isnotgoingtobe abletosignificantlychangeeconomicandsocialstructures.Thecentreswithnational significance,locatedontheperipheryintheborderarea,arenotgoingtobeableto influencethenegativetrendsinthecross-borderareabecauseoftheircurrentstructural and economic problems, only for worse (additional emigration). The current depopulationprocessesaregoingtocontinueintheenclosedinternalperipheries,while municipalities located near significantly developed transit corridors and centres will stagnateordevelopslowly.Incasethisprocessfollowsthecurrentnegativetrendof decline,thegrowingethnicandsocialchanges(whicharesignificantontheHungarian side),theincreaseoftheRomanipopulationcangraduallyalsoaffectmunicipalitieson the enclosed Croatian side, thus contributing to intra-municipality segregation and ghettoization(Zsigmond–Tésits2015).Ifborderintegrationisachieved,thusrendering them more open and easier to cross. The Croatian and Hungarian elements of the constructedV/Cinternationaltransitcorridorcouldsoonbeinaugurated(possiblyalso coveringcompletionoftheBosniaaxistoatleastSarajevo),thecurrentlyenclosed,cul- de-sacregionscouldshifttowardaunifieddevelopmentdirection,andnegativetrends couldbeslowlyreversed.Thisrequirestheregional-levelstrategicdevelopmentofthe mostsignificanteconomicpotentialoftheregional,agriculture,whichitselfrequiresthe concentration of productive forces. In other sectors as well, common development directions have to be preferred, instead of the previous development policies, which have been over-politicised and unsuccessful. From the perspective of the Hungarian communityinBaranja,themostvaluableassetoftheregionisthesocialactivityoflocal Hungarians, and their subsequent good positions in both Hungary and Croatia. The problem continues to be caused by the closed nature of the border, hindering not

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ethnic, but primarily economic opening, as well as increasing the intensity of social relationships,whichcouldhavesignificantnationalpolicybenefitsaswell.

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ProcjenastanjarazvojaorganizacijacivilnogadruštvauRepubliciHrvatskoj–Izvještajistraživanjau2011.(2011):Godini. Nacionalnazakladazarazvojcivilnogadruštva.Zagreb. Póla,Péter(201 3):Demográfia.In:Hajdú,Zoltán–Nagy,Imre(eds.): Dél-Pannónia.Budapest–Pécs:MagyarTudomá- nyos Akadémia Közgazdaság- és Regionális Tudományi Kutatóközpont Regionális Kutatások Intézete–Dialóg CampusKiadó. 1 5 4 –1 87. Rácz, Szilárd (201 3): Horvátország makroregionális sajátosságai. In: Hajdú, Zoltán–Nagy, Imre (eds.): Dél-Pannónia. Pécs–Budapest:MagyarTudományosAkadémiaKözgazdaság- ésRegionálisTudományiKutatóközpontRegioná- lisKutatásokIntézete–DialógCampusKiadó.38 –71. Reményi,Péter(2006):HorvátországtérszerkezeténekalapvonásaiaXXI.századelején.BalkánFüzetek,4.,(4.),57–78. Sebők,László(2003):A2001-eshorvátországinépszámlálásmagyarnézőpontból.In:Gyurgyík,László–Sebők,László (eds.):NépszámlálásikörképKözép-Európából1989–2002. Budapest:TelekiLászlóAlapítvány,1 35 –1 50. Székely,AndrásBertalan(201 3):Amegmaradáskrónikása.Rovátkák,(2.),77–85. Székely,Tünde(2012a):HungarianMinorityCivilSocietyinRomaniaandSlovakia.CivilSzemle,9.,(3.),177–1 83. Székely,Tünde(2012b):KisebbségimagyarciviltársadalomRomániábanésSzlovákiában.CivilSzemle,9.,(3.),1 85 –1 97. SzilágyiN.,Sándor(2002):Észrevételekaromániaimagyarnépességfogyásáról,különöstekintettelazasszimilációra. MagyarKisebbség,4.,(26.),64–96. Végh,Andor(201 3):Gazdaságiszerkezet.(IX.1.fejezet).In:Hajdú,Zoltán–Nagy,Imre(eds.):Dél-Pannónia.Pécs–Buda- pest:MagyarTudományosAkadémiaKözgazdaság- ésRegionálisTudományiKutatóközpontRegionálisKutatá- sokIntézete–DialógCampusKiadó.270–302. Zsigmond,Tibor–Tésits,Róbert(2015):Azormánságinonprofitszektorszerepeaterületfejlesztésben.CivilSzemle, XII.,(3.),73–93.

notes

1InthisstudywehavepartiallyuseddataoriginallycollectedinthecourseofresearchforthebookAmagyar nyelvHorvátországban (Budapest–Osijek:GondolatKiadó–MediaHungaricaMűvelődésiésTájékoztatásiIntézet, 2016, ed. Miklós Kontra) with support from the MTA Domus Programme of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. 2 Thedifferencebetweenfiguresfromthe2001and2011censusesissomewhatcausedbythemethodologies applied,butthisclearlyaffectedeachareaandthereforethevaluesarestillcomparable. 3 https://mojahrvatska.vecernji.hr/price/hrvatska-sve-praznija-a-drzava-ne-zna-broj-iseljenih-strucnjaci- upozoravaju-bit-ce-jos-gore-1144731 https://vijesti.rtl.hr/novosti/hrvatska/2636359/poznati-hrvatski-demograf-tvrdi-iseljavanje-iz-hrvatske-je-tri-puta- vece-nego-sto-pokazuju-sluzbeni-podaci/ 4 https://dnevnik.hr/vijesti/hrvatska/iseljavanje-ne-jenjava-hrvatsku-je-lani-napustilo-gotovo-30-tisuca-ljudi- 461002.html https://mojahrvatska.vecernji.hr/price/hrvatska-sve-praznija-a-drzava-ne-zna-broj-iseljenih-strucnjaci- upozoravaju-bit-ce-jos-gore-1144731 5 DataretrievedinNovember2017(from2to13November)fromtheregistri.uprava.hr/#!udrugewebsite 6 Retrievedfromthewebsite–http://www.hungarikum.hu/hu/hungarikumok– on13 /11 /2017Itshouldbenoted thatonthepagethelistwasorganisedintodifferentgroups(aspecialsolutionforallthelistofvaluesabroad, possibly indicating the different stages of nomination and approval), but in this case, in order to support comparability,wedecidedtohighlightthedifferentelementsandtheirquantities.

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non-governmentAl orgAnisAtions in the hungAriAn–hungAriAn knowledge trAnsfer of orgAnising tourism

Tibor Gonda–Alpár Horváth

introduction

Non-governmental organisations play a significant role in the development of tourisminHungary–examplesincludetheorganisationofruraltourism,thetrainingof service providers, and the implementation of the sunflower qualifications that are all tasksofthelocalorganisations(operatingassovereignassociation)ofFATOSZ(Falusiés AgroturizmusOrszágosSzövetsége,NationalFederationofRuralandAgrotourism)(Sza- bó2014).Thelargenumberoftourismclusterorganisinginitiativesofthelastdecade arealsoconnectedtonon-governmentalorganisationsinthefirstplace(Gonda201 4).In the organisational structure of the TDMOs, operating in Hungary since 2010, non- governmentalorganisationsplayaconsiderableroletoo.TheHungarianlegalregulation only allows two organisational forms of TDM organisations: these are non-for-profit limited and association. According to the registry of the Hungarian National TDM Federation,52ofthepresentlyworking65TDMorganisationsareassociationsornon- for-profit associations (www.tdmszovetseg.eu). Our paper looks at the role that Hungariannon-governmentalorganisationsinRomaniaplayedintheappearanceofthe new territorial organisations of tourism (TDM organisations and tourism clusters) in Romania.Wealsoexaminehowtheexistingpersonalorinstitutionalisedconnectionsof these organisations promoted knowledge transfer and thereby the development of tourisminRomania.

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Appearance of the new territorial organisations of tourism in hungary

Fortheestabl°ishmentofthenon-governmentalbasedtourismdestinationmanage- ment(TDM)organisationalstructureinHungaryadominantfactorwastheapprovalof theNationalTourismDevelopmentStrategy(NTS)in2005.Thisdocumentclearlystated theneedforthefurtherdevelopmentoftheinstitutionalsystemoftourism“unfurling” inthenetworkofTourinformoffices,asithadbeenrecognisedthatamajorobstacleto thedevelopmentoftourisminHungarywasthelackofacontrollingandmanagement structure with adequate competencies, financing and professional skills. In order to createacompetitivetourismsectorandtheconditionsofsustainableoperation,itwas indispensabletohaveadecentralisedorganisationalsystembasedondestinations,i.e. thereceptionareasoftourism(Lengyel2008;Aubertetal.2010). Justwiththeemphasisofthisbottom-upapproachandtheprincipleofpartnership, thestrategystatedtheideaasfollows:“Themostimportantstepmustalwaysbemade bytheserviceprovidersthemselves:theymustrecognisethatthegoalofcooperation …isjointmarketactions,businesssuccessthat isnot,oronlypartiallyachievable on theirown…”(NTS2005).Manyactorstookthismessageofthestrategyseriouslyanda seriesofnon-governmentalorganisationsaggregatingthelocalactorsoftourismwere made,intheformofassociationsornon-for-profitassociations. AftertheapprovaloftheNTDS,theobjectivesofthestrategywereintegratedand assertedinotherdevelopmentstrategiesas wellbytheexpertsinvolved.Accordingly, thegoalforthecreationanddevelopmentofTDMorganisationsappearedintheNew HungaryDevelopmentPlan(NHDP)foundingtheuseofthetenderableEUresourcesfor the 2007–201 3 period. In the first round it was Regional Operational Programmes in which resources could be awarded, then in 2015 it was Economic Development and InnovationOperationalProgramme,orGINOPinitsHungarianacronym(Madarász–Papp 201 3; Aubert et al. 2016). Only some two decades after the socio-economic regime change,theprincipleandpracticeof“cooperativecompetition”wasnotevidentforthe serviceprovidersofthetourismsector.AnimportantresultoftheTDMtendersisthe appearance and strengthening of this principle. Now it can be seen that the TDM organisationalstructurecouldbecomeeffectivewherethisprinciplewasimplemented in practice by some well-organised and democratically working non-governmental organisations. When building out the system of destination management, fortunately not everythinghadtobestartedfromzero,astheWesternEuropeanpracticewasknown fromtheworksofseveralexperts(Bieger2005;Zehreretal.2005;Luft2007).InBieger’s approach(2005)adestinationisasysteminwhichdifferenttourismserviceproviders andstakeholdersintourismhaveclosecorrelationsandrecognisetheadvantagesand synergies in cooperation. The system of connections so important for tourism is basically determined by the total of different (natural, political and economic) environmentalspheres,forthecooperationandcoordinationofwhichBiegerfindsthe so-called destination management system the most suitable. In Bieger’s view the

52 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES essenceoftheTDMsystemisthinkingindestinations,thecollaborationofthepolitical andprivatesectorinvolvedinthedestination,andthecoordinationoftourismactivities, especiallyinthefieldofjointmarketingactivityandthecoordinationofplanningandof thedevelopmentofsupply(Pálfi201 3). On the ground of what Márton Lengyel (2008) wrote, there are four important criteria for the creation of a TDM system (bottom-up building, partnership, professionalismandfinancing).ThebuildingoutoftheorganisationalsystemofTDM-s takes place bottom-up, with the creation of the broadest partnership possible. The assertionofthisprincipleinitselfpromotesthecollaborationofstakeholdersintourism, inordertoleadtheprocessoftheorganisationofalocalTDMbythefoundationofa non-governmentalorganisation.Thevalidityoftheseaspectswasselectivelycontrolled duringthepreliminaryregistrationsupervisedbytheMinistryoftheNationalEconomy. Participation,i.e.theactualinvolvementofstakeholders,isofvitalimportanceforthe sustenanceofcontinuouscooperationandinterest.Intheprocessofdestinationmana- gement, TDM organisations have initiating functions, but their work can only be effectiveifdifferentinterestsgroupsandstakeholdersarealsoinvolved,fromthefirst phaseofplanningthroughthedecision-makingprocessrighttoimplementation.Aclear legitimacyforthisisgiventothembythecontractoftaskdelegationmadewiththe municipalself-government,whichwasalreadyanobligatoryconditionwhenhandingin theapplications.Knowingtheobjectivesofthemembersandinaccordancewiththese, a TDM organisation is responsible for the adequate use of available resources, the promotion of cooperation and the necessary mediating and research tasks (Aubert– Szabó2007). Forthecoordinationoftheorganisationsitisamusttosecureprofessionalism,the adequate operation of the tourism products created and partnership achieved. MembersoftheTDMorganisationhaveaninfluenceonthedevelopmentoftourismin thedestination,butworkinpracticeisdonebytheworkingorganisation,themanage- mentbodyoftheTDMOs.Thereasonwhythisfactmustbementionedasoneofthe positivephenomenaoftherecentyearsisthattheTDMstructurewasasupplyofjobs as well, especially for young tourism experts. This also meant that some of the associations established a “considerable” working body with 4-5 employees. The sustenance of the established and well functioning system requires a right financing background as well. These organisations finance their activities from tenderable resources, membership contributions, contributions from the local tourism tax transferred by the municipal self-governments, revenues of their own activities and sponsorships.ParalleltothebuildingoutoftheTDMorganisationalsystem,thenon- governmental and professional background was reinforced too. Some TDM organisations,asumbrellaorganisation,assistandpromotewiththeirhumanresources theworkofthenon-governmentalorganisationsintheirterritories.Theprofessionaland NGObackgroundisstronginHungary,operatingintensively atalllevels,andsoitwould be important to further increase their roles in building out the territorial system of TDMOs.

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AsignificantstepforwardisthefactthatTDMorganisationswiththeiractivitiesoffer achanceforthereplacementofinstitutionsonlyconcentratingontourismattractions andnotoncomplextourismproducts,operatingindependentlyofeachotherandoften onlydoingpromotionalactivities.Thiscouldgiveanewmomentumtotourismproduct developmentandthecooperationofthetourismstakeholdersofagivendestinationon territorialgrounds.Marketing,especiallyinternetandsocialmedia,playsaconsiderable roleincreatingthefoundationsandbackgroundofthejointdevelopmentofsupply (Pálfi201 3). BesidestheestablishmentoftheTDMstructure,thecreationoftourismclusterswas also supported from the resources of the New Hungary Development Plan. In all convergence regions there were resources available for this purpose, and in South Transdanubiaevenaseparatecallfortenderswasannouncedforthesupportoftourism clusters.Theoperationalexperiencesoftheclusterscreatedalsodemonstratethatthe activity of clusters was successful where the lead organisation was a strong non- governmentalorganisationbuiltonrealparticipation(Gonda201 4).

tourism promoting activity of non-governmental organisations related to the hungarian ethnic minority in romania

Accordingtothedataofthelatestcensusmadein2011,6,5%ofthepopulationof RomaniaisofHungarianethnicity,whichmeansatotalof1.238millioninhabitants(Kiss– Barna2012).Evidently,thespatialdistributionofHungariansisunevenbothinRomania asawholeandintheterritoryofTransylvaniainthebroadersense,i.e.theapproximately 103thousandssquarekilometresthathadbelongedtotheKingdomofHungarybefore thepeacetreatyofTrianon.Asitisrevealedbyresearchesoftheethnicspatialstructure (Kocsis2006;Kocsis–Bottlik–Tátrai2011),approximatelyhalfoftheHungarianethnicity inRomanialiveinoneblockintheterritoryofthehistorical-culturalregionnamedSzé- kely Land, which in administrative sense is by and large equal to the municipal and administrative units with Hungarian ethnic majority in Mureş, Harghita and Covasna counties.Itisanimportanthistoricalfactthatduringtheadministrativereformofthe Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1876 the former administrative units making Székely Landwereintegratedintothestandardisedsystemofcountiesandthechangesthat havetakenplacesincethen–notonlyinpublicadministrationbutalsoconstitutional and political regime changes (Elekes 2011) – have contributed to the progress of the ethnic spatial structure, the administrative belonging and interest assertion capacities, andthroughallthesetheself-organisationalwillingnessandcapacitiesoftheHungarian communitieslivingintheterritoryoftoday’sRomania.Theextra-SzékelyLandpartof theHungarianethnicityinRomanialivesinblocksinsomeareasofanotherhistorical- culturalregioncalledPartium,whileinthenorthern,north-westernandsouthernpartof the historical Transylvania and in the region called Bánság they have sporadic communities in urban or rural areas (Kiss–Barna 2012). The ethnic spatial structural

54 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES endowments are also a socialisation environment of the individuals of Hungarian ethnicity,andso–dependingonspatialmobility–someliveinRomanianspeaking areas,someinmoreorlessbilingualmediawhilethoseresidinginSzékelyLandlivetheir ordinarydaysinaHungarianspeakingenvironment. Asmallsectionoftheculturalandpoliticalsocialisationprocessesisparticipationin tourism.Insomeareastourismisatoolofethniccommunitybuilding,mainlyinareas withsporadicethnicminorities(includingamongotherstherelativelylargeHungarian ethniccommunitiesinClujNapoca,OradeaandSatuMare).Duringcommunitybuilding (beyondtheexperienceofbeingtogether),thedefinitionandpursuanceofcommon objectives, like the organised management of hiking in nature, local history and environmentalprotectionispartofthedemand sideoftourism,e.g.inthecaseofone of the largest non-governmental organisations in Transylvania, the Transylvanian CarpathiaSociety1. Similarassumptionscanbemadeabouttheactivetourismpracticesofyouthand/or clerical/religious organisations, (e.g. of the Hungarian Scout Association in Romania2, TransylvanianAssociationoftheWayofMary3)andothers. On thesupply sideoftourismindividualsandtheirnon-governmentalassociations areactiveaboutachievingclearlyspecifiedgoals(oratleastvagueconcepts:“something shouldbedone” like initiatives for cooperations) related to professional participation, knowledge creation, knowledge transfer, community planning and participation in community decision-making, sometimes taking part in tourism infrastructure development (e.g. the designation of hiking paths). Individuals can participate in the creationofthesupplyoftourismmostofthetimesasentrepreneursorasdecision- makers of public institutions (occasionally as consultants). Membership in non- governmentalorganisationscanmeanforindividualsthepassingofleisuretimeonthe basis of self-organisation and self-interests, on the one hand, and the generation of projectsaimingatthestrengtheningandenrichmentofsomeconditionsoftourism,on the other hand – depending on initiating capacities and willingness to do voluntary activities.Examplescanincludethecreationand/ormaintenanceofthoseelementsof tourisminfrastructure thatcannotbemadeonfor-profitbasis(investinginthemdoes not return). Thus, either the governmental/municipality institutions operating from budgetaryresourcesornon-governmentalorganisations,associationsandfoundations tenderingforpublicresourcesandtryingtoinvolvesupportsfromthebusinesssector byPRactionsalignhere.Anexampleforthisistheactivityofmountainrescueteams basedpartlyonfinancesfrommunicipalself-governmentsandpartlyonvoluntarywork, e.g. the Dancurás Mountain Rescue Association4 working for 40 years now in Gheorgheni that has a contract with the Mountain and Cave Rescue Public Service5 maintained by the council of Harghita County. Transylvanian Carpathia Society 6 with their16memberorganisationsand1,373membershassomeregionaldepartmentsthat donotonlysecuretheexperienceofcommonhikingsessionsbutalsotakeapartinthe touristicdiscoveryandpropagandaofregions,especiallybytheirbi-monthlyperiodical calledErdélyiGyopár 7 andotherthemedpublications,andtheirpresenceintraditional

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and online media (joint websites and websites of the member organisations, social mediasite,pressnewsetc.).Therespectivememberorganisationsreachothertarget groupsinadditiontotheirmembershipbytheirannuallyorganised nationalnomadic camps andtheirmemorialandperformancetours,sacralmarathonsandpilgrimages. Their connection to mostly Hungary-based and other Hungarian non-governmental organisationsintheneighbouringcountriesalsocontributetothepropagandaofsome regionsanddisseminationofthegoodpracticesoftourismorganisationinabroader circle. Thecreationoftheincome-andprofit-orientedpartofthetourisminfrastructure anditsmaintenanceincompetitiveconditionsisataskofthe business sectorwhose memberswillcreatenon-governmentalorganisationsandentrepreneurialassociationsif common interests are recognised (access to markets, quality assurance, solution of labourforcerelatedproblems,interestrepresentationagainstauthoritiesetc)andthose tasks arealsoseen(regionalmarketactivity,organisationofeducation,professionallob- bying activity) that cannot be done individually, only in cooperation. The road from recognitiontocooperationisl ongandwinding,itisnoteasytocreateconditionsfor voluntary coordination mechanisms. Entrepreneurs can create entrepreneurial associations builtontherecognisedcommoninterestsfollowingthelegalregulations relevantfornon-governmentalorganisations,withmembershipandelectedleadorgans, maybewithpaidworkingorganisations,managersorvolunteers(Ordonanta26/2000). Municipalself-governments arealsointerestedincreatingandoperatingnon-for-profit andfor-profittourisminfrastructure.Thisisalsorequiredspecificallybythe2017draftof the Act on Tourism (Proiect Legea Turismului 2017), and more vaguely also by the GovernmentDecreeNo.58of1998(Ordonanta58/1998)andtheotherlegalregulations on tourism deriving from this decree. To what extent a municipal or county self- governmentwantedtousetheopportunitiesofferedbythelegalregulationsandthe governmentalandEuropeanUnionsupportsystems,however,dependedlargelyonhow muchmunicipalleaderswereinterestedintheoperationoftheregionaltourismsector. TheActonlocalpublicadministration(Legea215 /2001)regulatestheoperationof the county and municipal self-governments and luckily enough now encourages the regional cooperation of self-governments, in the form of “community development associations”,i.e.theassociationsofterritorialadministrativeunits(counties,townsand cities, villages). Of this character are the following organisations: Association for the Tourism of Covasna County, created jointly by the Council of Covasna County, the municipalityofthecityofSfântuGheorgheandtheLocalCouncilofCovasnaTown,or the Harghita Community Development Association created by the Harghita County Council with 12 municipal self-governments, to which another 24 municipal self- governmentsjoined.8 CooperationswerealsopromotedbytheLEADERprogrammeoftheNationalRural Development Programme, despite all hardships and bureaucratic obstacles. In such circumstancesdevelopeditsactivityfurthertheSaltRegionTourismAssociationfounded byafewaccommodationownersinPraid,whichwasaforerunnerofTDMthinkingin

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SzékelyLandastheso-calledSaltRegion-FoothillsTourismAssociation(Horváth201 4). ThenewlegalregulationsoftourismmadeinRomaniain2017areslowlyshiftingfocus towardsthinkingindestinations, towhichtheissueofthecreationofTDMorganisations iscloselylinked(Ordonanta15/2017). The Hungarian or multi-ethnic character of settlements and other societies is influencedtoagreatextentbythegeographicalplaceoftheheadofficeintheregistry andtheselectedterritoryofaction.ItisnotaccidentalthatHungarian(orHungarian majority) organisations specialised on tourism destination management can only be found in the Székely Land. This does not exclude the creation of Hungarian tourism associationsinotherpartsofTransylvania,but,duetothe“almost-official” characterof theTDM,outsideSzékelyLanditisprofessionalorganisationspropagating onvoluntary basisHungarianculturalheritage,Hungariancommunitiesandsmallenterprises–but officially not representing the respective settlements and regions – that can complementthepicturedrawnbytheeffortsoftheSzékelyLandTDMinitiatives.

tdm-processes in the székely land

ThetwintownandtwincountyrelationsofadministrativeunitsoftheSzékelyLand managed by Hungarian ethnic majority (councils of Harghita and Covasna counties, several villages and towns) to Hungarian administrative units going back to the mid- 1990-s,thecross-borderrelationsofhistoricalHungarianchurchesandpubliceducation institutions,theattendanceofuniversitiesinHungarybyyoungHungarianpeopleliving inRomania(includingdoctoralschools),andthedifferentpersonalandtenderingrelati- ons of universities and research institutes allowed a diverse knowledge transfer. This couldonlybe complemented butnotsubstitutedbytheknowledgetransfercoming fromtheRomaniangovernmentalinstitutionsatanytimeandfromtheHungarianinte- rest representation organisations working in Romania. So the Hungarian–Hungarian knowl edgetransfercanalsobeseenasacompetitivenessfactorincomparisonofthe HungariancommunitiesinRomaniatothemajoritysociety. The first time tourism destination management appeared in the professional and public discourse in the Székely Land was in 2008–2009. In the headquarters of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania in Cluj Napoca, an episode of the Hungarian–Romanianintergovernmentaltalkswasthemeetingofthestatesecretaries responsiblefortourism.Asa“side-track”ofprofessionalpolicynegotiations,thestaffof the then Hungarian Tourism Office introduced to a smaller audience the Hungarian National Tourism Development Strategy worked out in 2005, in the organisational structuralaxisofwhichthebuildingoutofthemulti-tiersystemofTDMorganisations playedacentralrole.AftertheTDMManualwaspublished,editedbyMártonLengyel, ontheassignmentoftheStateSecretariatofTourismoftheHungarianMinistryofLocal Government and Regional Development (Lengyel 2008), by 2009 the tourism developmentstrategyofHarghitaCountywaswrittenontherequestoftheCouncilof

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HarghitaCounty.Thedevelopmentaxesofthisstrategyincludedorganisationalbuilding issues,especiallyrecommendingthebuildingoutoftheconditionsforaTDMsystem (Hargita County Council – Aquaprofit Consulting Kft 2009). An episode of the Hungarian–Hungarian knowledge transfer of tourism strategy and TDM issues was regional tourism management and tourism marketing researches done at the GheorgheniExtensionoftheBabes˛-BolyaiUniversityandtheMiercureaCiucFacultiesof Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania that supplemented the professional discoursegeneratedbytheTourismDevelopmentStrategyofHarghitaCountyandthe ruralandregionaldevelopmenttendersoftheEuropeanUnion(Horváth–Peteley2008; Horváth201 3;Nagy201 3).Universityresearchesandmunicipalself-governments’ideas, however,arerelativelyexclusiveandtheirrecognitionbythesocio-economicenviron- mentisratherlimited. Almost8yearshadtopassuntiltheappearanceoftheissueofdestinationsand TDMorganisationsinthedraftsoflegalregulationsgoverningtheinstitutionalsystemof tourisminRomania,andinthebackgroundmaterialsprovidingaprofessionalsupport fortheselegaldocuments.On23August2017theGovernmentDecreeNo.15of2017 wasannouncedontheamendmentandcompletionoftheGovernmentDecreeNo. 58 of 1998 on the organisation and implementation of tourism activities, in which the conceptofbothdestinationsanddestinationmanagementorganisationswasdefined bythelaw.Thiswillbesupplemented,inaccordancewiththegovernmentprogramme ofthegovernmentthatcameinpowerinlate2016,withtheapprovaloftheActon Tourism nolaterthanin2017(thepublicdiscussionofthedraftoftheactwasfinished intheautumnof2017).ItisunknownasyetwhentheRomanianministryoftourism publishesthemethodologicalguidelinesforthecreationofTDMorganisations,butuntil thentheresearchreportpublishedin2016bytheHungarianResearchInstituteforNatio- nalStrategycanbeusedasabackgroundmaterialthatgivesarelativelycomprehensive overview–eventhoughnotforthewholeTransylvanianbutatleastfortheSzékely Land tourism organisational system and the possibilities of its further development (Tőzsér–Bánhidai 2016). Without giving a detailed presentation of the findings or recommendationsofthisTDMrelatedresearch,wewishtopresentt hefollowingbrief summarisingthoughts. Fortheimplementationoftasksknownfromtheliteratureontourismdestination management (Ritchie–Crouch 2003; Lengyel 2008) the non-governmental sector (especiallytheHungariannon-governmentalsectorinRomania)isincapableinitself,but throughthepracticeofcommunityplanning itcanmakeaconsiderablecontributionto partnershipbuilding,knowledgetransfer,thepracticesofgoodgovernance,innovative tourism product development and the related marketing communication.Asabasic issueofcompetitivenessofdestinationsisthediversity,originalityandmarketabilityof theproductrangeoftheregion,itisnecessarytocreatethecommoninterpretation frameworksfirstofallinrelationtotheinterpretationofthetourismproduct.Thisis one ofthemosturgingtasksofthe TDM-like professional forums. Each actor must knowtheirroleinthecreationoftheregionaltourismproductsandimage(Horváth

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2013; Kiss–Barna–Deák 201 3; Nagy 201 3). If, for example, the tourism development strategyofHarghitacountydefinesactivetourismandecotourismasdistinctivepro- ducts and main attractions, their promotion by Harghita Community Development Association,evenwiththesupportoftheSzékelyLandTDMCluster,isinvainifbehind thatthereisnospecificinfrastructurebuiltonnaturalendowments(aresponsibilityof non-governmentalandmunicipalactorsandonlypartiallyoftheentrepreneurialand landownersector),andtherearenobusinessesofferingrealleisuretimeservicesbased ontheseendowments,either. Non-governmental organisations are differentiated from municipal efforts by voluntariness andinterestofvaryingintensity,fromentrepreneurialeffortsbythelackof for-profit orientation. This civil consciousness and local patriotism is what makes the added value of non-governmental organisations, the accountability of which is less possiblethanthatoftaskscomingfromauthoritativecompetencies.Theinvolvementof theknowledgecapitalofthenon-governmentalsector(e.g.theup-to-dateknowledge ofhikersinnature)intotheplanningactivitiesofmunicipalself-governments,oreven into the portfolio of enterprises selling leisure time services on business grounds is definitelymoreadvantageousthantheirnegligencecomingfromtheindifferenceofthe authoritiesorthenarrow-mindednessoftheentrepreneurialsector. Thetenderprogrammes implementedwithEuropeanUnionsupportinthe2007– 201 3programmingperiodmadeacontributiontotherealisationofseveralmarketing communicationprojectsandtheopeningoftourisminformationofficesintownsand holidayresorts(measure5.3oftheRegionalOperationalProgramme)aswellasinrural areas(measure31 3oftheNationalRuralDevelopmentProgrammeandsimilar,parallel projectsoftheLEADERprogramme).Theinstitutionalevaluationoftheafterlifeofthe project results is still to be done, but the field researches, especially in settlements unknownintourismbefore,revealedthatthesustainabilityofprojectresultsandtheir socio-economicusearequestionable.Thetenderstheoreticallyencouragedthespread ofprofessionalthinking inthemunicipalandbusinesssectorbutitwasjustthelackof embeddedness of marketing actions and the occasional uselessness of the tourism informationofficesthatlaunche d–atleastintheSzékelyLand–thespreadofTDM thinking and the professional clustering of the Hungarian tourism actors in Harghita, CovasnaandMureşcounties(Tőzsér–Bánhidai2016). ItisevidentthatthefocusontheHungariancharacter raisedfurtherproblems,inthe firstplacethedisputeaboutthelegalregistrationofthefederationthatwasmeantto be the professional umbrella organisation of the tourism associations of the Székely Land,underthenameProTurismoTerraeSiculorumFederation.Thefounderswantedto establishthisasaregionalTDMorganisation,anyway,butinthefirstinstancetheCourt ofHarghitaCountyandinthesecondinstancetheCourtofAppealofTârguMureş deniedregistration,withreferencetothefactthatthereisnosuchthingasSzékelyLand definedonethnicgrounds,ontheonehand,andit“mustnotbepropagated”9,onthe other hand. The reasons for the refusal were the contradictions of the objectives specified in the deed of foundation, and the Constitution and the act on local

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governments–intheinterpretationofthelawbythejurisdictionalorganisations,i.e.the prosecutor’sofficesandthecourts.Itremainsaquestiontobeanswered:ifRomanian legal regulations have not defined (so far) the concept of the destination and the position of the competencies related to destination marketing, why do authorities supposetheadministrativecharacterofthese?Thedeclaredobjectiveoftheregistryof theFederationwasthemarketingofSzékelyLandbuttheinitiatorsdidnotsaythatthey wouldinterprettheSzékelyLandfromadministrativeperspective;theyonlyconsidered theregionasa“destination”.Theconceptofdestination,howeverisonlydefinedbythe governmentdecreeNo 15issuedinAugust2017, not as administrative unit but as a region that has a diverse supply of products, standardised and coherent marketing imageandageneralandspecificservicenetworkfortherealisationoftheproducts (Ordonanta15/2017).Althoughthefiascooftheregistrycanbefittedintoanarrativeon thelimitationofminorityrights,itactuallyonlymeansthelegal sideoftheissuesofthe “HungarianTDMOsinRomania”. Besidestheregistrationproceduremadein2015 –2016,thebuilding oftheprofessional community continued as well, the non-governmental actors interested in the TDM conceptarestilldoingtheirworkintheframeworksoftheirassociations.Asaninformal network,as SzékelyLandTDMCluster, theso-called“regional”levelnetworkingabove settlement-municipal level, in the wording of the government decree No 15 of 2017: “coalisation” is continued. The use of the expression ‘regional’ might be confusing because in Romania there are only planning and statistical regions which are also development regions officially, i.e. defined by the law, created by the associations of countiesinlinewiththeregulationsoftheactonthedevelopmentofregions.Székely Landthuscannotbeinterpretedasaregion innormative sense,theconcepthistorical- culturalregion usedineveryday languageandgeographicalandregionalsciencediscourse willonlybeacceptableforadministrativelogicsifitisapproachedasatourismdestination onthebasisof“culturalregion”and“standardmarketingimage”(Horváth201 3). Asregardstheissueofclustering,theTransylvaniaBalneotourismClusterfoundedin 201 4isalsolinkedtoSzékelyLand.Amongthefoundersoftheclusterwefindactors from all over Romania, like Association of Spa and Climatic Resorts of Romania, Romanian Health Tourism Association, Employers’ Organisation of Spa Tourism, RomanianBalneologySocietyetc.Theimportanceofthisorganisationliesintheprofes- sionalnetworkingoftheactorsofhealthtourism,asectorwithconsiderableeconomic andpublicwelfaresignificance,ontheonehand,andinthepropagandaofclustering models and the raising of the awareness of the advantages coming from network cooperations (building of market connections, making procurements and sales more effective,sectorallobbyingetc.),ontheotherhand. HoweverunusualthewordcombinationTDM-cluster,itstillexpressesthemixedand probablytransitorysituationinwhichthosewhowishtopresentSzékelyLandonthe basisoftheTDMlogicfindthemselves:thefoundationofregionalTDMhaslegallyfailed, asthelegalinterpretationofSzékelyLandisproblematic.Asanalternativespecification, clusterisused–alsoanotionnotspecifiedinadministrativelaw–asaconceptcloseto

60 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES networkedoperation,possiblewithinthecurrentlegalcircumstances.Thecommongoal ofthecooperationdeclaredasacluster-typeoneisstillsettinglocaltourismsectorona competitiveandsustainablepath,justbytheuseoftheexpectedadvantagescoming from the identity of this special historical-cultural region (existing and recognisable distinctive features). Accordingly, although there is no regional TDM organisation operating as sovereign legal entity, we still have a professional cooperation of municipalityandcountylevelorganisationsofSzékelyLandcooperatingontheTDM logic,andtheirtheoreticallymutuallyreinforcingactivity.Theoperationofthemember organisationsofthenetworkisvaried,thefocusisontheorganisationofstudytours, thedevelopmentofmobilephoneapplications,theorganisationofgastronomyevents insomeplaces,elsewhereitisonregulareditinganddisseminationofonlineprofessio- nalnewsletters,oronthepublicationofonlineand/orprintedleafletspropagatingthe eventsinthearea;occasionallyeffortsarealsomadeforparticipationintourismtrade fairs.ForthetimebeingtheTDMbasednetworkedcooperationoftheSzékelyLandis about the organisation of the professional audience and shaping the attitude of the stakeholders,whichisevidentlythepreliminaryphaseforaprofessionalTDMoperation (Ritchie–Crouch2003;Lengyel2008;Tőzsér–Bánhidai2016). Themarketingonthevirtual SzékelyLanddestination isnotfreefromchallenges, also professional ones in addition to the delicate ethnicity issue. The professional integration oftheactorsofthetourismsectorsubscribingtotheSzékelyLandregional identitycantakeplacewithoutacommonlygroundedorganisationaswell,intheform ofinter-organisationalcooperation,asishasbeenthecasesofar.Therealchallengeis makingfor-profitmarketactorsinterested,andtheirformalinclusionintotheworking out and even more so the implementation of territorial strategies and development programmes.Asignificantpartofthewell-capitalisedmarketactorsinMureş,Harghita andCovasnacountiesarenotnecessarilyownedoroperatedbyHungarians.Tax-paying marketactorsmayhaveexpectations againstthecountyormunicipalself-governments withHungarianormixedleadershipthateitherhaveethnicrelevances(issueoflanguage use,contentstobepropagated,targetmarketstobefocusedon)ornon-ethnicones (infrastructure, tourism tax, authority controls, information service, mediation of connections to educational institutions etc.). The municipalities led by Hungarian decision-makersandtheTDMlikeorganisationsfoundedbythem(HarghitaCommunity Development Association, Association for the Tourism of Covasna County) are organisations operating directly or indirectly from budgetary resources, their competenciesandthefinancingoftheirprogrammesaremoreboundthanthoseof the “non-governmental” organisations with entrepreneurial background. Accordingly, themulti-ethnicMureşcountythatdoesnotonlyincludeSzékelyLandterritoriescould theoreticallybepartnerinaSzékelyLandnetwork,butnotonlyinthat:alsoinavirtual “Saxony”or“SouthTransylvania”destinationduetotheregionofSighişoara,andinan “Upper Mureş River Region” destination. The concepts ‘destination’ and ‘TDM organisation’havebeenspecifiedsofarbythelaw,only,furtherlegislativeactivityonthe partoftheministryresponsiblefortourismwillbetheapprovalofthedecreeofthe

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ministerregulatingtheprocedureoftheestablishment,operation,accreditationandre- accreditationoftheTDMorganisations.Afterthis,theverificationandaccreditationby theministryandtheuseofpublicresourcescomingfromtourismtaxcantheoretically beachievedwithabottom-up initiative,followingacentrallydefinedmethodology.

summary

In the development of tourism in Romania, the non-governmental organisations founded by members of the Hungarian ethnic minority play a special role. By their personal and institutionalised relations they are up-to-date about the tourism developmenteffortsinHungaryandtheconnectedgoodpractices.Inthepropagation oftheTDMorganisationalsystemandthefoundationofclusterorganisingprocesses thecontributionofnon-governmentalorganisationstoknowledgetransferwasclearly observable. The Hungarian–Hungarian knowledge transfer can even be seen as competitivenessfactorincomparisonoftheHungariancommunitiesinRomaniatothe majoritysociety.In2017thelegalregulationofdestinationstookplaceinRomania,and thebuildingoutoftheTDMstructureisunderpreparation.Untilitisfinalised,besides the already existing tourism information offices and the specialised tourism organisations of municipal self-governments, it is non-governmental organisation that canserveasthestrongholdsofTDMactivities.Whenlocal,countyandregionalTDM organisations are created by a standard national methodology, the division of tasks among them is still to be defined: probably the tourism information offices and/or specialised tourism services and departments of the municipal and county self- governments will have the working organisation functions, i.e. decision-making and implementationtasksoftheorganisationsoperatinginapublic-privatepartnership.Itis hoped that, following the Hungarian model, the strong non-governmental representatives of local forces interested in tourism can be operators of the TDM organisations.Thiswouldfurtherincreasecommunityembeddednessandlocalidentity intheHungarianethnicareas.

references

Aubert, Antal–Gonda, Tibor–Horváth, Zoltán–Pálfi, Andrea (2016): TDM szervezetek Magyarországon: múlt, jelen, jövő. In: Hanusz, Árpád (eds.): Turisztikai jövőkép Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg Megyében. Nyíregyháza:Szabolcs- Szatmár-BeregMegyeiTerületfejlesztésiésKörnyezetgazdálkodásiÜgynökség(SZSZBMFÜ).77–90. Aubert, Antal–Csapó, János–Pirkhoffer, Ervin–Puczkó, László–Szabó, Géza (2010): A method for complex spatial delimitationoftourismdestinationsinsouthTransdanubia.HungarianGeographicalBulletin,59.(3.),271–287. Aubert,Antal–Szabó,Géza(2007):Desztinációkutatásésföldrajziszemlélet.In:Aubert,Antal(ed.):Atérségituriz- muskutatáséstervezésmódszereiéseredményei. Pécs:PTE-TTKFI.56–73. Bieger,Thomas(2005):ManagementvonDestinationen–Lehr-undHandbücherzuTourismus,VerkehrundFreizeit, 6.Auflage,München-Wien:OldenbourgWissenschaftsverlag.

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Elekes,Tibor(2011):Székelyföldközigazgatás-földrajziváltozásaia13.századtólnapjainkig.FöldrajziKözlemények,135. (4.),415–429. Farkas,Z.Andrew–Pap,Norbert–Reményi,Péter(2016):Hungary‘splaceonEurasianraillandbridgesandtheeastern opening.HungarianGeographicalBulletin,65.(1.),3 –1 4. Chasovschi,Carmen–Bahre,Heike–Hildebrandt,Winfried–Maurin,Markus(2016):Ghidpractic.Centrel edeInformare Turistica. Bucuresti:EdituraDidacticasiPedagogica, http://turism.gov.ro/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/Ghid-CIT-20161.pdf Gonda,Tibor(2014):AturisztikaiklaszterfejlesztésrégióstapasztalataiaDél-Dunántúlon.ModernGeográfia, 8.(3.), 1–16. Horváth,Alpár(201 4):TDM-törekvésekaSzékelyföldiSóvidéken.In:Kóródi,Tibor–SansumnéMolnár,Judit–Siskáné Szilasi,Beáta–Dobos,Endre(eds.):VII.MagyarFöldrajziKonferenciakiadványa,Miskolc,201 4.09.01 –04.193–206. Horváth,Alpár(201 3):TurizmusfejlesztésSzékelyföldön(Hargitamegyeiszemszögből).Kolozsvár:NemzetiKisebbség- kutatóIntézet Horváth,Alpár–Peteley,Attila(2008):AdaptingtheTDM-ModelintheDevelopmentofTourisminHarghitaCounty. JournalofTourismChallengesandTrends,1.(2.),45–60. Kiss, Tamás–Barna, Gergő (2012): Népszámlálás 2011: Erdélyi magyar népesedés a XXI. század első évtizedében. Demográfiai és statisztikai elemzés. Műhelytanulmányok a romániai kisebbségekről. 43. Kolozsvár: Nemzeti Kisebbségkutató Intézet. http://ispmn.gov.ro/node/npszamlalas-2011-erdlyi-magyar-npeseds-a-xxi-szazad-els- vtizedben-demografiai-s-statisztikai-elemzs Kiss,Tamás–Barna,Gergő–Deák,Attila(201 3):Székelyföldturisztikairégió?Kérdőíves,statisztikaiésfókuszcsoportos vizsgálataSzékelyfölditurizmusról. Kolozsvár:NemzetiKisebbségkutatóIntézet–KvantumResearch. Kocsis,Károly(2011):Amagyarnépességtörténete.AKárpát-medenceetnikaitérszerkezettörténetialakulása.In: Paládi-Kovács, Attila–Flórián, Mária (eds.): MagyarNéprajzI.Táj,nép,történelem.Budapest:AkadémiaiKiadó. 293–426. Kocsis,Károly–Bottlik,Zsolt–Tátrai,Patrik(2006):EtnikaitérfolyamatokaKárpát-medencehatárainkontúlirégióiban (1989–2002).Budapest:MTAFöldrajztudományiKutatóintézet Lengyel,Márton(ed.)(2008):TDMMűködésiKézikönyv. Budapest:HellerFarkasFőiskola Luft, Hartmut (2007): Destination Management in Theorie und Praxis: Organisation und Vermarktung von TourismusortenundTourismusregionen. Messkirch:GmeinerVerlag. Madarász,Eszter–Papp,Zsófia(201 3):Delimitingthe“Balatonriviera”touristdestinationbyusingnetworkanalysis. HungarianGeographicalBulletin,62.,(3.),289–312. NTS(2005):NemzetiTurizmusfejlesztésiStratégia. (http://neta.itthon.hu/szakmai%20oldalak/stratégiai%20dokumentumok/nemzeti%20–%20100112) Nagy,Benedek(201 3):AturisztikaihelymarketingSzékelyföldön.Azimázs-ésmárkahasználattudományosmegala- pozása.ClujNapoca:NemzetiKisebbségkutatóIntézet. Pap,Norbert(201 3):Hungary,theBalkansandtheMediterranean.Pécs:Publikon. Pálfi,Andrea(201 3):TurizmusmenedzsmentésirányításMagyarországon–országos,regionális,térségiéshelyiszin- tekszerepeaturizmusban.In:Józsa,Klára–Nagy,Gyula–Dudás,Renáta(eds.):GeográfusDoktoranduszokXIII. Országoskonferenciája.CD-kiadvány.Szeged:SZTETTIKGazdaság-ésTársadalomföldrajziTanszék. Ritchie,J.R.Brent–Crouch,GeoffreyI.(2003):TheCompetitiveDestination.ASustainableTourismPerspective. Oxon, UK/Cambridge,MA,USA:CABIPublishing. Szabó,Géza(201 4):Ahazaifalusiturizmushelyzeteésjövőképe.In:Aubert,Antal–Csapó,János(eds.):Turisztikaiszö- veggyűjtemény.Nyitra:KonstantinFilozófusEgyetem,Közép-EurópaiTanulmányokKara. 1 5 2 –1 67. TourismDevelopmentStrategyofHarghitaCounty2009.MiercureaCiuc:HarghitaCountyCouncil–AquaprofitCon- sultingKft. Tőzsér,Anett–Bánhidai,Csilla(eds.)(2016):Székelyföldturisztikaiszervezetirendszerénekvizsgálata.Kutatásijelentés. Budapest:NemzetstratégiaiKutatóintézet. Zehrer, Anita–Pechlaner, Harald–Hölzl, Barbara (2005): The Development of a Destination Management System (DMS)inSouthTyrol.Anatolia.AnInternationalJournalofTourismandHospitalityResearch,16.,(2.),147–161. legal regulations Legea215 /2001privindadministratiapublicalocala Ordonanta26/2000cuprivirelaasociatiisifundatii Ordonanta58 /1998privindorganizareasidesfasurareaactivitatiideturisminRomania

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Ordin1096/2008pentruaprobareaNormelormetodologiceprivindacreditareacentrelornationaledeinformaresi promovareturistica Ordonanta15/2017pentrumodificareasicompletareaOG58 /1998privindorganizareasidesfasurareaactivitatiide turisminRomania ProiectLegeaTurismului2017

notes

1http://www.eke.ma/ 2 http://www.rmcssz.ro/ 3 http://www.mariaut.ro/ 4 http://www.salvamontgheorgheni.ro/ 5 http://www.salvamontharghita.ro/ 6 http://www.eke.ma/ 7 http://www.erdelyigyopar.ro/ 8 http://adiharghita.ro/hu/h/39/uj-es-alapito-tagok 9 http://www.maszol.ro/index.php/tarsadalom/60135-szekelyfold-a-birosag-szerint-az-etnikai-jellege-miatt-nem- lehet-turisztikai-celpont%7C%7C%7CSz%C3%A9kelyf%C3%B6ld%20a%20b%C3%ADr%C3%B3s%C3%A1g %20szerint%20az%20etnikai%20jellege%20miatt%20nem%20lehet%20turisztikai%20c%C3%A9lpont http://www.maszol.ro/index.php/gazdasag/64793-szekelyfoldi-turizmus-nem-alapithattak-szovetseget-igy- klasztert-hoztak-letre/szekelyfoldi-turizmus-nem-alapithattak-szovetseget-igy-klasztert-hoztak-letre/

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the role of hungAriAn–AmericAn civil And church orgAnisAtions in preserving the hungAriAn identity1

Gábor Szalai–Péter Reményi–Norbert Pap

introduction

ThehistoryofHungarianslivingintheUnitedStatesisaboutoneandahalfcenturies. Since the 1870s and 1880s, hundreds of thousands have immigrated to the USA in different waves to start a new life and, on the other hand, to return home in a strengthenedfinancialsituation.ThisdualityisstillnoticeableconcerningtheHungarians livingintheUSA. HungariansarrivingintheUSAsetuptheircivilandchurchorganisationsinashort periodoftimewhichhadasteadyreplenishmentofHungarianfamiliesthereforethey strengthened organisationally. At the outbreak of the World War I, there was a flourishing Hungarian organisational and church life, mainly in the north-eastern and northernstatesoftheUSA.Theorganisationsandchurchesthatweresetupmainlyat the turn of the century still work actively and they are the important bases for preservingtheHungarianidentity.Intheinitialperiod,theHungariancommunitylifetook placeinCatholicandReformedChurchesand,nowadays,thesechurchesalsomaintain and support many schools, clubs, cultural groups among which it is important to

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highlight the increasingly popular scout troops with growing number of members. Hungariansarrivingindifferenteraswithdifferentpurposesandreasonshavesetup various associations and organisations and, as a result, many of them still work independentlyfromoneanotherintheUSA. TheanalysisofthehistoricalbackgroundoftheHungariandiasporaandtheemigration waveshavekeyimportanceintermsofthissubject,asthecausationdifferenceshave seriousconsequencesinthecommunityandchurchlifeinthedimensionsofassimilation aswellastheHungarianconsciousnessandidentity.ThegroupofHungarianslivinginthe United States is not homogeneous and the diversity of the descendants i.e. the third- fourth-fifthgenerationsisquitetypical,whichhasasignificantimpactontheHungarian– Americancivilandchurchlifeandthefutureoftheirorganisations.

emigration waves

Historians and sociologists (Puskás 1982; Tezla 1987; Várdy 2000) working on this subject distinguished seven emigration waves in which people with different social backgroundsdecidedtoleavetheirhomelandfordifferentreasons.Theheterogeneity resulting from it was the characteristic of the descendants too which had serious consequencesforthedevelopmentoftheHungarianconsciousnessaswellasthecivil andchurchlife.

the first emigration wave (between 1849 and 1867)

In the period between the surrender at Világos and the Austro–Hungarian Compromise of 1867, approximately 3-4 thousand Hungarian citizens escaped to the USAfromthepoliticalretribution.LajosKossuthandabouthisthousandsoldierscanbe considered the first political emigrant group of the 19th century. The emigrated Hungariansconsideredtheirresidenceinthenewmediumastransientandtherefore theyendeavouredtopreservetheiridentity.MostofthemsettledinNewYork,butafter theAustro-HungarianCompromisetheyeitherreturnedtoHungaryorintegratedinto theAmericansociety(Várdy2000).

the second emigration wave (between 1867 and 1920)

TheemigrationtotheUnitedStatesofAmericabecamemassiveinthe1880sand 1890sanditculminatedintheyearsaftertheturnofthecentury,in1906and1907. In thisperiod,Hungarywasvirtuallyinvolvedinthegreatmigrationwaveinwhichthe WesternEuropeanStates,predominantlyGermany,IrelandandtheScandinavianStates, participatedfromthe1840s.

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Thedataaboutthenumberofemigrantsareverydifferentandtheyaredifficultto compare. According to the official Hungarian passport statistics, 1,1 20,000 Hungarians emigrated to the United States in the period between 1899 and 191 3, while in the recordsoftheUSCISitisshownthat1,815,117HungarianimmigrantsarrivedintheUSAin theperiodbetween1871and191 3(Tezla1987).It’sdifficulttoascertainthenumberof emigratedHungariansintheexaminedperiodsincethedataregardingthenationalityof immigrantsleavingtheareaoftheAustro-HungarianEmpirearequiteincomplete.Inthe initialperiod,theofficialsoftheUSCISdidnotraisesuchaquestionand,moreover,the answerwasnotalwaysaccurateastheimmigrantdidnotalwayshaveasolidethnic identityso,insteadofspecifyingnationality,thenameofthecountrywasmentioned (Puskás1982).AccordingtothestatisticsoftheUSCISfortheperiodsbetween1898 and1899andbetween1912and191 3:423,000Slovakians,402,000Hungarians,219,000 Germans,47,000,andapproximately30,000Serbs,i.e.about1,1 21,000people leftHungary,duringadecadeandahalf(Frank1981). Inthatperiod,therewasacorrelationbetweentheemi grantsbelongingtodifferent ethnicgroupsandtheyieldofcertaincorps.TheproportionofemigratedHungarians was lower when the income from wheat was high. More Germans left the country when the price of barely was high and thus the livestock breeding became more expensive,whilelessGermansemigratedwhentheincomefromtheryeincreased.The Slovakians,theCroatians,theSerbiansandtheRuthenesrespondedsensitivelyforthe price changes of potato, while the Romanians did so for the price changes of corn (VáralljaiCsocsán1974). Besides economic reasons (lack of agricultural work, limitation of the workforce absorptioneffectofdomesticcitiesandindustry,floods,hogcholeraandphylloxera),there weresignificantsocialreasonsfortheemigration.Socialtensions,populationgrowth,limited opportunitiesforinternalmobilityanddesireformorehumanwayoflifealsocontributed thatmassesofpeopledecidedtoemigrateinadditiontohighcostofliving. However, besides push factors, there were also pull factors of the migration. Significantlabourshortageoccurredintheminingandsteelindustriesbecauseofthe industrializationinthe1870s.Americanagentsandagenciesrecruitedworkersbypress advertisementsinthestatesofCentralandWesternEurope. The significant part of the emigrants consisted of poor landless peasants, small- holderspossessingafewacresofland,craftsmen,cityworkersandservants.Therewere afewintellectualsandartistsamongtheemigrantsinthatperiod(Várdy2000). Analysingthemaritalstatusoftheemigrants,itcanbestatedthatmainlyyoungmen emigrated.Theproportionofthewomenincreasedlater,attheendoftheperiod,which canbeexplainedbythefactthatthewomenfollowedtheirhusbandorgroomwhen theirpartnerstrengthenedfinanciallytosuchanextentthatmadepossibletodoso. Theregionsoforiginoftheemigrationweremainlythecounties(Abaúj-Torna,Bács- Bodrog,Bereg,Borsod,Gömör-Kishont,Sáros,Szepes,Szabolcs,Temes,Ung,Zemplén), where the proportion of latifundium and consequently the proportion of landless peoplewerehigh.ThemigrationwavewasinitiatedfromtheareasofUpperHungary

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andthencontinuedfromTransdanubia,SouthernHungaryandTransylvaniaandfinally theGreatHungarianPlain. However, in the 1910s, Hungarian organisations and Hungarian houses had been already operated which could help the newcomers in integration. According to the contemporary accounts, many of emigrants left for the USA based on letters and reportswrittenbyrelatives,friends,acquaintancesandvillagersandtheywerewaited andhelpedbytheHungariansalreadylivingthere.Consequently,thelocalandregional identitieswereverystrongamongtheemigrants,theycommunicatedwithandchose spousefromalmostexclusivelyoneanotherandtheyrarelyappliedforU.S.citizenship. However, they needed to adapt to the new American culture because they couldn’t avoidtheinfluenceandtheassimilationeffectsofthemajorityculture.Therefore,the weakening of ethnic particularities and the abandonment of the traditional clothing couldbeobservedinthelastthirdoftheexaminedperiod(Komjáthy1984). Thechangesinthenumberofparticipantsoftheexaminedemigrationwaveandthe depthofintegrationofthosewhoarrivedintheUnitedStatesarewelldemonstratedby the facts that the amounts of money which were sent home by the Hungarian– Americans to their families were approximately 10 million korona in the 1890s, 50 million korona at the beginning of the 1900s, while 200 million korona in the years beforetheWorldWar I(Puskás1982). Intheperiod,NewBrunswick,Passaic,Trenton,PerthAmboy(NewJersey),Pittsburgh, Bethlehem,Johnstown,Unitown,McKeesport(Pennsylvania),Cleveland,Akron,Youngstown, Toledo(Ohio),Bridgeport(Connecticut),Chicago(Illionis),SouthBend(Indiana),Flint,Detroit (Michigan)WestVirginiaandMissouriwerethetargetareasofemigration(Bába2015). According to contemporary accounts, the emigrants of the second wave mainly wished to earn money and then to return home to buy lands and houses. For this reason, the emigrants were labelled as ‘migratory birds’ by the press because their residence was considered temporary. However, the proportion of return migration to Hungarywasassessedonly15–37%between1867and1920bytheexpertsworkingon the subject (Frank 1981; Puskás 1982; Tezla 1987). All in all, the emigration had not politicalbuteconomicandsocialreasonsintheexaminedperiod.

the third emigration wave (after the and before the )

After World War I, the emigrants left for the United States mainly for political, ideological and existential reasons. The group of emigrants was made up of civil intellectualsandartists.TheirmajorityconsistedofJewsofHungaryaftertheadaptation of Anti-Jewish Laws of 1938 as well as peasants and urban intellectuals from the successorstates.Thecapital,theindustrialcitiesandthenorth-easterncounties(Abaúj, Zemplén,Szabolcs-Szatmár)werethefocalpointsoftheemigration(C.Tóth2010). However,thenumberofemigrantsdroppedconsiderablycomparedtotheprevious periodduetotheadoptionoftheEmergencyQuotaActof1921andtheadoptionofthe

68 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES morerestrictiveImmigrationActof1924limitingthenumberofHungarianimmigrants for thousand per year. According to American immigration statistics, only 28,000 HungarianswereallowedtomovetotheUSAbetween1922and1927(Várdy2000). BetweentheWorldWars,thepolarizationoftheHungarian–Americanslivinginthe so-calledHungarianneighbourhoodswasstrengthened,thecommunitythathadbeen relatively homogeneous earlier was fragmented which was aggravated by the appearanceofthesmallnumberofemigrantsleavingtheirhomelandmainlydueto political reasons who were far more educated than the members of the previous groupsofemigrants.Engineers,doctors,lawyers,economists,teachers,scholars,writers, musicians and artists with academic education were not able to, and didn’t wish to integrateintheworldandsocietyoftheHungarianneighbourhoods.Theintellectuals mainlycommunicatedwithAmericanswhichledtotheireasyandquickintegration,so theyweresoonabletocontributetothescientific(byEdeTeller,LeóSzilárdandJános Neumann),intellectualandculturaldevelopmentoftheUSA(Várdy2000).Althoughthe rapid integration of the intellectuals did not mean the abdication of the Hungarian identitybutithadlittleimpactontheHungarianAmericancentresandtheirlife.The TreatyofTrianon(promotionoftheissueofHungary)wastheonlyissuewhichclustered alltheHungarian-Americans(Máthé1942). It was a growing tendency that the children who were born in the USA integrated throughassimilation,habitsandbehaviouralnormswhichseparatedthemfromtheirparents’ world. The second generation of the young Hungarians growing up in the Hungarian neighbourhoodsbecameHungarian–Americans.TheylearnedHungarianlanguageatfirst, wenttoHungarianweekendschools,alsotookpartinHungariancelebrationsbuttheywere notonlyHungarians.Itisclearlyshownthatonly28,4%oftheHungarianswereAmerican citizenin1920,whiletheproportionwas55,7%in1930(Várdy2000). Thus,thephenomenonofthegenerationgapcanbeobservedandthedualethnic identityoftheHungariansbecameincreasinglyarticulate.Perceivingtheabovedescribed phenomena, the families endeavoured to do their best to the development and preservation of the dual identity. The church services were conducted in Hungarian, Hungarianlanguagewastaughttothechildren,nationaldayswereheld,culturalevents andyouthclubswereorganized(Kosáry1942).

the forth emigration wave (after the world war ii)

AftertheWorldWarII,theemigrantsleftHungaryintwosharplydistinctwavesin 1945and1947–1 948.Theapproximately21–26thousandpeopleemigratedintheabove twoperiodsweresignificantlydifferentfromoneanotherandfromtheformergroups ofemigrants.Thegrou pleavingin1945canbecharacterizedbydeepinternalpolitical polarization including the representatives of the Hungarian nobility and middle class, government officials, gendarme officers, educated people, right wing extremists, nationalistsfromthemiddleclass,peasantsinbetterlivingconditionsandthesurvived

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Jews.Howeverin1947–1 948mainlymembersofthestrictlyrestrictedanti-communist parties,intellectualsanduniversitystudentsemigratedfromHungary(Puskás1991). The Laws of “Displaced Persons” of 1948 and 1950 and the “McCarran–Walter ImmigrationandNaturalizationAct”of1952wereadoptedbytheU.S.Congresswhich madethereceptionoftherefugeespossiblebesidesthestrictpoliticalcontrol. AfterWorldWarII,theforcedandimmediateleavingofthepoliticalemigrantsfrom Hungarywasatraumaticexperienceforthem.Thecontinuityoftheirpriorlifeended, theylosttheirprevioussocialposition,settledinaforeignpolitical-culturalandlanguage environmentandtheyhadtorestarteverything.Thistraumaoftherootlessnessledto severe psychiatric disorders and identity crises ( while their prior life continued in intellectual, ideological, social terms) (Ónody 201 4). They considered their position transitorybecausetheywereconvincedthattheSovietRuledidnotlastlongandtheir respectedsocialandpoliticalpositionwouldcontinuetoexistintheliberatedHungary sotheydidn’twishtointegrateintotheAmericansociety.Theirchildrenwerealsoraised according to this conviction and old conventional norms preserving the Hungarian customsandtraditions(Várdy2000). However,themixedmarriagesinthesecondandthirdgenerationHungarianswere increasingly observablewhichresultedthegrowingsignificanceofdoubleormultiple identities and assimilation in the examined period. After World War II, the increased numberofHungariansbecametheequalmemberofth eU.S.Politicalcommunityandof anethnicgroupwhichwasdifferentfromthemajoritylanguage,religionandculture.

the fifth emigration wave (between autumn 1956 and spring 1957)

AftertheHungarianRevolutionof1956mainlywell-qualifiedprofessionalsanduni- versity students arrived in the United States, similarly to the first emigration wave. Accordingtostatistics,morethanhalfoftherefugeeshadhighereducationdegreeor they were university students (the representatives of natural, technical and medical scienceswereoverrepresented)(Várdy2000). Manyoftheemigrantshadparticipatedintherevolutionandtheyhadtoescape. There were emigrants who didn’t participate in the fights but their rights had been impairedmanytimesandtheydecidedthatitwastimetoleavethecountry.Ofcourse, therewereemigrantswholeftduetoexistentialandnotpoliticalreasonswhowerenot prosecutedbuttheywantedtostartanewlife(Puskás1991). By examining the regions of origin, it can be stated that the proportion of the emigrantsofBudapestandwesternHungarywashigherthantheproportionofthe emigrantsofeasternHungary.ThemaindirectionofemigrationledthroughAustriaor YugoslaviaoverthestatesofWesternEuropetotheUSA. Thanks to the Laws of “McCarran–Walter Immigration and Naturalization Act” of 1952and“RefugeeAct”of1953adoptedbytheU.S.Congress,thereceptionofthe refugeeswasnotdependentfromthequotasystem.Thequickreceptionofrefugees

70 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES wasalsofacilitatedbyotherprovisionsofthefollowingyears,suchasthe“nonquota immigrantvisa”andthepresidential“parole”. TheHungariansemigratedaftertherevolutionof1956werewelcomeasheroes.The GovernmentoftheUnitedStatesnotonlyacceleratedtherefugees'accesstocitizenship, but also ensured free English courses and supported the continuation of their studies startedinHungaryandtofindajob.Theuniversitiesalmostcompetedwithoneanother andofferedmoreandmorefavourablescholarshipstotheimmigrants.In1956,inaddition totheatmosphereofColdWar,therewasageneraleconomicboomintheUSAwhich helpedthewell-educatedyoungpeopletofindajob.However,themainpatronsofthe HungarianimmigrantsweretheHungarianChurchesandorganisations(Puskás 1991). But majority of the 31,000 Hungarians who arrived in 1956 didn’t settle in the Hungarianneighbourhoods.MostofthemmarriedtoAmericanssotheysoonintegrated totheAmericansocietyandspentlesstimewithvisitingtheHungarianorganisations. TheemigrationoftheHungariansin1956wasthemostsuccessfulemigrationwaveof theHungarian–Americans.Noneoftheotheremigrationwavesgavesomanysuccessful professionals, businessmen, academic teachers, inventors as well as internationally recognized scholars and investors to the USA as the wave of 1956, therefore their integrationintothenewculturewaseasierandmoresuccessful(Várdy2000). Ofcourse,manyemigrantsof1956alsoinsistedontheirHungarianethnicidentity. Sofar,alotofthemhavebeenplayinganimportantan dinevitableroleinshapingand strengtheningtheHungarianidentityofthenewgeneration.Beyondtheassimilationof thedecisivemajority,thereweremanywhodidnotlosetheirHungarianethnicidentity. Nevertheless,theHungariansof1956hadgainedsuchseriousandindelibleimpressions inthe1950sthattheyhadaversionstopoliticsandtotheHungarianfate.Intheearly years,somefamiliesturnedawayfromHungaryandtheHungarianfateinsuchextent that the parents forbade their children to speak Hungarian. This phenomenon was unimaginableamongtheemigrantsofthepreviouswaves(Várdy2000). TheemigrationwaveaftertheHungarianRevolutionof1956wasthelastinwhich massofHungariansarrivedintheUnitedStateswithinawell-definedtime-frame.Inthe following decades, none of the groups immigrated in such number and in such an organizedway.

the sixth emigration wave (1957–1990)

Priortotheregimechange,hundredsofHungariansimmigratedtotheUnitedStates from Hungary and the Hungarian-inhabited areas of the neighbouring countries. The number of the emigrated Hungarians increased considerably in the years of regime changesinvariousCentralandEasternEuropeancountries.Attheturnof1989and 1990,thousandsofHungariansemigratedfromtheareasofTransylvaniaandthePar- tium of Romania. During the Yugoslav Wars, the number of Hungarian refugees emigratedfromCroatiaandSerbiaincreasedradically.

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Intheexaminedperiod,statesupportwasalsogiventotheHungarianlanguage, education in schools, issuance of publications in Hungarian, organisation of ethnic festivalswhichhadapositiveimpactontheidentityofthesecondandthirdgenerations andtheincreasednumberofpeoplestartedtoexploretheiroriginandtodiscoverand declaretheirHungarianethnicidentity.Manyoftheyoungpeopleexpl oringtheirroots triedtoexpresstheHungarianidentitythroughfolkdance.Therefore,theethnicidentity wasexpressedusingsymbolsandtraditions(András1983;Hoppál1989).Lookingatthe years of the period between 1957 and 1990, it can be concluded that the third generationstartedtoreactpositivelyagaintothevaluesoftheimmigrantgenerations. The cultural heritage and Hungarian consciousness were explored, qualified as value, undertaken and declared by the third generation, which were usually ashamed and opposedbythesecondgeneration(Fejős1993).Sincethe1960sand1970s,besides positive effects, negative processes also affected the Hungarian–Americans, as the Hungarianneighbourhoodsstartedtodecay.

the seventh emigration wave (from the regime change to the present)

AftertheregimechangesofCentralandEasternEuropesofar,theHungarianshave emigratedmainlyforeconomicreasonsinthehopeofbetterlivingconditions.Inthe recentyears,thereasonsforworkingabroadweresimilartothoseattheturnofthe 19–20century:economicrecession,unemploymentofyoungpeople,jobinsecurity.At present,thereisahighprobabilitythatmostoftheHungariansgettingajobintheUSA leavetheirhomelandpermanently. The participants of the present emigration wave differ from the others in many aspects.OneofthemaindifferencesisthefactthattheimmigratedHungariansoften liveinhiding,theydon’toftenseekfortheHungarianorganisationsand,inmanycases, they don’t work according to their profession. On the other hand, thanks to the developmentofthemassmedia,itiseasiertocommunicateandgetinformationabout thenewsandit’seasierandfastertofollowtheeventsofHungary.Sincethe1990s,the Hungarian–AmericanshavebeenabletovisitHungaryforashorterorlongerperiod moreeasilywhichalsohasapositiveimpactonthepreservationandexperienceofthe Hungarianentity(Bába2015). By now the appearance of the multiple ethnic identity among the people of Hungarianoriginismoreandmorefrequentsinceitisavoluntary,chosenidentitywith theoriginwhichdoesn’trequiretheknowledgeoftheHungarianlanguage.Therefore, the knowledge of the Hungarian language does not require the experience the Hungarianidentity,itcouldbedefinedinEnglishaswell,sincethenationalconsciousness isnotrelatedtolanguageknowledgeinmanycases(Eriksen2008).Thus,theethnic identityrelatedtotheHungariancommunity(origin)maybedeeplyrooteddespitethe absenceofHungarianlanguageknowledge,butitisnotnecessarytoappearineveryday life,itcanbemanifestedinsymbols:clothing,habits,folkdances.Thissymbolicethnicity

72 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES is manifested through occasional and optional gestures and practices that can be interpretedasthesymbolicexpressionsoftherelationtothetraditionofcommunityof origin(Horváth2006).Thus,thesedays,theHungarianlanguagehasnolongeraprimary identitymarkingroleforthethirdandfourthgenerationsoftheHungarian-Americans. Instead, secondary symbols such as Hungarian costumes, holidays, music, and eating habits are in the foreground which also have significant impact on the church and communitylifeoftoday(Bartha1993).

hungarian civil and church organisations in the usA

The Hungarian neighbourhoods (colonies) i.e. the churches, cultural organisations (associations, Hungarian houses, libraries) and the associated schools, press products (printed, electronic), choirs, (folk) dance, music dramatics groups and scout troops establishedandmaintainedbythemarethemostsignificantmanifestations,areasand opportunities of the Hungarian identity for the ethnic Hungarians living in the USA. However,thechurches,organisationsandtheirassociatedinstitutionsarenotonlythe opportunities for manifestation, but also the spaces of ethnic socialization since the ethnicidentityisdevel opedthrough,amongotherthings,theculture(Hoppál1989).

hungarian colonies (settlements, neighbourhoods)

Between 1867 and 1920, emigrants settled mainly on the north-eastern coast, in steel and industrial centres and mining towns (New York, New Brunswick, Passaic, Trenton,PerthAmboy,Pittsburgh,Bethlehem,Cleveland,Toledo,Bridgeport,Chicago,Det- roit),sincemostofthemfoundworkinmines,ironworks,textileandporcelainfactories aswellassteelandbrickworks.Asaresult,mostHungarian–Americanslivedinthe emigrantdistrictsofbigcities,smallerindustrialtownsandminingareasattheturnof the19thand20thcenturies(Várdy2000).ThetwolargestcoloniesdevelopedinNew YorkandCleveland.ThetypeoftheHungarianneighbourhoodswashighlyinfluenced bytheemigrants’socialbackground.Skilledworkers,craftsmen,merchantsandasmall number of intellectuals arrived in big cities (New York, Cleveland, Chicago), while peasantsandimpoverishedpeoplemovedtominingareasandtheperipheryofmining cities.Consideringtheidentity,itisimportanttonotethatthemembersofthelatter grouplivedincloseproximity,inblocks,inaformofclosecommunity.Therefore,the diaspora communities were made up of peoplecomingfromsameareaaswellas relativesandfriendswhichfunctionedasastabilizationfactor(Puskás1982).Emigrants coming from different Hungarian villages settled in the same place so they could maintainthecontinuityoftheircommunitywhichledtothedevelopmentoftheso- calledHungariancolonies(SommersetStreetinNewBrunswick,BuckeyeRoadinCleve- land,Houston,the14thStreet,theSecondAvenueandtheareaborderedbytheEast

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River in New York) (Fejős 1993; Bertalan 1996). The inhabitants of the Hungarian neighbourhoodsstartedtobuildchurcheswhicharestillvisibletoday,toestablishschools and newspapers and to create Hungarian organisations on their own in the neighbourhoods. BetweenthetwoWorldWars,theimmigrantswerelesslikelytosettleinthecolonies althoughitwastheperiodwhenthecoloniesofseveralthousandsofHungarianshave been flourishing since their privacy and segregation helped the promotion of the Hungarianidentityandculture(Bartha1993). TheHungarianneighbourhoodsstartedtodecayduetothecrisisofsteelindustryin the1960sand1970sandthelossesofjobs.Themajoritymovedawayinthehopeof findingnewworkplacesandthosewholivedatplaceswithexistingjobopportunities movedtothegreenbeltsandwenttoworktothecitycentres(Nagy1984).Asaresult, theHungariancoloniesweresignificantlyreduced,manyofthemcompletelyemptied, soonlythenameofthestreets,districts,thestatuesandepitaphsinthecemeteries indicatetheonceflourishingHungarianlife.

hungarian associations and organisations

Thefirstmajororganisationswereestablishedattheturnofthe19th–20thcenturies mainlyassickandbenevolentassociations.Fatalaccidentsoftenoccurredinwhichmany workerslosttheirlivesorbecamedisabled.Theworkers,thewidowsandtheorphans could not count on the support of the employers or the government, so the cooperationoftheworkersandfamilieswasnecessary.Theestablishedorganisations providedpatientcare,funeralorwidowandorphanageaidsintheeventofdeathfor monthlyfee.Intheinitialperiod,theseassociationswereestablishedbyethnicgroups coming from and emigrated to the same place. Subsequently, the local groups concentratedindifferentalliancesofwhichmajoritywereorganizedonnationalbasis, while their minority on national-religion basis, many of them have been operated at present too, for example, the Hungarian American Reformed Federation of America (AmerikaiMagyarReformátusEgyesület)(Várdy2000). Theindustrialworkersestablishedclubsandcommunitycentresaccordingtotheir profession then they set up the First Hungarian Workers’ Sick and Benevolent Association(ElsőMagyarMunkásBetegsegélyezőEgylet)in1898.Aftertheturnofthe century,neworganisationsweresetupbecausemoreandmoreHungariansarrivedin theUSA.Tocreatenationalnetwork,theorganisationsexpandedandbrancheswere formedinvariouscities(Puskás1982).888sickandbenevolent,110sickandloungeand 48sickandself-studyassociationsoperatedalreadyin1910(Hoffmann1911). Numerousgroupsandassociationsweresetuptoraisemoneyfortheemployment of pastors or building and maintaining of temples. In addition to patient aid, these organisationsbecamethecentresofcommunitylife.Theemigrantswantedtospend theirfreetimeineachother’scompanywithentertainingactivitiesand,forthisreason,

74 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES varioussocial,cultural,dramatics,athleticsandpatrioticassociations,musicandself-study clubsweresoonestablished.Theself-studyclubsweresetupmainlyforstudentsto make them open to the promotion of the Hungarian culture. The established associations played a significant role in preserving the ethnic identity of the second generationyoungHungarians(Kende1927).Protectionofinterests,provisionoffinancial andmoralsupports,jobrecruitment,spreadofeducationandcultureorestablishment ofHungariancollectionsinpubliclibrariesfortheemigrantswerethemainpurposesof someassociations. Emigrantsarrivingbetweenthetwoworldwars,joinedtothepreviouslyestablished organisations (they often took over the management as well) which resulted refreshmentandreplenishmentand,ontheotherhand,theHungariansofthiswavealso setuptheirowncommunitiesandorganisations(Puskás1970).Thepeoplearrivingwith thisemigrationwavenolongerdependedontheHungariancommunityeitherbecause oftheirworkorinterestofculture.Comparedtothefirstyearsofthe20thcentury,the social institutions and supply systems were been developed by the 1930s, so the immigrantsdidn’thavetofoundorganisationsforself-aidwhichresulted25%decrease in the number of sick and benevolent associations (Puskás 1982). The number of organisationsalsoreducedbecausetheassociationsmergedastheirmembersdiedor gotolder.Thus,manyHungarianorganisationsfoundedinthe1900sand1910sbecame nationwidebythe1940s. The formerly established organisations with ethnic background were flourishing in the1920sand1930s.Inseveralsettlements“HungarianHouses”wereintiatedtoserve asahomeforvariousgroups,clubs,meetingsandevents.Comparedtothesickand benevolent associations, the number of cultural, social, music and sports associations considerablyincreased(Kende1927).Itwasanimportantchangeinthisperiodthatthe first generation emigrates realized that, besides Hungarian, the introduction and the usageofEnglishlanguageintheorganisationswasindispensableforthedevelopment andpreservationoftheHungarianethnicconsciousnessforthegenerationborninthe USA.Thus,theinstitutionsoperatinginHungarianalsoensuredmorespacefortheEng- lish language (Várdy 1991). The ambivalent relationship between the values of the secondorthirdgenerationsandthevaluesandculturaltraditionsoftheirparentsand grandparents became an important social issue between the two world wars. The membersofthefirstgenerationgotolder,theirnumberdecreasedandthisdemographic changeledtomoreintensegenerationconflicts(Fejős1992). TherefugeesofthetwowavesaftertheWorldWarIIsignificantlydifferedfromone anotherwhichhadaseriousimpactontheHungarianorganisationalandassociationlife. TheyneitherjoinedtheHungarianorganisationsnorintegratedtotheHungarian–Ameri- cansociety.Hungariansemigratedin1945setupnewapolitical,cultural,traditionaland socialorganisationsfromwhichScoutinghasplayedakeyrolesofarintheformation and preservation, moreover the expression and experience of the Hungarian ethnic identity.However,thestrengtheningoftheScoutingledtothedecayoftheHungarian parochialandweekendschools.

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Picture1.HungarianHeritageCenterinNewBrunswick

Source: OwnPhoto.

Hungariansemigratedin1945alsosetuptheirownorganisations.InJuly1948,the Hungarian National Council (Magyar Nemzeti Bizottmány) was founded the main objectiveofwhichwastoprovideintellectualandpoliticalguidanceforthediaspora. TheCounciloperatedtheRadioFreeEurope/RadioLibertyandPublisherCompany(Sza- bad Európa Rádió és Kiadóvállalat) financed by the government of the USA. Nevertheless, there were no masses behind the organisations established for political purposes,sotheycouldnotexistforlong(Puskás1970;Várdy2000). AftertheoutbreakoftheRevolutionof1956,theHungarianorganisationsjoined theirforcestohelptherefugees.Theseemigrants,however,alsodifferedconsiderably from the previous groups in terms of ideology and social views. Accordingly, the emigrantsof1956foundedneworganisations,buttheassimilationamongthemwas ratherhigh.OneofitspossiblereasonsmaybethattheirHungarianethnicandreligious identitiesweren’tasstrongasofthepreviousgroups. ImmigrantsarrivedaftertheRevolution,inthe1960sand1970sbroughtrenewaland replenishmenttotheorganisationsthathadbeenoperatingforalongtime,butthey alsosetuppredominantlyculturalandtraditionalorganisationsandfolk-dancegroups. Numerous scout troops, which have been still operating, founded in those decades. Scoutinggavethecommunityexperienceinplayfulandethicallygroundedmannerso itsresults,inmanycases,lastedlongerthanthatoftheHungarianschools(Tezla1987).It isobservablethatthosewhowerescoutsasachildarestillthemembersoffolkdance

76 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES groups, speak Hungarian and participate in the organisation of the Hungarian issues. Scouting,therefore,effectivelydevelopedandpreservedtheHungarianidentityofthe youngpeopleinthelastfiftyyears. LikeScouting,thefolk-dancegroupswerealsoflourishinginthe1960s,1970sand 1980s.FolkdanceandfolkmusicmaybeastronglinktotheHungariancultureand rootsfortheyoungpeoplebecausethenativelanguagewasoftensupersededbyEng- lishfromonegenerationtothenext,butthetraditionsofmusicanddancewerepassed on to the next generation. Since these traditions don’t require the knowledge of Hungarianlanguage,theywereoftenadoptedbythenon-Hungarianfamilymembers (Magyar 1980). So nowadays, the second, the third and the fourth-generation descendantswhodon’tspeakHungariancanexploretheirparents’andgrandparents’ culturalheritageaswellasexpressandexperiencetheHungarianethnicidentitythrough folkdance.Therefore,itplaysakeyroleinthemanifestationofethnicidentity,sincethe Hungarian culture not only exists in the native language, but also in other ways of expression,sotodaythereisahugepotentialintheteachingandlearningoffolkdance.

Picture2.ScouthouseinWashington

Source: OwnPhoto.

Fromthe1990son,thenewpredominantlyyoungemigrantshavejoinedinformal organisationsinlesserextent.Despitejoiningtoorganisations,theseyoungpeoplewho oftenliveinillegalitymeetandcommunicatewithoneanothermainlyviainternetorin clubs.Atpresent,duetothesongs,musichitsandtheatreperformanceswhichareall

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availableviainternetforallages,thereisnotmuchneedforaplaceorclubwherethe HungarianscangettogetherandlistentoHungarianmusic,enjoyHungariancuisineand theatreperformancesorenlivenHungariantraditions. Despite the above trends, new cultural, traditional organisations or unions are still organizedtoday,sotherearehundredsofcultural,traditionalorganisations,unions,charitiesas wellasHungarianHouses,libraries,museums,scoutingandfolk-danceclubs.Italsoindicates thatdespitetheageingHungarianpopulation,therearesuccessorsfromthenewemigrants andfromthedescendantsofemigrantswhoexploretheirrootsandHungarianidentity.

hungarian churches

IntheUSA,churchesandthestateareoperatedinaseparateway.Taxisnotcollected andstatesubsidiesarenotprovidedforthechurchessotheyoperateinself-sustaining way.Churchmembersbelongingtodifferentdenominationscommitthemselvestopay regularmembershipfeesandmanyofthemhelpwithdonationsaswell.

Picture3.ReformedChurchinNewBrunswick

Source: OwnPhoto.

ThefirstchurchoperatinginHungarianlanguagewasestablishedinNewYorkin1852 byGedeonÁcs,aReformedpastor.Therewerealsobelieversofotherdenominations amongthemembersofthecongregation(Ács1964;Várdy2000).

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ThefirstlargeChristianchurcheswereestablishedinthe1890s(Cleveland,May1891, Pittsburgh July 1881, South Norwalk 1893) (Komjáthy 1984). In the 1880s and 1890s, churchlifeanditstraditionsformedanintegralpartoftheemigrants’lives.Thechurch had a significant place among the emigrants so they also longed for preaching, community and Hungarian language in their new settlements. The development of church communities commenced with the establishment of sick and benevolent associationsbecausethebelievershadtobegatheredatfirstandthentheconstruction ofthetemplescouldbestarted(Kende1927).ThefirstReformedChurcheswerebuiltin Pittsburgh(1892)andCleveland(1894). The Hungarian–American Reformed Church was organized by Ferenc Ferenczy whose idea was to create the so-ca lled “mother churches”, centres and the pastors workedfromthereinthescatteredmissions.Aftertheturnofthecenturythefollowing centres existed: Cleveland, Pittsburgh, South Norwalk, Trenton, Bridgeport, New York, Chicago.Forfiveyears,Ferenczysetupnearly40missionstations,whichlaterbecame “motherchurches”(Komjáthy1984). The Reformed Hungarians living in the United States of America established the HungarianAmericanReformedChurchoftheUnitedStates(AmerikaiMagyarReformá- tusEgyházmegye)in1896andaskeditslegitimationfromtheReformedChurchinthe United States which was failed. For this reason, the established congregations were operatedundertheauthoritiesofthePresbyterianandtheReformedChurches.Finally,in NewYorkinautumnof1904,sixreformedcongregationsfoundedtheHungarianAme- ricanReformedChurch(AmerikaiMagyarReformátusEgyházmegye)belongingtothe ReformedChurchinHungary(MagyarországiReformátusEgyház).Thefoundationofthe ChurchdividedtheHungarianReformedCommunityastherewerecongregationsthat did not join to it. The Reformed Convent of Hungary supported the churches, contributedtothepaymentofthepastorsandtheconstructionofchurches(Puskás 1982;Bába2015). TheGovernmentofHungarytriedtopreservethenationalentityandconsciousness oftheemigrants,toencouragethebelieverstoreturntothechurchesandtosupport the establishment of Hungarian press and schools primarily through the Reformed Church(Tezla1987). Thepriestsbecamethespiritualleaders of the Hungarian communities thanks to theireducationandreadingbackground.Thebelieversreceivedassistanceandadvicein solvingtheircivilissuesfromthepastors.Thus,thepastorsplayedkeyrolenotonlyin organizingparishesbutalsointheintellectualguidanceofthecommunities,theywere themissionariesoftheHungarianidentitybesidesthefaith,andthisdualvocationmade theirpositionextremelyimportant(Puskás1982). It was more difficult to organize the churches for the Hungarian Roman Catholic congregationsduetotheuniversalityofreligionbelongingtoRome.TheIrishpresbyters’ ambitionforassimilationoftheHungariancongregationsworsenedthesituation.The firstparishwasjointlyestablishedbytheSlovakiansandHungariansinHazelton,Pennsyl- vaniainthe1880s.ThefirstHungarianRomanCatholicchurchandparishwasfounded

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byKárolyBöhminClevelandinDecember1892.Inthefollowingyears,Catholicparishes and churches were organized in South Bend, Bridgeport, Lorain, New York, New Brunswick,andChicago.Thecongregationsdidnotreceiveanysupportforconstruction oftemplesfromeithertheAmericanortheHungarianCatholicChurch.Nevertheless,the numberofCatholicchurcheswasfortyin191 4(Török1978;Várdy2000). ThefirstHungarianGreekCatholicparishandchurchwasfoundedin1892inCleve- land,andtheirtemplewasbuiltin1893.ThefirstchurchesofHungarianBaptistswere established in Cleveland, Homestead and Bridgeport at the turn of the century. The HungarianBaptistConventionofAmerica(AmerikaiMagyarBaptistaSzövetség)andthe HungarianBaptistSeminaryofAmerica(AmerikaiMagyarBaptistaSzeminárium)were foundedin1908.ThefirstLutheranchurchwasalsoorganizedinClevelandunderthe authority of the United Lutheran Church of America in 1905, and other seven congregationsweresetupuntiltheWorldWar I.TheorganisationoftheHungarian Jewish communities were also commenced at the turn of the century. The first HungarianJewishsynagoguewasformedinChicagoin1907andthensynago gueswere organized in New Brunswick, New York, Pittsburgh, Chicago, Detroit, St. Louis and Bridgeport,buttheysoonassimilatedtotheAmericanJewishsynagogues(Puskás1982). Initially, the congregations of all churches gathered in temples and community premisesrentedfromothernationalities.But,theysoonbuilttheirownbuildingswhich, inmanycases,resembledcertaintemplesofHungary. TheethnicidentitycloselylinkedtoreligiousidentityintheUSA,andthereforethe Hungariancommunityspaceandlifedevelopedpredominantlyaroundthechurches.The immigrantsarrivingtotheUSAaroundtheturnofthecenturyneededsuchachurch andcommunitylifewhichreplacedtheirlosthomeland.Thus,theconnectionbetween thesurvivalchancesandaspirationsofthechurchesandtheHungarianswastypical.Itis still observable that the churches form community spaces in the basement of the templesforsocialevents.Theseeventsserveddualpurposeineachperiod.Ontheone hand,theparticipantscouldexperiencethesocialhabitsandnationaltraditionsthrough which opportunity was provided for meeting, socializing and strengthening the Hungarianidentity.Ontheotherhand,theseeventsservedforfund-raisingtotemple constructionandmaintenanceaswellastothepaymentofthepastors(Kende1927).In the Hungarian American churches, Hungarian identity was given at least the same priorityasreligionanddenominationsotheseparishescanbeconsideredasnational institutions too as opposed to the churches in Hungary where mainly religion was emphasised.HungariansformedaminorityintheAmericansettlementswhichresulted theprimaryimportanceofpromotingthenationalconsciousness.Tothisend,schools fortheeducationofyoungHungarianshavebeencreatedbyvariouschurches(Várdy 2000;Bába2015). In the first decades of the 20th century, the liturgy of the churches had to be changed.In1917and1918,thefirstpsalmodyandsongbookwereissuedwhichwere notthesameasthoseusedinHungaryandtheycontainedtheHungariantranslations ofEnglishchurchsongsforfourvoices.

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TheHungarianemigrantsoperated65Reformed,morethan50RomanCatholic,8 Greek Catholic and 8 Lutheran, and some Baptist churches between 1880 and 1920 (Puskás1982). Theperiodbetweenthetwoworldwarsalsobroughtchangesinthelifeofthe churches,especiallyoftheReformedchurches.Theso-calledTiffinAgreementof 1921 joined all the Reformed churches operating in the USA to the Reformed Church of AmericawhichresultedtheformationoftheHungarianAmericanReformedin Trentonon5thAugust1928.Inthisperiod,thechurchesalsoendeavouredtoadaptto theAmericanconditionsandtochangetheiractivitiessimilarlytotheassociations.The behaviourofthenewergenerationsdependedtoalargeextentonthefactwhetherthe younger generation found the same morale and atmosphere in their own churches whichsurroundedthemineverydaylife.Theleadersofthechurchesrecognizedthat withoutreformtheywouldlosetheyouth,thefuturepromotersofthechurches.While inthe1920stherewereonlyafewReformedchurcheswherethechurchservice,besides Hungarian, was conducted in English, in the second half of the 1930s an increasing numberofchurchesbecomebilingual.Thedifferentchurcheswantedtomaintainthe Hungarianidentityevenamongthosewhodidn’tspeakHungarian(Máthé1942).The variousdenominationshavebeenfollowingthisprinciplesofar. Between 1920 and 1940, hundreds of Hungarian weekend and summer schools operatedwithintheframeworkofchurchesandnumerousnewReformedtemplesand parsonageswereconstructed(Kun1929). AlthoughtheemigrantsofthetwowavesaftertheWorldWarIIreplenishedthe various churches, they formed separate groups. The newcomers established new parishesinmanyplacesandsomechurchesbuiltlargertemplesduetotheincreased congregations.However,attheturnofthe1940sand1950s,Hungariansmovedfrom somesettlementsand,atthesametime,theHungariancoloniesstartedtodecaywhich ledtothedecayofthechurchlife.Manychurchesended,numeroustemplesweresold and,incertainsettlements,thedepopulatingchurchesweremergedintootherparishes. Theprocessesthathadstartedearlierwidespread,theliturgybecamebilingualinmany churches(Újszászy1995). TherefugeesoftheRevolutionof1956replenishedthechurchesaswell.Hungarians emigratedaftertherevolutiondidnothaveasstrongreligiousidentityastheemigrants ofthepreviouswaves,nevertheless,therewerechurcheswhichwereflourishingatthat timethankstothenewcomers. Thecrisisofthesteelindustryinthe1960sand1970sandthelossofjobsresulted the major changes in the life of the churches. The number of congregations of thousandsdecreased,thetempleswith400–800seatswereemptiedandsold.Italso posed a serious challenge to the churches that the second and mainly the third generations didn’t speak their parents’ language which led to the spread of English languagechurchservices.Nevertheless,thechurcheshavebeenimportantareasforthe manifestationoftheHungarianconsciousness,sincetheyhavenolongerpreservedthe Hungarianlanguage,butthealsoimportantHungarianidentity(Újszászy1995).

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Table1.TheAmericanHungarianorganizations

Organisation Contacts Massachusettsi Belmont;1617-383-4848;[email protected]; MagyarEgyesület http://www.bostonhungarians.org/

MITMagyarEgyesület– Boston; HungarianAssociation http://web.mit.edu/hungarians/www/

HungarianCulturalSociety Cheshire; ofConnecticut [email protected];http://www.hcsc.us/

AmericanHungarian ChevyChase;1-301657-4758; EducatorsAssociation [email protected] TheHungarianClubofTriangl e Durham;[email protected];http://www.nchungarians.org/ Carolinas Elkin;http://www.meetup.com/The-Carolinas-Hungarian-Group/; HungarianGroup https://www.facebook.com/CarolinasHungarians?fref=ts

Feasterville-Trevose;1-215-357-9851;[email protected]; United http://www.ughclub.us/; GermanHungarians https://www.facebook.com/GermanHungarians

TheHungarian–American Gre enwich;1-203869-3114; EnterpriseScholarshipFund http://www.haesf.org/ ErdélyiBizottság Milford;1-203878-3943

NewBrunswick;1-732-846-5777; American http://www.ahfoundation.org/; Hungarian https://www.facebook.com/American-Hungarian-Foundation- Foundation AHF-173956049282230/timeline/

Csűrdöngölő– NewBrunswick; HungarianFolkDance [email protected];http://www.csurfolk.org/; EnsembleofNewBrunswick https://www.facebook.com/csurfolk?fref=ts HungarianAlumniAssociation NewBrunswick;[email protected];http://www.hhrf.org/bessenyei/magyar.htm AmericanHungarian NewBrunswick;1201-836-4869; FolklorCentrum http://magyar.org/ MagyarReformátusEgyház NewBrunswick;http://magyarreformedchurch.com Hungarian NewBrunswick;1732-545-8519; American [email protected];http://www.magyarklub.com/; AthleticClub https://www.facebook.com/nbmagyarklub

MagyarNők NewBrunswick; AmerikaiSzervezete 1-609-395-7141

Hungarian NewYork;1-212-289-5488; HumanRights [email protected];http://www.hhrf.org/hhrf/; Foundation https://www.facebook.com/groups/53158354334/?fref=ts

NewYork NewYork;1212249-9360;[email protected]; Hungarian http://magyarhaz.org/;https://www.facebook.com/pages/ House Magyar-Haz-New-York/163676627048271?fref=ts

Manhattan NewYork;[email protected] HungarianNetwork http://manhattanhungarians.org/

NewYork-iElsőMagyar NewYork;http://elsoreformat.us; ReformátusEgyház 1(212)7345252;[email protected]

Source: Ownconstruction.

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Table1.(Continuation)TheAmericanHungarianorganizations

Organisation Contacts NewYork-i NewYork;(212)7343139 FüggetlenMagyar [email protected]; Református http://reformatus82.blogspot.com Egyház BalassiInstitute NewYork;1-2127504450;[email protected]; Hungarian http://www.newyork.balassiintezet.hu/en/; CulturalCenter https://www.facebook.com/HCCNY

First NewYork;1212-288-5002;[email protected]; Hungarian http://www.clubonkepzo.com/FHLS.htm;Soc/101379729929398?fref=ts; Literary https://www.facebook.com/pages/First-Hungarian-Literary- Society Soc/101379729929398?fref=ts

NorthNewfound-land;1-973874-0384; KülföldiMagyar [email protected];http://www.kmcssz.org/; MagyarCserkészszövetség https://www.facebook.com/kmcssz?fref=ts MagyarOtthon Philadelphia; HungarianClub 1-2159699446 MagyarBaráti Southington; Közösség 1-2032723345 KeletiCsoportja Magyar Stamford;1-203-357-7614; KörnyezetvédelmiAlap [email protected];http://belaliptakpe.com/ Hungarian WashingtonD.C.;1202-296-9505; American [email protected]; Coalition http://www.hacusa.org/

TheHungary WashingtonD.C.;12027332263; Initiatives [email protected];http://www.hungaryfoundation.org/; Foundation https://www.facebook.com/thehungaryinitiativesfoundation?fref=ts

HungarianAmerican WashingtonD.C.;[email protected]; Foundation http://www.hungarianamerica.com/contact.php KulturálisAlapítvány WashingtonD.C.;1-703827-5719 Erdélyért KossuthHáz WashingtonD.C.;1-202328-2630; KultúrKlub [email protected] AmerikaiMagyarok WashingtonD.C.;1-202966-3220; OrszágosSzövetsége [email protected];www.americanhungarianfederation.org 4.sz.BátoriJózsef WashingtonD.C.;adrienne@mysl enski.com; cserkészcsapat [email protected];http://www.dccserkesz.org WashingtoniMagyar WashingtonD.C.;http://hungarianreformedchurchdc.org; ReformátusEgyház (703)444-2048;[email protected] Hungarian Trenton;(609)989-9455; ReformedChurch http://hrctrenton.org

Source: Ownconstruction.

Since the 1990s, the churches of former immigrants have become increasingly territorialgatheringtheresidentsofcertainurbanareas,notthebelieversofthesame ethnicidentity.Unfortunately,manychurcheshadtobeclosedorsoldinrecentyears

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duetothedecliningnumberofbelievers,On1stJanuary201 4theSt. LadislausChurchin NewBrunswick(NewBrunswick-iSzentLászló-templom)foundedin1904wasclosed which used to be the home to many nationalities. In August 2015, The Church of St. StephenofHungaryinNewYork(NewYork-iSzentIstvánRómaiKatolikusTemplom) dedicatedin1928wasclosedbytheAmericanArchbishopric. Nowadays, because of unfavourable demographic changes and the migration, the churchesandtheirderogationsaremaintainedbyonly15–70believersinmanyplaces. TheyspeakandconductthechurchservicesonlyinEnglishinmanychurches,however, it’s typical in the Catholic and Reformed English church services that the songs are chantedinHungarianlanguage.Basedonthepastors’andparishioners’accounts,itcan be concluded that members of the third and fourth generations are aware of their Hungariandescent,theygotoHungarianchurches,buttheydon’tspeakHungarian.The believershavethepossibilitytotakepartinHungarianaswellasEnglishliturgiesinmany churches, but it’s a growing trend to attend the English church services. So, the descendant generations remain within ethnic ties to a certain extent and thus they preservetheiridentity(Bába2015). Bythe21stcentury,mainlychurchesoperatingintheeasterncoastsoftheUSAcould retaintheirHungarianmajorityandtheHungarianlanguage,sincethisisthepartofthe country to which the Hungarian immigrants i.e. the potential new members of the derogations are continuously arriving which resulted the high fluctuation in these churches. Thus, the ethnic continuity of the church life strongly depends on the possibilityofcontinuousreplenishment.However,incontrasttothepreviousemigration waves,thenewcomersarelessinvolvedinthechurchlife,asmostofthemcomefrom anenvironmentwheretheyhavelittleornocontactwiththechurch.Contrarytothe Hungariansemigratedattheendofthe19thandtheearly20thcenturies,itisnota priorityfornewcomerstoseekthechurch.

summary

Today,theHungariansdon’tliveinblocksinanyofthesettlementsoftheUSA,but theparishes,scoutingtroops,schoolsandculturalcentresoperatedbychurches,various associationsandorganisationsarevisitedbymanyHungarians.Itcanbestatedthatthe Hungariancommunitylifeisstillactiveinthesettlementswherethechurchesarenotthe exclusivecentresoftheHungarianethniclife,buttherearealsoawiderangeofcultural, traditionalandeducationalassociationswhichoperateparallellyandinharmonywith thosechurches. Therefore, the Hungarian organisations posed the areas of manifestation and experience of the ethnic identity and they have been strengthening the community cohesioninthelastoneandahalfcenturies.Duringourfortnightstudyvisit,wecould alsoexperiencethatthoseHungarianorganisationsandinstitutionscanbemaintained permanentlywhichintegratedintoandbecamecompatiblewiththemajoritysociety

84 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES and therefore they were accepted. In our opinion, it is the reason for success and popularityofscoutingamongtheyouthofHungarianorigin.Therefore,itmustintegrate intothelocalstructurestosurvive. ExaminingthevariousChristianchurches,itcanbestatedthatthechurchservicesand eventsinthediasporaarestillimportantcommunityeventstoday.Theyaretheevents ofmeeting,socializingandexperiencingtheHungarianidentitysincethereweresome who can experience it only in the churches. The overseas Hungarian parishes and churches have been not only religious, but also cultural, social and Hungarian ethnic centressincetheirfoundation.Thechurchesstillplayanimportantroleinthecohesion of emigrants, the organisation and maintenance of communities as well as in strengthening,maintainingandexperiencingtheHungarianidentityofemigrantsand theirdescendants.

references

Ács,Tivadar(1964):Magyarokazészak-amerikaipolgárháborúban1861–1865. Budapest:PannóniaKiadó. András,Károly(1983):Nyelvébenélanemzet?ÚjLátóhatár, 34.,(4.),433–447. Bába,Szilvia(2015):Magyaridentitásatengerentúlidiaszpórában.Doktoriértekezés.Pécs:PécsiTudományegyetem BölcsészettudományiKar. Bartha,Csilla(1993):Nyelvhasználatésgenerációkösszefüggéseadetroitimagyarban.Hungarológia,(3.),40–51. Bertalan,Imre(1996):Azújrakezdésnépe.Azamerikaimagyarreformátusságszázéve.Budapest:ProtestAlapítvány. Borbándi,Gyula(1989):Amagyaremigrációéletrajza1945 –1 985.I-II.kötet.Budapest:EurópaKiadó. C.Tóth,János(2010):Oldottkéve.(Amagyarkisebbségikérdéstörténelmiáttekintése).Budapest:KairoszKiadó. Dániel,Ferenc–Orosz,István(1988):Ah,Amerika.Dokumentumokakivándorlásról1896–1914.Budapest:Gondolat Kiadó. Eriksen,ThomasHylland(2008):Etnicitásésnacionalizmus.Antropológiaimegközelítések.Budapest–Pécs:Gondolat Kiadó–PTEKommunikáció-ésMédiatudományiTanszék. Fejős,Zoltán(1992):MagyargyökerekAmerikában.Valóság, 35.,(4.),73–82. Fejős,Zoltán(1993):Achicagóimagyarokkétnemzedéke18 9 0 –1 940.Azetnikaiörökségmegőrzéseésváltozása. Budapest:TelekiLászlóAlapítvány,KözépEurópaIntézet. Frank,Tibor(1981):Emigrációésremigráció.VisszavándorlásazEgyesültÁllamokbólaszázadfordulón.FilológiaiKöz- löny, 27.,(1 –2.),140–146. Hoffmann,Géza(1911):Csonkamunkásosztály.Azamerikaimagyarság.Budapest:AMagyarKözgazdaságiTársaság. Hoppál,Mihály(ed.)(1989):Tanulmányokazamerikai–magyaretnikushagyományokról.FolklórArchívum,18.kötet, Budapest:MTANéprajziKutatóCsoport. Horváth,István(2006):Kisebbségszociológia.Alapfogalmakéskritikaiperspektívák.Kolozsvár:KolozsváriEgyetemi Kiadó. Kende,Géza(1927):MagyarokAmerikában.Azamerikaimagyarságtörténete,1583 –1 926.I-II.kötet,Cleveland. Kitanics,Máté(2008):AKárpát-medenceetnikaiváltozásaia15–1 8.században,különöstekintettelahorvátbeáram- lásra.In:Reményi,Péter–Szebényi,Anita(eds.):Anagyterekpolitikaiföldrajza.V.MagyarPolitikaiFöldrajziKon- ferencia,Pécs:PécsiTudományegyetemTermészettudományiKarFöldrajziIntézet.335–349. Komjáthy,Aladár(1984):Akitántorgottegyház.Budapest:ReformátusZsinatiIrodaSajtóosztálya. Kosáry,Domonkos(1942):Azamerikaimagyarság1941-ben.MagyarSzemle,13–21. Kun,Andor(1929):Megmenthetők-eazAmerikaiEgyesültÁllamokmagyarjaiamagyarságnak?MagyarSzemle,VII., 15–24. Lados, Gábor–Hegedűs, Gábor (2016): Returning home: An evaluation of Hungarian return migration. Hungarian GeographicalBulletin,65.,(4.),321–330. Magyar,Kálmán(1980):AmagyarnéptáncAmerikában.In:Imre,Samu(ed.):Nyelvünkéskultúránkanagyvilágban. Cikkgyűjtemény.Budapest:NépművelésiPropagandaIroda.204–209.

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Makár,János(1977):Hittemezértszóltam.MagyarigehirdetésAmerikában. Cleveland:Aszerzőkiadása. Máthé, Elek (1942): Amerikai magyarok nyomában. Útirajz az amerikai magyarság települési térképével. Budapest:DanteKönyvkiadó. Nagy,Károly(1984):Magyarszigetvilágbanmaésholnap.NewYork:PüskiKönyvkiadó. Ónody,Éva(201 4):Idegencsillagokalatt.Tizenháromemigráns.Budapest:CédrusMűvészetiAlapítvány–NapkútKiadó. Papp.Z.Attila(2008):Beszédbőlvilág.Elemzések,adatokamerikaimagyarokról. Budapest:MagyarKülügyiIntézet. Puskás,Julianna(1970):MagyarszervezetekAmerikában.Az1860-asévektőlaz1960-asévekig.TörténelmiSzemle, 13.,(4.),528–568. Puskás,Julianna(1982):KivándorlómagyarokazEgyesültÁllamokban1880–1940. Budapest:AkadémiaiKiadó. Puskás,Julianna(1991):MigrációKelet-Közép-Európábana19.és20.században.Regio– KisebbségtudományiSzemle, 2.,(4.),http://epa.oszk.hu/00000/00036/00008/pdf/02.pdf Szántó,Miklós(1984):MagyarokAmerikában.Budapest:GondolatKiadó. Tezla, Albert. (ed.) (1987): „Valahol túl, meseországban…” Az amerikás magyarok 1895 –1 920. I-II. kötet, Buda- pest:EurópaKönyvkiadó. Tezla,Albert(ed.)(2005):„Egyszívvelkéthazában.”Azamerikásmagyarok189 5 –1 920.Budapest:CorvinaKiadó. Török,István(1978):KatolikusmagyarokÉszak-Amerikában.Youngstown:Katolikusmagyarokvasárnapja. Újszászy,Kálmán(1995):„Elindultamszéphazámbul…”(Azamerikaimagyarreformátusokmúltjáról,jelenéről,jövőjé- ről.)In:Kováts,Dániel(ed.):AKazinczyTársaságÉvkönyve7,TanulmányokÚjszászyKálmánemlékére.Szépha- lom.79–82. VáralljaiCsocsán,Jenő (1974): LapopulationdelaHongrieauXXe siècle. Párizs:Centrenationaledelarecherche statistique. Várdy,Béla(1991):Amagyarságtudatmegtartásáért:VerhovayTestvérsegítőEgyesület.Forrás,23.,(3.),63–69. Várdy,Béla(2000):MagyarokazÚjvilágban.Azészak-amerikaimagyarságrendhagyótörténete.Budapest:AMagyar NyelvésKultúraNemzetköziTársasága–AnyanyelviKonferencia.

jegyzet

1ThisstudywascarriedoutbyusingtheexperienceacquiredduringthevisitofHungariancommunitiesand institutionsoperatingthenorth-easternstatesoftheUSA(Maryland,Pennsylvania,Virginia,NewJerseyand NewYork)intheperiodbetween20and30October2015,aswellasinformationobtainedduringthepersonal meetingswithpersonsofHungarianidentity,institutionleaders,representativesandpastors.

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the identity preserving efforts of the hungAriAn diAsporA in AustrAliA through the exAmple of the hungAriAn community school in AdelAide

– OrDotheKangaroosJumpinHungarian?

Jenő Palotai–Ágnes Szabó–Ákos Jarjabka

interpretation of the connection between diaspora and migration

Interpreting diaspora as a social phenomenon (e.g. Power 1975; Sik–Tóth 1996; Lavie–Swedenburg1996;Brah2005;Mascitelli2016)theoristsinvestigatemainlyspatial mobility(Ma–Cartier2003;Blunt2007;Verstraete2010),settlement(Nagy2011)andthe sociologyandattitudeofmigrationcausingit(Richmond1988;Castles2003;Sik2012).In connection with the latter, beyond analysing the causes of migration, the identity preserving activities of descendants have also become a research area (Canagarajah 2012). The connection between diaspora and migration was analysed by several researchers (Bauböck–Faist 2010; Sik–Tóth 1996, 1998, 2000; Nagy 2011; Gazsó 2016) basedonpolitical,economic,socialandculturalaspects,whichhelpusconcludethe causesofmigration.Onthegroundoftheaboveconsiderations,ourstudyreviewsthe historyoftheHungariandiasporainAustraliaduringthelasttwocenturies(Kuncz1969, 1985,1997;Csiszár2003;OsvátK.–OsvátSz.2010),andhowHungariannationalidentity ispreservedinthefifthcontinent(Csiszár2003;Hatoss2006;OsvátK.–OsvátSz.2010). Itcanbeconcludedthatthepeoplingofthecontinent-sizedcountrywascyclical duringitshistory,whichcanbedrawnbacktodifferenteconomicandpoliticalreasons (Kuncz 1997), similar to the migration waves of other diasporas (Jacobson 2002; Guinnane2015).KunczandOsvátalsostatedintheirstudies(Kuncz1969,1985,1997; OsvátK.–OsvátSz.2010:1)thatlotsofpeoplewereattractedby’thehopeofnewlife’

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in thepastandpresent,however,theyunderlinetheglobalproblems,whichhitAustralia aswell. Observing the massive immigration data of the country, we can assume that immigrantsareaffectedbythelocalattractiveforces,whichistrueforHungariansas well. In our days a significant number of Hungarians live in Australia (approximately 67,000people)mainlyinthecitiesofSydney,Melbourne,Adelaide, Perthandintheir agglomerations(Gazsó2016:3).

the global characteristics of migration

Itcanbestatedthatmigrationiseithertriggeredbyconsiderablynegativepolitical andeconomicreasonsinthehomecountry(e.g.war)orpositiveeventsintherecipient country(e.g.landdistribution)(Manfrass1992).AtypicalexamplewastheIrish’Potato Crisis’between1846and1851(Donnelly2008),when3millionfarmersbecameruined becauseoftheeffectofthepotatorotbacteriumandthelackoffoodcausedfamine (Fekete2010).Inaddition,povertyalsohadapartininitiatingmigrationwaves.Atthe endofthe19thandthebeginningofthe20thcenturythreemillionpeopleemigrated fromSicilyandimmigratedintotheUSA(Iorizzo–Mondello2006;Choate2008),which wascausedbythelackofincomesourcesintheregionandthehighrentforlowquality land.Finally,becauseofreligiousviolence250,000IrishProtestantscrossedtheocean andsettleddowninBoston,NewYorkandPhiladelphiauntil1776,whilebetween1815 and1845onemillionCatholicsemigratedfromIreland(Fekete2010). In parallel, some countries took measures to initiate immigration, which were attractive for groups of society already becoming mobile because of the above problems.Forexamplebetween1830and1840the”GoWestYoungMan!”campaign encouragedyoungpeopletosettledowninthewesternpartsoftheUSAinexchange ofgettingland(Corbettetal.201 4).Inthe19thcenturyasaresultofthecoffeeboomin Brazil landlords offered favourable job opportunities for European immigrants. Their settling down was also supported by the Brazilian state, in the form of travel expenditure refund, loansandreducedrentoflands(Kuncz1997).Inthehopeofa betterlifemainlyGerman,ItalianandPortuguesesettlersarrivedtoBrazil,andsodidthe first Hungarians together with them (Szilágyi 2003). Finally, settlement was also encouraged in Queensland State, Australia by promising free land and travelling expenditurestosettlers(Kuncz1997). Inthesecondhalfofthe20thcenturypoliticalandeconomicemigrationwerethe mostcommon,which,accordingtoManfrass,weregeneratedbythreecauses.Firstof them was social crisis, such as the revolution in Hungary in 1956, the uprising in in1968andthepoliticaleventsinPolandin1981.Thesecondwaslegal emigration,whichwasonlypossibl eduringthe’ColdWar’intheformofethnicand religiousmigrationorfamilyreunion.Asaresult,themajorityofmigrationfromEastto Westwasseeminglyethnicmigrationinthattime;however,manyemigrantslefttheir

88 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES home country for political reasons. The ethnic and religious migration created the backgroundofthethirdfactor,whichwastheeconomicandhumanitarianpressureby westernnationsonthecountriesoftheEasternBlocktogetherwitheasingtravelling barriers,whichencouragedemigration(Manfrass1992). ThemigrationtendenciesinHungaryshowedthatemigrationwasalwayspreceded bynegativepoliticalandsocialeffects,sothatiswhyseveralemigrationcyclescanbe distinguished.Theyweresupportedbyouterfactorslinkedtothephasesofeconomic boomsintheUSAencouragingmigration(Kuncz1997;Kollega2000).Furtheronthe aboveeffectsaredescribedincaseofHungariansimmigratedintoAustralia.

hungarian immigration waves to Australia

ThischaptermainlyincorporatesEgonKuncz’sstudiesandthedataavailableinthe AustralianStatisticalOffice.ThelimitedsourcesareduetothefactthattheHungarian diasporainAustraliawasnotresearchedasmuchasforexampletheAmerican.Egon KunczworkedintheStateLibraryofNewSouthWalesProvincewherehehadaccessto thedataofexplorersandimmigrantsarrivingtothecontinentalongwithdocumented manuscripts and maps. He compl etedacomprehensiveresearchofHungarianswho arrivedinAustraliaandinhisworkshegaveanoverallpictureofthenumberandhistory ofHungariansimmigratedintothefifthcontinent. ThefirstregisteredHungarianperson,whosetfootontheshoreofHobart,was takentoAustraliainaconvictship.HewasRaphaelHarrisborninHungary,abrewer, who was sentenced to seven years because of stealing a pocket watch. The first HungarianwhowillinglyimmigratedtoAustraliawasIzsákFriedman,arrivedon3rdApril 1833.HemadeanextraordinarycareerinAustralia,embarkedonbusinessesinseveral citiesandhadcoinsmintedwithhisnameinEngland,whichwasusedascurrencyinthe country(Kuncz1997).ThesedaysHungariansarrivedinAustraliathirstedforadventure to make their fortune. Some of them were jewellers, watchmakers, and textile manufacturers,chemists,whosetuptheirbusinessafterhavingsettleddown.Theirbusi- ness success resulted further immigration into the country, their family members, relativesandfriendsarrivedtotakeoverorcontinuerunningbusinessortoworkfor them(Kuncz1997). AfterthecapitulationinVilágoson13thAugust1849someoftheformerHungarian soldiers(’honvéd’)escapedtotheWest(France,UnitedKingdom,Italy),andoverseas (USA)orsomeevenimmigratedtoTurkey.AfewofthemsailedtoAustraliaasthethird classshiptravelonlycost10to15PoundsbecauseitwassubsidizedbytheBritishstate. MostoftheadventurersleftforAustraliafromEnglandinsailingshipsandthevoyage took3–7months(Kuncz1997).Map1showstheirroutefromEnglandtoAustralia. MostofthemleftEuropefromtheharbourofLiverpoolsailingsouthwesttoRiode Janeiro,BuenosAires,fromtheretoCapeTownandthenalongthesouthernedgeof theIndianOceantheylandedinMelbourne,Sydney,AdelaideorHobart(Kuncz1997).

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Immigrationwasacceleratedin1851bythegoldfoundinNewSouthWalesandPort PhillipinVictoria,thusgoldrushburstoutinthoseregions.Documentsprovethata groupofabout20HungarianandPolishpeoplealsotriedtofindgold.Afterafewyears offruitlessgolddiggingmanyofthegoldseekersreturnedtoEurope.Thosewhodid notleaveAustraliasettledinMelbourneandthesurroundingtowns.Inthe1860ssurface miningwaschangedtodeepmining,bigcompanieswerefoundedandpeopleinvested theirmoneyinsharesinhopeofhavingsomeextraearning.TherewereHungarians among the founders and owners of companies since the Bulletin of Victoria State publishedin1864listedminingcompaniesnamedafterHungarians.Relationsbetween Hungarianimmigrantsseemedtobestrengtheningas thefirstHungarianAssociation was founded in Sydney at that time (Kuncz 1969). Speaking about the attitude of HungarianimmigrantstheythoughttheirstayinAustraliashort-termasachancefor earningmoneyanddidnotwanttosettledown.Finallymanyofthemleftforanother countrybutsomesettleddown.Thelatterweremainlypoliticalrefugeesoryoungmen whomarriedBritishwomen,about40peopl e(Kuncz1997).

Map1.TherouteofHungariansfromEnglandtoAustraliainthe19thcentury

Source: Kuncz1997.

AftertheconsolidationinHungarysomeoftheHungariansrepatriated,butsomeof themdidnotbelieveinthepoliticalchangesintheirhomecountryorconsideringfamily matterstheydidnotreturntoHungary.RepatriatingwasstimulatedbytheEmigration FundfoundedinHungarytodonatethetravellingexpenditureofrepatriates.Inparallel emigrationwasregulatedinHungary,theXXXVIII Actin1881,theIV Actin1903andthe II Actin1909forbadejuvenilestotravelabroadwithoutpermission,menintheirmilitary ageandthosewhocouldnotprovetohaveenoughmoneyfortravelexpenseswere also forbidden to emigrate (Kuncz 1997). However, the strong action supporting

90 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES immigrationbyQueenslandStatehadanoppositeeffectasitpromisedfreetravelling andlandforimmigrants.ItwasattractiveforHungarianfarmersasinthe1870sabout 750thousandofthemownedlandsmallerthan5holds(2.85hectares).Besides,astrade andindustrydevelopedtherewasalackofexpertsinAustralia,thusasanearlyformof braindrain,qualifiedpeoplearrivedinthefifthcontinentwitharealistichopeofabetter life(Kuncz1985). DuringtheFirstWorldWar,theeraoftheAustro-HungarianEmpire,about300,000 peoplewereborninAustralia.TheoutbreakoftheFirstWorldWarputtheHungarians livinginAustraliainacomplicatedsituation,asaproclamationwaspublishedbythe federalstateon30thAugustin191 4thatobligedcitizensofhostilecountriestoinform thenearestpolicestationoftheiraddressesandchangeofaddresses.MainlyGermans sufferedofatrocities(e.g.losingtheirjobs)Hungariandidnotsomuch.Someofthe foreign citizens and also British citizens as being ’aliens’ were taken into internment camps.AhugeinternmentcampwaserectedinLiverpoolnearSydneywhere6,890 citizensofhostilecountries,mainlyGermanswereheldcaptive.Approachingtheendof thewarthenumberofinternedwasdecreasingandmostofthemwereprisonersof war,amongthem26Hungariansatthebeginningof1918,whowereexpelledfromthe countryafterthewar.WedonothaveaccuratedatainHungaryaboutthenumberof emigrantswholeftHungaryinthisperiod,buttheestimatednumberofpeople,who immigratedintoAustralia,was150–450(Kuncz1997). After the end of the First World War Hungarians, as citizens of a former hostile country,werenotacceptedinAustraliafor5years.However,inthatperiodHungarians immigratedintoAustraliafromthedisannexedpartsofHungaryaftertheTrianonTreaty usingtheir’newcitizenship’asemigrationwasoftenamustforthem.Thenumberof HungarianimmigrantsinthatperiodwascalculatedonthebasisofHungarian-sounding family names. After lifting the ban of immigration for Hungarian citizens, the immigrationofskilledworkforcefromHungarycontinuedintoAustraliaasthedemand for them was on-going since they were considered as better workers than the Australian.Inthe30stheAustraliangovernmentdecidedtoaccept15thousandpeople of those escaping from the Hitlerian regime. Finally only 6,500 persons grasped the chancefordifferentreasons(distance,lackoftrustetc.),800ofthemwereHungarian, however,manyofthemwereprofessionalswithuniversitydegrees(Kuncz1985). ThefightsoftheSecondWorldWardidnotreachthecoastsofAustraliathoughthe militaryactionsfilledtheAustralianpeoplewithfear.BeingafraidofJapaneseinvasion, thepublicopinionagreedthatifthe countrycouldavoidinvasion,therateofwhite populationshouldbeincreasedactively.ItwasArthurCalwell,whorepresentedthisidea and became the Minister of Immigration in July 1945. On the basis of his program Australia accepted 3.5 million mainly non-Anglo-Saxon immigrants increasing the populationofthecountryfrom7to18million,about40,000ofwhomwereHungarian (Kuncz1997).ImmigrationintoAustraliawasfosteredbythedevastationofthewarand theSovietinvasionduetowhichmanylosttheirhomesandhadtofleefromtheirhome country. Considering this the winning nations founded the International Refugee

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Organisation (IRO), with the main objective of decreasing the number of homeless peopleinWesternEuropewithmeansofrepatriationoremigration.TheFederalStateof Australia contacted the IRO and even supported immigrants’ expenses to stimulate immigration.Theapplicantshadtosignacontract,whichobligedthemtoworkina workplaceassignedbytheAustralianauthoritiesfortwoyearstopreventthenegative attitude of citizens toward newcomers. On one hand citizens were reassured that newcomerswouldnottaketheirjobs,ontheotherhandnewcomerswereoffereda living (Kuncz 1997). In the first years after the war a Hungarian migration wave also reachedAustralia,buttheyhadtopaytheirtravelexpensesthemselvesastheROIdid notgivepreferencetocitizensofthedefeatedcountries.Asaconsequenceonlythose people could emigrate, who were wealthy. Most of the immigrants were Jewish by origin or by religion helped by international Jewish organizations (JOINT or HIAS) to traveltoAustralia.Thus1866Hungariancitizenscoveringtheirtravelexpensesarrivedin Australiabetween1945and1949.Mostoftheheadsoffamilieswerebusinessmenat theageof35–50,whosettledmainlyinSydneyorMelbourne(Kunz1985). In 1948 the head of the Australian Immigration Office in West Germany sent a proposal to Canberra in which he drew the ministry’s attention to the homeless Hungarians.HealsostatedthatmanyofthemhadhighqualificationssotheOfficegot the permission for Hungarians to immigrate to Australia. First the candidates had to undergomedicalexaminationsandtheyhadtogiveinformationabouttheirNaziand/or communist connections and their trades or professions. After being selected 10,500 HungariansarrivedinAustraliabetween1949and1950andfurther1000in1951.Asa resultoftheimmigrationstimulatingprogramoutofthe 170,700newimmigrantsin Australia11,919wereHungarianbybirth,however,togetherwiththepeopleborninthe annexed parts of Hungary their number is estimated to be 15,000. Most of the immigrantswere15–34yearsold.Regardingtheirqualifications45%ofmenattheage of19–60hadtheirmaturationexamand23%ofthemhaduniversityorcollegedegrees beforearrivinginAustralia.Byreligion67%ofthemwereCatholic,23%wereProtestant and1.2%wereJewish(Kuncz1997). Thenewsabouttheeventsof1956reachedAustraliaaswellandtheHungarians living there considered it their duty to inform people about the objectives of the revolution in Hungary. Bilingual copies of the Hungarian newspaper ’Dél Keresztje’ published in Sydney appeared on 27th October, 1st and 6th November. Hungarian pastors of different churches started to raise money and clothes, which were transportedbyQuantasAirlinesfreeofcostforHungariansstayinginAustrianrefugee camps.TheOlympicGamesstartedinMelbournetwoweeksafterthesuppressionof therevolutionso55Hungariansportsmenandwomenweregrantedpoliticalasylum andtheAustraliangovernmentincreasedthenumberofrefugeesthecountryaccepted from3,000to15,000.In1956300refugeesarrived,whilein1957further6,532menand 4,833womenandaboutfurther1,000peoplein 1958.TogetherwithHungariansarriving fromtheterritoriesbeyondthebordersofHungaryapproximately14,000peoplesettled downsothenumberofHungarianslivinginAustraliaincreasedto30,000approximately.

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Mostoftheimmigrantsweretradesmenandskilledworkersbutthenumberofpeople havingauniversityorcollegedegreewasalsosignificant.Therelativelyhighnumberof Hungariannewcomerswithdifferentwayofthinkingandpoliticalideascomparedto formergroupsofimmigrantsmadetheHungariandiasporaheterogeneousandhada significanteffectonthelifeofHungariancommunitylivingthere. From1956to1990statisticsshowedthearrivalofHungarian”defectors”,sointhat period about 9,000 Hungarian immigrants settled down and 1,500 left Australia. The newcomersweremainlyfamilymembers,butHungariansstayinginothercountriesalso decided to settle down in Australia. It was a significant tendency in estimating the numberofHungariansthatinthe1990sonlyafewofthosewerealive,whoimmigrated intoAustraliainthetimeoftheFirstandSecondWorldWarsandthosewhoarrived between 1956 and 1957 reached the age of retirement (Kuncz 1997). The national census in 1966 showed interesting facts of that period as it pointed out that every secondHungarianwaslivinginSydneyandlotsofHungarianswerelivinginMelbourne, Adelaide, Perth and Brisbane. Regarding their professions there was a higher rate of doctors, engineers and university lecturers among those, who were born in Hungary thanthosewhowereborninAustralia.10%ofHungarians(about1,500)workedas entrepreneurs,779menand1 ,1 91womenwerecivilservantswhile8,1 45menworkedin trades(Kuncz1997). Itisinterestingthatthequestionnaireofthecensusdidnotaskabouttheethnic affiliationsoftherespondentsbutinformationwasrequiredabouttheparents’placeof birthandthelanguagespokeninthefamily.Thecensusin1,991indicated27,176persons whowereborninHungarybutinawidersense38,000wasthenumberofHungarians originatedfromtheCarpathianBasin(Kuncz1997).TheTable1belowrepresentstheir distributionofage.

Table1.ThedistributionofageofmenandwomenwhowereborninHungary Age (years) men Women Total 0–9 196 134 330 10–19 397 376 773 20–29 467 582 1,049 30–39 1,528 1,419 2,947 40–49 2,405 2,257 4,662 50–59 4,077 2,436 6,513 60–69 3,505 2,454 4,723 70+ 2,296 2,454 4,723 Total 14,844 12,332 27,076

Source: Kuncz1997)Thedistributionofageofmenandwomen whowereborninHungaryinthetimeofthecensusin1991. Ownconstruction.

ThedatashowedthattheHungariandiasporawasaging,since64.1%ofthemwere over50anditalsoshowedthepredominanceofmen.MostofthemlivedinSydneyas

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earlieraswellalittlefewerinMelbourne,Adelaide,PerthandBrisbane.Onlyafewof themlivedinthecountrysideexceptfortheGoldCoast,wherepensionersstartedto move since the 70s. Regarding religion there was a significant majority of Catholics (57.4%), 6.4% was Calvinists, 4.1% Lutherans and 7.1% Protestants belonging to other denominations,7.5%wereIsraelites,1%belongingtootherreligions,whil e7.7%didnot assigntheirdenominations(8.8%didnotreplied).Accordingtothecensusesinfurther years the number of Hungarians was increasing. Table 2 shows the data from the censusesin2001and2011.

Table2.ThenumberofHungariansatthetimeofthe1991,2001and2011censuses

The number of Year Hungarians

1 991 38,11 5 2001 62,507 2011 68,461

Source: https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/research/people-australia-2013-statistics.pdf,ownconstruction

The significant positive change compared to the data in 1991 resulted from the changeinthedefinitionofHungarian:in 1991onlythosewhowereborninHungary wereassignedHungarian(seethedifferencebetweenthedataofTable1andTable2) while in 2001 and 2011 the birth places of parents were also considered in defining ethnicstatus.Thedataresultedfromthecensusin2011areshowninTable3.

Table3.OriginofAustraliansonthebasisofplaceofbirth(Hungarian)

Number of Hungarians BothparentswereborninAustralia 9,816 NeitheroftheparentswasborninAustralia 16,541 OneoftheparentswasborninAustralia 11,759 BorninAustralia OneoftheparentswasborninAustralia, 77 thereisnodataabouttheotherparent Other* 283 Total 38,476 NotborninAustralia 29,151 Placeofbirthisnotknown 834 Total 68,461

*OneoftheparentswasborninAustralia/Thereisnoinformationabouttheplaceofbirthofoneorneitherof theparents. Source: https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/research/people-australia-201 3-statistics.pdf. Ownconstruction.

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The above mentioned data distortion can be seen in the data and it can be concludedthatin201129,1 51HungarianslivedinAustralia,whowerenotborntherebut statedhim/herselfbeingHungarian.Itmeantadecreaseof23.6%,thecauseofwhich waspartlythepossibilityofmovingtoadevelopedmemberstateoftheEU,whichwas amoreeasilyapproachabletargetforHungariansafterjoiningtheEU.Itcanbeseenthat thelowestwasthenumberofHungarianswhoseparentswerebothborninAustralia meaningthattheyweresecondormoregenerationHungarians.Atleast28,377people declaredthemselvessecondgenerationHungariansaccordingtothecensusdatain2011 asthecensus-takersdidnothavedataoftheparents’placeofbirthof283Hungarians. Further more a table of aggregated data of the p eriod 1840 –1991 was constructed, whichshowsthenumberoftheHungarianimmigrants,whowereborninhistoricHun- gary, in Hungary after the Trianon Treaty and the estimated number of immigrants belongingtoethnicHungarians(Table4).

Table4.ThenumberofHungarianslivinginAustralia

Number of Estimated Hungarian Estimated number immigrants Rate of number of of Hungarian who were born first Population immigrants Year immigrants in the territory generation in Australia belonging to who were born of Hungary Hungarians ethnic in historic after the (%) Hungarians Hungary Trianon Trety 1840 190,408 3 0.002 1850 405,356 30 0.008 1860 1,1 45,586 90 0.008 1870 1,647,756 80 0.005 1881 2,250,194 153 0.007 1891 3,117,823 246 0.008 1901 3,773,801 285 0.008 1911 4,455,005 416 0.009 1921 5,435,734 148 170 0.003 1933 6,629,839 272 380 0.006 1947 7,579,358 1,227 1,472 0.019 1954 8,986,358 14,602 16,401 0.182 1961 10,508,191 30,533 32,997 0.314 1971 13,067,300 28,956 36,401 0.279 1981 14,923,300 27,987 37,123 0.249 1991 16,771,471 26,904 38,115 0,227

Source: Kuncz1997,Ownconstruction.

Data in Table 4 demonstrate that Hungarians represented and represent only a rela tively lowpercentageoftheAustralianpopulationasHungarianimmigrantschose Australiainsmallnumberuntil1933.TherateofimmigrationintoAustraliaincreased

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abruptlynotonlybecauseofpoliticalcrisesbutalsobecauseofintroducingtheActof ImmigrationQuotaintheUSAinthe1920s,whichwasthemostattractivecountryof immigrationforHungarians.

preserving hungarian identity in Australia. the hungarian community school in Adelaide

TheexistenceofHungarianschoolsinAustraliaaftertheSecondWorldWarproved thatHungarianimmigrantshadtheneedandopportunityaswelltoteachtheirchildren intheirmothertongue.TheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaidewasfoundedin 1958byMrsÁkosNagy(Magdinéni)tokeeptheHungarianidentityoffamilieswhofled toAustraliain1956byteachingHungarianculture,folkdanceandlanguage.Mostofthe pupilswerechildrenofimmigrantsattheageof6 –15andtheirnumberwasabout30- 35.Inthe90sJánosHerendibecametheheadoftheschool,whowasfollowedbyMária Nagy,AnnamáriaBánháziandIlonaLelkeshavingthepost.Thattimetheschoolhad pupils preparing for the final exam in Hungarian language instructed by Sebestyén Maglai,andthenbyAnnamáriaBánházi.Thepresentnumberofpupilsisrepresentedby Table5.

Table5.ThenumberofpupilsoftheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaidein2001 –2016

Year Nursery Preparatory Primary Secondary Adult Total 2001 0021 4126 2002 0018 4022 2003 0013 10 10 33 2004 1096723 2005 1015 11 3 30 2006 4115 8028 2007 3290014 2008 0255012 2009 0451010 2010 0553013 2011 3012 5020 2012 3221 1 15 42 2013 5212 2 10 31 2014 5313 4 15 40 2015 3010 7020 2016 00215 3 20 Total 28 21 185 80 64 384

Source: DataprovidedbytheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaideandÁgnesSzabó.Ownconstruction.

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The data show that mainly primary school pupils utilized the services of the HungarianCommunitySchoolas49%ofthepupilsbelongedtotheirgroupsince2001. 21%-ofpupilswereinsecondaryschool,theirclasswasthesecondbiggestonewhile thegroupofadults(17%)wasthethirdone.Theratioofnurseryandpreparatoryschool pupilswaslower(7.4%and5.6%),theirnumberstagnatedinthisperiod.Itisworth analysingthenumberofpupils,whobegantolearnHungariansince2011,considering thaton26thMay2010theHungarianNationalAssemblyapprovedtheamendmentof Act LV of 1993 on Hungarian citizenship and introduced a simplified naturalisation procedure.ItmeantthatitwasnotnecessarytosettleinHungarynoritwascompulsory totakeacitizenshipexaminationbutonehadtoprovehisknowl edgeoftheHungarian language (Embassy of Hungary, 201 4). As an effect of the simplified naturalisation procedure,thenumberofthosewhowantedtolearnHungarianincreasedvisibly.44% ofthosewhostudiedintheschoolinthatperiodattendedtheschoolsince2011.The numberofadultsincreasedaswelland67%ofthemattendedtheadultclasssince2011. Thenumberofchildreninthenurseryschoolalsoincreasedand68%ofthemstartedto learnHungarianaftertheintroductionofthesimplifiednaturalisationprocedure.Soitis evidentthattheamendmentofActLVof1993onHungariancitizenshiphadapositive effectontheHungarianlanguagelearningactivityofHungariandiasporalivinginthe SouthAustralianregion. TheopportunityoftakingafinalexaminHungarianlanguagewas alandmarkin teachingHungarian.ItwasprovidedtotheHungariancommunitybytheAustralianstate 30 years ago in 1987. However, Maturation examination level teaching of Hungarian language is only available in three out of eight provinces (South Australia, Western Australia,RegionoftheAustralianCapital,NorthernTerritory,Queensland,Tasmania,Vic- toriaandNewSouthWales)inAustralia,butithasbeensharedwithcandidatesfrom otherprovincesaswell.Thereisaregulationthat15pupilsshouldenterforfinalexamin Hungarianoncountryleveltohaveapermanentopportunityoforganizingit.Although it seems to be a small number, it caused problems from year to year and the opportunityoffinalexaminHungarianwasatriskseveraltimes.In2010atthe14th Australian&NewZealand HungarianCulturalConventioninCanberraitbecameclear thatneverthelessthefinalexaminHungarianisacountrylevelexameveryprovinceand region has different regulations in education. Primary school pupils are educated in community,socalled’ethnic’orweekendschoolsregisteredbythestateinSydney(New South Wales), in Melbourne (Victoria), in Adelaide (South Australia) and in Canberra (Australian Capital Territory). State language schools are run in all three states having teachersdonatedbythestate,theseschoolsaretheoldestinAustralia.However,since 2010HungariancommunityschoolshavebeenfoundedinBrisbane(Queensland),onthe GoldCoast,inPerth(WesternAustralia),inAdelaide(SouthAustralia)andinMelbourne (Victoria).TheirregionaldistributioncanbeseeninMap2.

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Map2.TheregionaldistributionofHungariancommunityschools

legend ● Hungarianethnicschoolregisteredbythestate ● Hungariancommunityschool Source: DataoftheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaide.Ownconstruction.

Thesearenotregisteredschoolsandteachersarepaidbytheschoolsthemselvesin mostofthem.AsfarasweknowtheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaideisthe onlycommunityschoolwhere100%oftheteachersteachonvoluntarybasis.Onlythree oftheschoolslistedaboveareaccreditedbytheAustralianstate,theStateLanguage SchoolsinMelbourneandSydneyandtheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaide.As a result, pupils of Hungarian origin and other Hungarian language learners cannot properlyprepareandapplyforfinalexaminHungarianinotherstates.However,Perthis anexceptionwhereprivatepupilscanapplyfortheexam.Whyisitsodifficultforthese schools to have 15 pupils in the country who intend to take Hungarian final exam? ÁgnesSzabóresearcheditscausesandconcludedthefollowing: Wecanseethatlocalweekendschoolshaveenoughstudentsbutwhentheyareat theageoffinalexamstheydonotapplyfortheexaminHungarian.Itisaproblemthat theSaturdaymorningsessionsofweekendschoolscoincidewithsportsprograms in secondaryschoolsortheafternoononeswiththeirextracurricularactivities.Itisalsoa problemthatincitieswheretherateofHungariansishighalownumberofstudents applyforfinalexaminHungarian.TheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaidealso hadtocopewiththisproblemasin2010theyhadtofindHungarians,whocouldpass the final exam in Hungarian to save the existence of the exam. That year they only managedtorecruitfivestudentswhopassedtheexamexcellently,however,itwasnot enoughtohave15candidatestotakefinalexamoncountrylevel. In2011fiveadultsregisteredforthefinalexaminAdelaide,butafterhavingpublished the possibility in Hungarian radios, newspapers and clubsinAustraliathenumberof

98 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES candidates for the exam increased to twenty-seven. It proved that people are not disinterested.ItturnedoutthatacertaingroupofHungarianadults,whocouldnottake finalexaminHungarianwouldtrytotakeitnow.Unfortunatelytheycouldonlytakethis opportunityforashorttimeasthegovernmentofthestateofSouthAustraliarestricted theageofcandidatesatmaximum21yearsforfinalexams in 2012.Itdecreasedthe numberofcandidatessignificantlyasonly1secondaryschoolstudenttookthefinal examinAdelaidebothin2012and201 3. PartlytofendofftheseeffectstheAssociationofHungarianEducatorsinAustralia (AMPE,AusztráliaiMagyarPedagógusokEgyesülete)wasfoundedin201 3andin2015it representedHungarianeducatorsinAustraliaintheHungarianDiasporaCouncil.Itwas statedbythemembersofthecouncilthatitwouldbeworthintroducinge-learningand useittogetherwithtraditionaltechniques.In201 4theHungarianCommunitySchoolin Adelaide tried the possibilities of e-learning teaching their own students and after introducingitin2015thenumberofstudentsincreasedinthefollowingyearasitis representedinTable6.

Table6.TheterritorialdistributionofstudentsoftheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaide preparingforandpassingthefinalexaminHungarian

States 2015 2016 2017 2018 * Total

SouthAustralia 4 5 6 2 17

Queensland 2222 8

WesternAustralia 1 1 1 2 5 Candidates Victoria 0110 2

NorthernTerritory 0 1 1 0 2

NewSouthWales 0554 14

Total 7 15 16 10 48

The number of candidates passing the final exam in 0137 11 Hungarian

*ThenumberofcandidatesistoincreaseatthebeginningoftheyearinJanuary Source: DataprovidedbytheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaideandÁgnesSzabó.Owncontraction.

In2015theschoolhad7secondaryschoolstudentswhowerepreparedforthefinal exam.TwoofthestudentswhoregisteredfortheexamwerefromQueenslandandone fromWesternAustralia,wherethestudentswerealsoinstructedonSkypebySzivárvány Iskola (’Rainbow School’) teaching primary school pupils on the Gold Coast. In the following years the grant holders of Sándor Kőrösi Csoma Program in Adelaide also joinedtheprogram.In201615pupilsoftheschoolwerepreparingforfinalexam,10of themfromotherprovinceswereparticipatinginonlineeducation.In2016studentsof

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Hungarian as foreign language of the Gáspár Károli Reformative University taught AustralianstudentsonSkypeonceaweekdirectedbyDr.OrsolyaNádorinadditionto theonelessonprovidedbythecommunityschool.In201710onlinestudentsfromother provincesenrolledinthecoursebesidesthesixstudentsinAdelaidesoitwasproved thatapplyingpropercommunicationandadoptingthesuitablemethodol ogyineduca- tion could be successful. Finally the initiative of the Hungarian Community School in Adelaidestartingin201 4shouldalsobementioned:thoseregisteredforthefinalexam inHungarianwereofferedtheopportunityofbeingexchangestudentsatÁronSzilády ReformativeGrammarSchoolandsincetheautumnof2017atIstvánBibóGrammar SchoolinKiskunhalas.Soin201 43studentsfromMelbourne,in2015onestudentfrom MelbourneandonefromAdelaide,in2016onestudentfromAdelaide,while in 2017 onestudentfromAdelaideand2fromMelbournearrivedinKiskunhalastoimprove theircommandofHungarianlanguageintheframeworkoftheprogram.

summary

ThesummarisingstatementsabouttheidentitypreservingactivitiesofHungarians living in Australia can be illustrated through the Hungarian Community School in Adelaide. Activity in accordance with network principlesissignificantintheactionsofcivil diasporaorganizations.TheHungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaideanditsworkhas beensupportedbyseveralorganizationsinHungaryandAustraliaastheDiasporaPro- ject Network of the University of Pécs, the Sándor Kőrösi Csoma Program of the HungarianState,theRákócziFederation,GáspárKároliReformativeUniversity,IstvánBibó GrammarSchool,ÁronSziládyReformativeGrammarSchool,LajosLetenyeiVocational SecondaryandTechnicalSchoolinHungaryandthefollowingorganisationsinAustralia: KőrösiCsomaSándorKulturálisKör(’SándorKőrösiCsomaCulturalSociety’),Adelaide-i Magyar Közösségi Rádió (’Hungarian Community Radio in Adelaide’), Ethnic School AssociationSA,SACEBoard,SBS(publicradiobroadcastinginHungarianlanguage),Ilos- vayrádió(’IlosvayRadio’),MagyarÉlet(’HungarianLife’,aHungarianlanguageweekly newspaper),GoldCoast-iSzivárványMagyarIskola(’RainbowHungarianSchool’onthe GoldCoast),NESA(NationalEmploymentServicesAssociation)andQCAA(Australian CurriculuminQueensland)aswell. Itisachallengefortheorganisationtoestablishthefinancialbackgroundforthe abovementionedinfrastructure,tofindvolunteerswithcompetencesofonlineeduca- tionandcreateanativelanguageenvironmentvirtually.Theabovementionednetwork cooperationprovidespartialsupportforit.Theelectronicformoflanguageteaching createsvirtualcommunities,whichcontributestopreservingtheidentityofthediaspora eveninisolation.Furthermore,maintainingformingrelationsmeanscontinuousactivity withthehelpofsmartdevices.

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Bothadulteducationandnewmethodologiesineducationlikee-learninghaveroles inpreservingdualidentity(Australian–Hungarian)andHungarianidentity.Thelatterway ofteachinghasanoutstandingrolebecauseoflargedistancesinAustralia,however,the different regulations of education in different provinces and the own regulations of differentschoolshamperteachingintheInternet.LearningHungarianlanguageisnot motivating enough in itself so getting Hungarian citizenship is a significant aspect in adult education, whileyoungergenerationscanbemotivatedbycommunitybuilding (see scout movement) and by increasing the value of their maturation examination, exchangingothersubjectsorgainingextrapointsattheuniversityadmission. Finally the attitude of the newly immigrated towards Hungarian identity is totally different from the second and third generation Hungarians’ idealised picture of their mothercountry,sometimesitiseventheopposite.Oneshouldbeawareofthefactthat some of the Hungarian emigrants have chosen Australia because of existential constraint so their goal is to integrate and assimilate, reach financial security, and improvetheircommandofEnglishandtheydonotdevoteenergyforfosteringtheir Hungarianidentity.Conclusivelytheyshouldbelethavetimeandpossibilitytobeableto return to their Hungarian roots and community. For these reasons it is necessary to compose an entirely different educational program for the children of recently immigrated families, as most of them can speak Hungarian so their teachers should focusonteachingthemwritingandreadingandenlargingtheirvocabularyinHungarian. AlthoughthedatareferringtoeducationintheHungariandiasporainAustraliaare limited and partial, based on the organisational example our hypothesis is that the situationwedescribedcanbeseenasgeneral,althoughfurtherresearchshouldbedone toproveitwithwiderstatisticalbasisanditsanalysis. Tosumitup,inthesociallyconstruedclassificationofmigrationweinvestigatedthe Hungarian migration especially the historic trends of Hungarian immigration into Australiaandtheirmotivationalbackground.ThewavesofHungarianimmigrationinto Australiawerealsoanalysedwiththeestimationoftheirsizes.Besides,theHungarian identitypreservingeffortsweredescribedbytheexampleoftheHungarianCommunity SchoolfoundedinAdelaide60yearsagoincludingitsteaching,communityorganizing activitiesandespeciallyHungarianlanguageteaching.ThesituationofHungarianeduca- tioninAustraliawasinvestigatedthroughthisbenchmarkincludingtheopportunityof takingafinalexaminHungarianlanguage,whichisastandardisedstatelevelexam.The socialroleofteachingHungarianlanguage,whichisshownbytheexampleinourstudy, hascrucialimportanceinpreservingHungarianidentityinthefutureaswell,afterall, languageexpressesculturalself-identification.

references

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Online references https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/research/people-australia-201 3-statistics.pdf https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/research/citizenship-in-australia-2011.pdf #search=people%20australia%202006%20census https://www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/02_201 4 /hungary.pdf https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/annual-reports/annual-report-2006-07- complete.pdf#search=people%20australia%202006%20census FeketeIstván(2010):Aburgonyavészlegnagyobbellenfelealiberalizmusvolt. http://mult-kor.hu/20100215_a_burgonyavesz_legnagyobb_ellenfele_a_liberalizmus_volt http://www.mfa.gov.hu/kulkepviselet/YU/hu/Konzuliinfo/tajekoztato_honositasi_eljarasrol.htm SzilágyiÁgnesJudit(2003):MagyarokBrazíliábanésPortugáliában,régenésma. http://www.publikon.hu/application/essay/96_1.pdf Trendismigration2010–11. https://www.border.gov.au/ReportsandPublications/Documents/statistics/trends-in-migration-2010-11.pdf #search=citizenship%202001

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christiAn missions As civil society movements At the service of the indiAn society

Nándor Zagyi–Marianna Ács

the appearance and spread of in india

Christianity,togetherwiththeevangelizingmissionhasnearlytwothousandyearsof historyinIndiabasedonatradition,whichwasfirmlyestablishedandrecognisedbyits virtue.TheviewaccordingtowhichJesus’messagereachedthecountrybythemiddle of the 1st century through one of his closest disciples, Apostle Thomas’ personal mediationhasbeenacceptedintheIndianhistoriographyofChristianChurch,basedon circumstantialevidences,informants’accountsoflatererasandthememoryoforigin handed down through the Christian community (Vithayathil 2000). According to a narrativeinActsofThomas,aNewTestamentApocryphafromthe3rdcentury,whichis consideredtobeanuncertainsource(Vanyó1988;Pallath2015),thereluctantdiscipl e, finallyleftforIndiaobeyingtoJesus’instructions,whichistheonlyreferencetothisfact. HeevangelizedthousandsofpeopleservingGondophares,theruleroftheIndo-Parthian Kingdom, situated in the north-western part of the subcontinent and, in his second missioninsouthernIndia,hesufferedmartyrdomnearthecityofMylaporewhichis todaycalledChennai,earlierMadras(Elliot2005). TheSaintThomasChristianslivinginthestateofsituatedinthesouth-western coastofthecountryconsiderthemselvesthedescendantsofthepeopleconvertedby theApostle’sevangelization.In52C.E.,thefounderoftheirChurchreachedtheshoreof Muziris,abusySouth-IndianstationoftheIndo-Romantraderoute,whichplayedakey

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roleintheintensiveandfruitfulexchangeofthematerialandintellectualculture.The messenger’steachingswereeasilyacceptedbytheinhabitants,includingtheJewswho hadsettledthereearlier(Jussay2005;Zagyi2009).Thecitywasanexcellentexampleof multiculturalismbutitwasdestroyedbythecataclysmicfloodin1341andtheremnants have not been found despite the attempts to locate it in today’s Kodungallur (Cranganore)anditsimmediatesurroundings.BesidesKodungallur,today’sSaintThomas Christians’Churchhasmillionsofmembersinsevenothersettlements1 oftheMalabar- coast,thankspartiallytotheancientchurchesfoundedbytheintellectualsupportofthe localJewishcommunities(Missick2000). TheSyrianliturgicaltraditionsofthecommunityconstitutedthemostancientlayer oftheIndianChristianity,whichwasunifiedinadenominationalsenseuntilthemiddleof the 17th century. It can be originated from the close relationship with the Nestorian AssyrianChurchoftheEastindogmaticsenseandinrelationtocanonicalauthority beginninginthe4thcenturyandendinguptothedecisionmadebytheSynodof Diamperheldin1599.In1653,asamedium-termconsequenceofthesubordination underthePortugueseRomanCatholicChurchandtheintroductionoftheLatinliturgical ritesaccordingtothedecisionoftheSynod,someoftheThomasChristiansledbythe archdeacon of the community declared the separation from the Malabar Church employingLatinrites(Timkó1971).Subsequently,hesoonfoundedhisownMalankara SyrianChurch,whichwasinthefirsttimeofitshistoryledbytheinitiatoroftheschism, thelocalbishopcalledMarThomaIwhowaselectedbythecongregation. TheGreatSchismwasfollowedbyseveralothersuntilthe1970s.Thepresentchurch structureoftheSaintThomasChristiansisextremelydiverse2,comprisinggroupsthat followEastorWestSyrianrites,operateasanindependent(autocephalous)Churchor partofanyotherone,eitherunitedwiththeRomanCatholicChurchoreventurnedto .Thecongregationlivesinadiversifiedorganizationalframework,defines itselfasChristianintermsoffaith,aseasternintermsofliturgyandasIndianintermsof culture(Pallath2015). Afterthelesssuccessfulevangelisingactivityofsome13th–14thcenturyFranciscan andDominicanmonks,(GiovannideMontercorvino(1247–1 328),OdoricodaPordenone (1286 –1 331), and  Catalani (1280 –1 330) and others), the Christianity was widespreadasaresultofthelocalexpansionofthePortuguesecolonialempire.The newwaveofevangelisminIndiawassupportedbythePortuguesePatronage3 power backgroundandwascommencedbytheso-calledNewApostles’missionaryactivity, whichreachedtheshoreoftheIndiansubcontinentinthecompanyofVascodaGama (1 460 /1469 –1 524)in1498astheopeningoftheGreatGeographicaldiscoveries. TheSocietyofJesus,i.e.theJesuitorder,whichwasestablishedatthattimeasa responsetothespreadofProtestantism,constitutedtheideologicalandpersonalbase of the evangelization culminated from the 1540s, occasionally providing spiritual guidance with authoritarian methods (Axelrod–Fuerch 1996). A Jesuit monk, Saint Francis Xavier (1506 –1 552) known as the Apostle of the Indies and Japan was the spiritual leader of the early Catholic mission. He was a controversial actor as he

106 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES conceptuallysupportedtheintroductionoftheInquisitioninIndia.HeleftPortugalin 1541anddedicatedhiseffortstocatholicizeIndiaandtheFarEastintherestofhislife. Since the beginning, the Portuguese have made remarkable achievements in the communities,thatundertooktheconversionforthephysical-economicdefenceagainst therivalsocialgroupsrelyingonthecolonialandecclesiasticalinstitutionsorganizedin Goa situatedatKonkanCoast,whichconstitutesapartofthecoastofthesubcontinent alongsidetheArabianSea.Besidesthem,apartoftheSaintThomasChristiansaswellas asocialclassoftheIndianpopulationhavingthemostdifficultfate,deprivedofthe possibility of social mobility, the despised untouchable  envisioned social advancement in the conversion and therefore converted to Christianity and their descendants increased the number of Catholics. It should be noted that the social organizingstrengthofthecastes,whicharetypicallybasedonoccupationallydifferent hierarchicallevelsandofthevarnas 4 builtononeanotheraccordingtotheirmembers’ roleinthedivisionoflabourisstillverystrongtodayinIndia.Thisisthereasonwhythe personsconvertingtoanewreligioncannotgetridofcertainsignsoftheirprevious weak community positions even in the new congregation (Kalapura 2010), which is reflected,amongotherthings,bythestatusofaplacedesignatedfortheminthesacred space. TheissueoftheCatholicmissionaryworkwasputbackincertainextentduetothe weakening of the Portuguese Colonial Empire after the Dutch and then the British emergenceandexpansioninIndia.Nevertheless,undoubtedlytherewasaremarkable progressintheCatholicizationoftheDravidianSouthIndia.However,intheupcoming centuries,mainlyinrecenttimes,theRomanCatholicmissionhasreachedthecentral and northern parts of the subcontinent mainly through continuous Portuguese mediation. As a result, the entire organisational structure of the church has been established throughout the whole country by the middle of the 20th century. Today, together with the ecclesiastical provinces of the Uniate Saint Thomas Christians following Syrian rite, there are 30 archdioceses (archbishoprics) and 171 (bishoprics) in the territory of the Republic of India (Catholic Bishop’s Conference in India, s.a.). Thethirdphaseofthemissionary work commenced with the emergence of the Protestant missions at the beginning of the 18th century. The two German Lutheran priests, BartholomäusZiegenbalg (1682–1 71 9)andHeinrichPlütschau (1676 –1 752), who reached the shore with a royal missionary mandate in Tranquebar, then Danish commercial site (today Tharangambadi town in the state of Tamil Nadu) which was situated on the Coromandel Coast in Southeast India in 1706 are considered to the pioneersofProtestantisminIndia.Althoughtheydidnotachievespectacularandrapid outcomes, the work of the German, Swedish and later the British and American missionaries led to the establishment of a strong and relatively large Lutheran communityinsouthIndiabythe20thcentury.Morethanfour-fifthsofthenearlyfour millionIndianLutheranbelieverswhobelongtotheelevenaffiliatedchurchesgathered bytheUnitedEvangelicalLutheranChurchesinIndia,whichservesasanumbrellaorgani-

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zationliveinthesouthernstatesofTamilNaduandAndhraPradesh(TheLutheranWorld Federation,s.a.). AftertheBaptistmissionaryworkcommencedbyWilliamCarey (1761 –1834)in1793 limitingtoalsoaDanishcolonialsite, anditsimmediatesurroundingsnear CalcuttainBengal buthavingatremendousimpactintermsofintellectualgains.The ProtestantevangelizationofIndiareinvigoratedinthefirstdecadesofthe19thcentury asaresultoftheactivitiesoftheLondonMissionarySocietyestablishedattheendof the19thcenturyandtheChurchMissionSociety whichisstilloperatedatpresent.These organizationshavingmainlyAnglicandenominationalbackgroundhadmaderemarkable progressprimarilyamongthesocialgroupswiththemostdifficultfate. Atthattime,thevastmajorityoftheProtestantpopulationconvertedtoChristianity withmixeddenominations(Anglican,Presbyterian,Methodist,Baptist,andsoon)was organizedintotwolargeumbrellachurchessupportedbythereligionpolicyaimingto enhancetheunification(transparency)oftheindependentIndia.TheChurchofSouth India hasaboutthreeandahalfmillionbelieversandthereforecomprisesthesecond largestreligiouspopulationaftertheCatholics.ItislocatedintheDravidianSouthIndia, whiletheChurchofNorthIndia withaboutoneandahalfmillionbelieversissituatedin themiddleandnorthernpartsofthecountry(WorldCouncilofChurches,s.a.). Inthelastquarterofthe19thcentury,thelastoneofthemostsuccessfulmissionary waves regarding the number and proportion of the evangelized pe oplereachedthe north-eastern, predominantly tribal Himalayan areas of India by Baptist Missionaries whereactiveevangelizationtookplaceuptothe1950s.Althoughnotthelargestbut definitelythemostcompactChristianblockevolvedhere,intheareaoftheso-called laterestablishedSevenSisterStates,sincethecommunitieswhichwerefreefromthe doctrinaltiesoftheinstitutionalizedreligionshavebeenhighlyreceptivetothespiritual renewalandnotleasttothesocialachievementsresultedfromtheconversion(Bhatia 2010). Christians, following the Hindus and the Muslims, form the third most populous religiouscommunityinIndia,regardlessofthedifficultyofprecisedeterminationoftheir number.Whilethedefinitelyovervaluedtotalnumberofthemembersrecordedbyeach Church is  at least35million(Zagyi2009),accordingtothelatestcensus,27.8million peoplei.e.2.3%ofthepopulationdeclaredthemselvesasChristian(CensusIndia2011).In theabsenceofreliableanddetailedinformationontheirdenominationaldistribution,we canonlysaythatapproximately33%oftheIndianChristiansareCatholic,60%ofthem areProtestant,and7%ofthemareOrthodox(includingallbelieversbelongingtoany non-Catholic eastern rite). The number of members and the proportion of the total populationofthecharismaticnewprotestantchurchesinIndiacanbenegligible(Pew ResearchCenter2011). A significant concentration of the Christian population is in the north-eastern Himalayantribalstates,wherejustovera28%oftheIndianChristiansliveinbarely8% oftheareaofthecountry,anditcreatesanabsolutemajoritybetween75–88%ofthe Christians in ,  and , local states with small population.

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However, its largest block is in the southern part of the subcontinent: the states of KeralaandTamilNaduarethehomeofthe38%oftheChristianpopulationofthe country(CensusIndia2011).TheperceptibleproportionofChristianpresenceislimited totheareas,whicharemainlypopulatedbythemostdisadvantagedsocialgroupsi.e. thescheduledtribes,thescheduledcastesofthedalits5 andtheDravidianpeoplewho aresensitivetotheirculturalintegrity.Accordingly,intermsofthenumberofChristians,a relativelysharpdividinglineemergesbetweenthesouthernandeasternpartsand,on theotherhand,themiddleandnorthernpartsofthecountry.Theseareconsideredas coreareasoftheIndo-Aryancultureandtheyarepartsofthecountrywhere,moreover, thelong-termMuslimrulealsohinderedthespreadofChristianity.

how the christian presence forms the society in india

The beneficial effects of Christianity in India may be shown in the most obvious mannerintermsofthequalityofpublicandhighereducation,aswellasthenumberof students involved in the school system, including the increasing proportion of girls. Although the school served as one of the most important areas for promoting the Christiandoctrinesandmoralnorms,themissionsalsogainedeverlastingmeritsinthe slow but continuous progress of the social modernization due to their role in the creationoftheeducationinnativelanguages. ThankstotheschoolestablishmentsofthePortugueseCatholicandthenWestern EuropeanandNorthAmericanProtestantmissions,thenumberofChristianeducational institutionsinIndiawasover110(Houghton2006)by1818.Theyplayedanintegralpart inprintingworksatthetimeoftheinitialdisintegrationoftheschoolnetwork.Besides the,itenabledthedistributionoftextbooksaswidelyaspossible.Inthesameyear, thefirstWestern-stylepost-secondaryschool,theSeramporeCollegeopenedbecause oftheculturalmissionofWilliamCarey. AfterthearrivaloftheScottishmissionary,AlexanderDuff(1806 –1 878)intoCalcutta andduetohisenthusiasticcommitmenttothevisionofthefinalevangelizationofIndia, theEnglishlanguageeducationwasbeingintroducedallthethreelevelsofeducation fromthe1830s.Bygivinguptheirinitialresistance,increasingnumberoftheupperclass ofthesocietyenrolledtheirchildrenintoschoolswheretheeducationwasinEnglish.It was the organic consequence of an intellectual movement, the so-called Bengali Renaissance,whichemergedatthattimeandinitiallyreachedmainlythecapitalandits surroundings.TheparticularintellectualinitiativeoftheNewAge,whichsoughttoraise local society through the conception of Western cultural goods and technical achievements and the mutually enriching encounter of the Indian and the European spirit.Thebeginningandtheendofthismovementarelinkedtotwoprominentsocial reformers’work,RamMohanRoy(1772 –1 833),thefatheroftheHinduEnlightenment, andRabindranathTagore(1861 –1941),whoisawidelyknownwriterandpoetinHungary aswell.

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AsaresultoftheexpansionoftheEnglishlanguageeducationinspiredbyalsothe ChristianmissionsandtheintellectualsupportoftheAnglicists 6,Englishlanguagehas gainedanexclusiveroleintheIndianacademicsphere.Itsignificantlycontributedtothe active involvement of the Indian people into the processes of technological development,R&D,technicalinnovationaswellasintotheoperationoftheglobalized economy.InspitethereligiouseducationtheChristianpublicschoolsattractmassesof studentswhobelongtootherdenominations.Universitiesplayanimportantroleinthis success,too.Amongotherthings,thisissupportedbythefactthatChristianinstitutions (universities and colleges) are overrepresented7 compared to the proportion of the religious community in the total population in the competition of the actors participatingintheIndianhighereducationwhichhavebeenevaluatedbasedonthe samecriteriaformanyyears(IndiaToday2017).ItshouldbenotedherethatEnglish languagefunctionsasalinguafrancanotonlyintheacademicworldbutalsointhe state(federal)administrationinIndia,whichishighlyfragmentedregardingthelanguage. InadditiontoenhancingtheinfluenceoftheEnglishlanguage,theculturalmission wasalsoinherent.TheBritishandlatertheAmericanevangelizationplayedasignificant roleinthedevelopmentoftheliteracyofindigenouspeople.Christianchurches,scholars, literalists,andjournalistsdidacomprehensiveandprofoundworkfromthetranslation oftheBibleintolocallanguages,thereformofthewritingsystemofthoselanguages makingiteasiertocreatetheprintedforms,throughthecreationofstate-of-artpressin their native language to the processing and systematization of the grammar and dialects. Asaresultofthis,differencesinliteracyratesamongthepopulationagedabove sevencanbeclearlyrealizedbyreligiousdenominations.TheIndianChristiansaremuch betterinpossessionofvaluesthanaverageinthisregard:theliteracyrateamongthem was74.3%asopposedto63.1%featuringthetotalpopulationatthetimeofthecensus in 2011 (Census India 2011). In connection with this, it also indicates the advantages becoming visible in the social state of the local Christians: the human and complex development indices of Indian districts and regions inhabited more densely or even dominantlybythembelongtothehighestones(Wilhelm2011). WemustnotforgettomentionthenameofSándorKőrösiCsoma(1784 –1 842)who edited his pieces of work, the Tibetan–English Dictionary and the Grammar of the Tibetan Language in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta at the beginningofthe1830’safteryearsofstudyingtheTibetanlanguageinademanding andharshenvironment.JawaharlalNehru(1889 –1 964),thefatheroftheModernIndia alsohighlyappreciatedthesebeneficialeffectsofChristianity(Nehru1981). DuetotheslowexpansionofthesocialmoralnormsofChristianityandthelimited attempttoenforcethemwithstatutoryinstruments,certainresultshavebeengainedto reducethenumberofviolenceand,inbettercase,theunintentionalcrimeagainstthe womenandgirlsthatisstillexperienced.Itsmostobvioussignwasthelegalprohibition ofthesati(BengalSatiRegulation),i.e.thepracticeofburningwidowsalivein1829that, contrarytothedharmicapproachtolife,wasconsideredasaheinousevilnessamong

110 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES theChristianslivingaccordingtothedoctrineteachingtheholinessoftheunrepeatable mundanelife.Thesatiremainedinpracticeandexistedforalongtimeregardlessofthe legalprohibitionsenteredintoforce.ThisviewissupportedbythefactthattheIndian legislature in the Sati Prevention Act, adopted in 1987, was forced to criminalize the supportofandincitementtothepracticeofsati. Afurthermanifestationofsocialviolenceagainstwomenisthefemaleinfanticide8 which also caused deep outrage and incomprehension among Christian Westerners. Several legislative measures were introduced to reduce it starting from the Female Infanticide Prevention Act of 1870 to the Pre-Conception & Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques(ProhibitionofSexSelection)Act,whichenteredintoforcein2003.Inthese Acts,theartificialinseminationandabortiononagenderbasisconfirmingtheexistence ofthisphenomenonintheNewAgeareprohibitedandseverepenaltiesareimposed forthem(Wilhelm–Zagyi2012;Zagyis.a.). AspartsoftheChristianevangelization,healthcare,thecarefortheorphansand disabled people and, last but not the least the care of the poor had also a crucial importance.Asaresultoftherelativelylong,butcontinuousdevelopment,thesmall rudimentaryhospitalsyetensuringorganizedcareandhealing.Thesewereestablishedin thePortuguesemissionsinthelate17thcenturyandledtotheestablishmentofthe ChristianMedicalCollegeinLudhianacitylocatedinthestateofPanjabbyanEnglish doctor, Edith Brown (1864 –1 956)in1893.Alsoitresultedintheestablishment of the ChristianMedicalCollegeVellore(stateofTamilNadu)operatingfrom1,900whichwas developedfromaroadsideclinicsofanAmericanmissionarydoctor,IdaScudder(1870– 1960).Thelatterhighereducationalinstitutionandclinicshavesignificantrecognition notonlyonMemberStatelevel,butalsoonfederal,moreover,internationallevels.Itis thesecondmostprestigiousmedicaluniversityinIndia(IndiaToday2017),whichis,of course,openforandpreferredbythepeopleofotherreligionssimilarlytotheother hospitalsandclinicsfoundedbytheChristians. SofarthesocialinstitutionsofChristianmissionshavebeenthelastrefugeforthe marginalized,abandonedpeople,thevictimsofviolence,peoplewithphysicaland/or mental disabilities, orphans, outcast and destitute people, especially for women and children.Inthepastandnowadays,theChristiandenominationsoperatedcountlessof suchorganizations.Despitetheconstraintsonthelengthofthiswork,wecannotomit to mention the Missionaries of Charity established in 1950 because of the spiritual commitmentofSaintTeresaofCalcutta,betterknownasMotherTeresa (1910–1 997). ShewasanAlbanianCatholicnun,whoisdeservedlyrespectedasanationalheroand appreciatedbyeveryoneindependentlyofthereligiousaffiliation. TheChristiandenominationsandmembersofthecolonialadministrationhaveraised theirvoiceandactivelycampaignedagainsttheinstitutionofchildmarriage,whichis deeplyrootedintheIndianfamilytradition,mainlythroughtheextensionofschooledu- cationforgirls,butperhapstheleastprogresshasbeenachievedinthisarea.Themini- mumlegalagelimitformarriagewasincreasedto14years(ChildMarriageRestraintAct of1929),andthento18years(ProhibitionofChildMarriageActof2006).However,one

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hundredyearsaftertheprohibitionofthewidowburningpractice,18%ofwomenaged between20and24whomarriedorestablishedapartnershipforthefirsttimebefore theywere15yearsoldisstill18%(UNICEF2016). Inadditiontotheabove,theChristianCharities(Church’sAuxiliaryforSocialAction, EvangelicalFellowshipofIndiaCommissiononRelief,etc.)playanactiveroleinmanyof otherareassuchasinruraldevelopment.Theyprovideagriculturaltrainingstofarmers andtoolstoimprovetheproductivityoftheagriculturalwork.Theireffortsaimedto createself-sustainingabilitiesofthehomeandsmallindustriesinaframeoftheso- called rural reconstruction imagined by Kanakarayan Tiruselvam Paul (1876 –1 9 31), the leaderoftheChristiannationalisminIndia(Kiss–Zagyi201 4).Mitigationanderadication oftheconsequencesofthenaturaldisasterswerealsoincludedintheactivitieswhich providedeffectiveshortandlongtermhelptodealwitheffectofthemoreandmore devastating tragedies which jeopardising human life and material assets and unfortunatelyoccurringwithincreasingfrequency. The local Christian community was accused more and more often of its heavily restrainedparticipationintheIndianIndependenceMovement.EventheChurchleaders and intellectuals acknowledged this fact (Houghton 1983). One of the justifiable explanationsmaybetheparticularlyweakenforcementofinterestsoftheuneducated masslocatedatthebottomofthehierarchyofsocialclassesandwhichconstituteda significantpartoftheChristiancommunityatthecolonialpast.Ontheotherhand,the moderate desire for a Hindu dominated independent India, which may have had aversionsagainsttheminoritiesandotherreligiouscommunitiesofnon-Indianorigins. However, we cannot say that the local Christian community remained completely disinterestedinthenationalideaandtheindependencemovement,butitwascertainly notrelatedtobroadmassesbutrathertotheactivitiesofsomemostinfluentialpolitical activistsandchurchleaders.TheabovementionedK. T. Paulasanenthusiasticfollower of Mahatma Gandhi (1869 –1 948) used his social prestige and his leading role in the IndianandinternationalChristiansocialandmissionarymovements(GeneralSecretary oftheNationalMissionarySociety,India;ChairmanoftheNationalChristianCouncilof India;NationalGeneralSecretaryoftheNationalCouncilofYMCAsofIndia) notonlyfor improvingthesocialwelfaremeasuresbutalsotoassisttheindependencemovement. Later, Christian members of the Minority Advisory Committee delegated by the ConstituentAssembly ofIndia,whichwasindependentfromtheBritishcolonialrule,pla- yed a prominent role in development of the Constitution of the Republic of India, particularlyintheissueofthefreedomofreligionorbelief.Ithappeneddespitethefact thattheChristiansbecamethevictimsofserioussocialandinterreligiousconflicts,which happened because of misinterpretations of the legal guarantees in the independent India.DuringthepreparationoftheConstitution,theleadersoftheChristiancommunity firmlysupportedthebuildingofthenation,theintegrityofthenewstate,althoughit wasthreatenedbymanyfactorsatthattime.Todemonstratethis,theyrenouncedthe parliamentary representation of Christians and the political guarantees for the protection of their specifically named parochial interests and Church possessions. In

112 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES return,theyachievedthatfreedomtopractice,propagateandchangeofthereligious belief9 becamepartoftheConstitution,whichenteredintoforceon26thJanuary1950 overcomingtheresistanceoftherepresentativesoftheHindu-majoritynation.Gandhi’s sympathyfortheChristiansplayedanimportantroleinit,asheknewwellthedoctrines ofJesus.

the past and the present of the hungarian in the

Talkingaboutsocialsphere’sactivityandcommitmenttoimprovethesociety,itis unavoidabletointroduceshortlytheactivitiesoftheHungarianChristianmissionariesin Indiathatismoreandmoreactivetoday. AccordingtotheconcisesummaryofIndologist, ImreBangha (Bangha2009),the Hungarian missionary work was sporadic and its participants were interestingly all Catholicduringthefirsthalfofthe18thcenturytothemiddleofthe20thcentury.The firstHungarianmissionarywhocametoIndiaasaJesuitmonkwasJózsefHausegger (1700 –1 765).From1731tohisdeath,heworkedinGoaandontheMalabarCoast,which were under Portuguese rule. He informed the ruler about his experience in Latin languageletters,whichsurvivedinextracttranslations(Pinzger 1931). Afteralongperiod,inthefirsthalfofthe20thcentury,BertalanVargaandIstván Polgár,membersoftheSalesianandJesuitOrderfollowedhim.BertalanVargaarrivedto EastBengalinthe1930swhereheservedasapastoruntilhisinternmentafterthe outbreakoftheSecondWorldWar.Afterhisreleasein1946,heservedinseveralWest BengalstationsincludingKalimpong,theadjacent settlementtoDarjeeling,wherehe wasabletotakecareofthegraveofourcompatriot,SándorKőrösiCsoma(1784 –1 842) forawhile. István Polgár arrived to the nascent independent India in January 1947, and after months of language learning, he commenced his parish service in the 24 Parganas districtofBengallocatedintheGanges–BrahmaputraDelta.Asapartofhismissionary activity,healsoactivelyparticipatedintheruraldevelopmentofthecountryside.For example, in Baidyapur, he created a model farm where he had good achievements, amongotherthings,intheyieldincreaseofriceandfruitsbyusingthemostadvanced methods of that time. He also created the infrastructural basis for the cultivation of freshwaterfishes,whichplayedakeyroleinthefoodsupplyofthepopulation.Healso madeexperimentsforthecreationofalternativefuels. Additionally,hewasanenthusiasticchurch-builder,foundingmorethanthirtyplaces of worship. However, he could also experience that “no prophet is acceptable in his hometown” when – at the peak of his success – a couple of politically motivated workersbeathimandoustedhimfromhislandin1969.Later,theconflictwasresolved throughpublicrepentanceataconciliatoryservice,butthiscasehighlightedthatthe

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implementation of the reform of church lands and the provision of land to farmers cannotbedelayedanylonger. Alsointhelate1940s,EdithTömöry(1905 –1 998)fromtheFranciscanOrdergotto thecountry,andinMadras(currentlyChennai,TamilNadustate)shebecameateacher (and later the director) of the newly established Stella Maris College. The nun who graduatedasanarthistorianandwasacclaimedasarecognisedprofessionalpublished ahistoricalsummary(Tömöry1982)aboutIndianandWesternfineartin1968,which hasbeenrepublishednumeroustimes. Asitisobviousfromthebriefsummaryabove,themembersofRomanCatholic missionshaveperformedtheirwork(inthepastandcurrently)almostexclusivelyinthe framework of the orders of their church, mostly the institutional framework of the Jesuits,aswellastheirevangelisation/goodwillmissions,regardlessoftheircitizenships and ethnicities. Therefore, because of the Universalist, internationalist approach of Catholicism it is also typical in foreign monastic missions. National characters (even thoughtheyareidentifiable)arelesssignificantthaninthecaseofProtestants.Thisfact isobviouslyshowninthecaseoftheforeignmonasticmissionsofthesecondhalfof the 20th century and currently as well: Hungarian relations are only featured in the activitiesofHungarianProtestantchurchesandchurchorganisations. AlthoughtheHungarianProtestantmissionarymovementhasarichandlonghistory (Kool 1995–2000)andithastraditionallybeenactiveintheDutchEastIndies(today: Indonesia),theBalkansandChina,ithasnotappearedinIndiauntilthe1970s.Thefirstof them is the charity organisation founded in 1974, the Hungarian Leprosy Mission. Its charitableactivityanddonationshavereachedtheIndiansubcontinenteversince.This workwassupportedbynumerousProtestantcommunities:inadditiontoothers,the Calvinist congregations in Pécs and Baranya County also participated in significant leprosymissionaryactivities(Komlósi2004). The first Protestant missionary delegates after the transition were the teacher/religious educator couple András Jó (Calvinist) and Angelika Jóné Jutasi (Lutheran). They reached Southern India by the support of the Reformed Church in America(RCA)andtaughtintheKodaikanalInternationalSchool,foundedbyAmerican Protestantsin1901forthechildrenofmissionariesinSouthernIndia.Itwasoneofthe firstinternationalschoolsinthecountryandworksasasecondarylevel educational institutionprovidingasecondaryschoolcertificatesince1974.Similarlytootherschools operated by Western churches and missionary organisations, this also worked in the form of a foundation for the last few decades. The restrictions applicable to the missionaryactivitiesofforeignersmadeitsoperationasaclassicmissionaryinstitution impossible.Asaresult,todayonlyhalfoftheteachersandpupilsareChristians,but participationattheSundayreligiousserviceandreligiousclassesisstillcompulsory,in accordance with religious tradition. At least one third of the pupils gets scholarship (EvangelicalLutheranChurchinHungarys.a.;KodaikanalInternationalSchools.a.). In2002,BalázsMesterházyandhiswifeAndreatookovertheserviceofAndrásJó andhiswife.Balázsworkedasthepastoroftheschoolforthreeyears,andAndrea

114 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. TANULMÁNYOK/ARTICLES performedpastoralcareasapsychologist.AnotherLutherancouple,ImreSzigetiand ZitaPáhánfollowedtheminservicefrom201 3to2016.Inthesummerof2017,AndrásJó and his wife returned to the institution. At this time they provided the following statement:“Basedonpreliminarydiscussions,wearegoingtoparticipateintheeduca- tionofEnglishasaForeignLanguageandSecondarySchoolReligiousStudies,andthey alsointendtograduallyinvolveusinthemanagementoftheschool.Forusthisisagreat challenge and honour, since our institution is one of the most acclaimed English- speakingboardingschoolsinAsia”(Galambos2017). InoneofthepooreststatesinIndia,UttarPradesh,inthemunicipalityofFatehpur, locatedapproximately500 kmfromDelhi,attheBroadwellChristianHospitaloperated by the Indian Christian missionary organisation Emmanuel Hospital Association (EHA), paediatricianDr. DánielErdélyiandhiswife,radiologistDr. ÁgnesErdélyinéFalusstarted to work. Dániel Erdélyi had already worked as a trainee of the surgery and internal medicinedepartmentoftheRichardsonLeprosyMissionHospitalinMiraj(Maharashtra state)asasixth-yearmedicalstudentin1996.HemetDr. JuniJ. Chungath,thecurrent headofthehospitalinFatehpur,therewhoinvitedtheErdélyistohisowninstitution. Since the Western type social security systems are not present in India, missionary organisations(mostlysupportedbyBritishChristians)providecheapandsometimesfree medicalcareforpatientsinneed,whocannotpayfortherealcostsofmedicalservices atmultipleplaces,includingtheFatehpurhospital(KisTükör2012).TheReformedChurch inHungarysentDr.JúliaNémethandherhusbandTamásPálúrformedicalmissionary work to this hospital in 2009. The couple provided humanitarian service here from autumn2009toSeptember2010. Thedoctorsandteachersonforeignservicereportedontheirexperiencesofbeinga ChristianinIndiaviablogs,newspaperarticlesandinterviews.AccordingtoAndrásJó“in IndiaitisnotimportantwhoisaCatholic,aLutheran,aMethodistorthememberofany otherdenomination.”Intoday’sIndia,“ifsomeoneisChristian,theyaremybrothersand sisters.Thisishowlargehostilepressure,socialtensionandthestrengtheningofIslam andHindufundamentalismarepresentinthecountry(…)Itismoreimportanttofocus onwhatconnectsus,insteadofwhatseparatesus”(Tari201 3).TamásPálúrreportedon thelifeofaProtestantreligiouscommunityandthewaysProtestantspracticetheirfaith inIndia.Heexplained:“InProtestantprayergroups(…)8-1 0peopletalksimultaneously loudly,theyaccompanysongswithrattles,drumandguitar,whichmaysoundstrangeto aEuropean’sear,butitfitsperfectlytotheircultureandpersonalities.Iappreciatedhow they practice their Protestant faith in their own way, with their own means” (Fodor 2010).AccordingtoAndrásJó,oneoftheprimaryaimsofthemissionistochange society,tomakeIndiansunderstandthesignificanceofmunificenceandsupportingthe poor,showingthemaway‘tochangethelivesofothersandraisingawarenessonhow importantpeopleareforeachother’(…)inordertomakethemturntheirheadstothe poor”(Tari201 3). As a natural result of Protestant Ecumenism, as well as the lack of interest in commitmenttoaspecificdenominationamongIndianChristians,thecurrentHungarian

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Protestant evangelists also arrive to India representing the international and partly interconfessionalmissionaryorganisations,aswellastheHungarianassociationsthereof, established since the 1990s. Obviously, the foreign missions of certain Hungarian ProtestantChurches(organisedbydenomination)alsoperformsignificantandaltruistic work.Becauseofthepreviouslymentioned(andpresented indetail)reasons,i.e.the administrative restrictions against missionary activities and the resentment of the majoritypopulation,thereisnoopenevangelisationintheclassicalsense,buttheystill work–almostexclusively–inthefieldofsocialandmedicalcareandeducation,as doctors,socialhelpersandteachers.

issues of in modern india

Asoneoftheaboveinterviewsalsoshows,becauseofthefearsoftheHindusociety, which fears any change of the denominational status quo, the freedom of religion providedbytheconstitutionisrestrictedintoday’sIndia,especiallyforChristians(Zagyi 201 3).Theprovisionsoftheconstitutiondiscussinghumanrights.Especiallyissuesof freedom of conscience and propagating faith are very important, as the possible interpretationsplayaimportantroleinpublicandlegaldebatesrelatedtofreedomof religion. In addition to violent acts indicated a continued Hindu-Muslim confrontation (artificially instigated, and going back to the colonial period), a new front of inter- religious oppositions emerged. Because of the proselytizing work of Christian and Buddhistmissionsfocusingondisadvantagedgroupsfromthelowestlevelsofsocial hierarchy,radicalHinduorganisationstakeviolentretaliatoryactions(PewResearchCen- ter2009).Basedontheinitiativesofthememberstates,newregulationshavebeen introducedcontradictingthespiritandwordsoftheconstitution,aimingtorestricta changeofreligion. Thereforethemainproblemistherestrictionofrightsonthepropagationoffaith, changing religion and convictions. Nowadays, restrictive laws are in effect in seven membersstates.10 WiththeexceptionofthestatesofHimachal andArunachalPradesh, theylackmajorpopulationandeconomicsignificance.Itissafetosaythatthesestates –suchasRajasthan,MadhyaPradesh,Chhattisgarh,Odisha –exceptforGujarat –are belowtheaverageeconomicpowerandlivingstandardofIndia.However,considering thetotalmembershipratesoftheso-calledscheduledcastesandscheduledtribes,these havehigherthanaverageones(comparedtothefederalmeannumbers). Thefirstmemberstatelaws,whichrestrictedachangeofreligion,wereintroducedin the 1960s and 1970s. Then such legislation gained new momentum during the mid- 2000s.Obviously,legislatorsdonotopenlytakeonsuchintentionsinthecaseoflaws that are regularly called “freedom of religion laws”, with the main objective of preventingforcedconversions.Thedifferentpiecesoflegislationallfeaturenumerous commonproperties,targetingtherestrictingofmissionsprovidingservicestolowcaste

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Hindus,eliminatingfactorsmodifyingtheestablishedreligiousdivisionsandregulations servingthedemandsofradicalmovementsandpartieswhichenvisionathreattothe Hindunation.Thisincludestheterminologywhichprovidesanextremelywideroomfor theinterpretationoftheconceptof“force”,basedonwhichmissionaryactivitieswhich presentanattractiveperspectivetoindividualsorgroupsorofferspiritualbenefitsare considered as “forced”, which can render conversion invalid, impossible and can thereforealsolimitanysignificantchangeofthecompositionofreligions. Basedonthedefinitionof“conversion”itisalreadyobviouswhotheselawsintend toprotect,sinceonmultipleoccasions,thisdirectlyorindirectlyexcludesthereturnto so-calledoriginal,native,domesticorancientreligionsfromtheconceptofconversionto a different religion, thus rendering it free from any legislative restrictions. Another common feature of the recently adopted laws is a reporting requirement on the intentionanddatetochangereligioninadvance,whichgiveswaytoalegalityreviewof the circumstances of conversion, and also the denial thereof. However, according to statements of the affected persons and human rights organisations, this serves the purpose of providing enough time to opposing organisations and activities to be notified. Theselawscansanctionillegalmissionaryworkratherstrictly,withuptothreeyears injail,andpunishmentcanbeevenstricterinthecaseofillegallyconvertingchildren, womenandDalits whoareconsideredeasilyimpressionable,thusrevealingtheactual intentionofthelegislators(ChristianSolidarity2006). Theobviousquestionrelatedtothebigpicture,basedontheabove,ishowthese anti-conversionmemberstatelawscouldenterintoforce,iftheyareincompatiblewith thefreedomofreligionrightsguaranteedbytheconstitutionofthefederalrepublic.This legal situation was enabled by the specific interpretation of the concept of disseminating faith, supported by court decisions as well11. According to this interpretation, the dissemination, promotion, propagation of religions and their principles do not necessarily include the right to freely perform missionary activities, whichalsodeniesthelogicalrelationshipbetweenthepossibilityofpersuasionandthe libertytovoluntarilychangebelief. Physical violence related to conversion to Christianity, which often leadstodeadly violentincidents,seemstohavebecomepermanentduringthelastfewyearsandeven increaseinnumbers,becauseradicalcommunalistmovementsandpartiesconsiderthe naturalpopulationgrowthoftheMuslimpopulation(exceedingHindus)andmissionary activities the primary reasons for the changing composition of denominations and possiblydisadvantageousdemographicconsequences.

references

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Bhatia,Lakshmi(2010):ContradictionandChangeintheMizoChurch.In:Rowena,Robinson–Kujur,JosephMarianus (eds.):MarginsofFaith:DalitsandTribalChristiansinIndia.LosAngeles,etc.:SagePublications. Elliot,J.K.(2005): TheApocryphalNewTestament:ACollectionofApocryphalChristianLiteratureinanEnglish TranslationBasedonM.R.James.Oxford:ClarendonPress. Houghton,Graham(1983):ImpoverishmentandDependency. Madras:ChristianLiteratureSociety. Houghton,Graham(2006)HistoryofChristianImpactonIndia.In:Stanley,Wolpert(ed.):EncyclopediaofIndiavol.1. Detroit,etc.:ThomsonGale.247–252. Jussay,P.M.(2005):TheJewsofKerala.Calicut:PublicationDivision,UniversityofCalicut. Kalapura, Jose (2010): Margins of Faith: Dalits and Tribal Christians in Eastern India. In: Rowena, Robinson–Kujur, JosephMarianus(eds.):MarginsofFaith:DalitsandTribalChristiansinIndia.LosAngeles,etc.:SagePublications. Kiss,Katalin–Zagyi,Nándor(201 4):PrincipalCharacteristicsoftheIndianMicro,Small&MediumEnterprises(MSME) SectorandItsImportanceinRuralDevelopment.GeographicalLocalityStudies,(2.),438–460. Kool,Anne-Marie(1995–2000):AzÚrcsodásanműködik:Amagyarprotestánskülmisszióimozgalom(1756 –1 951) I–III. Budapest:HARMATProtestánsMisszióiTanulmányiIntézet. Komlósi,Ernőné(2004):„AzIstenszentségéveléstisztaságával,nememberibölcsességgel,hanemIstenkegyelmével jártunkavilágban”.Pécs:s.n.Availableat:BaranyaiReformátusEgyházmegyeLevéltára. Nehru,Jawaharlal(1981): Indiafölfedezése.Budapest:EurópaKönyvkiadó. Pallath,Paul(2015):AKatolikusEgyházIndiában.Budapest:MagyarEgyháztörténetiEnciklopédiaMunkaközösség. Pinzger,FerencS.J.(1931):Magasztoseszmékútján.Budapest:KatolikusMissziókkiadása. Timkó,Imre(1971):Keletikereszténység,keletiegyházak.Budapest:SzentIstvánTársulat. Tömöry,Edith(1982):AHistoryofFineArtsinIndiaandtheWest.Bangaloreetc.: OrientBlackSwan. Vanyó,László(1988):Azókeresztényegyházésirodalma.Budapest:SzentIstvánTársulat. Vithayathil,Varkey(2000):MissionandLifeofSt.ThomasinIndia.In:George,Menachery(ed.):TheSt.ThomasChris- tianEncyclopaediaofIndiavol.2.Thiruvananthapuram:StJoseph’sPress,2–5. Wilhelm,Zoltán(2011):TheSurveyofSpatialDisparityinIndiawiththeApplicationoftheSENTIENTIndex.Hungarian GeographicalBulletin, 60.,(1.),45–65. Wilhelm, Zoltán–Pete, József–Kisgyörgy, Péter (2006): Adatok a kasmíri konfliktus politikai földrajzi elemzéséhez. HungarianGeographicalBulletin,LV.,(1–2.),213–237. Zagyi,Nándor(201 3):AvallásszabadságkorlátaiamaiIndiában.GeographiaPannonicaNova,17.,117 –1 29. Zagyi,Nándor(s.a.):Anemiarány-eltolódásalakulásánaktársadalmiésterületijellegzetességeiIndiában.Manuscript.

Online references Bangha,Imre(2009):MagyarmisszionáriusokBengálban.KereszténySzó,20.,7. http://epa.oszk.hu/00900/00939/00107/2009_07_02_00107.htm CatholicBishop’sConferenceinIndia(s.a.):ChurchinIndia.http://cbci.in/Church-in-India.aspx CensusIndia(2011):PopulationbyReligiousCommunity.http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011census/C-01.html Christian Solidarity (2006) Briefing: Anti-Conversion Legislation in India. New Malden, Surrey: Christian Solidarity Worldwide.http://www.cswusa.org/filerequest/1124.pdf Fodor,Zsófia(2010):AkétarcúIndia.http://reformatus.hu/mutat/a-ketarcu-india/ Galambos,Ádám(2017):Emberhalászokkáteszlektiteket–KülmisszióiútraindulaJócsalád. http://www.evangelikus.hu /170717-jocsalad IndiaToday(2017):India’sBestColleges2017. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/bestcoll eges/2017/ KisTükör(2012):OrvoskéntIndiában:ErdélyiDánielékbeszámolója2007-ből. http://kistukor.koinonia.ro/cikk/naplo/erdelyi-danielek-beszamoloja-2007-bol KodaikanalInternationalSchool(s.a.):IntroductiontoKIS.http://www.kis.in/our-school/introduction-to-kis/ MagyarországiEvangélikusEgyház(s.a.):Külmisszió:India.http://church.lutheran.hu/mm/mm0103 /mm0103p10.htm Missick,StephenAndrew(2000):MarThoma:TheApostolicFoundationoftheAssyrianChurchandtheChristiansof St.ThomasinIndia.JournalofAssyrianAcademicStudies,14.,(2.),33–61. http://www.jaas.org/edocs /v1 4n2/missick.pdf Pew Research Center (2011): Global Christianity: A Report on the Size and Distribution of the World’s Christian Population.WashingtonD.C.:PewResearchCenter’sForumonReligion&PublicLife. http://www.pewforum.org/2011 /12 /19 /global-christianity-exec/ Pew Research Center (2009): Global Restrictions on Religion. Washington D.C.:Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion&PublicLife.http://www.pewforum.org/files/2009 /12 /restriction-fullreport.pdf

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Tari,Zoltán(201 3):Teológusportré–JóAndrás. http://punkosd.ma.ptf.hu/cimlap/portre/201 3-4-5/teologus-portre-jo-andras TheLutheranWorldFederation(s.a.):ChurchesinIndia.https://www.lutheranworld.org/country/india UNICEF(2016):TheStateoftheWorld’sChildren2016:AFairChanceforEveryChild. NewYork:UNICEFDivisionof Communication.http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/UNICEF_SOWC_2016.pdf WorldCouncilofChurches(s.a.):WCCMemberChurches.https://www.oikoumene.org/en/member-churches Wilhelm,Zoltán–Zagyi,Nándor(2012):Mitéralány,haindiai?–NemiarányokalakulásánakvizsgálataIndiában.In: Nyári,Diána(szerk.):Kockázat–konfliktus–kihívás.Szeged:SZTETermészetiFöldrajziésGeoinformatikaiTan- szék,1037–1 053.http://geography.hu/mfk2012 /pdf/wilhelm_zagyi_india.pdf Zagyi,Nándor(2009):AjudaizmusmúltjaésjeleneIndiában.ModernGeográfia,(4.), http://www.moderngeografia.eu/wp-content/uploads/2012 /02/zagyi_nandor_2009_4.pdf

notes

1. Palur(Palayur),Kottakkavu,Kokkamangalam,Nilakkal,Niranam,KollamandThiruvithamkode.Theeightancient ChurchesestablishedbyApostleSaintThomasarecollectivelyknowninlocallanguageasEzharappallikal. 2.TodaythecommunityoftheSaintThomasChristiansconsistsofthefollowingeightaffiliatedchurches:1.the autocephalous Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church followingwesternAntiocheneRitewhichbelongstothe oriental orthodox (miaphysite or non-Chalcedonian) churches; 2. the affiliated church of the former, the Malankara Jacobite Syrian Orthodox Church belonging under the jurisdiction of the Damascus-based Syriac Orthodox Church; 3. the Uniate Syro-Malankara Catholic Church acknowledging the Pope's sovereignty but followingthesameliturgicaltraditionoftheabovementionedChurches;4.the MalabarIndependentSyrian Church separatedfromtheMalankaragroupafteraninternalrivalrybutitbelongstotheritecommunityofthe Malankaragroup;5. MarThomaSyrianChurch becomeanindependentreformdirectionresultingfromthe Anglican mission representing a special interim format between Orthodoxy and Protestantism which is a traditionalorthodoxchurchintermsofliturgybutitisratherreformistintermsofitsdoctrine;6.theSaintTho- mas Evangelical Church with Evangelical-episcopal form which separated from the previous one and it is considered as a definite Protestant; 7. the Chaldean Syrian Church based in Iraq following East Syrian Rite (Babylonian)incontrarytotheabovementionedwhichoperatesasamajorarchdioceseoftheAssyrianChurch oftheEast;8.andtheSyro-MalabarCatholicChurch whichjoinedtheVaticanbutitfollowsEastSyrianRiteas wellandconstitutesandindependentpatriarchate. 3.AleixiodeMenezes,thearchbishopofGoa,takingtheopportunityofthemandategivenbytheHolySeetothe localrepresentativesthroughthePortugueseemperorforthenotrarelyviolentCatholicizationoftheircolonies the so called Portuguese patronage (Padroado Português) enforced the separation of the Saint Thomas ChristiansfromtheAssyrianjurisdictionandtheplacementofitundertheArchbishopricofGoatogetherwith theintroductionoftheLatinliturgyonthediocesansynodconvenedandgovernedbyhim. 4. ThevarnaswhichmeanorderorclassarethefourbasicunitsoftheHindusocialorganization.Similarlytothe castes,thereisnosocialmobilityamongthemandthesocialgroupsaredeterminedbybirth.Althoughtheir membersdonotnecessarilycarryouttheactivitiesoftheiroriginalmeaning,buttheiractualsocialstatusisstill transmitted.Themostprestigiousand,atthesametime,thesmallestgroupisconstitutedbythebrahmins who exclusivelypursuingclerical,teachingorintellectualoccupations,followedbythekshatriyas operatingthestate administrationandthearmy,andthenthevaisyaswhotypicallylivefromtradeandcarryoutbusinessactivities and,finallytheshudras closethesystemofthevarnaswhocarryoutmanual,farming,handicraftandserving activities.Accordingtothemostprobabletheory,theuntouchablepeopleorthedalitsandtheirdescendants excluded from their community due to violating the law regulating the lives of the varnas who are in an existentiallyimpossiblepositionandoutsideofthesocialnetworktraditionallycarryingoutdirtyandunclean workdonotbelongtoanyofthevarnas. 5.SmallmemberstateswithlowpopulationoccupiedbycommunitiesspeakingmainlySino-Tibetanlanguages andlivingintribes(scheduledtribes)intheeasternneighbourhoodofthehistoricBengalintheextremely isolatedpartoftheNorth-easternHimalayawhichisconsideredthenestoftheseparatistaspirations:Arunachal Pradesh,Assam,Manipur,Meghalaya,Mizoram,NagalandandTripura.

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6.Thegroupoflocalintellectualsandthinkerssupportingtheinclusionandintegrationoftheintellectual,social andeconomicachievementsoftheWestmediatedbytheBritishinthecourseoftheculturaldebateofthe 19thcentury.Theso-calledorientalistsdefinedthemselvesasopposedtothatgroupwhothoughttoexplore themeansofsocialrenewalinthecompletionoftheintellectualandspiritualvaluesoftheEastandinthe opposingagainsttheinfluenceofthereligiousandintellectualinfluenceoftheEuropeans. 7. AccordingtotherecentevaluationpublishedbytheIndiaTodayandtheNielsenCompanyinthemajorityof faculties (arts, science, commerce, computer application, business administration) of the higher education institutionsfoundedormaintainedbytheChristiansprovide3-6placesofthetoptenofacertaindiscipline. Themajorityofthemcanbefoundinthetwosouthernmetropolises,Bengaluru(Bangalore) and Chennai (Madras)accordingtothemajorpopulationclusteroftheChristians.TheChristUniversityofBengalplayingan importantroleevenintheIndianscientificlifeisoutstanding,buttheLoyolaCollegeofChennai,theSt.Xavier’s CollegeofMumbai,theMadrasChristianCollegeofChennaiandtheKristuJayantiCollegeofBangalorealso haveasignificantimportance. 8.TheIndianpatriarchalfamilymodelcanbeconsideredasamotivationalfactorforsocialdisparityagainstgirls. Two aspects, patrilinearity and patrilocality, of this social organization pattern necessarily entailing by the discriminationofthegirlsneedtobeemphasized.Theformermeansthetransferoftheassets(meansof productionandfactors)inthemalelineensuringthesurvivalofthefamily,andthelattermeansthebindingof themarriedwomentotheirhusband’sparentalhome.Thematerialaspectsofthepatriarchalsocialsystemthat affectsthegirls’familiesdisadvantageouslywhiletheboys’familiesadvantageouslyarequiteobvious:whilethe expendituresoftheparentsraisinggirlsarelostandtheycannotrelyontheirdaughter’ssupportevenintheir oldage,thehusband’sfamilyvirtuallygetsmoreworkforcevirtuallyfreeofchargebythewifewho,inaddition, increasethenumberofthecommunitywithitssonwaitedandhopedbyeverybody.Inthelightoftheabove,it isnotsurprisingthatthemortalityrateofgirlsintheirown(parent's)familyarehigherthantherateoftheboys whichisincontrastofthenormaldemographictrend. 9.AmongthefundamentalrightsnamedinArticle15ofChapterIIIoftheConstitution,theprohibitionofthe religiousdiscriminationismentionedbesidestheprohibitionofthediscriminationonthegroundsofsex,race, casteaswellasplaceofbirth.TheConstitutionregardingthefreedomofreligion(Articl es25-28)contains provisionsfortherespectofthefreedomofbeliefandthefreedomofexerciseanddisseminateofthefaithof everyoneinadditiontoensuringtheorganizationalautonomyofcertaincommunities,theexemptionoftaxes andcontributionsservingforthesupportandmaintenanceofthereligiousorganizationalstructureandthe voluntaryparticipationinthereligiouseducationofschools. 10. OrissaFreedomofReligionAct,1967;MadhyaPradeshFreedomofReligionAct,1968,ineffectsince2000in Chatisgarhaswell,amendedin2006;ArunachalPradeshFreedomofReligionAct,1978;GujaratFreedomof ReligionAct,2003;ChhatisgarhFreedomofReligion(Amendment)Act,2006;RajasthanFreedomofReligionBill, 2006;HimachalPradeshFreedomofReligionBill,2006. 11. TheSupremeCourtofIndiahasestablishedthelegalprecedentverifyingthisinterpretationofthelawinthe lawsuitofReverendStanislaus versusthestateofMadhyaPradesh,rejectingtheargumentoftheapplicantina judgmentadoptedin1977,regardingtherequesttoascertaintheillegalityofrestrictingconversion.According totheexplanation,thelibertiesonpropagatingandintermediatingreligionguaranteedintheconstitutiondo not directly establish the right to convert someone from one religion to another. It specifically derived the argumentfromtheprovisionoftheconstitutionguaranteeingfreedomofconsciencetoeveryone.Basedon thistheyconcludedthatreligionsnotengaginginapropagatingmission–suchasHinduism–wouldbeina disadvantageouspositioncomparedtoreligionswhichareactiveinthissenseincaseofsuchaninterpretation, extendingthepossibilitytopropagatereligions.

120 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. SZERZÔINK/AUTHORS lászló kákAi–viktor glied SketchoftheHungariannonprofitsectoraftertheregimechange

Theescalationoftheeconomic,politicalandsocialcrisisfromthemid-80sgenerateda “revival”oforganisationallifeinHungary.Thebeginningofthepoliticaltransformation wasmarkedbythereappearanceoffoundationasalegalentityin1987,andthenit wentonwiththeratificationoftheAssociationsActin1989.Itwasconcludedwiththe amendmentofCivilCode(enactedin1990)whichabolishedtheformerrestrictionthata foundationcouldonlybesetupwiththeapprovaloftherelevantgovernmentauthority. Following the 1989 Act, which guaranteed the conditions of freely setting up organisations,thenumberoforganisationswasgrowingcontinuously.Thisgrowthcan beobserveduntiltheendofthe2000swhentheglobalfinancialcrisishitHungary. Generalpolitical,economicandmoralcrisisbeganinHungaryin2006,whichlasteduntil 2010andstillbeyond…Thenewright-winggovernmentstartedtorearrangetheentire politicalandsocialsysteminthisyear.Withatwo-thirdmajorityintheparliament,the government began transforming the subsystems of society practically without any resistance.Between2010and201 3,thecountrysawanavalancheoflegislation,anew constitution,aswellashundredsofnewandamendedactsofparliamentwereadopted inafewyears.TheannouncementoftheProgrammeofNationalCooperation(National CooperationSystem)inMay2010laiddowntheobjectivesthatstilldefinethedirections of governance to date. This included the key elements of completely amending the regulation and finance of the NGO sector, as well as laying down entire new foundations for the cooperation between NGOs, the government and municipalities. Duetotheswiftandradicalchanges,protestsorvaryingintensityandsupportbegun, butbyearly2015thesehavemoreorlessdriedout. ThisarticleintroducesthedevelopmentandchangeoftheHungariannonprofitsector aftertheregimechangeuntil2017.Thepapergivesacomprehensiveinsighttothecivil sector or government/civil networks, what relationships and activities have become dominantfortheorganisationsinHungary. Keywords: Hungary,nonprofit,civilsociety,NGOs lászló Kákai Dr. wasborninPécsin1964.AtEötvösLorandUniversityofBudapesthegota degreeinsociologyon1994,andinpolitologyin1995.HehasbeenprofessorofPoliticalSciences attheDepartmentofPoliticalStudiesoftheFacultyofHumanitiesoftheUniversityofPécs.In 2004,hetookaPhDdegree,andbecametheresearchleaderoftheSzázadvégCivilAcademy. Since2003,hehasbeenthepresidentofthePólusokAssociationofSocialSciences,andisthe SouthTransdanubiansubstitutememberoftheNationalCounciloftheNationalCivilFund.Heis HeadoftheDepartmentPoliticalScienceandInternationalStudiesattheUniversityofPécs,and from2012,presidentoftheCommunityEnvironmentCollegeoftheNationalCooperationFund. E-mail address: [email protected]).

Viktor Glied, PhDinpoliticalscience,assistantprofessorattheUniversityofPécs,Hungary.Heis historianandpoliticalscientist,graduatedfromtheUniversityofPécs.Hisresearchinterestscover

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ecopolicy, civil society, Hungarian and international history in the 20th –21st centuries and migrationissues.Heistheauthorandeditorofseveralacademicbooksandstudies,contributor andleaderinmanyresearches. E-mail address: [email protected]).

kákAi lászló–glied viktor Amagyarnonprofitszektorhelyzetearendszerváltásután

Anyolcvanasévekközepétőltapasztalhatógazdasági,politikaiéstársadalmiválságfel- élénkítetteaszervezetiéletetMagyarországon.Apolitikaiátmenetegyikfontoslépése voltazalapítványokműködésénekelismerése1987-ben,majdatársaságitörvényelfoga- dása1989-ben.Aciviltörvény1990-benfeloldottaaztakorlátozást,amelyszerintkizá- rólag az állam hozhat létre civil szervezetet. Mindezen jogszabályok lehetővé tették a szervezetalapítást,melynekkövetkeztébenfolyamatosanemelkedettanonprofitszerve- zetekszáma.Ezanövekedésegészena2000-esévekvégéigvoltmegfigyelhető,amikor aglobálispénzügyiválságelérteMagyarországot. Általánospolitikai,gazdaságiésmorálisválságvettekezdetéthazánkban2006-ban,mely egészen 2010-igtartott,sőt,másformában,deazótaistart.Aválasztásokongyőztes jobboldalikormányazonnalhozzálátottapolitikaiéstársadalmirendszerekátalakításá- hoz.Kétharmadostöbbségebirtokábanakormányzatlényegébenellenállásnélkülkez- dettbeleatársadalmialrendszerekreformjába.2010és201 3közötttörvényhozásidöm- pingzajlott,újtörvényekszázaitfogadtaelaparlamentnéhányévenbelül.A2010máju- sábanmeghirdetettNemzetiEgyüttműködésRendszereelnevezésűprogramlefektettea kormányzatipolitikairányait.Ennekrészekéntkerültsoracivilszektorátalakítására,mely érintetteaszektorszabályozásátésfinanszírozásátis,továbbáegyújfajtaegyüttműködé- sistruktúráthozottlétreakormányzat,azönkormányzatésacivilszervezetekközött. A gyorsésradikálisreformokmiattkülönbözőintenzitásútiltakozások,mozgalmak,vagy éppen a kormányt támogató kezdeményezések bukkantak fel, azonban 2015 elejére ezeknagyrésztmeggyengültek,átalakultakvagyegyszerűeneltűntek. Atanulmányamagyarnonprofitszektorfejlődésétésváltozásaitmutatjabearendszer- váltástól2017-ig,továbbászéleskörűbetekintéstnyújtacivilhálózatokműködésébe. Kulcsszavak: Magyarország,nonprofit,civiltársadalom,NGO-k

Kákai lászló 1964. augusztus 24-én Pécsett született. Végzettségét tekintve 1994-ben szerez diplomátazELTE-nszociológiából,1995-benpedigazELTEÁJK-npolitológiából.1997-tőlaPTEBTK Politikai Tanulmányok Tanszékének oktatója. 1999. november 5-től 2002. május 31-ig kutatási szakértő a Miniszterelnöki Hivatal Civil Kapcsolatok Főosztályán. 2004-ben politikatudományból doktorálazELTEÁJK-n.2004–2005közöttkutatásivezetőaSzázadvégCivilAkadémián.2003-tól aPólusokTársadalomtudományiEgyesületelnöke.2006-tólaNemzetiCivilAlapprogramOrszágos

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Tanácsánakdél-dunántúlipóttagja,majd2008 –2011rendestagja.2012-tőlaNemzetiEgyüttműkö- désiAlapKözösségiKörnyezetKollégiumánakelnöke.JelenlegaPécsiTudományegyetemBölcsé- szettudományiKarPolitikatudományiésNemzetköziTanulmányokTanszékénektanszékvezetője. 2016.szeptember1-jétőlegyetemitanáraPTEBTKPolitikatudományiésNemzetköziTanulmányok Tanszékén. E-mail: [email protected]

Glied Viktor (PhD),történész-politológus,apolitikatudományokdoktora.2007ótaoktataPTE BTKPolitikatudományiésNemzetköziTanulmányokTanszékén,számoskutatásiprojektrésztvevője, vezetője.2004ótafoglalkozikökopolitikaiésbiztonságpolitikaikérdésekkel.Civilszektorral,környe- zetpolitikával, migrációval kapcsolatos kötetek szerkesztője. Fő kutatási területei: ökopolitika, civil szervezetek,migrációsfolyamatok,zöldpártok/mozgalmak,nemzetközikapcsolatoktörténete. E-mail: [email protected]

Andor végh–erika gúti GeographicalandsocialissuesoftheoperationofHungarian non-governmentalorganisationsinCroatia– thecaseofBaranja

The activity of civil society tells a lot about that society, especially when talk about minority groups. Among Hungarian groups in the Carpathian Basin, Hungarians in Croatiashowaveryspecialsocialactivitypicture.IntheframeworkoftheCroatiancivil system,wewillanalyzesomesegmentsofcivilsocietyactivityofthisgroup,partlyfrom theHungarianaspect. Keywords: Croatia,HungariansinCroatia,SouthBaranya,civilorganizations,minority civilactivity

Andor Végh (PhD)islectureroftheUniversityofPécs,worksbothattheFacultyofSciences (InstituteofGeography)andFacultyofHumanities(DepartmentofCroatian).Hisfieldofresearch coversminorityissues,withterritorial,developmentandhistoricalapproach.Hismainstudyareais theBalkans(South-EasternEurope).HispapersareregularlypublishedinHungarianandinter- nationaljournals. E-mail address: [email protected]

Erika Gúti (PhD)isalinguist,specializi nginthelegalaspectsofnationalandethnicminority rights,languagepolicyandtherelationshipbetweenlanguageandeducationinespeciallyinthe Europeancontext.Hercurrentresearchinterestsincludeinvestigatinglanguagepolicyininter- or multidisciplinarycontext,inequalities,therelationshipbetweenlanguageandidentity,regionalism. AssistantprofessorattheUniversityofPécs,DepartmentofLinguistics. E-mail address: [email protected]

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végh Andor–gúti erika AmagyarcivilszervezetekműködésénekföldrajziésszociáliskérdéseiHorvátországban– Baranyapéldája

Aciviltársadalomaktivitásanagyonsokatelmondmagárólatársadalomról,különösen igazezakisebbségicsoportokra.AKárpát-medencemagyarcsoportjaiközülahorvát- országimagyarságnagyonspeciálistársadalmiaktivitásiképetmutat.Ahorvátcivilrend- szerkereteiben,derészbenamagyarszempontotszemelőtttartvaelemezzükecsoport civiltársadalmiaktivitásánakegyesszeleteit. Kulcszavak: Horvátország, horvátországi magyarok, Dél-Baranya, civil szerveződések, kisebbségicivilaktivitás

Végh Andor (PhD)aPécsiTudományegyetemoktatója,aTermészettudományiKaron(Földtudo- mányi Intézet) és a Bölcsészettudományi Karon (Horvát Tanszék) dolgozik. Kutatási területe a kisebbségikérdésekreterjedkiterületi,fejlesztésiéstörténelmimegközelítéssel.Főkutatásiterüle- teaBalkán(Délkelet-Európa).Rendszeresenpublikálhazaiésnemzetközifolyóiratokban. E-mail: [email protected]

Gúti Erika (PhD)nyelvész,szakterületei:nemzetiésetnikaikisebbségijogok,nyelvpolitika,nyelv ésoktatáskapcsolatakülönöseneurópaikontextusban.Jelenlegikutatásiterületeiközétartozika nyelvpolitika vizsgálata interdiszciplináris, multidiszciplináris kontextusban, egyenlőtlenségek, a nyelvésazidentitásközöttikapcsolat,regionalizmus.APécsiTudományegyetemNyelvtudományi Tanszékénekadjunktusa. E-mail: [email protected]

tibor gondA–Alpár horváth Non-governmentalorganisationsintheHungarian–Hungarianknowledgetransfer oforganisingtourism

Inourstudyweexaminetherol eplayedbytheHungarianNGOsinRomaniainthe appearance of new territorial actors of tourism (TDM organisations and tourism clusters).Wealsoinvestigatehowtheirexistingpersonalorinstitutionalrelationships helped knowledge transfer and thus the development of tourism in Romania. NGOs createdbymembersoftheHungarianminorityhaveaspecialroleinthedevelopment oftourisminRomania.Duetotheirpersonalandinstitutionalrelationshipstheyareup- to-datewiththetourismdevelopmenteffortsandrelatedgoodpracticesinHungary.In the development of the supply side of tourism the aim of the civil organisations in Romania is to engage in professional issues, knowledge creation and knowledge transfer, community planning and participation in decision-making mechanisms, and occasionallyactiveparticipationinthedevelopmentoftourisminfrastructure. Keywords: tourism,non-governmentalorganisations,tourismdestinationmanagement, knowledgetransfer,SzékelyLand,clustering

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Tibor Gonda isassistantprofessorattheFacultyofEconomicsoftheUniversityofPécs.He receivedhisPhDfromtheDoctoralSchoolofEarthSciencesoftheUniversityofPécsin201 3.His researchcoversnewterritorialactorsoftourism(TDMorganizations,tourismclusters)andsuch definingproducttypesoftourismlikeeco-,wine-,equestrianandculturaltourism.Besidesbeing a researcher and lecturer he is chief editor of the academic journal „Tourism and Rural DevelopmentStudies”,presidentofthePécs–MecsekWineRouteAssociation,andmemberof theboardofseveralnon-governmentalorganizationsinvolvedintourism. E-mail address: [email protected]

Alpár Horváth isassistantprofessorattheGheorgheniUniversityExtensionoftheFacultyof GeographyoftheBabes˛–BolyaiUniversity.HereceivedhisPhDfromtheFacultyofEconomicsof theUniversityofPécsin2010withhisdissertation„Opportunitiesofterritorialdevelopmentof tourisminSzekelyland”,whichalsoappearedinbookform–entitledTourismDevelopmentin Szekelyland–,publishedbytheRomanianInstituteforResearchonNationalMinoritiesin2013.His researchinterestisin:relationshipbetweennationalidentityandtourism,cooperationsintourism development,tourismdestinationmanagamentandthebattlefieldheritageastourismattraction. E-mail address: [email protected] gondA tibor–horváth Alpár Civilszervezetekaturizmusszervezésmagyar–magyartudástranszferében

Cikkünkbenaztvizsgáljuk,hogyaturizmusújtérségiszereplőinek(TDMszervezetekés turisztikai klaszterek) romániai megjelenésében milyen szerepet játszottak a romániai magyarcivilszervezetek.Arraiskeressükaválaszt,hogyazáltalukmeglévőszemélyes vagyintézményesszakmaikapcsolatokhogyansegítettékatudástranszfert,ésezáltala romániaiturizmusfejlődését.Aromániaiturizmusfejlesztésébenkülönlegesszerepettöl- tenekbeamagyarkisebbségtagjaiáltallétrehozottcivilszervezetek.Személyesésintéz- ményesszakmaikapcsolataikrévénnaprakészenismerikamagyarországiturizmusfej- lesztésitörekvéseketésazehhezkapcsolódójógyakorlatot.Aturizmuskínálatioldalának fejlesztésébenaromániaicivilszerveződésektörekvéseiszakmaiszerepvállalásról,tudás- teremtésről,tudásátadásról,közösségitervezésrőlésadöntéshozatalimechanizmusok- banvalórészvételről,esetenkéntaturisztikaiinfrastruktúra fejlesztésébenvalótevőleges részvételrőlszólnak. Kulcsszavak: turizmus, civil szervezetek, turisztikai desztináció menedzsment, tudás- transzfer,Székelyföld,klaszteresedés

Gonda Tibor aPTEKözgazdaságtudományiKaránakadjunktusa.PhDfokozatátaPTEFöldtudo- mányokDoktoriIskolájánszerezte201 3-ban.Kutatásitevékenységekiterjedaturizmusújtérségi szereplőire(TDMszervezetek,turisztikaiklaszterek)ésaturizmusolyanmeghatározóterméktípu- saira,mintazöko-,bor-,lovasésakulturálisturizmus.Kutatóiésoktatóitevékenységemelletta TurisztikaiésVidékfejlesztésiTanulmányoktudományosfolyóiratfőszerkesztőjeésaPécsmecseki BorútEgyesületelnöke,valamintszámosturizmussalfoglalkozócivilszervezetelnökségitagja. E-mail: [email protected]

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Horváth Alpár akolozsváriBabes˛–BolyaiTudományegyetemFöldrajzKaraGyergyószentmiklósi KihelyezettTagozategyetemiadjunktusa.PhDfokozatátaPécsiTudományegyetemKözgazdaság- tudományiKaránszerezte2010-ben„AterületiturizmusfejlesztéslehetőségeiSzékelyföldön”című disszertációjával,ami201 3-banaNemzetiKisebbségkutatóIntézetkiadásábanTurizmusfejlesztés Székelyföldöncímmelkönyvformábanismegjelent.Kutatásiterülete:anemzetiidentitásésa turizmusviszonya,együttműködésekaturizmusfejlesztésben,aturisztikaidesztinációmenedzs- ment,ahadszíntérörökség,mintturisztikaiattrakció. E-mail: [email protected]

gábor szAlAi–péter remény–norbert pAp TheroleofHungarian–Americancivilandchurchorganisationsinpreserving theHungarianidentity

ThehistoryofHungarianslivingintheUSAcoversaboutoneandahalfcenturies.Since the1970sand1980s,hundredsofthousandshaveimmigratedtotheUSAindifferent wavestostartanewlifeand,ontheotherhand,toreturnhomeinastrengthened financial situation. The Hungarians arriving in the USA set up their civil and church organizationsinashortperiodoftimewhichhadasteadyreplenishmentofHungarian families therefore they strengthened organizationally. The organizations and churches thathavebeensetupmainlyattheturnofthecenturyarestilloperatedactivelyand theyaretheimportantbasesforpreservingtheHungarianidentity.Hungariansarriving indifferenteraswithdifferentpurposesandreasonshavesetupvariousassociations andorganizationsand,asaresult,manyofthemarestilloperatedindependentlyfrom oneanotherintheUSA.Thisstudywascarriedoutbyusingtheexperienceacquired during the visit of Hungarian communities and institutions (Hungarian houses, associations,clubs,foundations,alliances,libraries)operatingthenorth-easternstatesof the USA (Maryland, Pennsylvania, Virginia, New Jersey and New York) in the period between20and30October2015,aswellasinformationobtainedduringthepersonal meetings with persons of Hungarian identity, institution leaders, representatives and pastors. Keywords: emigration,diaspora,assimilation,identity,civilandchurchlife

Gábor Szalai wasborninMohácsin1984,graduatedinGeographyfromtheFacultyofNatural Sciences, University of Pécs in 2008. His fields of research are the study of social, ethnic and r eligiousgeographies,sociogeography,includingthestudyoflocal,mixedethnicsocietyofvillages. In2008,hewasadmittedtotheDoctoralSchoolofEarthSciences,UniversityofPécs,wherehe hasbeenapredoctoralfellowsince201 3.Since201 4,hehasbeentheManagingDirectorofthe CentralEuropeanHeritageNonprofitKftandtheSecretaryofthePannonTalentumFoundation. Since1August2017,hehasbeenaresearchfellowintheInstituteofGeographyofUniversityof Pécs.Theresultsofhisresearchworkwerepublishedinabout30publications. E-mail address: [email protected]

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Péter Reményi wasborninPécsin1978,studiedhistoryandgeographyattheJanusPannonius UniversityofPécswherehegraduatedfromin2002.HestudiedattheDoctoralSchoolofEarth Sciences,UniversityofPécsuntil2005andthenhehasworkedasanassistantlecturerandsenior lecturerintheInstituteofGeographyofUniversityofPécs.In2009,hecompletedhisPhDdegree in the field of pol itical geographySummaCumLaude.Hisfieldsofresearchinvolvepolitical geography,Balkanstudies,nationalandstatebuildingaswellastheirinter-disciplines.Oneofthe mainorganisersoftheHungarianPoliticalGeographicalConferences,deputydirectoroftheCent- reforEastern-MediterraneanandBalkanStudiesoftheUniversityofPécs,deputychiefeditorof theMediterraneanandBalkanForum,memberoftheHungarianGeographicalSociety,authorof morethan100studies. E-mail address: [email protected]

Norbert Pap hasbeenworkingfortheInstituteofGeographyofUniversityofPécssince1998.In 2004,hewasappointedtoanassociateprofessorandthen,in2005toaheadofdepartmentof PoliticalGeography,DevelopmentandRegionalStudies.Eightofhisstudentshavebeenawardeda doctoral degree so far. The results of his research work were published in more than 240 publications (of which 74 were published in foreign language). Chair of Political Geography Subcommittee of Human Geography, Hungarian Academy of Sciences. He is a member of editorialboardsofseveralHungarianandinternationalseriesofbooksandperiodicals. E-mail address: [email protected] szAlAi gábor–reményi péter–pAp norbert Amagyar–amerikaicivilésegyháziszervezetekszerepe amagyaridentitásmegőrzésében

AzUSA-banélőmagyaroktörténetemintegymásfélévszázadotölelfel.Az1870-esés 1880-asévektőlkezdődően,akülönbözőkivándorlásihullámokbantöbbszázezrenindul- takel,egyrészt,hogyújéletetkezdjenekazUSA-ban,másrészt,hogyanyagilagmegerő- södvekésőbbhazatérjenek.AUSA-baérkezőmagyarokrövididőalattlétrehoztákcivilés egyházi szervezeteiket, melyek az idők folyamán, az újonnan érkező magyar családok révénfolyamatosutánpótlástkaptak,ígyszervezetilegismegerősödtek.Atöbbségében aszázadfordulóidejénlétrejöttszervezetekésgyülekezetekközülszámosmaisaktívan működikésamagyaridentitásmegőrzésénekfontosbázisaéselősegítője.Akülönböző korszakokbanéskülönbözőcéllalésokbólérkezőmagyarokmás-másegyesületeketés szervezetekethoztaklétre,ígymaisszámosmagyaregyesületésszervezetműködikegy- mástólfüggetlenül.Jelentanulmánya2015.október20–30.között,azUSAészakkeleti államaiban (Maryland, Pennsylvania, Virginia, New Jersey, New York) működő magyar közösségekésintézmények(magyarházak,egyesületek,klubok,alapítványok,szövetsé- gek,könyvtárak)felkeresésesoránszerzetttapasztalatok,valamintavizsgáltterületenélő magyar identitású személyekkel, intézményi vezetőkkel, képviselőkkel, lelkipásztorokkal történtszemélyestalálkozókonszerzettinformációkfelhasználásávalkészült. Kulcsszavak: kivándorlás,diaszpóra,asszimiláció,identitás,civilésegyháziélet

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Szalai Gábor 1984-benszületettMohácson,2008-bangeográfusszakondiplomázottaPécsi TudományegyetemTermészettudományikarán.Kutatásiterületeatársadalom-etnikaésvallásföld- rajz,szociogeográfia,ezenbelülalokális,vegyesetnikumúfalusitársadalmakvizsgálata.2008-ban felvételtnyertaPTEFöldtudományokDoktoriIskolájába,melynek201 3-tólpredoktora.201 4-tőla CentralEuropeanHeritageNonprofitKft.ügyvezetőjeésaPannonTálentumAlapítványtitkára. 2017.augusztus1-jétőlaPécsiTudományegyetemFöldrajziIntézetébentudományossegédmunka- társ.Kutatómunkájánakeredményeitmintegy30publikációbanadtaközre. E-mail: [email protected]

Reményi Péter 1978-banszületettPécsen,történelmetésföldrajzottanultaJanusPannonius tudományegyetemen, ahol 2002-ben diplomázott. A Földtudományok doktori iskolában tanult 2005-ig,majdtanársegédkéntésadjunktuskéntdolgozikaPTEFöldrajziIntézetében.PhDdolgoza- tátpolitikaiföldrajzitémábanvédtemeg2009-bensummacumlaudeminősítéssel.Kutatásiterü- letekiterjedapolitikaiföldrajz,Balkán-tanulmányok,nemzet- ésállamépítés,valamintahatártudo- mányokterületére.AMagyarPolitikaiFöldrajziKonferenciaegyikfőszervezője,aPTEKelet-Medi- terránésBalkánTanulmányokKözpontigazgatóhelyettese,aMediterránésBalkánFórumfőszer- kesztő-helyettese,aMagyarFöldrajziTársaságtagja,többmint100tanulmányszerzője. E-mail: [email protected]

Pap Norbert 1998ótadolgozikaPécsiTudományegyetemFöldrajziIntézetében.2004-benegye- temidocensnek,majd2005-benaPolitikaiFöldrajzi,FejlődésésRegionálisTanulmányokTanszéke vezetőjévéneveztékki.Ezidáignyolctanítványanyerteeladoktorifokozatot.Kutatómunkájának eredményeittöbbmint240publikációban(melyekközül74idegennyelvenjelentmeg)adtaköz- re.AzMTATFBPolitikaiFöldrajziAlbizottságelnöke.Számosmagyarésnemzetközikönyvsorozat, továbbáfolyóiratokszerkesztőbizottságánaktagja. E-mail: [email protected]

jenő pAlotAi–ágnes szAbó–ákos jArjAbkA The identity preserving efforts of the Hungarian diaspora in Australia through the exampleoftheHungariancommunityschoolinAdelaide

ThestudyintendstogiveasnapshotofthecommunitylifeoftheHungariandiasporain Australiafromthe1820stillnow.Inthesociallyconstruedclassificationofmigrationthe authors analyse the historic waves of Hungarian immigration to Australia and their background motivation. The Hungarian community’s identity preserving efforts are representedbyacasestudyintheeducatingandcommunityorganizingactivitiesofthe Hungarian Community School founded in Adelaide, focusing on Hungarian language teaching and preparing pupils for the final exam in Hungarian language available in Australia.Theanalysisoftheschool’sinfluenceon sociallifeinAustraliaandonthe HungariandiasporaandtheHungarianactivists’roleinsocietyhelpustounderstandthe influenceofHungarianimmigrantsinAustraliaonthecountry’shistoryandpresence. Furthermoretheanalysiscontributestounderstandingtheirdualidentity. Keywords: diaspora,HungariandiasporainAustralia,identity,Hungarianschool

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Jenő Palotai (doctoralstudent)wasbornin1990inSzekszárd.Hegainedhisbachelor’sdegree onEconomyandmanagementin201 3attheFacultyofBusinessandEconomics,Universityof Pécs.Laterin2015hereceivedhismaster’sdegreeonManagementandorganization.Atpresent, heisathird-yeardoctoralstudentattheDoctoralSchoolofEarthSciences,UniversityofPécs.His researchisontheHungariandiasporaandmigration.Inhisresearchhefocusesmainlyonthe history,presentsituationandidentitypreservationoftheHungariandiasporainAustralia. E-mail address: [email protected]

Ágnes Szabó hasarrivedinAustraliain1990andsheisstilllivingthere.ShehasgainedherNAAT 3. certificate as a professional translator and interpreter in English–Hungarian and Hungarian– Englishlanguages.ShewasresponsiblefortheHungarianfinalexamsinAustralia.Between1998 and2012sheworkedasabroadcasterattheHungarianCommunityRadioinAdelaideandfrom 201 3sheistheexternalcolleagueoftheIlosvayHungarianRadioinSydney.Shealsoteachesinthe HungarianCommunitySchoolinAdelaidefrom2010andbecometheprincipalin2012. E-mail address: [email protected]

Ákos Jarjabka (dr.habil,PhD)wasbornin1972inSzeged.Hecompletedhisuniversitystudiesat the Faculty of Economics of Janus Pannonius University as a certificated economist in 1996, earnedhisPhDdegreein2004,thengainedhishabilitationin2016attheUniversityofPécs.His fieldsofresearchareprojectmanagement,nationalbasedorganizationalculturemanagement, humanresourcemanagementandclustermanagement.Heiscurrentlyanassociateprofessorat theUniversityofPécsFacultyofEconomics,heistheHeadoftheInstituteofManagementand OrganizationSciences,aswellastheleaderoftheJubileum650ProjectofthePécsUniversityand theHeadoftheUPDiasporaProjectNetwork.MemberofthepublicbodyoftheHungarian AcademyofSciences,finallyheisthepresidentofthePortaPannoniaAssociation. E-mail address: [email protected],[email protected] pAlotAi jenô–szAbó ágnes–jArjAbkA ákos AmagyardiaszpóraidentitásánakmegőrzéséretetterőfeszítésekAusztráliában azadelaide-iMagyarKözösségiIskolapéldáján

A tanulmány betekintést nyújt az ausztráliai magyar diaszpóra civil életébe az 1820-as évektőlkezdvenapjainkig.Amigrációtársadalmiértelmezésűklasszifikációjasoránaszer- zőkvizsgálattárgyáváteszikazAusztráliábairányulómagyarmigrációtörténetihullámait ésamögöttükhúzódómotivációshátteret.Amagyardiaszpóraidentitásmegőrzőaktivi- tása kapcsán esettanulmányként bemutatásra kerül az Adelaide-ben alakult Magyar KözösségiIskola,annakoktatásiésközösségszervezőtevékenysége,különöstekintettela magyarnyelvtanításraésazAusztráliábanszerezhetőmagyarnyelviérettségirevalófelké- szítőtevékenységre.Aziskolahatásánakelemzéseazausztráliaiciviléletreésamagyar diaszpórára,valamintazaktivistáktársadalmiszerepvállalásasegítannakmegértésében, hogyazelmúltévszázadokbanAusztráliábavándoroltmagyarokmilyenhatássalvoltakaz országtörténelméreésjelenére,továbbáhozzájárulakettősidentitástudatmegértéséhez. Kulcsszavak: diaszpóra,ausztráliaimagyardiaszpóra,identitás,magyariskola

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Palotai Jenő (doktorandusz) 1990-ben született Szekszárdon. Végzettségét tekintve 201 3-ban szerzett diplomát a Pécsi Tudományegyetem Közgazdaságtudományi Karán Gazdálkodási és menedzsmentalapképzésen,majd2015-benVezetésésszervezésmesterképzésen.JelenlegaPTE Természettudományi Kar Földtudományok Doktori Iskolájának harmadéves hallgatója, kutatási témájaamagyardiaszpóraésmigráció.Kutatásánakfőfókuszaazausztráliaimagyardiaszpóra történetisége,jelenlegihelyzeteésidentitásmegőrzése. E-mail: [email protected]

Szabó Ágnes 1990-benérkezettAusztráliába,ésjelenlegisottél.1992-benszereztemegNAATI 3.szintűprofesszionálistolmácsésfordítószakvizsgát,angol–magyar,illetvemagyar–angolnyel- vekből.Hosszúévekenkeresztülvoltfelelősazausztráliaimagyarérettségiztetésért.1998és2012 között az adelaide-i Magyar Közösségi Rádió műsorvezetője volt, 201 3 óta a sydney-i Ilosvay MagyarNyelvűRádiókülső,adelaide-imunkatársa.2010ótatanítazadelaide-iMagyarKözösségi Iskolában,melynek2012ótaazigazgatója. E-mail: [email protected]

Jarjabka Ákos (dr. habil, PhD) 1972-ben született Szegeden. Egyetemi tanulmányait 1996-ban fejeztebeaJanusPannoniusTudományegyetemKözgazdaságtudományiKarán,jogiszakokleveles közgazdászként.PhDfokozatát2004-benszereztemeg,majd2016-banhabilitáltaPécsiTudo- mányegyetemen. Kutatási területei a projektmenedzsment, a nemzeti alapú szervezeti kultúra menedzsment,azemberierőforrásmenedzsmentésaklasztermenedzsment.Jelenlegegyetemi docenskéntaPécsiTudományegyetemKözgazdaságtudományiKaraVezetés- ésSzervezéstudo- mányiIntézeténekigazgatója,továbbáaPécsiTudományegyetemJubileum650projektjénekszak- maivezetőjeésaPTEDiaszpóraProjektHálózatánakvezetőjerektorimegbízottként.AzMTAköz- testületénektagja,civilterületenamagyaridentitástőrzőésápolómissziójúPortaPannoniaEgye- sületelnöke. E-mail: [email protected],[email protected]

nándor zAgyi–marianna ács ChristianmissionsascivilsocietymovementsattheserviceoftheIndiansociety

Our study aims to give an insight to Christian mission, interpreted as a characteristic specialityinthediverseworldofnon-governmentalactivities,inrelevancetoIndia.By relyingonananalysisoftheavailableprofessionalliteratureandonlinematerials,we drawanoverallpictureofthespreadingofChristianityinIndia,thecompositionofits denominations, cultural layers and geographical specificities. We also provide an overviewoftheactivitiesofProtestantNGOsalsoactiveinHungary,which–alongChris- tianprinciples–contributetothesuccessfuloperationofIndiansociety.Wepresentthe effortstoincreasethestandardsofeducationandmedicalcare,usuallyaccompanying the overwhelmingly British and American Protestant evangelisation, and last, but not least,wealsohighlightthepromotionofsocialrightsandlegalreformsresultinginthe improvement of women’s social standing. We also detail the favourable impact the spreadoftheEnglishlanguagehasontheincreasingscientificpotentialofthecountry,

130 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 201 X/Y. SZERZÔINK/AUTHORS aswellastheroleIndianChristiansplayedintheindependencemovementandstate- building.Inrelationtothis,weoutlinethehistoryofHungarianmissionarywork,aswell asthehistoricalandcurrentsuccessesandfailuresrelatedtotheintentionsandactivities of the actors. Our paper closes with the latter, a presentation of the legislative restrictions and the reasons of social resentment toward the propagation of religion throughopenevangelisationandmissionaryactivities. Keywords: India,Christianity,Christianmission,non-governmentalmovement, Hungarianforeignmission,socialrights,freedomofreligion,conversion

Nándor zagyi MScgraduatedin2011attheUniversityofPécsFacultyofSciences(PTETTK)in thegeographyprogramme’surbanstudiesspecialisation.Duringhisstudieshealsocompletedthe Islamspecialisationsupplementaryqualification.AsaPhDstudenthewasgivenascholarshipat thePTETTKDoctoralSchoolofEarthSciencesfrom2011 to 201 4. Since 2015,hehasbeenan assistant lecturer at the University of Pécs, Institute of Geography, Department of Political Geography, Development and Regional Studies. He is currently preparing to complete his PhD degree supervised by Dr. habil. Zoltán Wilhelm, senior lecturer, director of the Hungarian Information and Cultural Centre, New Delhi. His research work focuses on the population geography issues of India, especially the social characteristics and spatial relevance of discriminationagainstwomen,thestatusofinter-denominationalstatusquoandthefreedomof religion,aswellasthehistoryoftheJewishcommunitiesinIndia.MemberoftheIndianInstitute forSpatialPlanningandEnvironmentResearch(ISPER),Panchkula,Haryana,India. E-mail address: [email protected] marianna Ács (PhD)graduatedin1995asItalianandHungarianLiteratureSecondarySchooland PrimarySchoolteacherattheJanusPannoniusUniversityFacultyofHumanities(JPTEBTK).She defendedherPhDthesistitled“Femaleeducationatthegirls’civilschoolandboardingschoolof theUpperBaranyaDioceseoftheReformedChurch(1916–1 948)”inSeptember2016atthePTE BTK“EducationandSociety”DoctoralSchoolofEducation.Prof.KatalinKériAmbrusné,doctorof theHungarianAcademyofSciences(MTA)washerthesissupervisor.Herresearchtopicsfocuson thehistoryoftrainingandeducation,aswellasculturalhistoryoftheReformeddenomination. SheiscurrentlyanassistantlecturerattheUniversityofPécs,FacultyofHumanities,Instituteof Education(PTEBTKNTI),DepartmentofHistoryofEducationandCulture. E-mail address: [email protected] zAgyi nándor–ács marianna Akereszténymissziómintciviltársadalmimozgalomazindiaitársadalomszolgálatában

Írásunkbanaciviltársadalmiaktivitásváltozatosvilágaegyiksajátosszínfoltjakéntértel- mezett keresztény misszió indiai vonatkozásainak feltárására teszünk kísérletet. Ennek keretébenszakirodalmi,illetveinternetestartalomelemzésretámaszkodvaátfogóképet rajzolunkakereszténységIndiábanvalóelterjedéséről,felekezetiösszetételéről,kulturális rétegzettségérőlésterületisajátosságairól.Áttekintéstadunktovábbáolyan,Magyaror- szágon is működő protestáns civil szervezetek tevékenységéről, melyek a keresztény

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értékek mentén hozzájárulnak többek között India társadalmának eredményesebb működéséhezis.Bemutatjukadöntőrésztbritésamerikaiprotestánsevangelizációval együttjáró,azoktatásésegészségügyiellátásszínvonalánakemelkedését,nemutolsó- sorbanpediganőktársadalmihelyzeténekjavulásáteredményezőszociálisvívmányok és jogi reformok térnyerését. Külön is szólunk az angol nyelv terjedésénekazország tudományos potenciálja növekedésében játszott jótékony hatásairól, valamint az indiai keresztényeknekafüggetlenségimozgalombanésazállamépítésbenjátszottszerepéről. Ehhezkapcsolódvavázoljukamagyarmissziósmunkatörténetiésjelenkoriszereplőinek szándékaéstevékenységenyománamúltban,illetvenapjainkbanmegmutatkozósikere- ketéskudarcokatis.Munkánkatezutóbbiak,azazanyíltevangelizációsegítségévelvég- zett hitterjesztés és hittérítés előtt tornyosuló törvényi gátak és társadalmi ellenérzés okainakismertetésévelzárjuk. Kulcsszavak: India,kereszténység,kereszténymisszió,civilmozgalom,magyar külmisszió,szociálisvívmányok,vallásszabadság,konverzió

zagyi Nándor MSc 2011-benvégzetturbanisztikaszakirányosoklevelesgeográfuskéntaPécsi TudományegyetemTermészettudományiKarán(PTETTK).Tanulmányaikeretébeniszlámspeciali- zációkiegészítőképesítéstszerzett.2011–201 4közöttaPTETTKFöldtudományokDoktoriIskolájá- nakösztöndíjasPhD-hallgatója.2015-tőlaPécsiTudományegyetemFöldrajziIntézetePolitikaiFöld- rajzi,FejlődésiésRegionálisTanulmányokTanszékénekoktatója.JelenlegPhD-fokozatánakmeg- szerzésére készül. Tudományos érdeklődés ének homlokterébenIndianépességföldrajzikérdései állnak,különöstekintettelanőkdiszkriminációjánaktársadalmijellemzőireésterületivonatkozá- saira,afelekezetközistatusquoésavallásszabadsághelyzetére,valamintazindiaizsidóközössé- gek történetére. Az indiai Institute for Spatial Planning and Environment Research (ISPER), Panchkula,Haryanatagja. E-mail: [email protected]

Ács marianna (PhD)1995-benaJPTEBTK-nolasz–magyarszakosközépiskolaiésáltalánosisko- laitanárivégzettségetszerzett.2016szeptemberébenaPTEBTK„OktatásésTársadalom”Nevelés- tudományiDoktoriIskolábanmegvédtePhD-értekezését„NőnevelésaFelsőbaranyaiReformátus Egyházmegye polgári leányiskolájában és internátusában (1916–1 948)” címmel. Témavezetője AmbrusnéProf.KériKatalin,azMTAdoktoravolt.Kutatásitémáielsősorbanareformátusfeleke- zetnevelés- ésoktatástörténetéhezésművelődéstörténetéhezkötődnek.JelenlegaPTEBTKNTI Nevelés- ésMűvelődéstörténetiTanszékentanársegéd. E-mail: [email protected]

132 ■■■■■■■CIVIl SzEmlE ■ 2017/3. n n nnnnn “Cross-border non-governmental organisations within the Carpathian Basin, as n well as ’Hungarian’ civil organisations in the diaspora further abroad typically undertake to sustain the Hungarian national character of the natural and/or legal n persons joining the organisations, and the preservation/renewal of culture n (language, national holidays, folk and religious traditions). However, in different n geographical locations there are characteristic differences based on the historical context of the establishment and specific denomination of the group or n organisation intended to carry and sustain the Hungarian character. In the case of n diaspora communities, the historical and political storms causing emigration are n also characteristic. In order to interpret the issue, understanding Hungarian approach to the nation n is of key importance. It is important to have an overview of the situations of n establishing the originally intra-country, but now cross-border communities, as well n as the international migration trends of the 20th centuries affecting the Hungarian diaspora.” (Norbert Pap–László Kákai) n nnnnn “The role, legal status, legislation and gravity of the civil sector developed in n different ways in each country in Central and Eastern Europe. During the 1990s and the 2000s it constantly tried to find its role, place in society, tasks and n opportunities. Most important features of NGOs included weak embeddedness in n the society, weak advocacy skills, lack of networking, and capacity, as well as n deficiency of efforts to involve resources. For liberal and left wing civil initiatives, the role of counter balancing power obviously became important after 2010, while n the government considers these types of activities illegitimate, and part of the n opposition politics. The weakly embedded civil sector became further polarised n with the changes that have taken place after 2010, it lost its room for manoeuvre and its independence has become quite dubious.” (László Kákai–Viktor Glied) n nnnnn “As an effect of the simplified naturalisation procedure, the number of those who n wanted to learn Hungarian increased visibly. 44% of those who studied in the school in that period attended the school since 2011. The number of adults increased as well and n 67% of them attended the adult class since 2011. The number of children in the nursery n school also increased and 68% of them started to learn Hungarian after the n introduction of the simplified naturalisation procedure. So it is evident that the amendment of Act LV of 1993 on Hungarian citizenship had a positive effect on the n Hungarian language learning activity of Hungarian diaspora living in the South n Australian region.” (Jenő Palotai–Ágnes Szabó–Ákos Jarjabka) n nnnnn “István Polgár arrived to the nascent independent India in January 1947, and after months of language learning, he commenced his parish service in the 24 Parganas n district of Bengal located in the Ganges–Brahmaputra Delta. As a part of his n missionary activity, he also actively participated in the rural development of the n countryside. For example, in Baidyapur, he created a model farm where he had good achievements, among other things, in the yield increase of rice and fruits by n using the most advanced methods of that time. He also created the infrastructural n basis for the cultivation of freshwater fishes, which played a key role in the food n supply of the population. He also made experiments for the creation of alternative fuels. n Additionally, he was an enthusiastic church-builder, founding more than thirty n places of worship. However, he could also experience that “no prophet is n acceptable in his home town” when – at the peak of his success – a couple of politically motivated workers beat him and ousted him from his land in 1969. Later, n the conflict was resolved through public repentance at a conciliatory service, but n this case highlighted that the implementation of the reform of church lands and the n provision of land to farmers cannot be delayed any longer.” (Nándor Zagyi–Marianna Ács) n n n Ára 900 Ft n n ISSN 1786334-1 n n n n n n n