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The Sorry Corroboree: Redefining Sorry

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The Sorry Corroboree: Redefining Sorry The Sorry Corroboree: Redefining Sorry Rationale Among the foremost legacies of Australia’s practice of forced removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (ATSI) children is the psychological phenomenon of intergenerational trauma (Atkinson, 2013). Intergenerational trauma refers to the vertical transmission of trauma to subsequent generations not directly exposed to the original stressor (Atkinson, 2002; Silburn et al., 2006). While ethics concerns preclude human research, animal models of maternal separation have demonstrated increased long-term risk of anxiety, depression and substance abuse across multiple generations (Callaghan & Richardson, 2011; Kan, Callaghan, & Richardson, 2016; Moffett et al., 2007; Ploj, Roman, & Nylander, 2003; Vetulani, 2013). The Bringing Them Home Report correlates intergenerational trauma with contemporary problems in ATSI communities (HREOC, 1997). Historic protectionist policies were deemed “racist and genocidal in intent”, the impacts of which have been “negative, multiple and profoundly disabling”, contributing to domestic violence, substance use, suicide, and high incarceration rates (HREOC, 1997). Yet ATSI children continue to be removed, as evidenced by current overrepresentation in out-of-home care (OOHC). Despite making up just 5.5% of the child population of Australia, ATSI children represent 35% of those in OOHC (AIHW, 2018a). Forced removal of Aboriginal children is incongruous with the holistic Aboriginal model of social and emotional wellbeing (SEWB; Gee, Dudgeon, Schultz, Hart, & Kelly, 2014). According to this model, all aspects of an individual’s wellbeing need to be met within the context of kinship and broader community groups for optimal health outcomes. This includes connection to culture, Country and Ancestors, in addition to Western concepts of physical and mental health. Contrasting with Western models of health behaviour, the SEWB model does not isolate components of an individual, or specific symptomatic behaviours, but views people holistically within the context of their environment, hence its representation as a circle. SEWB is particularly important to Aboriginal children with the view to overcoming Indigenous disadvantage (Productivity Commission, 2016), given the association between childhood mental health and long-term health and educational outcomes (Friedli, 2009; Kessler et al., 2005). While oppression has necessitated resilience in Aboriginal youth (Merritt, 2007; Sawyer et al., 2001; Williamson et al., 2016), mental health problems affect this demographic between 53% and 62% more than non-Indigenous youth (Adermann & Campbell, 2007; De Maio et al., 2005). Thus, a link has been identified between intergenerational trauma and Indigenous suicide rates (Soole, Kolves, & De Leo, 2014; Tatz, 2005; Westerman & Vicary, 2000), which are higher than anywhere else in the world (WHO, 2017). Healthy self-concept enables youth to reach their full potential through better psychosocial and educational outcomes (Bodkin-Andrews, O'Rourke, & Craven, 2010; Craven & Marsh, 2004, 2005, 2008), which may safeguard Aboriginal youth against intergenerational transmission of trauma (Kickett-Tucker et al., 2015). Connection to culture is central to Aboriginal identity, and, by association, self-concept, yet some Aboriginal children are so disconnected from culture that they will report “that’s the health centre flag” in response to the Aboriginal flag (Bamblett, Frederico, Harrison, Jackson, & Lewis, 2012; Grace & Trudgett, 2012). Given the overrepresentation of Aboriginal children in OOHC, many of whom are placed with non-Indigenous families in contravention of the Child Placement Principle (AIFS, 2015), lack of cultural identity may contribute to poor self- concept (Family Matters, 2014). Accordingly, the Healing Foundation has called for culturally-grounded programs to promote positive self-concept in Aboriginal youth (Healing Foundation, 2012). Cultural engagement promotes positive attitudes towards Indigeneity, hence a child’s own identity, consistent with the United Nations convention on the rights of Indigenous children (SNAICC, 2012a, 2012b; United Nations, 1989). The most effective programs also address intergenerational trauma, Indigenous disadvantage and negative attitudes in the wider Australian community with the view to fostering resilience (Atkinson, 2013; Priest, Paradies, Gunthorpe, Cairney, & Sayers, 2011). Observing Men’s and Women’s Business protocols, I have developed a cultural education program for Aboriginal primary school girls, which translates historic stories associated with trauma into a contemporary format which emphasises resilience and the possibilities for our mob in the wake of the Apology to Australia’s Indigenous Peoples (House of Representatives, 2008). Given the statistics on the Stolen Generations and current overrepresentation in OOHC, it is likely that many participants will be directly or indirectly affected by trauma. Description In this tenth anniversary year of the Apology (House of Representatives, 2008), it is appropriate to reflect on progress made and still to come. The word “sorry” holds special meaning in Aboriginal cultures, and is often used to describe the rituals surrounding the loss of a loved one or connection to Country (i.e. Sorry Business; SNAICC, 2018). Sorry, in this bereavement context, expresses empathy, sympathy and acknowledgment of loss, rather than Western notions of responsibility (Harkins, 2000). A contemporary song by Justin Bieber called “Sorry” (Bieber, 2015, track 4) provides a lyrical framework to unpack one of Aboriginal peoples’ foremost stories of resilience in both a developmentally and culturally appropriate way. The “Sorry Corroboree” seeks to reconcile the bereavement of the past with the possibilities of the future. Yarning (Towney, 2005; Wingard & Lester, 2001) with the children about the cultural significance of dancing in the context of an oral history (Ross, 1986) highlights that while anyone can participate in ballet (physical capabilities permitting), not everyone can perform Ceremony. Thus, the medium of dance facilitates connection to culture, Country and Ancestors consistent with the SEWB model (Gee et al., 2014), empowering disconnected children to feel part of a tradition spanning time immemorial. The dance is embedded within a cultural immersion which begins with a Stolen Generations survivor telling the story of the dance from a cognitively-restructured positive psychology perspective (Joseph & Linley, 2008), emphasising the resilience of the narrative. This is an important distinction – just as fear associated with children’s indirect exposure to domestic violence is now recognised (Holt, 2008), so too may the fear culture associated with increased risk of removal from Aboriginal homes be detrimental to children’s SEWB. A traditional dance is performed by the cultural educator in response to the Elder’s story, set to Mau Power and Archie Roach’s “Freedom” (Mau Power, 2014), followed by a contemporary version set to a censored version of Justin Bieber’s “Sorry”. Participants are cued to watch for similarities between the two dances, with the deeper processing likely to aid memory encoding and facilitate replication (Fliessbach, Buerger, Trautner, Elger, & Weber, 2010). Connection to culture and Ancestors is achieved through representation of various bird totems (Gee et al., 2014). In some Aboriginal cultures, seeing birds such as the willy wagtail is interpreted as contact with the spirits of the deceased (Dulwich Centre, 1995). Children choose the bird they identify with through kinship ties or totemic responsibilities, or in the case of cultural disconnect, a bird they relate to. Promoting children’s autonomy is paramount, consistent with Aboriginal ways of learning (DET, n.d.) and the principle of self- determination (OHCHR, 2013), with emphasis on the children’s own Dreaming interpretations of the story over technique. The dance also involves searching for lost connections, and gathering with coolamons (carrying vessel) to reclaim and restore connection to kin, culture and Country consistent with the SEWB model (Gee et al., 2014). The dance culminates with a ceremonial “Clearing” with gum leaves, making way for a brighter future. A “feed” incorporating traditional bush tucker provides a culturally-relevant context for social interaction, while also maximising the opportunity to promote healthy connection to body, consistent with the holistic nature of SEWB (Gee et al., 2014). A “Yarning Circle” enables discussion of issues raised by the cultural immersion and books supplied to classroom teachers for prior reading (Magabala Books, 2011; NLA Publishing, 2018; Saffioti, 2011; Vass, 2018), consistent with a cross-cultural Narrative Therapy paradigm (Bacon, 2007; Towney, 2005; Wingard & Lester, 2001). Finally, the children paint up with ochre to facilitate connection to Ancestors for a community performance. The Elder-in- Residence is available to paint up children whose own Elders are unable to attend, or who are disconnected from their Dreamings. It is critical that no child be made to feel that disconnection undermines their identity. This community performance may also have broader healing implications for Elders seeing the next generation carrying on their stories (Health & Human Services, 2017). The program can be conducted as a one-off cultural immersion, or over a number of weeks culminating in the community performance. This could align with Apology Day (13 February),
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