Local and International Determinants of Kosovo's
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Student Movements: 1968, 1981 and 1997 the Impact Of
Student Movements: 1968, 1981 and 1997 The impact of students in mobilizing society to chant for the Republic of Kosovo Atdhe Hetemi Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of East European Languages and Cultures Supervisor Prof. dr. Rozita Dimova Department of East European Languages and Cultures Dean Prof. dr. Gita Deneckere Rector Prof. dr. Rik Van de Walle October 2019 i English Summary This dissertation examines the motives and central visions of three student demonstrations, each taking place within different historical and political contexts and each organized by a different generation of Kosovo Albanian students. The years 1968, 1981 and 1997 witnessed a proliferation of student mobilizations as collective responses demanding more national rights for Albanians in Kosovo. I argue that the students' main vision in all three movements was the political independence of Kosovo. Given the complexity of the students' goal, my analysis focuses on the influence and reactions of domestic and foreign powers vis-à-vis the University of Prishtina (hereafter UP), the students and their movements. Fueled by their desire for freedom from Serbian hegemony, the students played a central role in "preserving" and passing from one generation to the next the vision of "Republic" status for Kosovo. Kosova Republikë or the Republic of Kosovo (hereafter RK) status was a demand of all three student demonstrations, but the students' impact on state creation has generally been underestimated by politicians and public figures. Thus, the primary purpose of this study is to unearth the various and hitherto unknown or hidden roles of higher education – then the UP – and its students in shaping Kosovo's recent history. -
Table 1. General Government Revenues and Expenditures 2013 2014 2015 2016 Description 2012 Budget Proj
Table 1. General Government Revenues and Expenditures 2013 2014 2015 2016 Description 2012 Budget Proj. Proj. Proj. In milions of euros 1. Total Revenues 1,321.7 1,422.1 1,458.0 1,483.1 1,498.1 Tax Revenues 1,094.3 1,181.1 1,264.1 1,281.7 1,291.7 Domestic Revenues 284.2 301.0 367.3 370.0 375.0 Border Revenues 844.9 914.7 934.1 950.0 956.0 Refunds -34.8 -34.6 -37.3 -38.3 -39.3 Non Tax revenues, OSR and Royalties 145.4 207.9 192.5 201.0 206.4 Non Tax Revenues 41.1 44.0 47.8 48.8 49.8 of which interest 0.0 1.5 1.2 1.0 1.0 Own source Revenues 104.3 135.6 117.2 120.2 122.6 Municipal Level 59.4 63.0 67.2 69.2 70.6 Central Level 44.8 72.5 50.0 51.0 52.0 Concessional fee 0.0 6.3 5.5 10.0 12.0 Royalties - 22.0 22.0 22.0 22.0 Dividend 45.0 30.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Budget Support 37.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 EC 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 World Bank 37.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Projects Grants 0.0 3.1 1.3 0.3 0.0 Trust fund 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2. -
Party Attitudes Towards the Society : Values, Religion, State and Individuality
FES Policy Analysis Series 3 Party Attitudes Towards the Society: Values, Religion, State and Individuality EBERT May 2009, Prishtina FES Policy Analysis Series Policy Analysis Report #3: Party Attitudes Towards the Society: Values, Religion, State and Individuality Report Prepared by: Kushtrim Shaipi Agon Maliqi May, 2009, Prishtina TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. PROJECT BACKGROUND........................................................................................................................4 1.1. Rationale ................................................................................................................................................4 2. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................................................6 3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .....................................................................................................................7 3.1. Theoretical Overview: Values and the Sources of Their Development .............................................7 3.2. Values and Politics .............................................................................................................................9 3.3. Contemporary Debates on Values and Politics in the West ............................................................12 3.4. Values in the Context of Kosovo Politics..........................................................................................14 4. KOSOVO PARTIES AND VALUES...............................................................................................................17 -
Chameria History - Geographical Space and Albanian Time’
Conference Chameria Issue: International Perspectives and Insights for a Peaceful Resolution Kean University New Jersey USA Saturday, November 12th, 2011 Paper by Professor James Pettifer (Oxford, UK) ‘CHAMERIA HISTORY - GEOGRAPHICAL SPACE AND ALBANIAN TIME’ ‘For more than two centuries, the Ottoman Empire, once so formidable was gradually sinking into a state of decrepitude. Unsuccessful wars, and, in a still greater degree, misgovernment and internal commotions were the causes of its decline.’ - Richard Alfred Davenport,’ The Life of Ali Pasha Tepelena, Vizier of Epirus’i. On the wall in front of us is a map of north-west Greece that was made by a French military geographer, Lapie, and published in Paris in 1821, although it was probably in use in the French navy for some years before that. Lapie was at the forefront of technical innovation in cartography in his time, and had studied in Switzerland, the most advanced country for cartographic science in the late eighteenth century. It is likely that it was made for military use in the Napoleonic period wars against the British. Its very existence is a product of British- French national rivalry in the Adriatic in that period. Modern cartography had many of its roots in the Napoleonic Wars period and immediately before in the Eastern Mediterranean, when intense naval competition between the British and French for control of these waters led to major scientific advances. In turn, in the eighteenth century, similar progress had been made in both countries as a result of earlier wars in the Atlantic. This map is titled ‘Chameria/Thesprotia’, and so at that time it is clear that the two traditional names for the region, Albanian and Greek, were both in common use then, not only locally but by the often classically-educated officers of a European Great Power. -
Usaid Advancing Kosovo Together Local Solution
USAID ADVANCING KOSOVO TOGETHER LOCAL SOLUTION FINAL REPORT OCTOBER 1, 2014 – DECEMBER 30, 2018 JAN 2019 This report was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by the Community Development Fund, with inputs from Project Partners Kosovo Relief Development KRD; Centre for Peace and Tolerance and AKTIV NGO. USAID ADVANCING KOSOVO TOGETHER LOCAL SOLUTION Cooperative Agreement No: AID–167–A–14-0008 FINAL REPORT October 1, 2014 – October 30, 2018 DISCLAIMER The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or those of the United States Government TABLE OF CONTENT LIST OF ACRONYMS ............................................................................................... 3 1. PROJECT OVERVIEW/SUMMARY ................................................................... 5 1.1 Project description/Introduction ................................................................... 5 2. ADVANCING KOSOVO TOGETHER LOCAL SOLUTION (AKT-LS) ................. 7 2.1 GRAČANICA/GRAÇANICË ......................................................................... 7 2.2 KLLOKOT/KLOKOT..................................................................................... 9 2.3 NOVO BRDO/NOVOBËRDË ..................................................................... 10 2.4 PARTEŠ/PARTESH .................................................................................. 11 2.5 RANILUG/RANILLUG ............................................................................... -
Trend Analysis: Citizens Opinion Survey in North Kosovo
Aktiv Report on Research Results 2017 Trend Analysis: Citizens Opinion Survey in North Kosovo North Mitrovica Research was commissioned by: NVO AKTIV Authors: MA Nikola Jović Milica Andrić Miodrag Marinković Published by: NVO AKTIV Kralja Petra I, 183a, Severna Mitrovica email: [email protected] www.ngoaktiv.org Disclaimer: This publication is supported by Democratic Society Promotion (DSP) program financed by Swiss Cooperation Office in Kosovo (SCO-K) and Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark (DANIDA), and managed by Kosovar Civil Society Foundation (KCSF). The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of NGO AKTIV and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of SCO-K, DANIDA or KCSF. North Mitrovica October 2017. Content Research methodology………………………………………..3 Quantitative part of research………………………….3 Qualitative part of research……………………………3 Key results…………………………………………………………4 Sample description……………………………………………..6 Research context……………………………………………….8 Research results………………………………………………..12 Conclusions……………………………………………………..59 2 Research Methodology Quantitative part of the research Research method: Face-to-face survey research (F2F) Survey: 51 questions during approximately 15 minutes Research period: May 4th – 11th, 2017 Research locations: North Mitrovica, Leposavić/Leposaviq, Zubin Potok and Zvečan/Zveçan Sample size: 800 respondents Sample type: Stratified random sampling – stratification by the municipality of residence Statistical error: 95% statistical confidence interval with an incidence of 50% is +/- 3,2 Post-stratification: -
• the Assembly and the March Crisis • New Partnership Between Kosovo
ASI newsletter May 2004, No 11 • TThehe AAssemblyssembly aandnd tthehe MMarcharch CCrisisrisis • NNewew ppartnershipartnership bbetweenetween KKosovoosovo IInstitutionsnstitutions aandnd tthehe IInternationalnternational CCommunityommunity • PPoliciesolicies onon YouthYouth aandnd EEducationducation • HHowow ttoo mmakeake tthreehree llanguagesanguages sspeakpeak oonene llegislativeegislative vvoice?oice? osce Mission in Kosovo 2 ASI newsletter Editorial The reasons leading to the collapse of society are diverse and complex. Kosovo is still struggling with many problems and there are enough reasons for people to be unhappy. Jobs are scarce and the economy is not growing fast enough to support a young population. Policy disagreements between UNMIK and the Kosovo Institutions have weakened the credibility of all governing institutions and, in turn, created the impression that Kosovo is going nowhere and cannot off er any future to its young people. The violent explosion in March revealed a deeply troubled society, lacking strong institutions and a culture not able to absorb shocks, accommodate its traumatized youth and Rolling Back the Collapse contain its violent, criminal minority. Then, there is the ever-present question of Kosovo’s fi nal status. On Tuesday 16 March, Prishtinë/Priština saw its fi rst “parlia- mentary evening.” Assembly Members, Ministers, political The continuing uncertainty is far from helpful in bringing about advisors, as well as representatives of the international com- stability. While the international community has developed its munity and civil society gathered in a cordial atmosphere. The major policy on “Standards before Status”, the Kosovo leaders much welcomed initiative was designed as a forum for informal are requesting more competencies as tools to address the grow- political discussions, prior to next day’s Assembly plenary ses- ing social, economic or institutional concerns, and in doing so, sion. -
The Road to Peace in the Balkans Is Paved with Bad Intentions
Pregledni rad Gregory R. Copley 1 UDK: 327.5(497) THE ROAD TO PEACE IN THE BALKANS IS PAVED WITH BAD INTENTIONS (An Address to the Conference on A Search for a Roadmap to Peace in the Balkans, organized by the Pan-Macedonian Association, Washington, DC, June 27, 2007) This conference is aptly titled “A Search for a Roadmap to Peace in the Balkans”, because we have yet to find a road map, let alone, should we find it, the right road to take. In any event, because of the short-term thinking, greed, fear, and ignorance which have plagued decision making with regard to the region by players inside it and out, the road to peace in the Balkans is paved with bad intentions. The short-term thinking, greed, fear, and ignorance have plagued decision making with regard to the region by players inside it and out. As a consequence, the road to peace in the Balkans is paved with bad intentions. It has been long and widely forecast that the security situation in the Balkans — indeed, in South-Eastern Europe generally — would become delicate, and would fracture, during the final stages of the Albanian quest for independence for the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. As pessimistic as those forecasts were, however, the situation was considerably worsened by the eight-hour visit to Albania on June 10, 1 Gregory Copley is President of the International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), based in Washington, DC, and also chairs the Association’s Balkans & Eastern Mediterranean Policy Council (BEMPC). He is also Editor of Defense & Foreign Affairs publications, and the Global Information System (GIS), a global intelligence service which provides strategic current intelligence to governments worldwide. -
Diplomarbeit
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OTHES DIPLOMARBEIT Titel der Diplomarbeit „Die Rolle der Medien in post-Konflikt Gesellschaften“ Eine Analyse der Berichterstattung der März-Unruhen 2004 im Kosovo Verfasserin Bytyci Afrodita Angestrebter akademischer Grad: Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. phil.) Wien, 2009 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 301 297 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Publizistik- und Kommunikationswissenschaft Betreuer: Ao.Univ.-Prof. Dr. Fritz (Friedrich) Hausjell II „Der höchste Lohn für unsere Bemühungen ist nicht das, was wir dafür bekommen, sondern das, was wir dadurch werden.“ John Ruskin (1819-1900) III IV Danksagung Dankbar bin ich dafür, dass ich dankbar sein kann! In vorliegender Arbeit sind viele Augenblicke der Dankbarkeit und schöne Erinnerungen eingewebt, die diese Zeit und diesen Prozess begleitet haben. Dankbarkeit zeigen, geschieht als Reaktion – „danke“ sagen, ist meist anerzogen und folgt Automatismen. Wenn aber „danke“ in Worte gefasst und öffentlich zelebriert werden soll, dann wird das „Danke-sagen“ ein Augenblick des Innehaltens und ein besonderes Erlebnis, zumindest für den Verfasser. Meinen Eltern, die mir und meinen Geschwistern, in schweren Zeiten, nach ihren Möglichkeiten, eine Zukunft ermöglicht haben, die nicht selbstverständlich war, möchte ich besonders danken und Respekt zollen. Bedanken will ich mich bei meinen lieben Geschwistern, dafür dass sie mein Leben bereichern und mich während dieser Arbeit unterstützt haben, jede/r auf ihre/seiner Weise. Namentlich möchte ich mich noch bei Fr. Ilse Brunnauer-Schürl, für ihre nette und herzliche Fürsorge, bedanken! Meinen Freunden, hier namentlich unsichtbar, gebührt ebenfalls meine tiefe Dankbarkeit! Ein ganz besonderer Dank gilt meinem Betreuer - Ao.Univ.Prof. -
Two Months Until Montenegro's Final Deadline to Fulfil EC's Seven
ISSN 1800-7678 EuropeanElectronic monthly magazine pulse for European Integration – No 68, May 2011 FOCUS OF THIS ISSUE Two months until Montenegro’s final deadline to fulfil EC’s seven conditions interview Executive director of LGBT Forum Progress Zdravko Cimbaljević analysis Will Podgorica lose the status of the EU's regional favourite after Mladić's arrest research How far is the region from the EU’s target to lift the renewable energy share to 20% by 2020 European pulse Foreword / Calendar Foreword: Vote After three years of writing the new election law and six years of postponing its adoption, things Vladan Žugić seem fairly clear. Montenegro will not get the date for the opening of accession negotiations with EU unless it adopts the election law by 31 July, because this is the first, and perhaps the most im- portant, condition set by the European Commission. The culprit will be the opposition, but also the government and its unwillingness to tackle corruption and organised crime. The draft Law on Elections incorporates most of the suggestions of the opposition, the Venetian Commission and OSCE, and the only reason it cannot garner the support of the two-thirds of MPs in the Monte- negrin Parliament is a kind of whim more typical of pre-school children: I don’t want to play with (vote for) this! To make the paradox greater, the opposition parties don’t seem to realise that the Government could also call for another election under the current law and thus buy itself another few years in power. The leaders of the opposition, unless they want to keep that title for eternity, must enter the game with the government this time. -
Treaty of Lausanne: the Tool of Minority Protection for the Cham Albanians of Greece
PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences ISSN 2454-5899 Gözübenli & Çavuşoğlu, 2018 Volume 4 Issue 3, pp.474-481 Date of Publication: 23rd November 2018 DOI-https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2018.43.474481 This paper can be cited as: Gözübenli, A. S. & Çavuşoğlu, H. (2018). Treaty of Lausanne: The Tool of Minority Protection for the Cham Albanians of Greece. PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences, 4(3), 474-481. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA. TREATY OF LAUSANNE: THE TOOL OF MINORITY PROTECTION FOR THE CHAM ALBANIANS OF GREECE Abdullah Sencer Gözübenli, MA Mother Teresa University, Skopje, Republic of Macedonia [email protected] Halim Çavuşoğlu, Ph.D Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey [email protected] Abstract Cham Albanians, a predominantly Muslim sub-group of Albanians who originally reside in the coastal region of Southern Epirus in Greece’s border region with Albania, had been expelled from Greece twice.As the majority of Cham Albanians were Muslim, they were treated with the same contempt as ethnic Turks living in Greece. According to official data, 3.000 of them were transferred to Turkey as part of the Greek-Turkish population exchange according to the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations signed at Lausanne on 30 January 1923. Articles 37 to 44 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty attribute substantive rights for exempted Muslims in Greece and non-Muslims in Turkey from the Greek-Turkish population exchange and 17,008 of them wereexempted from the exchange. -
From the Plural Monoethnic to the Multiethnic
REGION PEDAGOGY FOR UNDERSTANDING KOSOVO SOCIETY (I) From the Plural Monoethnic to the Multiethnic Sometimes the constraints of disciplinary thinking, including bias, are so great that it is difficult for some to grapple with claims (or propositions) that they find too foreign. Take, for example, the claim that Kosovo is not a multiethnic society or many Kosovo Albanians, the fact organizations (IGOs) like the UN and the By Rory J. Conces Fthat there is a plurality of ethnic peo - Departments of Philosophy and Religious EU. For there to be a multiethnic society, ples within Kosovo is enough for them to Studies, University of Nebraska at Omaha there must be diversity or a plurality of believe in their country's multiethnicity. peoples. This captures the literalness of Why would they believe otherwise? After "multiethnicity" in any way one pleases, "multi" in "multiethnicity," albeit without all, if a multiethnic society is defined as including treating multiethnicity as mere the slightest hint of how much diversity is diversity of ethnic peoples. But it would one that includes two or more distinct eth - required. If this were all there was to the be remiss of us not to take seriously the nic groups, then cities like Pristina, Zubin concept, even the most homogeneous common usage of the term as it is found Potok, and Strpce provide ample evidence countries of Europe (which is most of for multiethnicity. However, there is more. them) would be multiethnic in the way All the censuses taken since 1948 have touted by Kosovo Albanians. Kosovo and indicated a diverse ethnic population of Denmark, for example, would stand side- Albanians, Serbs, Turks, Romani, Gorani, by-side in this regard.