The Jewish Journal of Sociology

THE JEWISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

VOLUME VIII NO. 2 DECEMBER 1966

CONTENTS Editorial 141 * Recent Progress in Demographic Research on the Jews R. Bachi 142 * Reaction to Zionism and to the State of Israel in the American Jewish Community Abraham J. Karp io * New Approaches to the Study of the American Jew Fred Massarik 17 * Research on the Jewish Catastrophe Jacob Robinson 192 * A Note on Social Change among Iraqi Jews, 1917-1951 Hajyim J. Cohen 204 (Papers from the Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies) A Note on the Size of the Jewish Communities in the South of Morocco Joseph R. Rosenbloom 209 The Demography of Australian Jewry Walter M. Lippmann 213 Leisure Activities of Jewish Teenagers in London Adrian Ziderman 240 Chronicle 265 Shorter Notices 270 Correspondence 89 Notes on Contributors 292 Books Received 293

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EDITOR Morris Ginsberg

MANAGING EDITOR Maurice Freedman

ASSISTANT EDITOR Judith Freedman

ADVISORY BOARD

R. Bachi (Israel) 0. Klineherg (USA) André Chouraqui (France & Israel) Eugene Minkowski (France) S. N. Eisenstadt (Israel) Louis Rosenberg (Canada) Nathan Glazer (USA) H. L. Shapiro (USA) J. Katz (Israel) A. Steinberg (Britain) A. Tirtakower (Israel)

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY BUTLER AND TANNER LTD FROME AND LONDON.. EDITORIAL

N the last issue of the Journal (Vol. VIII, no. i, June 1966) we published five papers which were read at two meetings devoted to ewish demographic research held at the Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem, 25 July to i August 196, in the Section 'Contemporary Jewry'. This Section was chaired by Professor Moshe Davis, head of the Institute of Contemporary Jewry at the Hebrew University ofJerusalem; Mr. Paul Glikson served as Section Secretary. We now publish a further five papers (by R. Baehi, A. Karp, F. Massarik, J. Robinson, and H. Cohen). We are grateful to the Institute of Contemporary Jewry for making them available to us for publication. We hope to print a further selection of papers read at the Congress in later issues of the Journal.

141 RECENT PROGRESS IN DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH ON THE JEWS

R. Bachi

I. INTRODUCTION T~HEews problems connected with demographic research on the throughout the world have been discussed at many cholars' conferences during the past twenty years, and path- cularly in the course of the last five years.' The opinion commonly voiced until a short time ago was that the state of this research was going from bad to worse because of increasing deficiencies in the statistical sources on Jewish population. A review of recent developments in various countries, given by the present author at the Fourth World Con- gress ofJewish Studies held in Jerusalem in 1965, allows us to view the situation a little less pessimistically: while in the past one could only complain of the lack of demographic data, it seems that some signs of improvement, however small, are beginning to appear today, after many years of steady deterioration. It is true that the situation today remains basically as it was a few years ago. In an era in which the production and scientific analysis of general demographic data and interdisciplinary population studies are developing at a stupendous speed, and improving in scope, quality, and depth, nothing similar is happening in the field ofJewish demography, despite the great scientific, political, and practical importance of this branch of study. On the contrary, official documentation on the demography of the Jews through censuses, vital statistics, and migration statistics is very limited in geographical coverage, fragmentary in nature, and obtained by applying different definitions of 'Jew'. Under these circumstances, the future for our field of investigation would look very grim indeed if co-ordinated efforts were not being made today in various countries to induce changes in the collection, pooling, and analysis of Jewish demographic statistics. Although these efforts are merely at their beginning, still weak and not always successful, it seems justified to discuss them briefly here. The main topics which I intend to discuss are the following: 142 DEMOGRAPHJC RESEARCH the collection of statistics, by Jewish or general research bodies, in countries where there are no official statistics on the Jews; the development of statistics in Israel is an instrument for research on the Diaspora; the improvement of other official statistics on the Jews; the pooling of world-wide statistical documentation on Jewish demography; the development of contacts and co-operation between people interested in this field.

II. COLLECTION OF DATA IN THE ABSENCE OF OFFICIAL STATISTICS ON THE JEWS The problem of ad hoc organization of statistics on the Jews in countries where official statistics on the Jews are lacking, is of basic importance, since this is the situation in the countries where some 62 per cent of Diaspora Jews live today. In order to achieve systematic and co- ordinated progress in - these countries, it seems necessary on the one hand to aim at the clear vision of a long-term programme, and on the other, to try to implement it step by step. The long-term programme should, in my opinion, include two main aims: basic surveys should be made from time to time in each country in order to furnish estimates of the size of Jewish population, its geographical distribution, and its structure according to the main demographic, social, and economic characteristics and indicators of Jewish identity; estimates of the number of Jewish and mixed marriages, births, deaths, and Jewish internal and external migrations should be currently obtained, which might answer, inter alia, the basic question whether the Jewish population is increasing or decreasing. For any other population to be studied demographically, such a programme Could be considered more or less reasonable and even modest, but if we take into account the financial and organizational difficulties existing everywhere in the Jewish field and the political problems of some Jewish communities, we cannot confidently hope that such a programme can be implemented everywhere, at once, and by using the same methods of research. The contrary is probably true: different methods are to be adapted to the reality of different countries, without our losing sight of the necessity to obtain comparable statistics from the various parts of theJewish world; the work should be conducted country by country, step by step, by arousing local initiative in the collection of Jewish demographic statistics. In order to do so, the fundamental step to be taken is to make Jewish '43 R. BACHI institutions in each country aware of the fact that good statistical data on the Jews are generally lacking, and that they are needed both for local purposes and in order to attain a co-ordinated world-wide panor- ama of Jewish demography. It should be stressed that a practical effort should be made in order to collect these data, that such collection is a very complicated matter, not to be handled in an amateurish way, and that it requires much planning, trained personnel, and a scientific outlook. From this point of view, progress seems to have taken place in the past few 'ears. Contacts with a large number of Jewish bodies, systematically pursued by the Institute of ContemporaryJewry, show that awareness of the need to work in this field is beginning to spread from country to country. Practical steps are now being taken in the U.S.A., Italy, Argentine, Great Britain, Belgium, the Netherlands, and France.

(a) In the U.S.A., which today has the largestJewish community in the world, a very important advance has been the preparation of a plan for a nation-wide sample of the Jewish population, recently undertaken by the Council ofJewish Federations and Welfare Funds.2 The Council is now making systematic efforts to search for a way to implement this gigantic plan; the response of the community to the project seems favourable. Despite this, it would be still premature today to see in the plan more than a project for the future. However, the drafting of such a plan seems to be in itself a very important step forward. I should like, therefore, to stress a few aspects of this project. The adoption in principle of the idea of taking a nation-wide sample of the American Jewish population represents a basic change in the line followed until recently by American Jewry, according to which the main stress was put on local community surveys. Local studies will, no doubt, be continued, and the Council is working both on their integration into the national plan and on the preparation of a manual of community surveys, with a view to co-ordinating them and to stan- dardizing definitions, nomenclature, and methods. However, local community surveys, for all their great practical and scientific importance, cannot provide a nation-wide coverage of American Jewry and without this there can be no possibility of attaining a global view of the demography of world Jewry. This final objective can be reached only by organizing a national sample, in which all the large communities of the U.S.A. are included, together with a proper representation of smaller communities. The awareness of a need for nation-wide statistical information on the Jewish population may lessen the opposition (voiced in the past by certain Jewish bodies) to questions on religion being included in population censuses. The adoption in principle by a practical Jewish body such as the '44 DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds of a plan drawn up on strictly scientific lines, seems a good omen for the future; the example may be followed elsewhere. The decision to ask questions on Jewish identity and on demographic, social, and economic characteristics may pave the way to achieving very important progress in future research, not only in the field of Jewish demography but in Jewish sociology as well, and may facilitate important interdisciplinary research. Should this ambitious enterprise be implemented, it may basically change the situation of world Jewish demographic research—even more so, if ways can be found to supplement the population sample with sample studies on Jewish vital statistics in the U.S.A. However, such samples will have to contain questions which are not only of local interest, but also questions which are relevant for world Jewish population research. Even today, three years before the proposed time for beginning the actual field operations, the fact that we have a detailed proposal for a sample study of the American Jewish population seems valuable, furthermore, because it renders the idea of conducting sample enquiries on similar lines easier of adoption by Jewish communities in other countries. This development may; in the long run, lead to a systematic world-wide study of the Jews, and to specific comparisons of Jewish demographic processes in various countries. -

(b) With precisely this aim in view, a nation-wide sample study has recentiy been conducted in Italy with the help of the Jewish Agency and under the auspices of the Institute of Contemporary Jewry of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem, and of the Union of Italian Jewish communities. On the basis of the existing lists of Jews (kept, by legal requirement, in each Italian Jewish community), a sample of some 3,000 Jewish households throughout Italy has been selected, and a questionnaire, containing 44 questions or blocks of questions on Jewish identity and demographic, economic, and social characteristics, has been distributed to them. The collection of the data has already been completed.3 It is expected that the first results of this inquiry will be made available in 1966. The data derived from this inquiry will be supplemented by the vital statistics traditionally collected by Italian Jewish communities.' These data, despite their defects, have allowed the reconstruction of the demographic history of Italian Jews for some centuries, so that today's picture will be seen in a proper historical framework. While in some countries the collection of vital records on the Jews could appear to be a very difficult task indeed, in some other countries, besides Italy, such a task could easily be accomplished in spite of the obvious limitations and shortcomings of vital statistics originating from religious communal bodies. '45 R. BACHI The latter appears to be true of some Latin American countries, and particularly of Argentina, where a small department of statistics has recently been established at the Instituto de Investigadones Soda/es of the Asociacidn Mutual Israelita Argentina of Buenos Aires. This department has succeeded, as a first step, in organizing a systematic collection of detailed data on marriages and deaths, and is progressing towards the organization of a collection of data on births.5 Plans for a population sample, at least of the persons registered with the communities, have been discussed, but no substantial progress has been made until now towards the implementation of this aim. However, the first censuses of local communities (Tucuman, Quilmes) have been attempted. In Great Britain too, where the important step of establishing a Research Officer at the Board of Deputies of British Jews has been taken, it is possible that the collection of vital records may be regarded as the first task to be undertaken by the Board. This, at least, is the impression gained both from the discussions at the conference held in 19626 (out of which the recent positive decision of the Board has emerged), and from the first planning work done in 1966. In Belgium a study is now being conducted, with the assistance of the National Statistical Institute, which will prepare statistical tables on census characteristics of the Jews of Brussels. These tables will be derived from the national census on the basis of a list provided by the Centre Rational des Hautes Etudes Juives. In the Netherlands an attempt is now being made to conduct a new demographic survey of the Jews along the lines of the first enquiry conducted in 1954. In France a methodological study is now being conducted under the joint auspices of the Institut Rational d'Etudes DImograp/ziques and of the Institute of Contemporary Jewry of the Hebrew University, Jeru- salem, to establish whether, and how it may be possible, to organize a sample study of French Jews. I have cited some of the work being currently undertaken in seven countries. This does not mean that efforts in Jewish demographic research and in the co-ordination of such research are limited to those countries alone. At a 'co]loque' held at the Institut de Sociologie de 1' Uni- versite libre de Bruxelles in 1962,8 measures to advance Jewish demographic research in continental Europe were discussed. These discussions were followed up at a meeting of a small committee held at the end of 1964 in Brussels. At this meeting the following decisions were taken: (a) Means were to be investigated of financing the establishment of scholarships for the preparation of monographs on Jewish demography 146 DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH in certain European countries where sufficient official statistical data on Jews are available, but where such data have not been scientifically analysed.

A draft questionnaire was to be prepared for countries in Europe where interest may be shown in undertaking research in Jewish demography.

A second 'colloque' was to be held in January 1967 in Brussels on Jewish demography in Europe on the following subjects:

a demographic balance-sheet of the Jews a generation after the Holocaust; - results of current demographic research in Europe and plans for future research.

III. STATISTICS IN ISRAEL As A SOURCE FOR RESEARCH ON THE DIASPORA While the main objective to be pursued today is the collection by Jewish organizations of demographic statistics on the Jews in countries where no official data are available, it would be a mistake not to utilize the great potential provided by official statistics on Diaspora Jews both in Israel and in other countries. In Israel, the results of the 1961 population census, which are now being published, are becoming a very important source for the study of the demography of Diaspora Jews, mainly of Jewish communities from Yemen, Iraq, Libya, Bulgaria, etc., which have immigrated to Israel almost in their entirety. Data are now being prepared, and have already been published in part, on occupation, education, age at marriage, fertility, and child mortality in countries of origin before immigration to Israel; details were given by Dr. 0. Schmelz in a paper published in this Journal, vol. VIII, no. i, June 1966. These data are considerably enlarging the geographical boundaries ofJewish demographic research. Moreover, the statistics of Israel are systematically oriented to the study of the changes occurring in the demographic and socio-economic conditions of Jews of various countries of origin during their stay in Israel. Systematic comparisons between demographic characteristics of the Jews in various Diaspora countries and the Jews of the same origin in Israel (at various stages of their evolution in their new residence), may furnish interesting data on the influence of a different environment on these characteristics.

'47 R. BACHI

IMPROVEMENTS IN OFFICIAL STATISTICS ON THE JEWS One of the main problems arising.in the utilization of official statistics on the Jews in countries other than Israel, is that these data—obtained merely as by-products of statistics by religious or ethnic groups—are generally given as comprehensive figures, and only rarely subdivided according to other important demographic characteristics which would allow a more thorough study. An example of this situation is the 1959 ceniiis of the U.S.S.R., where the data on the Jews are not even cross- classified by age. Under these circumstances, it becomes desirable to obtain from the governmental statistical offices data on Jews cross- classified according to characteristics which may be relevant both for local Jewish research and for the demographic investigation of world Jewry.

POOLING woRLD-wIDE STATISTICAL DOCUMENTATION In regard to the pooling of statistical information on Jewish demography, I shall briefly describe here the work done in the past few years by the Institute of Contemporary Jewry of the Hebrew Univer- sity, Jerusalem. The systematic compilation of a world-wide bibliography has now become a routine undertaking, and a file has been established which is continuously being kept up-to-date. In addition to the provisional large volume published in I96I,9 a more concise bibliography, including Israel, has recently been published on the basis of this file,'° and a bibliography on medical statistics has just now appeared." Another large enterprise has been the establishment of a documcnta- tion centre in which copies, photo-copies, and microfilms of official statistics on the Jews are systematically collected. Both national data and data from municipal statistics are filed, and the records for Some countries include detailed material covering very long periods.

DEVELOPMENT OF CO-OPERATION IN JEWISH DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH Some progress has also been achieved in strengthening the contacts between persons interested in Jewish demography in the various countries of the world. In spite of its modest financial means, the 'Associa- tion for Jewish Demography and Statistics' has helped to disseminate publications in this field. Congresses, meetings, and working parties have enabled persons with common scientific and Jewish interests to meet, to exchange methodological experience, and to compare results. Above all, these contacts have fostered co-operation between people who, in various countries of the world, are trying to revitalize Jewish demographic research. 148 DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH

NOTES

'E.g., the First (rt), Second (1957), the Technical Advisory Committee and Third (ig(ii), and Fourth ('965) Con- the drafter of the first plan for the gresses of Jewish Studies; Conference on National Jewish Population Study). Dr. Jewish life in Modern Britain (1962); Massarik's paper appears in this issue of 'Colloque' on Jewish Life in Modern the Journal, Dr. Nathan's in Vol. VIII, Europe (1962). See, inter a/ia, 'Foreword' No. i,June 1966. by R. Bachi to Papers in Jewish Demo- The work has been carried out by graphy published by the Association for Mr. Sergio Della Pergola and Mr. Jewish Demography and Statistics, Jeru- Franco Sabatello. salem, ig6i; Jewish Ljfe in Modem Britain, 'See R. Bachi, 'The Demographic edited by Julius Could and Shaul Esh, Development of Italian Jewry from the London, 1964; La vie juive dane I'Europe Seventeenth Century', The Jewish Journal contemporaine, Collection du Centre of Sociology, Vol. IV, No. 2, December National des Hautes Etudes Juives, 1962. Editions de l'Institut de Sociologic de 'See the publications of the depart- l'Université libre de Bruxelles, 1965. For ment (three series: 'Investigaciones', bibliographies on Jewish statistics see: 'Sintesis estadisticas', 'Publicaciones in- Jewish Demography and Stalistics—Biblio- tcrnas'). graphyfor 1920-1960, compiled and edited 'See Gould and Esh, eds., op. cit. by 0. Schmelz, The Hebrew University 7 See, inter a/ia, 'DutchJewry: A Demo- of Jerusalem, Institute of Contemporary graphic Analysis', The Jewish Journal Jewry, Jerusalem 1961; 'Demography of of Sociology, Vol. III, No. 2, December the Jews, Selected Bibliography 1948- ig6i, and Vol. IV, No. i,June 1962. 1963' (in Hebrew), by 0. Schmelz and 8 See La vie June dane l'Europe contem- P. Glikson, Bitfutzot Hagola, Jerusalem, poraine, op. cit. 1964. 'Jewish Demography and Statistics— 'See, inter a/ia, the working memor- Bibliography for xgo—.rg60, 0. Schmelz, anda and reports prepared by the ed., op. cit. National Council of Jewish Federations '° Schmelz and Glikson, op. cit. and Welfare Funds in 1963-5 in regard "0. Schmelz and F. Keidanski, eds., to the 'National Jewish Population Jewish Health Statistics— World Biblio- Study' and the papers appearing in this graphy, Institute of Contemporary Jewry Journal by Dr. Fred Massarik and Dr. and Dept. of Medical Ecology, The Gad Nathan (respectively, chairman of Hebrew University, Jerusalem, ig66.

'49 REACTION TO ZIONISM AND. TO THE STATE OF ISRAEL IN THE AMERICAN JEWISH RELIGIOUS COMMUNITY

Abraham J. Karp

HE creation of the State of Israel was the realization of a two thousand years' dream, and the crowning achievement of half Ta century of Zionist labours. For fifty years Zionism was a dominantissue in the life of the American Jewish community. Organiz- ationally, American Jewry has taken the form of a religious community. Its central institution is the synagogue, which, Salo Baron attests, 'has continued to attract the relatively most constant and active participation ofalarge membership... [T]otal congregational membership in the United States vastly exceeds, numerically, Jewish membership in purely philanthropic undertakings. . ." The congregations, in turn, are affiliated with national synagogal bodies, the Conservative United Synagogue of America, the Union of American Hebrew Con- gregations of the Reform movement and orthodoxy's Union of Ortho- doxJewish Congregations. Each group also has its rabbinical fellowship. How did Zionism fare in organized Jewish religious life in America? We shall consider the reaction of the three religious groups to Zionism in the half-century between the First Zionist Congress and the establishment of the State. Specifically, the reaction of the American Jewish religious community to the First Zionist Congress in 1897; to the Balfour Declaration in 191 7; and to the United Nations' Resolution of 29 November 1947 and the Declaration of Statehood on 14 May 1948, will be noted and discussed. To state that in Judaism's tn-unity of 'God, Torah, and Israel', Reform's emphasis was on God and Gottesdienst, Orthodoxy's on Torah and Mitcvot, and Conservativejudaism on the people Israel, its national experience and aspirations, is of course an oversimplification. Yet the statement is not without its use. The individual groups' reactions to Zionism flowed out of the ideological commitment which the above- mentioned emphases characterize. 150 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM

THE FIRST ZIONIST CONGRESS, BASLE, 1897 At the close of the nineteenth century Reform Judaism dominated the Jewish religious scene in America. The largest congregations, the leading rabbis, and the most influential laymen were almost all within its fold. Its organizational structure was complete, boasting a Seminary, a congregational union, and a rabbinic fellowship. Confident of its position and aware of its power, Reform spoke out boldly on all issues confronting Jewish life. Conservative Judaism was but a fledgling movement, its forces rallied about a struggling seminary, its congregations but few in number, and its rabbinic spokesmCn fewer still. Ortho- doxy was divided and disorganized. It had not yet recovered from its first attempt at an important project, the importing of Rabbi Jacob Joseph as Chief Rabbi, which turned into a fiasco. In the spring of 1897 word reached the United States that one Theodor Herzl, who a year earlier had published a Zionist pamphlet, Judenstaat, was now about to convene a Zionist conference in Munich. A meeting of the ministers and representatives of all the Jewish congregations and institutions to discuss resolutions concerning the Munich Conference was held on Wednesday night, 9 June, at the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue in New York. A resolution was adopted to be sent to the proposed Conference and the press: Resolved that while every association of Palestine with the Jews arouses our interest and touches a responsive chord in Jewish hearts, we deprecate any movement tending towards the formation ofajewish State in Palestine capable of being construed as casting doubt upon the citizenship, patriotism or loyalty ofJews in whatever country they reside. Resolved, that we affirm our conviction that the true mission of Judaism is religious and not political, and that any plan or proposal for the up- lifting of the Jewish people as such must be tested by its spiritual value and purpose.2 The meeting included representatives from all segments of Jewish religious life in America, and its resolutions were no doubt expressive of the mood and sentiments of the great majority of American Jews. To be sure, there was opposition to the tenor of the meeting and to the resolutions adopted. Rabbi Henry S. Morais of Philadelphia who had been present at an earlier meeting, on 25 May, which had proposed a similar resolution, was outspoken in his condemnation. On the day after the first meeting, he wrote to the American Hebrew that the meeting was not representative (he being the only delegate from outside New York City), that it was dominated by Reform rabbis and laymen, and that he was sorely disappointed that the Orthodox and the declared Conservatives observed an utter silence on that about which they should 151 ABRAHAM J. KARP have been most unmistakably and positively pronounced—namely, 'the matter of founding a Jewish State—as the result of a firm belief in prophecy, and in the fulfilment of the hopes and prayers of the vast millions of Jews . .

Conservative Judaism How did Conservative and Orthodox Judaism react to the Zionist Congress which was proposed to be held in Munich but which was held in Basic? Moshe Davis writes: Most of the members of the Historical School were enthusiastic supporters of the new cause [Zionism], and were among its main spokesmen. It must be emphasized, however, that many had their doubts about Zionism and expressed these doubts.4 The American Hebrew was the unofficial yet cifective spokcsman for Conservative Judaism. Its initial reaction to the Congress was negative. (in 21 May 1897 it editorialized: We believe that the Munich Conference to be held in August will receive scant encouragement here from those who reajly represent Judaism. Zionism is favored here only as it stands for colonization in the Holy Land. The moment a political state is broached, all with one accord cry 'hands off'. Those who have the best interests of the Jew at heart see the danger of even discussing such a matter.5 The lead editorial of the 27 August 1897 issue reports: the entire Jewish press of the world,with less than a half-dozen exceptions, has been opposed to the Congress . . . It is but right to say that the rabbis of every shade of belieC here and abroad, are just as unanimous as the press in their disapproval of the Congress. Its opposition, however, is not ideological, but based rather on the pragmatic consideration that it will do more mischief than good. The paper leaves open the possibility that events and accomplishments may cause it to alter its editorial position. The editorial ends: With such men at the head as Nordau and Herzl, who have exhibited so little interest in Jewish matters . . . it is difficult to anticipate any results that will conduce to the benefit of our people; yet, if good can come out of Oath we shall be pleased to welcome it, however doubtful we maybe as to its possibility.6 The beginning of a change of view is found in the editorial reaction to the Congress itself: so far as its animating purpose was concerned, it [the Congress] was a failure. The Jewish State redivivus is as far from realization as it would 152 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM have been without the meeting at Basle. Yet we are not disposed to read absolute failure in a gathering of two hundred men and women, whose religious views run from the most orthodox to the most heterodox, but who are bound together by the tie of kinship that runs back through the ages. .

The editors are not opposed to a Jewish State. One senses their disappointment that the Congress did not do more to bring a state closer to realization. Moreover, they see the Congress as a contribution to the cause ofJewish peoplehood, for it afforded the various and vary- ing segments of the Jewish people a common meeting ground, even as the idea it fostered gave them a cause in which they held common interest and which could bind them together in shared commitment. 'If enthusiasm of a single person can bring about such an assembly from all parts of the world .' the editorial argued, 'surely we can count on success if it be deemed wise in the future to call a synod or convention in the interests ofJudaism that shall have the sanction of the religious and lay leaders of the Jewish world as well as of the Jewish press . The prudent, pragmatic attitude of the American Hebrew is expressive of the conservative views of the elder statesmen of Conservativejudaism. The new generation was fired with the ideal and pledged to it its utmost zeal. A representative view and expression is that of the then youthful Rabbi Joseph H. Hertz, the Jewish Theological Seminary's first graduate. The editors of the American Hebrew give prominent place to his 'After the Congress—A Resumé and a Retrospect'. He too sees the importance of Zionism as a unifying force of world Jewry.

It alone of all the various party cries in Israel's camp is vital enough to act as a unifying force among Jews of such diverse views as Erandes of Copenhagen and Klein of New York; Felsenthal of Chicago and R. Mohi- lever ofBjalostock; Max Nordau and H. P. Mendes; Richard Gottheil and Chacham Caster; Theodor Herzl and Jastrow, Sr.°

Zionism is the only solution for the plight of the Jew in a world becoming ever more hostile to him. But, in addition, Hertz sees Zionism as a great spiritual force which calls forth 'deep piety, moral enthusiasm and lofty idealism... It has promoted self-emancipation along with self-respect and self-knowledge.' Writing in the wake of the interest engendered by the Zionist Congress, he states: 'Most important of all, is, to my mind, the lesson in Universalism the last months have brought home to us. We have once more learned to look at things from the big- world point of view.' Zionism and the Congress have emancipated the thoughtful American Jew from conceiving Judaism 'from any narrow, provincial, American standpoint ... The Congress is an accomplished fact. Zionism, therefore, can no longer be dismissed with a joke or a jeer.''° 153 ABRAHAM J. KARP

Orthodoxy Zionism was neither a joke nor the subject of a jeer on the part of Orthodoxy. The 'Klein of New York' Hertz mentions is Rabbi Dr. Philip Klein, a widely respected and influential leader of Orthodox Jewry. He was, as were most of his colleagues, devoted to Zionism, and active in the Hovevei Zion movement. At the first convention of the Orthodox Jewish Congregational Union of America in 1898, a Zionist resolution was adopted. Resolution: The desirability and the necessity of offering to those of our brethren dwellingunder the rigour of oppressive laws a refuge legally assured to them cannot be questioned . Furthermore, that the restoration of Zion as the legitimate aspiration of scattered Israel in no way conflicts with our loyalty to the land in which we dwell or may dwell at any time.1' While accepting the Basle Platform, the convention felt it necessary to pledge loyalty to the land of their domicile. The accusation of dis- loyalty to America was a fearful weapon in the anti-Zionists' arsenal. Anti-Zionists among the orthodox in America at the close of the century were few in number. Those whose orthodoxy was such as to make them ideological opponents of Zionism were loath to come to America, which was considered a treifa medina. But some there were, as Dr. Marcus Jastrow attests. There are various oppositions to Zionism . . . Orthodoxy is opposed to it. Why? It is not as they imagined the redemption would come. 'A Messiah is promised us, the soh of David, and we must keep our hands folded, ready for the coming of the Messiah and in the meantime, do nothing.' So says orthodoxy.12 Both Conservative and Orthodox Judaism *cre in the formative stages in America in 1897. Reform dominated the religious scene and spdke for Jew and Judaism.

Reform Until 1897 Zionism may have been shrugged off with a joke or a jeer by the leaders of Reform Judaism in America. The Zionist Congress forced Reform anti-Zionism to take the movement more seriously and to make formal declarations against it. The anti-Zionism of Reform Judaism is so amply documented and has been so thoroughly discussed'3 that we need not rehearse it again. Suffice it to record here the Resolu- tions adopted by the Central Conference of American Rabbis and the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, in response to the Zionist Congress at Basle and the programme it laid down. The Reform rabbis assembled in Montreal adopted a resolution relating to Zionism: Resolved, that we totally disapprove of any attempt for the establishment '54 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM of a Jewish state. Such attempts show a misunderstanding of Israel's mission, which from the narrow political and national field has been ex- panded to the promotion among the whole human race of the broad universalistic religion first proclaimed by the Jewish prophets. Such attempts do not benefit, but infinitely harm our Jewish brethren where they are still persecuted, by confirming the assertion of their enemies that the Jews are foreigners in the countries in which they are at home, and of which they are everywhere the most loyal and patriotic citizens. We affirm that the object of Judaism is not political nor national, but spiritual, and addresses itself to the continuous growth of peace, justice and love in the human race, to a messianic time when all men will recognize that they form 'one great brotherhood' for the establishment of God's kingdom on earth.14 On 7 December 1898, a Committee on Zionism, consisting of Rabbi David Philipson, the Honourable Simon WoJf, and Rabbi Joseph Krauskopf, brought before the Sixteenth Council of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations a policy statement on Zionism. The Committee had been instructed to prepare such a statement. The report, which was unanimously adopted, said: While we are aware of and deplore the abject conditions to which many of our brethren are subjected in foreign lands, and which have naturally, but unfortunately, aroused in some of them a yearning for a re-establishment in Zion, yet we delegates of the Union of American Hebrew Con- gregations in convention assembled, in view of the active propaganda being made at present for the so-called Zionistic movement, deem it proper and necessary to put ourselves on record as follows: We are unalter- ably opposed to political Zionism, The Jews are not a nation, but a religious community. Zion was a precious possession of the past, the only home of our Faith, where our prophets uttered their world-subduing thoughts, and our psalmists sang their world-enchanting hymns. As such it is a holy memory, but it is not our hope of the future. America is our Zion. Here, in the home of religious liberty, we have aided in founding this new Zion, the fruition of the beginning laid in the old. The mission of Judaism is spiritual, not political. Its aim is not to establish a state, but to spread the truths of religion and humanity throughout the world.15 Both resolutions are based on, and expand, the ideological and practical aspects of Reform's anti-Zionism: the mission theory and the spectre of dual loyalty. These two arguments, clothed in a wide variety of pronouncements, pleadings, and warnings, were repeated in hundreds of articles, and expounded in thousadds of sermons by Reform spokesmen. Here is a typical contemporary expression: I protest against it [Zionism], because I see in it a fatal blow at the mission of the Jew in history. The destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem by the Romans and the consequent dispersion of the Jews over the whole earth, was not a divine punishment, a catastrophe, but an act of divine L155 ABRAHAM J. KARP Providence, a part of the plan of the Almighty ... Ours is the duty to proclaim One God, one truth, one love, one law for all men . . . As citizens of the world, we stand as a religious organization, living for the truth; as the citizens of a Jewish kingdom, we form at best but a weak, little nation . struggling to protect ourselves ... [T]his plan for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine [is] opposed to the mission of the Jew. [L]east of all will we Jews living here in America countenance any plan that even in the slightest degree reflects upon our love of this country and our attachment to this government. America is our Palestine, the flag of this country is our banner, the Statue of Liberty in our harbor is the symbol of our patriotism . . . [F]rom every city throughout the length and breadthof this land thevoiceoftheJew will beheard declaring inemphatic terms that to this country alone we vow allegiance, that we are and always shall remain Americans, true to this government with every fibre of our hearts . . . The Jewish question can be solved only by the spread of enlightenment and truth among men. When the nations shall realize that man stands higher than Jew or Christian, then there will be no Jewish question for love will unite all men and peace dwell in every heart.'°

These words of the Reform spokesman Rabbi Rudolph Grossman are expressive of the sentiments shared by almost all Reform rabbis and their congregants. Zionist rabbis in the Reform camp were very few indeed. At the time of the First Zionist Congress, only Rabbi B. Fel- senthal and Gustab Gottheil raised their voices for Zion. The above sentiments were those of the great majority of organized American religious Jewry at the turn of the century.

III THE BALFOUR DECLARATION, NOVEMBER 1917 During the two decades between the First Zionist Congress and the Balfour Declaration, the physiognomy of organized Jewish religious life in 'America underwent a great transformation. Over one million immigrants had come from eastern Europe. Of those who sought religious affiliation, the great majority found it in the Orthodox and Conserva- tive synagogues. Both movements had established national synagogal bodies. Reform, still the most prestigious and most influential force in American Jewish religious life, was now but one of three organized religious movements on the Amricah Jewish scene. Zionism had become a potent force in Jewish life. The great majority of Orthodox and Conservative Jews were in sympathy with its aim, if not affiliated members of the various Zionist organizations. The Balfour Declaration affords us an opportunity to take the Zionist pulse of the Jewish religious community. The official Zionist publication, The Maccabean, exulted: 156 AMERItAN JEWS AND Zr0NISM Never has there been an occasion in American Jewry that can compare .with the Great Zionist demonstration which was held in Carnegie Hall, New York, on Sunday evening, December 23, when r,000 Jews gathered to give utterance to the gratitude they felt toward Great Britain for the momentous declaration which has given to the Jewish people a national status and a definite pledge that their 2,000 year old longing for the re- establishment oftheJewish State in Palestine will be realized.17

Cause for exultation there was. Zionism had made great strides in winning adherents. Now they could celebrate a Zionist declaration by a great world power. What was the response to the Declaration on the part of the American Jewish religious community?

Conservative Samuel Halperin in his Political World of American Zionism states: It was Schechter, perhaps more than any other individual, who won for the tiny Zionist following in America its first great accretion of strength— the Conservative movement in Judaism. Despite the threats and impreca- tions of the Seminary's Reform dominated Board of Directors, be warmly and decisively espoused the doctrine of Jewish national restoration in Palestine.18 In i906 Dr. Solomon Schechter published in the American Hebrew 'Zionism: A Statement'. He pointed to Zionism's unifying character, as other Conservative spokesmen had done before. Zionism has been able to unite on its platform the most heterogeneous elements: representing Jews of all countries and exhibiting almost all the different types of culture and thought as only a really great and universal movement could do... On one point... they all agree, namely, that it is not only desirable but absolutely necessary that Palestine, the land of our fathers, should be recovered with the purpose of forming a home for at least a portion of the Jews, who would lead there an independent national life.18 Small wbnder that the movement which Schechter fashioned in his own image should react positively and enthusiastically to the promise of the Balfour Declaration. The United Synagogue of America in convention unanimously adopted a resolution that this Convention of the United Synagogue hails with joy and gratitude the declaration of the British government concerning the establishment of a home for the Jewish people on its ancestral soil, and looks forward to the project as the means of safeguarding our precious religious heritage, and insuring the permanence of the Jewish people.2° Note the emphasis on Zionism as a means for the preservationof Judaism and the survival of the Jewish people: '57 ABRAHAM J. KARP Refonn Reform Jewry reacted to the Balfour Declaration in conformity to its ideology.

We reaffirm the declaration made by the Union of American Hebrew Congregations twenty-one years ago that we are Jews in religion and Americans in nationality ... We reassert the ideal to which this Union owes its being and to which it has been steadfastly devoted, namely, the promotion of the Mission of Israel, to serve mankind through the propagation of the great moral and religious principles first enunciated by our prophets . . . In accordance with the spirit of our whole history we declare that it is imperative for the welfare ofJews everywhere as a great religious community with a universal message for humanity that Israel dedicate itself not to any aspirationfor the revival of a Jewish nationality or the foundation of a Jewish state, but to the faithful and consistent fulfilment of its religious mission in the world. We, therefore, do not seek for Israel any national homeland, it being our conviction that Israel is at home in every free country and should be at home in all lands

The Central Conference of American Rabbis also reacted to the Balfour Declaration and voted that the Resolution it adopted be reprinted 'and that these reprints be sent to members of the Conference in such quantities as they may desire'. 22 The Conference 'notes with grateful appreciation the declaration of the British Government by Mr. Balfour as an evidence of good will toward Jews'. However,

we do not subscribe to the phrase in the Declaration which says, 'Palestine is to be a national home-land for the Jewish people' . . . We hold that Jewish people are and of right ought to be at home in all lands. We are opposed to the idea that Palestine should be considered the homeland of the Jews. Jews in America are part of the American nation. The ideal of the Jew is not the establishment of a Jewish state, not the re- assertion of Jewish nationality which has long been outgrown. We believe that our survival as a people is dependent upon the assertion and maintenance of our historic religious role and not upon the acceptance of Palestine as a homeland of the Jewish people. The mission of the Jew is to witness to God all over the world.23 The reaction of the Central Conference of American Rabbis to the Balfour Declaration is far more tempered than its response to the Basic Platform. There is here a more sophisticated view of the position of the Jew in the world and his status in America. We find a more mature and realistic concept of the 'mission of the Jew'. Most significant are the nationalistic elements which have made inroads into Reform thinking. Thus 'our survival as a people' and 'our historic religious role' point to an acceptance of Jewish peoplehood and a stress on its historic experience. There are concepts which were rejected by classic Reform which now entered Reform Jewish thinking and which in time became 158 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM a dominant theme in Reform ideology.24 They are of course of first significance as an ideological base for the acceptance of Zionism. Orthodox The mass immigration from eastern Europe, which swelled the ranks of Orthodoxy, provided the raw material for the creation of a religious Zionist movement in America. Rabbi Meyer Berlin arrived in New York in 1913 to conduct Mizrachi propaganda and activities. Samuel Hal- penn reports: Most Orthodox Jews—like their Conservative brethren—whether for- mally committed to the Zionist programme or lending support in the roles of sympathizers or 'functional members', contributed American Zionism's most dependable if not most powerful allies.25 Orthodox Zionist strength was organized in the Mizraehi movement. Its organ, Ha-Juri, greeted the Balfour Declaration in a lead editorial: The Declaration of the British Government ushers in a new era in the history of Zionism—indeed a new era in Jewish history . . . Our great dream, the dream of return and redemption is becoming a reality The editor confesses, however, that The Declaration has not as yet made the impression it deserves. The Jewish 'street' has not responded, and the Jewish masses have not been moved to the extent we had expected. He issues a warrnng: Let us not forget that our brothers—our foes, have not ceased to undermine our national edifice . . . They still stealthily do their work, placing road-blocks and pitfalls on our path.27 The 'brothers-enemies' are those members of the Orthodox Jewish Community who are anti-Zionists. The mass immigration which brought so many Orthodox Zionists to the U.S.A. brought Orthodox anti-Zionists as well. Nor were they inactive. Thus, for example, they reprinted in New York, in 1917, Sholom Dov Ber Schneerson's anti- Zionist Ha-Ktau V-Ha-Michtau. The spiritual head of Habad Haisidism wrote: As for the question you ask about Zionism... I answer briefly. Even if they were God-fearing and pious people, and even if we could conceivably expect them to accomplish their goal, we are not to listen to them in this matter, to effect our redemption through our own efforts. We are not permitted to press for redemption, certainly not through physical endeavours and enterprises. It is not permitted for us to leave the Exile through force or might; not in this will be our redemption and salvation.28 A more direct and-Zionist reaction to the Balfour Declaration from the Orthodox camp was a pamphlet, Shaalu Shiom Yerusholqyim: '59 ABRAHAM J. KARP Do not demand Palestine— An Earnest Word in the Tumult of Joy— An Explanatidn of the Ingathering of Exiles and the Beginning of Redemption— And Why an, Orthodox Jew cannot be a Zionist or a Member of Mizrachi.

Rabbi Klein, who identified himself as a native of Hungary, begins his argument: So long as the Zionists were from the non-religious Jews, they were less harmful,, and we kept our silence... Now that a group of them have begun to put on a pious face, and have taken the name 'Mizrachi' and, with the old battle plan of the evil impulse, assumed the guise of the good impulse, so much so that they have been able to gather to themselves even pious rabbis . . . the time has come to undertake the battle . . . They undermine the true unfalsifled faith of our ancestors. They cause a weaken- ing of belief in a Redeemer in Jewish hearts. Their activities can cause the shedding.of the blood of our dear brethren in the Holy Land. I hope for the redemption, and it will come as soon as we shall repent. But this is not the redemption which Balfour promises us, and which deniers of the Torah, scoffers and rebels demand. No, no! Redemption will come from God, through the Messiah, the Righteous Redeemer. May he come soon, in our days, Amen! He will come. He must come!

Rabbi Klein had already called one meeting to marshal forces for anti-Zionist activities. The response encouraged him to urge a convention of anti-Zionists to take counsel together. As a knowledgeable organizer he did not neglect to solicit contributions for the cause.29 The two pamphlets are indicative of the anti-Zionist ideology, sentiments, and activity. The former is reasoned, scholarly ideological - apologetics of a leader of the scholarly Habad Hassidim. The latter is an impassioned plea by a Hungarian rabbi. Each group fought Zionism and at times each other. It is important to note the presence of rigorous anti-Zionist activity in the Orthodox camp in America at the time of; and in reaction to, the Balfour Declaration.

THE STATE OF ISRAEL The leading article of the 3o November 1947 issue of the New York Times reported:

The United Nations General Assembly approved yesterday a proposal to partition Palestine into two states, one Arab and the otherJewish, that are tobecome fully independent by October I. The vote was 33 to 13 with ten abstentions and one delegation, the Siamese, absent.30 i 6o AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM

Another front-page article described the mood. In the public lobby there were kisses and tears and excited laughter. In the delegates' lounge a rabbi cried, 'This is the day the Lord hath made. Let us rejoice in it and be glad.'3' New York's Yiddish press reported the day's events with greater emotion and enthusiasm. A banner headline of the Morning Journal proclaimed:

A JEWISH STATE—MAZAL TOV! The nineteen-hundred year dream of the Jewish people to become a nation like other nations, in its historic homeland, began today to become a reality.32 The editorial exulted: 'The whole Jewish world will say Mazal Tot'! today, and recite the blessing she/ze/zeyanu. 32 The reporter M. Duchovny described the jubilation of New York Jewry: 'Macal You! Macal Yozil'—Jews wished one another with tears in their eyes. They embraced one another and kissed. There was joy in the streets. Wherever Jews met there was spontaneous joy His report concludes: All meetings, all gatherings which were held last night, all weddings, all family celebrations were turned into national demonstrations. There was joy! There was Macal You! There was the blessing of new life for the Nation Israel.34 In good time and in appropriate manner the various religious movements in American Jewry expressed their reactions to the United Nations Resolution and to the establishment of the State of Israel. Each pronouncement flowed out of the particular group's interpretation of Judaism and was indicative of the role it had played in the controversy over Zionism which had agitated the American Jewish community for haifa century. The Rabbinical Assembly of America, in convention in Chicago, on 16 May 1948, spoke the sentiments of the Conservative movement. A resolution on 'New State of Israel' wa 'voted and adopted': A new epoch in the immortal history of the Jewish people was opened hardly twenty-four hours ago—on the 14th of May, 1948, the 5th day of lyar 5708, on the eve of the Sabbath of kedos/tim ti/iju, 'Ye shall be holy, for I the Lord your God am holy'. After almost 2,000 years of wandering and suffering—a Jewish State came into being—the State of Israel. Long live the State of Israel! With hearts deeply stirred, we turn gratefully to God, with prayers of thankfulness for having vouchsafed for our generation to behold this day of promise and glory. We invoke divine blessing upon the household of 161 ABRAHAM J. KARP Israel in Zion and pray that He may spread the canopy of His love and protection over this, the oldest and newest government in Zion. To the New State, to its National Council and officers, to the Haganah, to all the workers and builders in Zion, we extend greetings. We express our profound faith that they will embody, in the new state, the ethical ideals enunciated by our prophets, and the Hebraic principles of social justice which will make it a blessing to all its inhabitants and radiate a beneficent influence ofjustice and peace throughout the world.35 Conservative Judaism stresses Jewish peoplehood. Thus the Rabbini- cal Assembly resolution begins with a reference to the 'immortal history oftheJewish people'. The movement's emphasis on spiritual or cultural Zionism also finds expression. Similar emphases are found in a resolution adopted by the United Synagogue of America (the organization of Conservative congregations) in 194. In the firm belief that the survival of the Jewish people and their religion is linked with the future of Palestine, and believing that in Palestine the Jewish people can best fulfil their historic destiny, we demand that the Jews be permitted to establish an autonomous Jewish State in Palestine.36 The Conservative Movement had been Zionist from its inception. The establishment of the State of Israel fulfilled a long cherished, oft expressed, and eagerly awaited realization of an aspect of Jewish destiny to which the movement was committed and for which it worked. The Centra] Conference of American Rabbis (Reform) greeted the new State no less enthusiastically. The Committee on Palestine brought a resolution before the forty-ninth annual convention in Kansas City, Missouri, 22-26 June. We salute the Republic of Israel and offer our Israeli brothers all possible encouragement and assistance in the maintenance of independence and in the achievement of security. We pray that Israel may go from strength to strength and that with Cod's help, it may soon attain peace and pros- perity, that it may carry forward the spiritual revival, the Hebrew cultural contributions and the social and democratic advances already fostered in the Yishuv, for the enrichment of Judaism the world over, and the benefit of all humanity.37 The lay body of Reform Judaism, the Union of American Hebrew Congregations at its 40th General Assembly, held in Boston, 14-17 Nov- ember, adopted a resolution that it 'enthusiastically hails the creation of the State of Israel 2.11 There had been a division of opinion within the leadership of the Union on the wisdom of a resolution hailing the establishment of the State. Some leaders urged caution.31 But at the General Assembly the sentiments favouring the creation of the State were near unanimous and enthusiastic. Even the anti-Zionist American Council for Judaism was temperate in its reaction to the decision of the United.Nations and to the creation 162 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM of the State. An editorial in the December 1947 issue of the Council News stated: The General Assembly of the United Nations has acted... We of the American Council for Judaism have opposed the partition of Palestine on many groutids, we have foreseen many dire consequences of a partition of Palestine. Now, however, that a decision has been reached we can only hope, with profound sincerity, that our expectations will prove mistaken. We hope that time will prove us false prophets. We wish the new countries well In June 1947 the Council had sent a twenty-seven page memoran- dum to the United Nations, expressing its opposition to a Jewish State in Palestine as a 'threat to the peace and security of Palestine and its surrounding area . . .' Now the Council hoped its 'expectations will prove mistaken'. At the Annual Meeting of the Council, its president, Lessing J. Rosenwald, wished 'the new states [Arab and Zionist] the greatest possible success', hoping 'that the new states will play a credit- able role in the family of nations . . In a statement of Policy authorized by the Executive Committee of the Council (2' May 1948), note was taken of the establishment of the State. The State of Israel has been proclaimed and the United States has given defacto recognition to its provisional government. Time alone will determine the wisdom of these acts ... The policy statement declares: [T]he state of Israel is not the state or homeland of 'The Jewish People'. To Americans of Jewish faith it is a foreign state. Our single and exclusive national identity is to the United States.43 For half a decade before the establishment of the State, the American Council forJudaism laboured with might and main against the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. Composed almost wholly of members of the Reform rabbinate and laity, it caused wide agitation in American Jewish life and an acrimonious battle in Reform Jewish ranks. By 1948, however, its ranks of rabbinic leadership had dwindled to a half-dozen or so from the ninety-odd which called it into being in 1943. Their most extreme rabbinic spokesman was Morris S. Lazaron of Baltimore. The declaration of a Zionist State and the United States' recOgnition of its defacto status does not change the basic issues in the Palestine question [T]he passionate nationalism of the sick Jewries of the crowded metropolitan centres needs to be offset in the American scene by a vigorous re- assertion of the Council's position. If indeed the establishment of statehood is necessary for the protection and freedom of Jews or any other minority in the years to come, there is little hope for the future of the world." 163 ABRAHAM J. KARP

- In 1948, this was a lone voice rehearsing phrases that in years past had won commitment, but which in the post Second World War world were hollow echoes of a debate now ended, naïve pleadings in an issue now resolved. There were few who listened and fewer still who would respond. Reform Judaism in 1947 and 1948 was almost unanimous in greeting the State and pledging support of its endeavours. Rabbi Abraham J. Feldman expressed it well in his presidential message to his colleagues of the Central Conference of American Rabbis: It seems to me that in the presence of the fait accompli, the half-century debate on the subject of Zionism should come to an end. After all the government of the State of Israel is not your government or mine They will have our aid whilst they need aid, and our brotherly support as they require it. But the political controversy amongst us here should now be adjourned.45 Orthodoxy The most varied reaction to the creation of the State was in Orthodox Jewry. The great mass of OrthodoxJews had long since been among the most devoted and most active Zionists. But there were within Orthodoxy non-Zionists and anti-Zionists as well. How would they react? A lead editorial in Orthodox Jewish Lift, the publication of the Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations, spoke for the vast majority of Ortho- dox Jews. The decision of the United Nations to permit establishment of a Jewish state in partitioned Palestine is, in its essence, one of those acts of Divine Providence which seems to transcend the ordinary course of natural law.. Each of us, sensing in the re-birth of the Jewish Commonwealth a cosmic event, feels impelled to define his own relationship to it . . . Surely, even the most machine-blunted mind must perceive here a Purpose beyond any human ego, a Purpose to which he himself belongs The Orthodox Jew is not satisfied with just a state. 'We roust remember', another editorial notes, 'that our people have yearned and striven not simply for a state but for a Jewish state.'47 Eretz Israel can fulfil its purpose only by creating a society which is predicated upon service to God and to mankind ... Let those who go up to the Land divest themselves of the social concept derived from a non- Jewish environment, for they are called up to build a society, which, new though it is, has been in the making for ages, yes, even from the days of Father Abraham. 48 The Agudas Harabonim, the organization of European trained rabbis, underscored the spiritual responsibility which the opportunity to build a state imposes. Together with the entire Jewish people in all their dispersion hoping for a full redemption, we offer praise and gratitude to Him from whom all 164 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM salvation flows, for His decision to place in the hearts of the nations of the world the desire to right the two-millennial wrong which they have visited upon our people. We see in the decision of the United Nations to establish an independent Jewish commonwealth in Palestine, the desire of Providence to recompense us in His mercy for the tragic losses we have suffered . . . We cannot for a moment imagine that the renewed Jewish commonwealth . . . can be based on any other foundation than that of our Torah and Faith The State will be, 'at least for a while', a small state, yet it will have to exert spiritual influence on a .vast Diaspora, and serve as an example for the world at large. 'It is unthinkable', the statement continues, 'to imagine a Zion from which Torah shall not flow' or 'a Jewish redemption without mitzvot and deeds, which alone bring holiness and uplift to the individual Jew, and to all of Jewish life.' The rabbis call upon those who have contributed to this historic achievement to consider the spiritual demands which this great opportunity and privilege call forth. Only through this shall we be worthy of. . . a full ingathering of the exiles and a complete redemption, soon, in our days, Amen.40 The salient points of the above statement are: the founding of the State is a result of God's will; the State must become a spiritual centre and influence for Jews throughout the world and for the world in general; the State must reflect Jewish values and ordinances; the ingathering and the redemption are not yet complete. Agudas Yisrael had been and-Zionist and at most non-Zionist. How did it react to the United Nations Declaration? Since among the leaders of Agudas Yisrael were some of the leaders of Agudas Ha- rabonim, it is not surprising that its Proclamation is similar in spirit. It accepts the decision of the United Nations as the will of God. It sees in this historic event a Godly call to His people to return to Torah and Faith. Agudas Yisrael is convinced that Israel, the land which we are gaining because of Divine Providence, will be formed and ordered according to the laws of the Torah, in accordance with Law and Faith; and we hope that we will soon be worthy of full redemption through the Righteous Messiah.6° Its former opposition to a state can no longer be maintained since it would now be counter to God's wish. God willed the State. But the State does not constitute redemption or obviate the need for the coming of the Messiah. The State is at most the beginning of redemption. Full redemption can come only through the Messiah. This view is spelled out by Rabbi Eliezer Silver, who served as member of the Presidium of Agudas Harabonim and asVice-President 165 ABRAHAM J. KARP of Agudas Yisracl. In an article in the Morning Journal, he speaks of 'Our Responsibility to Proclaim a Full Programme for the State of Israel.' 'If we prove ourselves worthy at this beginning of redemption then we shall be privileged to behold the full redemption, soon, in our day, Amen.'' Rabbi Joseph Elijah Henkin, a rabbi of prestige and influence among his colleagues in Agudas Harabonim and Agudas Yisrael, was, before the establishment of the State, an outspoken and-Zionist. With the creation of the State he became a friend and defender. He argues that for the religiousJewthere is a 'before' and 'after' in his attitude towards, and relationship to, the State. Before the State was established one had a right to oppose, but once the State has been established one may no longer oppose it, but must help it and defend it. The Sages warned us against rebelling so long as we are subjugated, because of the inherent danger. But after the Jews have thrown off the yoke ofsubjugation, though they have done so contrary to the admonition of the Sages, it is now our duty to help them with utter devotion.52 Rabbi Henkin argues that all the rabbis who opposed Zionism and the State did so before the founding of the State. One who now would deliverJews into foreign subjugation is 'an informer and a persecutor of theJewish people'. He quotes the Sages: Jacob did not want his sons to do what they did [putting Shehem to the sword]. But once they did it, he reasoned: What, shall I permit my sons to fall into the hands of the heathen? He thereupon girded on his sword to protect his sons.68 Rabbi Henkin suggests that this ought to be remembered by those who opposed the founding of the State, because it constituted a rebellion against the nations. Although they do not consider the Jewish state 'a beginning of redemption', still they and we must protect it with all our might." His remarks were addressed to the Orthodox and-Zionists, whose opposition to Zionism now led them to oppose the founding of the State and the State itself. Who are these opponents? An article in the Morning Journal of ii December 1947 speaks of those who oppose a Jewish State. Among these are some 'fanatic members of Agudas Yisrael'. Their cry is: so long as we do not have a heavenly Jerusalem we do not need an carthlyJerusalem. 55 Even more extreme in their opposition were the disciples of the Rebbe of Muncacz. They reprinted the violently anti-Zionist Sefer Tikkun Olam, which had first appeared in Muncacz in 1936. It is a collection of statements and pronouncements 'against Zionists, Mizrachi, Agudas Yisrael, Tern- tonialists and all who collaborate with them The introduction to the New York edition states that when the book was first published, the danger of Agudas Yisrael was not yet apparent, but in these days one sees it clearly. To spell out the danger which the 166 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM

Agudah represents, the new edition contains an excerpt from Shomer Emunim. The opinion of Rabbi Joel Teitelbaum, the Rebbe of Satmar, is given prominence. He speaks out against the Agudah: They have associated themselves with the Zionists who have destroyed the world, and who rooted in hearts of most Jews heresy and atheism, the Merciful One, protect us . And we have seen that the Agudah has gone hand in hand with the Zionists to ask that our Holy Land be turned over to them, and this is the source of all our ills and sorrow 56 To know fully the extent and the reasons for this Rebbe's opposition to Zionism and the State we need to turn to his Sefer V'Toel Mos/je. In his introduction to this large anti-Zionist tome Rabbi Teitelbaum states: Because of our many sins, we have during the past years sustained great tragedies, bitter as wormwood . . . Now in former days in Israel, in all generations, when a time of suffering and troubles came upon the household of Jacob, they sought to determine the why and the wherefore, to determine which sin brought on the suffering and the tragedy - . . In our generation there is no need to look and to search deeply for the sin which brought upon us the great tragedy—for it is obvious . . that the sin is in the violation of the oath not to 'storm the wall', not to hasten redemption . . . The heretics and scoffers have made all kinds of efforts to violate these oaths . . - and to establish by their own devices sovereignty and freedom before the proper time—this is our hastening redemption. They have captured the hearts of the majority ofJews for this unholy endeavour And those of our people whom God has permitted to remain. have also been punished, with a hard and bitter punishment, in that the work of Satan has proceeded in establishing a heretical State through which to try Israel in a great and awful testing . . . And it is clear that this abomination delays our redemption and the salvation of our souls... It is interesting and instructive to note that the theoretician of Radical Reform in America, Kaufmann Kohler, used a similar argument in propagating his own anti-Zionist views in 1897. In a letter to the American Hebrew he wrote: God administered an oath to Israel—says the Talmud—never to urge or over hasten the time of redemption before God in His own time has matured His plan,but to remain submissive to the worldly powers to which he is subjected. This oath of fealty to the nations enjoined upon the Jews, at all times and under the direst oppression, true patriotism and loyalty to the country in which he lived. Dr. Herzl's movement tends to break this oath of fealty, which made the Jew an ever-loyal citizen of the country in which he lived, and fills the Jewish masses of Europe and Asia with ideas and hopes subversive of the peace and the safety of the Jew. 58 The opposition to Zionism in 1948 was limited to numerically insignificant but vocal groups on the fringe of Reform and Orthodoxy, 167 ABRAHAM J. KARP Those opposed to the State were fewer still. They were out of the main- stream of organized religious life. At most they were a nuisance and irritant to Zionism and the State of Israel and no more. All the leading Jewish religious organizations and institutions hailed the creation of the State, and pledged their interest, concern, and aid.

V In the half-century between the First Zionist Congress and the establishment of the State of Israel, the attitude of the American Jewish community changed from vigorous opposition—with but a few religious spokesmen dissenting—to ful], formal, even joyous approval by organized religious life; only small fringe groups on the extreme left and right protested. What brought about the change in view and reactions? As indicated earlier, and-Zionism in America was rooted in ideological opposition and practical considerations. The answer we seek would then be found in the changes which took place in the world, and in the Jewish world particularly, during this half-century: in the changed American nation and the changed American Jewish community in the years 1897-1947; and in the developments in the religious ideology of the American Jew. x. Changes in the world situation The world became more cosmopolitan and more interdependent. The optimistic world view current in the late nineteenth century that the world's problems were on the way to permanent solution was shattered by two World Wars and the rise of totalitarianism which dominated so large a part of the world. The theological optimism about the innate goodness of man and his power to direct his destiny was tempered by the new science of psychiatry. In 1899 Rabbi Henry Berkowitz, before his colleagues in convention, could state without too much fear of contradiction: Let us remember that the era of emancipation is hardly a hundred years old. What is a hundred years in our history! Sad as is still the fate of the myriads of Israel, it is today not as hopeless as at any time in the last nineteen hundred years. The pathway of civilization is tortuous . . . but it is nevertheless progressive. Never before was the evidence so strong that mankind has set its face resolutely towards a future ofjustice. This is not theory, but history.59 Unfortunately the history of the first half of the twentieth century did not bear out Rabbi Berkowitz's theory. Two world conflagrations and the rise of antisemitism in the twentieth century, culminating in a holocaust unprecedented in Jewish history and the experience of man, wiped away the roseate hope that the problem of the Jew would find 168 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM final solution in a world of peace and brotherhood which was believed to be imminent.

Changes in the world Jewish situation In 1897 the Russian Jewish enigrant could choose &tween the United States, Canada, England, the Argentine, South Africa, Aus- tralia and Palestine. Some two million Jews came to the United States in the next half-century. In 1917 and in the post First World War world it was believed that the countries of Europe could and should be home and haven for its Jews through the enactment of minority rights. In the post Second World War world all doors were closed to Jewish immigration. Only those who lacked sensibility could suggest that the Jew ought to rebuild his life in a Europe which was the mass graveyard of his community and family. Only Palestine could offer the hope of a haven. Morris Waldman, Executive Secretary of the American Jewish Com- mittee, explaining the pro-Zionist orientation of the American Jew in 1947-8, wrote: Many years of propaganda, virtually uncontested, reinforced by ten years of most tragic events in Jewish history, have generated a widespread pessimism . . . with respect to the permanence of Jewish emancipation The Jewish public profoundly disturbed over the seeming indifference of Christendom . . . have been readily persuaded to regard Palestine as the main, if not the only solution 60 Fifty years of Zionist education and haifa century of practical accom- plishment in Palestine implanted in the heart of the Jew the dream and convinced his mind that the dream could indeed become a reality. At the turn of the century every anti-Zionist speaker pointed to the utter impracticability if not impossibility of the fulfilment of the Zionist programme.

Changes in America At the end of the nineteenth century America was a young giant flexing its muscles, preparing itself physically and psychologically to venture into the wide world. It was a time of heightened and unen- lightened nationalism, marked by self-centredness and a sense of self-importance. American Jewry was caught up in this mood and sentiment. In the next half-century America moved into the world—into Latin America, then Europe in the First World War, and the world in the Second World War. It became legitimate and desirable in the service of the national interest to become concerned and involved in all manner of endeavour anywhere and everywhere. Interest in, concern for, involvement in Zionism, Palestine, and Israel was. therefore a i6g ABRAHAM J. KARP legitimate and even desirable activity for the American Jew as an American. American presidents and the houses of Congress declared for Zionism. Could the patriotic American Jew do less?

. Changes in the Jew's view of America and himself as an American In 1897 America was viewed as a great melting pot. Each ethnic group was to lose its own distinctiveness and identity to become fused into the American nation. The Jews felt that America called upon them to give up their identity as a national group, to erase their ethnic uniqueness. It became for the Jew an area of vast labours for 'Americanization'. In 1917 the Jew perceived the beginning of a new view of America— cultural pluralism. It became a virtue and service to America for the ethnic group to retain its distinctiveness and foster its own unique identity. America was, in the phrase of Louis D. Brandeis, a 'nation of nationalities'. Zionist cultural activities would no longer be considered alien to the spirit of America, but a welcome contribution to American culture. By 1948, multiplicity of loyalties was accepted as legitimate. America was a nation in which cultural pluralism held sway, and in which nationalism was not monolithically exclusive. The spectre of dual-loyalty frightened only a small though influential segment of the Jewish community.

Changes in the configuration of the American Jewish religious community In 1897, organized religious Jewry was almost wholly Reform. The leading Seminary, the largest congregation, and the most influential rabbis were of that group. 1917 saw the rise of Conservative and Orthodox Jewry, and the beginnings of their institutional organization. Their numbers had been swelled by mass immigration. The bulk of the Zionist constituency and workers were from these groups. By 1947, American religious Jewry was a tripartite group composed of well- organized and institutionally concretized Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform bodies. The fastest growing movement, Conservative Judaism, was also the most Zionistically committed. The rise of Conservative Judaism with its emphasis on Jewish peoplehood, culture, history, and national experience and aspirations, and its influence on both Reform and Orthodoxy, did much to change the Zionist climate in American religious Jewry.

Changes in Reform Judaism, 189 7-1947 At the end of the nineteenth century the membership in Reform Congregations was almost exclusively ofJews who came from Germany and central Europe. By 1947, American Jewry was 8o per cent of cast European origin, and most Reform congregations were composed largely of east European immigrants or their sons and daughters. For 170 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM half a century, from 1885 to 1937, Reform Judaism was ideologically committed to the anti-nationalist, anti-Zionist Pittsburgh Platform. In 1937 Guiding Principles of Reform Judaism were adopted by the Central Conference of American Rabbis. The first principle reads: 'Judaism is the historical religious experience of the Jewish people.' Contrast this with the view ofJudaism found in the Pittsburgh Platform of 1885: Judaism presents the highest conception of the God idea as taught in our holy Scriptures and developed and spiritualized by the Jewish teachers, in accordance with the moral and philosophical progress in their respective ages. The sense of Jewish peoplehood made a committed Zionist of the Reform Rabbi Stephen S. Wise. Returning from the Second Zionist Congress, 1898, he said: Thrilled and grateful, I caught then a first glimpse of the power and the pride and the nobleness of the Jewish people, which my American up- bringing and even service to New York Jewry had not in any degree given me . . . Gradually, I came to acknowledge my kinship with a great and living people. Judaism ceased to be a type of worship. The Jewish people became my own and I returned to my people.6 ' If, for some European Zionists, return to Judaism was the necessary prelude to Zionism, for American Reform Jews the pre-requisite was to return to the concept and reality of the Jewish people. Classic Reform's anti-Zionism was ideologically rooted in the concept of the Jewish Mission. Briefly stated, it argues: exile was not punishment, but the conferring of the opportunity and privilege upon the Jewish people to fulfil its mission to the world. The mission is 'to spread the truths of religion and humanity throughout the world'. It is therefore necessary for the Jews to be dispersed throughout the world in fulfilment of their God-ordained mission. Reform was a concept-centred religious movement. Concepts have the virtue of lofty impreciseness if not haziness. It is therefore quite easy to give the concept new meaning through restatement or re-emphasis. The Rev. Dr. Joseph Rausch, in 1918, retains the Mission idea, but gives it new purpose: Being scattered throughout the nations we have remained the lone inter- nationalists, the sole depositories of the ideals of human fraternity The world needs our example . . . This is a noble service we can best render by refusing modern narrow Nationalism offered us by Zionism The servant of the Lord has now the task of teaching the nations this new internationalism. He will succeed in this as he has succeeded when he set out to bring the nations to God Almighty.82 In time, the Mission concept was pressed into Zionist service. Zionist proponents now stated the Jewish Mission to the nations to be: to M 171 ABRAHAM J. KARP establish a state which will serve as guide and model to the nations of the world of a commonwealth devoted to the service of God through love of one's fellow man, of a nation motivated by prophetic ideals and directed by the Jewish passion for social justice and human brotherhood. But prudent and practical considerations of anti-Zionism outweighed the ideological. American Jews were afraid of being accused of dual loyalty. The leading ideologist of classic Reform in America, Kaufmann Kohler, concludes an impassioned anti-Zionist plea in 1897: There is but one way for us American Jews to pursue: Let the plans of Jewish colonization in Palestine be left in the hands of such European Jews as have the philanthropic and educational interests of their brethren at heart, and what we can do to encourage and support them we shall all do of one accord. But let us in unmistakable terms protest against the insinuation that we are not with every fibre of our heart American citizens, that we have for us and our children any land dearer and holier to us, one which we are allied with closer ties than to America Reform anti-Zionists were ever avid to point out that Zionism in America was confined to the immigrant Jews. In a 'Statement to the Peace Conference', they stated: - We feel that in so doing we are voicing the opinion of the majority of American Jews born in this country and of those foreign born who have lived here long enough to thoroughly assimilate American political and social conditions The sons of east Europ&n immigrants who began to occupy the pulpits and pews of the Reform temple did not use such arguments or make such distinctions. The go-odd Reform Rabbis who caJled the American Council for Judaism into being stated its purpose to be a spiritual one: to retain and to re-emphasize the eternal prophetic principles of life and thought, principles through which atone Judaism and the Jew can hope to endure and bear witness to the universal Cod.64 When one of its leading spirits, Rabbi Louis Wolsey, left the Council four years later, he said: All in all it developed into an unhappy negative movement of assimilative Jews, of Jews horrified by the possibilities of anti-Semitism and of Jews who were afraid of losing their fortunes and who planned to hide away to the Smokey Mountains.65 By 1947, American Jewry had grown mature and secure enough to risk accusations of dual loyalty in their concern for fellow Jews and in their commitment to the great dream of Return and Redemption. 172 AMERICAN JEWS AND ZIONISM But the most significant change of all occurred not in America but in Palestine—the founding of the State of Israel. Rabbi Abraham Feldman, President of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, could tell his colleagues that now with the State afait accompli, the fifty-year-old controversy could be laid to rest—and all agreed. The orthodox and-Zionists could view it at least as the 'beginning of redemption', hail its creation, and pledge their support. For American Jewry as a whole, anti-Zionism became no more than an unpleasant memory of the growing pains of a maturing Jewish community.

NOTES 'Salo Baron, The Jewish Community, 21 Proceedings of the Union of American Philadelphia, 1945, Vol. I, pp. 4-5. See Hebrew Congregations, Forty-fifth Annual also, Abraham J. Karp, 'The American Report, November i, 1917, to October 31, JewishCommunity: Union Now or Ever?' 1918, printed and published July 1919, in Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly pp. 8520-8521. of America, Vol. XXV, New York, ig6i, 22 Central Conference of American Rabbis pp. 4567. Yearbook, Vol. XXVIII, p. 137. 2 The American Hebrew, ii June 1897, "Ibid., pp. 233-4. P. '89. 24 Thus in the Guiding Principles of Ibid., 28 May 1897, p. 148. Reform Judaism, adopted by the CCAR in Moshe Davis, The Emergence of Con- 1937, the first principle states: 'Judaism semative Judaism, New York and Phila- is the historical religious experience of delphia, 1963, P. 270. the Jewish people.' The American Hebrew, 21 May 1897, 25 Ibid., p. 67. p. 64. 26 Ha-Ion, Vol. VII, No. 42, 16 6 Ibid., 27 August 2897, p.488. November 2927, p. I. Ibid., 27 September 1897, p. 572. " Ibid. Ibid., bc. cit. 28 Shalom Dov Ber Schneerson, Ha- Ibid., 22 October 1897, p. 744. Ktav V' Ha-Michtau, New York, 1917. 10 Ibid., 17 October 1897, P. 712. 20 Baruch Meir Klein, Shaalu Shlom "Ibid., ioJune 1898, P. 272. Yerusholoyim, New York, 1917- 12 The Maccabean, Vol. I, New York, 30 New York Time; 30 November 1947, 1901, Maccabean Supplement, p. XXII. P. I. Is See, e.g., Naomi Wiener Cohen, 11 Ibid., bc. cit. 'The Reaction of Reform Judaism in "Morning Journal (Yiddish), go Nov- America to Political Zionism', Publica- ember 1947, p. I. tions of the American Jewish Historical " Ibid., bc. cit. Society, Vol. XL, P. 4, June 1951, pp. 34 Ibid., p. 2. 362-94. Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly 14 Central Conference of American Rabbis, of America, New York, 1948, Vol. XII, Yearbook, Vol. VII, p. xli. p. 6. "Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the 30 Samuel 0mm, Zionist Education in Union of American Hebrew Congregations, the United States, p. 63. Cincinnati, 1899, p. 4002. 87 Central Conference of American Rabbis 16 The American Hebrew, 28 May 1897, Yearbook, Vol. LVIII, pp. 93-4. p. 126. " Proceedings of the Fortieth General 17 The Maccabean, January 1928, P. 22. Assembly of the Union of American Hebrew 18 Detroit, ig6i, p. 102. Congregations, November 1948, Boston, 10 The American Hebrew, 28 December p. 287. '906, pp. '91-4. Also published as a See Proceedings of UA FlC, 74-6 pamphlet. Annual, Printed and Published 1940, " The United Synagogue of America n.p.: Meeting of Executive Board UAHC, Sixth Annual Report, 5679-1919, p. 46. Chicago, June 5-6, 2948, P. 97; Resolu- 173 ABRAHAM J. KARP tion on State of Israel, P. g; Statement "Morning Journal, ii December 1947, of Maurice Eisendrath, pp. 109-10; p.4. Letters of Eisendrath and Aronson re '6 Muncacz, 1936. Reprinted New Zionism and Israel, pp. 118-20. York n.d. Added to this edition: Shon,er Gouncil News, Vol. I, No. ii, Decem- Enusninz. ber 1947. " Yoel Teitelbaum, Se/er V'YoelMoshe, " Ibid.,Vol. II, No. 5,May 1948,p. 2. Second Sn. Brooklyn, 196,. 42 Ibid., p. i. 58 The American Hebrew, 14 May 1897, 43 Ibid., bc. cit. p.39. 44 Ibid., p. 3. " GCAR Yearbook, Vol. VJII, Cin- " GCAR Yearbook, op. cit., p. igg. cinnati, 1889, 169. 46 p. Orthodox Jewish Ltft, Vol. XV, No. 3, 60 Morris Waldman, Not By Power, February 1948. New York, 1953, pp. 265-66. " Ibid., Vol. XV, No. 2, December 61 Stephen S. Wise, 'The Beginning of 1947, P. I. American Zionism' in The Jewish Frontier, 48 Ibid., p.s. '° August 1947, p. 7. Morning Journal, 4 December 1947. 62 joseph Rausch, The Dangers of '° Ibid. Zionism, Louisville, Ky., 51 1918, pp. 84- Ibid., 16 December igo,, p.5. 1 52 5. Quoted in Maim Liberman, Der 11 The American Hebrew, 14 May 1897, Rebbe under Solon, New York, 199. p.39. " Yosef Eliyahu Henkin, Pemshei Leo 64 New York Times, 3o August 1942. - Ibra, New York, 1957, P. 138. 05 Louis Woisey, Sermons and Addresses, 51 Ibid., bc. cit. Philadelphia, 1950, P. 15.

'74 NEW APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF THE AMERICAN JEW

Fred Massarik

INTRODUCTION OCIAL research in the United States has a long history of interest in the study of ethnic groups. The American Negro has parti- Scularly been studied on a massive scale, and Mexican-American, Japanese, and Puerto Rican populations have received reasonable shares of attention.' Yet—and this has been repeated to the point of near-banality—the Jew in America remains something of a sociological enigma. No comprehensive enquiry concerning his demographic and attitudinal characteristics has been conducted. What we know about him at present is laboriously distilled from an uneven concoction of local community studies, from a few spotty general surveys, and from a single, rather bland, census enquiry. Interpretation of data yielded by the community studies is severely limited by the wide variations in quality of design and execution and by the different objectives for which they were planned.2 The census survey, now several years old, represents an effort apparently still- born, a 'religion' question being abandoned—at least for the time being—by the U.S. Census Bureau in response to objections by Jewish and other organizations who cite the principle of church-state separation as the basis for their opposition. A systematic sociology of American Jewish life is yet to develop. Whatever hopeful signs may now be appearing, the emerging changes unfold against the backdrop of an impressive array of obstacles.3 We shall need to consider briefly these several barriers to progress in research.

OBSTACLES TO RESEARCH ON THE AMERICAN JEW The barriers to research on the American jew arerooted in asometimeS paradoxical interplay of technical, psychological, and socio-political factors. The following appear to be the major sources of difficulty: (a) problems in arriving at an operational definition of Jewishness; (b) '75 FRED MASSARIK the relatively high level of socio-economic well-being of the American Jewish community; (c) the pattern of American Jewish community organization; (d) personal identity conflicts of Jewish scholars; and (e) social policy on church—state separation and the lack of relevant census data.

(a)Problems in arriving at an operational definition of Jewishness Polemic on the meaning ofJewishness assumes new significance when it becomes necessary to translate the abstract reply to the question 'who is a Jew?' into operational terms. A detailed discussion would be required to untangle the overlapping and conflicting viewpoints on the best definition of 'Jewishness' for research purposes. As one examines theoutput of available studies, it becomes clear that typically little explicit attention is paid to the matter at all. No theoretical argument is adduced to justify one or another choice of survey question wording or the selection of study population. And, as one seeks to make comparisons among various studies, one faces an uneven agglomeration of definitions of Jewishness, as represented by different question formulations and/or by the selection of one or another group as the study focus. These approaches, while highly correlated, are sufficiently diverse to complicate the interpretation of findings. The difficulty is compounded when one tries to relate data obtained by non-survey methods to the interview survey results. For instance, an estimate ofJewish population size using death records and hypothetical mortality tables makes assumptions about Jewish burial and death rates which are different from those underlying a respondent's self-identification in a áuriey interview. In the latter case, a respondent may choose to deny Jewishness, perhaps because of mistrust of the interviewer or because he simply does not consider himself a Jew in his everyday life. But in the final reckoning, he may choose to be buried a Jew. Hence, he would not figure in a Jewish population estimate if Jewishness were operationally defined by identification through a survey filter question, while he would eventually affect an estimate based on death records. The popular usage of the concept 'Jewishness' does little to ease the researcher's lot in his search for a clear-cut operational definition. Un- doubtedly, there would be wide agreement among scholars that formal membership in a congregation, with its constraints of dues and religious participation, would constitute an excessively restrictive definition of an Americanjew. Relatively objective definitions, making use of questions concerning Jewish parentage and the like are complicated by the fact that they, too, must be elicited in a survey context, leaving open the possibility of denial and informatibn gaps. Unsophisticated self- description by means of questions eliciting an indication whether the respondent regards himself as Jewish, has the advantage of direct- ness and convenience in survey research. No one definition seems to fit 176 THE AMERICAN JEW all exigencies. No comprehensive framework is currently available to relate alternative definitions and to order results based on varied procedures. The development of such a schema, making provision for multi-level definitions, is much overdue. The high level of socio-economic well-being of the American Jewish corn- ?UL flit) American social research has often focused on prcssing social problems. From the days of the survey movement in social welfare to recent massive efforts in the study of delinquent behaviour, the resources of government and foundations have been heavily committed to areas of acute public concern.4 In the last several decades, the Jewish community has not presented the American community-at-large with significant social problems. By its extensive network of social welfare agencies and inspired by a tradition of self-help, the Jewish community has effectively assumed the role of good citizen, both self-sufficient and responsible to its non-Jewish neighbours. This has been made possible by the American Jew's widely-observed (though insufficiently documented) upward mobility, and by internal cohesive forces (some of them now apparently declining), reducing deviancy, such as alcoholism or divorce. The relative state of affluence, together with the cohesive forces noted, have provided the American Jew with a level of social functioning clearly greater than that of most other population groups, and surely beyond the usual boundaries that define areas of acute social concern. As a result, major funding bodies outside the Jewish community have not felt called upon to support research on Jewish life on any extensive scale. But if non-Jewish donors have been reluctant, what about the resources of the Jewish community itself? Again, there have been reasons limiting this source of finance for empirical social research. These reasons relate to the way in which the Jewish community is organized, particularly in its philanthropic efforts. The patterns of American Jewish community organization The desire of individual donors to leave tangible evidence of their donation (as through the erection of buildings), and their strong financial commitments to emotionally-meaningful causes and institutions have left only a tiny residue of funds for something as apparently abstract as research. The fund-raising appeals of the State of Israel, of mass rescue after the Holocaust, of a large hospital, of an agency to alleviate personal suffering—these surely cannot be readily rivalled by intellectual claims for the usefulness of social research. Research often sounds dry, statistical, mechanical. Further, there is the prevailing scepticism that it will only show the obvious, or the cyni- cism that people know all the relevant answers anyway. Nor has the '77 FRED MASSARIK researcher himself proved to be a particularly capable spokesman for his craft. The studies that have been conducted have developed in an environment heavily imbued with the values and procedures of local autonomy. Typically, one or another Jewish community organization or institution decides that it needs certain facts, to clarify an issue in social welfare planning, building site selection, or a similar matter. The financing of the study typically comes from limited local resources. The study is carried out by an investigator who may have had little special training or sophistication in the intricacies of Jewish empirical research, as distinguished from general research methodology. And no comprehensive national approach has existed to guide these independent efforts into a common frame. It is no wonder that the results, however pragmatically useful, lack integration. Even so-called national studies, as those concerned with Jewish community centre needs or Jewish education, often have found themselves running foul of unanticipated local conditions. This has occurred largely because the national study procedures have not been sufficiently flexible and adaptive to take into account such matters as the reluctance of leadership in one or another community to co-operate in the study, differences from one community to another in the keeping of records needed for sample design, and similar circumstances reflecting the autonomy of the individual communities and their constituent institutions. The social welfare values of Jewish community life have not been particularly supportive of systematic broad-scale empirical social research. Further, though there has been a plethora of separate, often idiosyncratically varied studies, the relative independence of Jewish community organizations from one another, and their desire to do things 'their own way' have led to many difficulties in the conduct of comprehensive studies ofJewish interest.

(d) Personal identity conflicts of Jewish scholars Many American Jewish scholars grew to maturity during an era of severe personal conflict in the reconciliation of ostensibly distinct Jewish and American identities. These scholars were not unique in their struggles; in some measure they mirrored the strivings for identity of the American Jew generally. Often, the resolution was along classicial lines: major emphasis was placed on values identified as 'American', with the apparent result that Jewishness was downgraded or, as far as possible, denied altogether. Or else identification was primarily with Jewish affairs, followed by a degree of isolation from the secular stream of American culture. Such conflicts were bound to leave their mark on the professional activities of these scholars. Some embraced Jewish studies in the tradi- 178 THE AMERICAN JEW tional sense, concentrating on fields such as Talmudic or Hebraic enquiry, archaeology, and history. Their orientation was often towards an elucidation of the past rather than towards scientific analysis of the present or the prediction of future, regardless of the lip service they may have paid to contemporary research approaches. Other Jewish scholars were led to 'lean over backwards' and away from acadcmic topics of explicitly Jewish concern. They were more likely to become cxperts on some primitive tribe than on the twentieth-century Jewish community of New York. While one can point to exceptions—a handful of respectable efforts—the American Jewish scholar's identity conflict seems to have retarded the development of an empirical social science of the American Jew.6

(e) Social policy on church-state separation and the lack of relevant census data A number of influential groups in the American Jewish community have taken the position that the inclusion of a question on religion in the U.S. census violates the principle of separation between church and state. They have held that the dangers to freedom of conscience and to other social values inherent in the posing of such a question by a governmental agency outweigh benefits that might be derived from the information yielded by the replies. The stnd of these organizations has been especially determined in view of the fact that response to questions in the decennial U.S. census is compulsory. The issues involved are extremely complex, but it is clear that this matter generates strong feelings among organizations in the Jewish community who argue on a variety of grounds that some question related to religion should or should not be incorporated either in the decennial census or in inter-censal sampling surveys. At the present time, anyway, there is no change in the situation: the U.S. Census Bureau does not now plan to include a religion question in the 1970 decennial census.'

LEVELS OF DATA IN JEWISH sociAL RESEARCH Whatever the progress in overcoming the obstacles noted above, it is clear that much future investigation will continue to be shaped by patterns of enquiry now prevalent. This means that most studies will continue to be conducted by voluntary Jewish community organizations, through their consultants and research bureaux, and by a small but growing number of university scholars, rather than under governmental auspices. Data involved in most current studies fall into one of three categories: (a) level I data (primary): empirical confrontation; (b) level II data (secondary): empirical analysis; and (c) level III data (also secondary): retrospective analysis. '79 FRED MASSARIK

Level I data (pnimary): empirical confrontation Level I data are characterized by direct contact between researcher (or his representative) and subject. The confrontation may involve one researcher or many; one subject or many; sampling or complete coverage; direct asking of specific questions, open-ended approaches, or observation. A typical community survey, for instance, makes use of many researchers (viz, interviewers); it covers a sample of respondents; and it asks mainly specific questions. An anthropological enquiry may require only a single or a few researchers (viz, the anthropologist and his associates); sampling of informants may be more intuitive and guided by considerations other than probability sampling; and while there are direct questions, much open-ended interviewing and observation take place. But, however great the difference between survey research and anthropological investigation, the methods have in common a con- temporaneous interaction between the scientific investigator(s) and the person(s) studied.

Level II data (secondary): empirical analysis Level II designs are characterized by the researcher's use of previously collected (i.e. available) data, which, however, are derived from the responses or behaviour of subjects who are now living and who are therefore potentially accessible for level I type enquiry. Unlike the circumstances of level I studies, the researcher makes no direct attempt to confront the subject population that interests him; he relies on data provided by others, such as a recently-completed survey, a listing of persons currently resident in the community who are presumed to be Jewish, information on the number of children who did not attend public school last Yom Kippur, etc. If we discount the normal mortality (literal and figurative) in a contemporary subject population, level II data provide the researcher with an option of confirming them in whole or in part by level I procedures. As level II data normally are relatively less expensive to obtain than level I information, they present a tempting information source which, unfortunately, often lends itself to misuse. This happens, for example, in the utilization of such level II materials as Yom Kippur school attendance data or unverified distinctive Jewish names as bases for study of the Jewish population. However, level II approaches often present helpful starting points for the more economical design of level I procedures. Level III data (secondary): retrospective analysis Level III designs include the broad range of approaches that attempt to reconstruct a set of circumstances by examining data provided by respondents no longer living. This category encompasses the gamut of historical materials, such as old minutes of community organizations, I8o THE AMERICAN JEW newspapers, documents, census reports, and the like. Unlike the case of level II data, the subjects responsible for level III information have ceased to be accessible to empirical procedures; the data are fixed in their format, and their authenticity cannot be verified by the direct confrontation of subjects.

NEW APPROACHES TO STUDY DESIGN Much current research confines itself to the use of data at either level I, or level II, or level III. There are surveys relying heavily on direct interviews with respondents; there are estimates of Jewish population based on birth records, death records, or the Yom Kippur method; there are historical analyses of all sorts. But it is relatively rare that study designs are employed that involve articulate linkages among the several data levels. Yet progress in Jewish social research may depend heavily on design conceptions that systematically draw data from a variety of related sources. Survey designs (level I) can be made more effective by coordinating them carefully with prior Jewish population estimates derived from distinctive Jewish names procedures (level II). Or historical analysis (level III) may be given fresh meaning by continuing cross-reference to contemporary empirical procedures (level I).8 By way of illustration, we shall consider here the nature of a research plan that facilitates the design of sampling surveys of Jewish populations by the use of the distinctive Jewish names device. It is our belief that this kind of approach can be of great value in the study of demographic and attitudinal characteristics of Jewish populations in situations in which neither overall census data nor definitive listings of known Jewish households are available as starting points. As is well known, this is the prevailing situation in the United States and in many other countries. Without prior knovledge of the geographical distribution and concentration of a Jewish population, particularly by small sub-areas, random probability sampling becomes uneconomical and potentially prohibitive. An illustrative projected interview cost function which provided a general guide to the Los Angeles, California, Jewish population study design, 1964-5, appears as Graph I. It is apparent that beyond a point of inflection in the curve as one approaches the 20 per cent Jewish population density mark (i.e. in areas where 20 out of ioo households are thought to be Jewish), the cost per Jewish interview rises rapidly toward the astronomical with further decline in Jewish population density. But before the survey itself, how is one to ascertain what the expected Jewish population densities are in each of the city's sub-areas? Of course, there is everyday commonsense observation. However, such observation is severely '8' 0 C 0 I— 1 oz - -

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182 THE AMERICAN JEW limited by an inherent vagueness and by the difficulties of systematizing the observations of casual observers. Few people can, for instance, respond meaningfully to a question such as, 'What proportion of households between Fairfax Avenue and Highland Avenue and between Beverly Boulevard and Wilshire Boulevard do you think are Jewish?' And even fewer cou]d formulate replies to similar queries covering all parts of a large metropolis. It becomes necessary, therefore, to turn to secondary procedures, preferably of the level II variety, so that one may undertake empirical checks of their efficacy, in order to devise an economical sampling plan. The method employed for this purpose in Los Angeles is the so-called Distinctive Jewish Names Method, developed by Samuel C. Kohs some twenty-five years ago.9 No complete statement of the method can be presented here, but the following brief description may serve the purpose. A basic list of thirty-five distinctive Jewish names (DJN) (e.g. Ber- man, Cohen) is established. Based on prior empirical work, it is determined at a high level of probability that persons possessing these names are Jewish. Also on empirical grounds, it is ascertained that the total of persons with these names constitutes a relatively constant proportion of all Jewish persons, including those with names other than the ones on the basic list. By deriving and employing an appropriate multiplier to project this proportion, one may arrive at an estimate of a total Jewish population size. The procedure may be stated simply as follows: If E DJN is the total number of units (e.g. households) in $ 1.. .35 study s possessing one of the specified distinctive Jewish names, i to 35, and if P is the empirical proportion F DJN /ZJ, whenprdesig- $ 1.35w nates a prior enquiry designed to develop the method and EJ desig- nates all Jewish households in the given population, then moo/P provides an empirical constant K to be used as multiplier in estimating a total number of Jewish households in the study population. It is convenient to state this simply as Z DJN x K = J. (For in- a 1.35 a stance, if it has been established earlier that i 2 out of every ioo Jewish households possess one of the 35 distinctive Jewish names, then K = 100 ± 12, or 83. Now, if it is shown that there are a total of 1,200 households with the specified names, the total number ofJewish house-j holds would be estimated as 1,200 x 83, or 9,96o.) The above, though a useful starting point, represents potential oversimplification and raises a number of important, but unfortunately often ignored, questions. For example, there is the matter of fluctuations in K in different geographical areas of the community and over time. Further, if K is initially established on the basis of lists, its similarity to a true population value, unbiased by list selectivity, is of concern, and 183

FRED MASSARIK if K is based on E DJN drawn from a list such as a city directory * 1. .35 or telephone book (involving effects both of unlisted telephones and households without phones), the proportion of coverage of the source must be noted and taken into account in the estimation of EJ. Further, when a total figure of Jewish persons, rather than of Jewish households, is desired, average Jewish household size becomes a critical parameter. And indeed there are the complexities in defining Jewish household, in view of intermarriage, as, for instance, the marriage of a non-Jewish household head to aJewish spouse. The formula shown above can easily be modified to reflect these necessary adjustments. It is fortunate that as a level II method, it becomes possible to confirm the magnitude of K, the extent to which the units in Z DJN really identify as Jewish, the completeness of list a 1.35 coverage and similar factors entering into the estimate. As a limited heuristic test of the method's potential we consider a comparison of independent distinctive Jewish names (DJN) estimates and probability sample survey results in a central city portion of Los Angeles, 1958, as appear in Table A. In view of the nature of the assumptions underlying the comparisons, simple tests of significance of difference appear inappropriate. Yet it is clear that for the total area, which, in accordance with several estimates, contains nearly two-thirds of 1958 Los Angeles Jewish households, very close agreement exists between the estimate provided by the probability sample survey and the estimate derived from the DJN method. For sub-areas, however, the pattern of agreement is less clear. Density rank orders among the sub-areas are encouraging, with no deviation cx- ceecling two ranks. Absolute differences in percentage points are moderate, ranging from trivial to less than ten in eight of the nine sub- areas, but exceeding twenty in one instance. One may conclude tentatively that as a method for estimating Jewish population for a vey large area, such as the bulk of the Los Angeles urban Jewish settlement, the DJN method appears to have merit, if we are willing to accept a modest area probability sample survey as a validating criterion. Both methods, of course, are subject to error, and each reflects somewhat different assumptions concerning the definition of Jewishness. For the sub-areas, only rather gross discriminations—and certainly not actuAl Jewish population estimates—arejustified, according to these data. Still, if we wish to divide the city into several strata on the basis of the more convenient and inexpensive DJN method in order to design an area probabilitysample, the DJN does appear to be promising. As is shown in the columns comparing density groupings of the kind potentially helpful as a basis for stratified sampling, in six of-nine instances, 184

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185 FRED MASSARIK both estimates make the same density grouping assignment. In the deviant cases, a one-step misassignment appears, owing to absolute percentage point differences rahging from 4-6 to 64. Thus, we are encouraged to proceed with the employment of the DJN procedure as an approach to sample stratification: that is, we can sample dense sub- areas differently from sparse ones, for instance, by planning simple probability samples for the former, and samples based on clusters of randomly selected households or on lists for the latter. Following the information provided by Graph I, we can now take some account ofJewish population concentration in planning more efficient samples. Let us carry the analysis one step further. Suppose we decide that in addition to (or instead of) focusing on sub-areas of particular Jewish population densities, we wish to stratify on the basis of such densities indicated by the DJN method for individual census tracts. These tracts are, of course, considerably smaller units than the sub-areas, with a typical tract including perhaps 500 to 2,500 dwelling units, rather than the 17,000 to 86,000 entering into the calculations of Table A. For purposes of design of the 1964-5 Los Angeles Jewish population study, DJN data for ig6i, broken down on a census tract basis, were available. Survey field work took place in 1964-5. Therefore, dis- crepancies between DJN estimates and survey results would be due to a complex combination of factors, including presumed actual changes in Jewish population distribution from ig6i to 196, as well as survey sampling variations and inaccuracies inherent in the DJN method itself. A comparison of survey results (1964-5) with three levels ofJewish population density, as predicted by the DJN method (ig6i), appears in Tables B, B—i, 0-2 and 0-3. In spite of the time lapse, survey results fall well within the predicted middle and highest density levels, but exceed the bounds of the lowest density level. If we examine these differences in sociological terms, the discrepancy in areas of predicted sparse Jewish population may be due in part to a diffusion of the Jewish population into areas that previously had virtually no Jewish residents. It may be a reflection of a kind of desegrega-

TABLE B. Comparison of Sample Survey Jewish population estimates, 1964-5, with DJiV estimates, 1961, at three levels of Jewish household density

SUMMARY Spec jfic Survey DJN sample forecast estimate (percentage of households—Jewish) Lowest density level—under s per cent 22 87 Middle density level-5--299 per cent 148 11 5 Highest density level—so per cent and up 421 Total 203 209 i86 THE AMERICAN JEW

TABLE B-I. Comparison of Sample Survey Jewish population estimates, 1964-5, with DJV estimates, 1961, at three levels of Jewish household density lowest density level: under 5 per cent 1g6' total Survey sample occupied DJjV: estimate 55: Major Jewish dwelling per cent Jewish Total per cent population areas .DJYt units Jewish contacts contacts Jewish A West Valley 240 9,586 25 3 6o 50 C Reseda-Encino 320 12,844 25 9 79 114 D Van Nuys-S.O. 8o 8,278 10 35t 36 97 E No. Hollywood 240 13,670 18 5 58 86 J Pac. Palisades 30 5,141 o6 0 23 0 JJ Westwood-Brentw'd ------K BeverlyHills ------L Hollywood 240 13,493 18 II 70 157 LL West Hollywood 140 21905 48 4 21 190 0 Beverly-Fairfax ------S Wilshire-Fairfxa ------T Mar Vista 210 9,311 23 II 58 190 TT ]3everlywood-\'icin. 30 1,540 1-9 . 0 6 o U Santa Monica-Vicin. 930 28,149 33 0 19 0 V Baldwin Hills-Vicin. 560 34,543 '6 3 138 22 3,020 139,460 22 495 568 87

Number of Jewish households per ,00 households in density stratum of census tracts, as predicted by OJN method. t Telephone book data. One-half units reflect adjustments for households almost certainly identified as Jewish, but not reached after five call-backs.

TABLE B-2. Comparison of Sample Survey Jewish population estimates, 1964-5, with DJA1 estimates, 1961, at three levels of Jewish household density middle density level: 5-29-9 per cent '96' total Survey sample occupied DJjV: estimate ss: Major Jewish dwelling per cent Jewish Tot at per cent population areas .DJXt units Jewish contacts contacts Jewish A West Valley 2,315 15,674 18 8 132 Ci C Reseda-Encino 2,880 23,029 125 10 180 5-6 D Van Nuys-S.O. 4,670 27,324 17' 215 214 101 E No. Hollywood 3,740 22,814 i6 215 165 130 J Pac. Palisades 925 8,893 104 4 67 Co JJ Westwood-Brentw'd 4,170 22,399 z86 44 237 i88 K Beverly Hills 96o 3,258 295 II 35 314 L Hollywood 5,440 40,022 136 295 283 104 LL West Hollywood 3,720 16,496 226 285 127 224 0 Beverly-Fairfax 670 5,023 6 ge. 176 S Wilshire-Fairfax ------T Mar Vista 2,640 21,291 124 '6 162 99 TT Beverlywood-Vicin. 11950 15,441 126 12 114 105 U Santa Monica-Vicin. 2,070 18,691 n-I 3 62 48 V Baldwin Hills-Vicin. 1,410 13,987 101 3 94 32 37,560 254,342 14-8 2185 1906 115

Number of Jewish households per loo households in density stratum of census tracts, as predicted by DJN method. t Telephone book data.

N 187 FRED MASSARIK

TABLE 2-3. Comparison of Sample Survey Jewish population estimates, 1964-5, with DJJV estimates, 1961, at three levels of Jewish household densit,* highest density level: 30 per cent up 1951 total Survey sample occupied .DJX: estimate Is: Major Jewish dwelling per cent Jewish Yotal per cent population areas DJNt "its Jewish contacts contacts Jewish A West Valley 480 886 542 4 13 308 C Reseda-Encino 2,135 5,306 402 25 Go 417 D Van Nuys-S.O. 3,655 8,948 408 19 101 i88 E No. Hollywood 3,630 8,169 444 285 93 goS J Pac.Palisades — — — — — — JJ Wcstwood-Brentw'd 2,550 5,383 474 i' 62 274 K Beverly Hills 5,764 11,476 502 575 130 42 L Hollywood 2,560 5,415 473 19 49 388 LL West Hollywood 4,476 9,417 475 59 109 541 o Beverly-Fairfax 7,390 '3,007 568 65.5 131 500 S Wilshire-Fairfax 14,480 17,909 809 101 182 555 T Mar Vista 600 952 630 4 10 400 TT Beverlywood-Vicin. 9,220 11,521 Boo 66 118 -g U Santa Monica-Vicin. 840 2,226 377 II 22 500 V Baldwin Hills-Vicin. 3,660 8,9 1 og 17 93 183

61,440 '09,566 6, 493•5 1173 421 GRAND TOTAL 102,020 503,368 203 7615 3647 209

Number of Jewish households per ,00 households in density stratum of census tracts, as predicted by DJN method. t Telephone book data. tion phenomenon, tending towards a somewhat more even distribution of the Jewish population throughout the community. It is well known that Los Angeles is one of the most rapidly growing and sociologically dynamic communities in the United States. Its Jewish population has grown five-fold in the past quarter of a century. It has shifted its major loci of concentration, particularly since the decline of the East-side in the nineteen-forties, and it has outpaced the general community in the move to the suburbs. Therefore, it is of some significance that even under these circumstances three- or four-year-old DJN data are rather useful base points, aiding in the design of more efficient survey samples; that is, the agreement of survey results with DJN density predictions certainly is considerably better than chance. Graph II indicates the specific record of success of the predictions by density strata: (a) as noted, relatively the least satisfactory forecast appears at the lowest density level; the DJN method made correct forecasts in only four of eleven instances; however, for the middle density level, eleven of thirteen predictions were correct, while at the highest density level again, eleven of thirteen DJN predictions were supported by survey data. Our findings indicate that the DJN method, and its adaptations (and, by analogy, other secondary methods), may provide a substantial rational foundation forJewish population study sample design. Further, '88 nniuii•uui•uniuiuuu•uuuuuunuua. .•••inus•mnnu•nnn•au•u••.•;in: i•u•n••uau•uu•uuuts••••••un• I.. .n•••u••uu•m••i••••.•••.•.n•u in .....u....nn...n•..auu..n.. in: n•••aa•n••n•••ia•u•••n••uurnu .nnnu•uuu•n•n•u•••••nm••ui•... •••••n.•..in. .uM...u.n!i..•...•n...•.um•a.ui.. ..u.....n.n.•...u•uu.u.n•n..iI.. 11111110.10111 .....s..a...... n•uu••••••..iI.. ..•..unu..•i.n.•.:e•..u..u....ilu.: u.n..n.n.n..l..nul.nnmun. ••n•••n••eeau•••••n••••n•uu•u Ino ••n•uu••uunuuuuu•iunuuuuuusuu •• ..u.u.n.uuuuu.u.um nrnu•nuu••iu•• u.un....fl.iuriuuunnfl••fluuuifl- ...... u...n.uti.u..uu uuuuun.•!y. ti s ..nn•n••uuiauu•sanuun.iuu.iin ...... •••••••uuuuunuuuuuiu unnnuunuunuu•• u•u••ruun•iu•. .••••uuu.uuuuuuuuunuuuurruu iro. uuuuuunn•un•n•uu•u•unnauuiw ••••n•n•u•nu•uuuuuusnunur••iiwa .u..u...... u...••• u••••••neinn uuuunu•••unu•uunu••nu••••ut .s.

189 FRED MASSARIK for rather large areas, such secondary methods (especially those using level II data), may serve as approaches to rough Jewish population estimation—but only with the caveat of extreme caution and awareness of the need to consider complicating parameters, such as empirical variations in the ratio of distinctive Jewish names to other names of Jewish households, list coverage, and the like. At any rate, secondary methods should neither be used exclusively nor discarded.

CONCLUSION A new wave of activity in the empirical study of Jewish population in the United States now appears to be under way. The obstacles to such research are of long standing, and though the present situation is hopeful, the major barriers to progress have by no means been removed in their entirety. It is clear that independent research efforts by Jewish organizations and institutions will remain the major source of knowledge of the American Jew for many years to come. This means that it will continue to be necessary for the researchers working within the framework of the organized American Jewish community to sharpen their tools, and to evolve more efficient and more powerful research designs. We have suggested that greater articulation is needed between secondary methods, such as the distinctivejewish names technique, and primary methods, such as survey interviewing. It is important to recognize the limitations of such secondary methods, but they show promise as gross approaches to the estimation ofJewish population size for large geographic areas, particularly if their parameters reflect the empirical social realities of the community under study, and as a basis for more efficient design of personal-interview studies. The latter use seems by far the most important. Estimates of total Jewish populations, though of wide public interest, do virtually nothing to elucidate the significant characteristics and deeper dynamics of the Jewish people. For these purposes, the direct personal confrontation of researcher and respondent remains the method par excellence. There is little that we can take for granted. All our research approaches require continual testing and re-examination. There remains much room for innovation and ingenuity if the empirical studies of the future are to make their contribution to social planning, to community policy, and, above all, to a fundamental understanding of the personal and social processes ofJewish life in America.

NOTES 1 Studies such as Gunnar Myrdal's sity of California, Los Angeles, is cur- An American Dilemma (New York, 1962; rently conducting a comprehensive study originally published 19) are prime of the Mexican—American under the examples of the intense research concern direction of Leo Crebler. For a relevant with the American Negro. The Univer- bibliography, see Advance Report Three, 190 THE AMERICAN JEW

Los Angeles, Calif.: Mexican—American not considered relevant, and is ignored Study Project, February, igGG. For an altogether, or because the sampling illustrative study on another minority procedure yields too few Jewish cases to group of recent social concern see C. make statements about the Jewish group Wright Mills, et at, The Puerto Rican possible. The Glueck study cited, how- Journey: New York's Newest Immigrants, ever, does provide a very brief note on New York, 1950. the religious background of delinquents. 'The Council of Jewish Federations For instance, a major study of and Welfare Funds, New York, under the Jewish education, conducted in the guidance of Alvin Chenkin and Martin mid-fifties, began with a concept of a Greenberg, is preparing a series of work- nation-wide survey of American Jewish ing papers which will result in a manual educational practices, but soon found on Jewish population studies for use at itself enmeshed in difficulties of im- the local community level. This manual plementation at the local level. Con- should prove a considerable aid in sequently, the results that emerged bringing about higher quality and varied in kind and quality from one uniformity in study design and thus a community to the next and no definitive greater degree of comparability of re- total picture could be derived. sults among individual locally conducted Still the most varied collection of projects. illustrative research is the well-known Perhaps outstanding among the Marshall Sklare, The Jews: The Social hopeful signs is a plan for a U.S. nation- Patterns of an American Group, Glencoe, wide Jewish population study. This en- III., 1958. quiry will make use ofa multi-stage sample However, a 'task force' representing of approximately 25,000 Jewish house- a number of major American Jewish hold interviews, stratified by estimated organizations is now re-examining the Jewish community size, and by Jewish matter. Issues involved in inclusion of a population density within each com- religion question in the U.S. Census are munity included in the sample. Another considered in an unpublished memoran- promising development is the increasing dum of the Council ofJewish Federations interest by large voluntary Jewish or- and Welfare Funds, New York: (Martin ganizations in comprehensive studies of Greenberg) CJF WF Statement for JVCRAC their membership, with the resulting and SCA Joint Consideration, December opportunity for insights into the charac- 196, and in an unpublished document teristics and attitudes of major seg- prepared for the same purpose by Sidney ments of the organized American Jewish Vincent, January, 1966. community. In March igGfi preliminary An illustration of a related approach results of an internal membership and appears in Lloyd P. Gartner's history leadership study of the B'nai B'rith were of the Los Angeles Jewish community. reported, and there is every indication Gartner links demographic to historical that the study, the first of its kind in B'nai analysis by making systematic use of B'rith's long history, will be followed by data prepared by me, tracing the area- further systematic research efforts in this by-area shifts of Jewish population within organization. Los Angeles since Igoo, as revealed by For a succinct review of the survey an adaptation of the Distinctive Jewish movement in social welfare, see Pauline Names method. V. Young, Scientic Social Surveys and The original research appears in Research, New York, 1949. Illustrative of S. C. Kohs and W. Blumenthal, Survey major research in delinquency are of Recreational and Cultural Needs of the Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck, Unravelling Jewish Community, National Jewish Wel- Juvenile Delinquency, Cambridge, Mass., fare Board, 1942 (unpublished report, igo. Studies such as these rarely pro- available in files of Research Service vide data on Jewish patterns, sometimes Bureau,JewishFederation-Council, L.A., because the religious or ethnic variable is California).

191 RESEARCH ON THE JEWISH CATASTROPHE

Jacob Robinson

HOEVER wishes to study the fate of the Jews in Europe during the Nazi era is faced with difficulties unique to this Wendeavour. I shall attempt to trace in outhne the factors which combine to set the history of the Catastrophe apart from all other history; to report what has been done till now, and who has done it; and to point out in brief what remains to be done, and the importance of doing it. It has been said of the period of the Catastrophe that, for Jewish history, one year is the equivalent of a century in normal times. The usual course of any particular community is even and uneventful; ordinarily, little of historical significance takes place, except in those rare times when a peak of military, political, intellectual, and moral activity is reached. Thus, on a continental scale, each year brings a few people, a few ideas, a few groups, to the fore. But the era of the Nazi oppression was quite different. Then, in the span of only twelve years, every single Jewish community in Europe perforce was faced with The greatest crisis possible to a group—the crisis of existence. Every single Jewish community in Europe perforce reached its peak of activity, called upon its deepest spiritual resources, brought forth its ultimate answers to the questions of life and death, of relations between man and God. Herein lies the greatest challenge to the student of the Catastrophe: to rescue from oblivion a history as eventful and rich as that of a thousand years.

Of the difficulties inherent in this study, the most evident are those that stem from the vastness of the subject. The Nazi plan against the Jews was global in intent, continental in implementation. The entire operation was an integrated whole; what took place in any part of Europe was related, directly or indirectly, with what took place in every other part. In the words of the judgment delivered by the Jerusalem District Court in the Eichmann Trial: 'The crime in this case originated 192 THE JEWISH CATASTROPHE with Hider's extermination order, to destroy physically the Jewish people. It was not an order to exterminate the Jews of Germany, or of France, or of Hungary, or of Poland, or of the Soviet Union—each Jewish community separately. It was not an order to exterminate one million Jews, then another million, and so on. Rather, it was a single, all-embracing order, and the intention of the chief planners and implementers was the same as the intention of the initiator: single and all-embracing. Their criminal intent was not renewed at various times; it was not limited, for example, to the first deportations to Lodz, Minsk, and Riga, so that it could be fulfilled with the conclusion of these deportations, later to be revived with the following deportation; rather, the criminal intent continued in full force, going on to encompass all activities that were undertaken, as long as the overall operation was not completed.' For this reason, despite the wide distribution of the Jewish communities involved and their relative isolation during the war years, the history of these communities during the Hitler era cannot be written outside the context of the total European Jewish scene. The geographical scope of the Catastrophe extends over most of Europe and even to North Africa. Not only must we take into consideration areas directly under German control—which formed one of the largest empires in history—but we must give equal attention to neigh- bouring states, whether Nazi satellites or neutrals, to the global United Nations Alliance, and to Jewish communities throughout the world in countries free of Axis control, all of whose policies, actions, and inactions were of immediate concern to persecuted and persecutors alike. What happened to the Jews in Denmark cannot be understood without reference to the military situation on the Soviet front, to the naval situation in the North Sea, and to the political situation in Sweden—not to mention the obvious, the two immediate parties involved, Denmark and Germany. Transportations from France to the camps were linked with events in Poland; 'actions' in Hungary with the plans of the Allied strategic air command. Modern communications and the overall unity of Nazi purpose made all Europe a single arena for the bleeding of the Jewish people. With the geographical breadth comes a multitude of people directly involved in the fate of the Jews. Besides the main parties—the Jews and the Germans—there were the local populations, in their capacity as officials, as policemen, and simply as neighbours of the Jews; the members of the and-Axis coalition, including the governments-in-exile; the neutral powers, both near to and far from the scene; and the international institutions, especially the churches and the Red Cross. In any history of the Catastrophe, whether specialized or general, all these parties must be brought into the picture in their proper perspectives; otherwise, the dangers ofone-sidedness cannot be avoided. For example, the historian who relies almost exclusively on German sources will '93 JACOB ROBINSON generally find in them cowardly, contemptible Jews, obstructionist neutrals, and local populations sympathetic to the anti-Jewish goals of Nazi policy. If we rely primarily on Jewish sources we shall almost always find in them a monolithic German image, antagonistic neutrals, hate-ridden local populations, and a sense of isolation from the rest of the world. And so for any single set of sources: the picture must emerge distorted, the more so because the lines, colours, and shadings are not sharp and clear to begin with. All this makes linguistic demands of exceptional severity on the researcher. He must know German, Yiddish, and Hebrew. He must, in addition, know the local languages pertinent to his study. It is evident, then, that the historian of the Catastrophe, dealing with a subject of such vast proportions, needs extensive equipment for his work, such as few historians of any other era are called upon to command.

II Size is not alone in posing problems; the very raw material of history, the sources, present obstacles far greater and more stubborn. Never before had there been an attempt such as that made by the Germans to conceal from the world the workings of a vast, continental operation involving millions of human beings. Heinrich Himmler stated explicitly that the extermination of the Jews was 'a glorious chapter of our [German] history which has never been written and should never be written'; and the whole German appantus of Government, party, and army acted to implement this task. Three things followed from the policy. First, many records, which under normal circumstances would have been made, were never made atall. Millions ofJewswere killed without even having their names—not even their exact number—recorded, a procedure unparalleled in the annals of German bureaucracy. The order to proceed with 'the final solution of the Jewish problem' was the only one of the secret Fuehrer orders not given in writing. (Even the 'euthanasia order' was put into writing.) Second, top secret messages, reports, and documents that dealt with aspects ofanti-Jewish activities were phrased in a code language designed to conceal their real contents from the unauthorized reader. Expressions such as 'special treatment' (Sonderbehandlung), 'resettlement' (Umsied- lung), 'residential camp' (Aufenthaisslager), and countless others, were used to hide deeds and places of horror. This has created the problem of deciphering the code—not yet completely solved. Third, documents that did exist and clearly contained information on the Jews, were systematically destroyed at the end of the war, not only in central offices, but in hundreds of local and regional offices, with the result that the data contained in these documents have often been lost '94. THE JEWISH CATASTROPHE for ever. The greatest of these destroyed collections is the overwhelming majority of the archives of the Jewish department of the Gestapo Il/B4, headed by Adolf Eichmann. Absence of data, deception in reporting, and destruction of documents—all three apply not only to the records kept by the German authorities, but even on occasion to those kept by others: by Jews, who were not free to record their experiences, who were forced to resort to devious codes for transmitting information, and whose documents were often found and destroyed; and even by the Allies, who dealt secretly with Jewish matters lest their war against the Germans became characterized as a 'Jewish war'. It is not surprising, then, that the documentation of the murder of six million people, and the destruction of thousands ofJewish communities throughout Europe, is paltry in relation to the magnitude of the event. And yet the available records are numerous, and, such as they are, present immense problems to the historian. He must deal with German documents—those captured before they were destroyed—many ofwhich have still not been made public, and the rest of which have been published haphazardly by various agencies and institutions, mostly uncatalogued and unindexed; with documents emanating from Ger- many's allies and satellites, usually less informative and often containing second-hand reports; with written Jewish sources, either such as were contemporary and buried away in caches, or post-war memoirs rendered less reliable with the passing of time; with oral Jewish sources, given in recorded interviews, that must be handled with all the special care required by such reminiscences; with records of war crimes trials held after the war in most of the countries in Europe, many of them available only in the courts where the trials were conducted; and with the few neutral and Allied sources that have been published. It is perhaps ironic that with the end of the war the victorious powers, the neutrals, and the international institutions were under no compulsion to open their archives, and in fact with almost no exception did not; while the defeated powers saw their undestroyed archives published by the victors, albeit on a selective basis. Large numbers of randomly distributed and barely catalogued sources—nightmare enough for the historian! But worse still is the definite knowledge he has that more such sources exist, that they can be released at any moment by the Western or Eastern powers, or discovered at any moment in some casual excavation. We know, for example, that the archives of the German Ministry of Railways contained all the details of the transfer of millions of Jews from their homes, ghettos, and transit camps, to their doom. These archives were not destroyed at the end of the war. Do they still exist? If so, where are they? When, if ever, will they be released? Finally, there is often a problem of identifying the Jewish element in '95 JACOB ROBINSON sources that deal with general aspects of the Nazi period. In the overall march of events from 1933 to 1945, Jewish affairs constituted, in the eyes of the world, a marginal area. References to them are therefore also frequently marginal in nature, and often omitted altogether. In addition, there are instances where official policy has dictated silence on the speciflcallyJewish side of events. In such cases, we are usually left in the dark; but we can sometimes confirm what actually took place through belles lettres—as when, for example, welearn from a play by Maximov and Goncharov and from a novel by Zlobin that when Soviet soldiers were taken prisoners of war the Jews among them were ordered to step forward and were shot on the spot. The problems posed to the historian of the Catastrophe by the material with which he is constrained to work are complex, and of a very special kind. The sources are overwhelming in number, occasionally exhaustive, but usually insufficient; enlightening in some spots, puzzling in most others; always in the process of being released or discovered, according to no plan or pattern; not sufficient to be comprehensive, yet too numerous to allow free historical reconstruction and speculation. The problems raised by these sources must be faced. They put us on guard lest we generalize from the known to the unknown—from Theresienstadt, subject of profound studies, to other camps as yet hardly investigated, from Warsaw to other ghettos, from Poland to other Eastern countries, from the Netherlands to elsewhere in the West—and they serve as a reminder that though the Final Solution was an overall programme, its implementation was as varied as its victims.

III Intensive technical training can prepare the historian to meet the difficulties presented by the magnitude of the Catastrophe and by the quality of its historical records. More is needed to enable him to develop the attitude and frame of mind which are an essential prerequisite to any worthwhile study in this area. A historian always attempts to understand the inner motives, the conceptual processes, and the general 'atmosphere' pervading the events, people, and eras he is studying. The historian of the Catastrophe is no exception to this rule, but poses a unique problem in its application; for there is no situation so difficult to enter into from a psychological point of view as the one he is studying. On the other hand, the brutality of the perpetrators of this crime against the Jewish people is unique in extent and in depth. Vast sectors of the German nation participated: government officials, party members, S.S. men, regular armed forces personnel, and.policemen. Uncounted others—Axis sympathiiers and local Jew-haters—lent a hand. And all was done not in the heat of battle or in the rage of defeat, but in the cool manner of everyday 196 THE JEWISH CATASTROPHE affairs. Consider the following document, product of the S.S. Central Office of Economy and Administration, entitled 'Estimated Profit (from Exploitation of Inmates of Concentration Camps)'. Average daily income from hiring out [an inmate)RM. 6 less food RM. Go less amortization for clothes RM. .'o Net income, RM. 5.30. Average life expectancy g monthsxftM 5.30 = RM. 143' Income from an efficient utilization of the corpses: (i) gold from the teeth () valuables (2) clothes () money less cost of burning [the corpse) RM. 2 Average net profit RM. 200 Total profit after g months RM. 1631 To which must be added income from utilization of the bones and ashes. How can we understand such people? It is not enough to deal with them in righteous anger, trumpeting forth hate and contempt. Nor can we be content with simplistic pictures of these people as robots, clis- playing 'corpse-like obedience'. Little will be gained from our efforts if we do not succeed in describing the criminals with insight. When we turn to the conditions of the Jews, whether in their communities, in the ghettos, or in the camps, we come up against horror simply not accessible to ordinary imagination. Well has it been said by the writer Yehiel Dinur, himself a survivor of the Catastrophe, that his entire experience appeared to him as if it had taken place on another planet. No recital of statistics, no lurid adjectives piled up high, suffice to describe the situation. A special sensitivity, born of an effort to penetrate the lowest depths of human existence, and nurtured on human understanding, is an absolute necessity to the person who would write of these things. And always before him is the question asked by the poet Gunther Anders: 'What would you have done?' Understanding the victims—this is the greatest challenge; understanding, for example, how in their everyday lives simple Jews were capable of genuine heroism, as meaningful and profound as the more readily grasped acts of martyrdom; understanding that resistance was not only, and not even primarily, armed resistance, but also the daily resistance of the masses ofJcws of all ages and walks of life who, defying the ban on their spiritual existence, taught in the clandestine schools, prayed in the secret synagogues, published underground newspapers, and performed in theatres in the very shadow of death; understanding that the greatest symbol of defiance was not suicide, but the will to live, to live on in the face of the German determination to kill, in the face of the great temptation to die. As Shaul Esh has put it ('The Dignity of the Destroyed: Toward a Definition of the Period of the Holocaust', Judaism, vol. II, no. 2, 1962, pp. 106-7): What was the general reaction of the Jewish masses, especially in Eastern Europe, to the Nazi horror? It was fundamentally what might be called '97 JACOB ROBINSON

iciddu.sh ha-hajyirn, the sanctification of life, the overwhelming impulse to preserve life in the midst of death. This expression is taken from [Dr. Nathan Eck] who heard it as the epigram of the late Rabbi Isaac Nussenbaum in the years 1940-1941, in the Warsaw Ghetto: 'This is the time of kiddush ha- hajyim, the sanctification of life, and not for Iciddush-ha-shem, the holiness of martyrdom. Previously the Jewish enemy sought his soul, and the Jew sacrificed his body in martyrdom (to preserve his soul); now the oppressor demands the Jew's body and the Jew is obliged therefore to defend it, to preserve his life.' That kiddas/z-ha-hayyim was to all accounts and purposes the general feeling, is borne out by all the evidence. It explains the enor- mous will to live that was emphasized at all times and in all places, in the midst of the basest degradation, a will best expressed by the Yiddish word that was on the lips of the majority of the survivors of the Holocaust— iberleybn, to survive, to remain alive. . . A description of kiddus/z /za-hayyin would not however be entirely faithful if we see it only as the arousing of a 'mighty will to live . . . of which there is no equivalent in normal life', without adding that this strong will was often directed toward Jewish life, each man according to his understanding of the term. One can recognize at every level this desire of the Jewish communities to preserve a life of Jewish quality in the face of persecution and in the midst of oppression. And if we wish to understand the Catastrophe, we must open our minds to new 'values', new concepts of right and wrong, in the upside- down world of Nazi dominated Europe. Here we must view in a different perspective the relative merits of the pure incorruptible Nazi, made in the pattern of Adolf Eichmann, and the taker of bribes of the likes of Dieter Wisliceny. Here we must weigh in different scales the disciplined, obedient soldier and the rowdy, lust-ridden looter—the S.S. units carrying out an anti-Jewish 'action' in perfect formation, and their accompanying Rumanian colleagues who, in the words of the German report, 'were satisfied with looting everything [so that] no pogrom could be achieved'. Whom shall we exalt? The armed resistance fighter, bringing honour to his people and death by reprisal to his neighbours? The steel-nerved member ofaJesish Council, buying extra days of life but losing all in the last 'resettlement'? The Jewish special commando working on the corpses of his brothers and risking life to keep records of the dead? The difficulty of achieving insight and understanding is the greatest difficulty facing the historian of the Catastrophe, and it faces him more imposingly and insistently than it faces the historian of any other period of Jewish or world history. It must be overcome before his work can begin, and it must be overcome again with each new confrontation of the sources.

Iv How far have we come in studying the history of the Catastrophe? On the German role, a number of volumes have been written, all of them 198 THE JEWISH CATASTROPHE based almost exclusively on German documents. On the role of local populations, special efforts have been made in regard to Denmark, Italy, Poland, and the Netherlands only. As for the neutrals, we have only some official government reports. Similarly, the International Red Cross published an official post-war report, though without supporting documents. The role of the Catholic Church in Jewish questions has recently become a matter of controversy and a subject of some serious studies; for other church groups and international institutions, we have virtually nothing. Finally, the relation between the Allies and the 'Jewish question' has yet to be studied in depth. As for the internal history of the Jewish communities, almost all of the work done in this area has been based on Jewish sources alone. At present the main sources are two series of town histories, writtcn in Hebrew; a few hundred Memorial Books on individual Jewish communities destroyed during the period of the Final Solution; monographs on concentration camps, such as Auschwitz and Buchenwald, and on major ghettos, such as those of Warsaw, Vilna, Kovno, Bialystok, Lodz, Cracow, Shavli, Czestochova and Lwow, located in the area of Poland and the Soviet Union, and Theresienstadt in the 'Protectorate'; and a rich collection of autobiographies, personal memoirs, and eye-witness testimonies, published and unpublished. In addition to books and monographs, there are a number of ongoing periodicals concerned with the history of the Catastrophe. One class of these periodicals is put out by various groups of survivors from particular communities; these periodicals often supplement the memorial books published by these groups, and contain reminiscences and occasional research papers on the fate of the group during the Nazi period. The other class of periodicals consists of the regular organs of the research institutes devoted to studying the Catastrophe. Scholarly studies and survey articles on the subject also appear occasionally in non-specialized journals of Jewish interest, and in general journals covering such fields as history, political science, jurisprudence, economies, psychology, and sociology. The frequency with which such articles on the Catastrophe appear in these publications is low, but sufficient to ensure a continued interest on the part of the reading public. Of great potential value to the historian are the records of war crimes trials, especially (but not exclusively) those that deal with anti-Jewish acts. Inherent in the judicial process is the same care in analysis of documentaryand oral evidence as is used by the historian; for thisreason, trial records often have a value equal to that of a careful historical survey of the activities of the person or group on trial. The thousands of trials, conducted before special tribunals set up by the occupying powers in territories under their jurisdiction; before national courts in liberated countries and in former Axis countries under new regimes; and before special courts set up by the survivors in D.P. camps to try fellow '99 JACOB ROBINSON survivors accused of crimes—all these trials provide us with chapters in the overall history of the Catastrophe, chapters generally carefully prepared and often eloquently written. Unfortunately, the actual usefulness of this material is greatly impaired by the lack of any comprehensive catalogue or index covering its contents, and by its scattered distribution throughout the cities and towns of Europe. A certain amount of archival work on the Catastrophe has already been done, and continues to be done, although at an extremely slow rate. Forty-nine volumes of guides to the captured German documents microfilmed in Alexandria, Virginia, have been published, and more are coming out at irregular intervals; however, the material of Jewish interest is not easily accessible. The extensive collections of Nuremberg documents, consisting of sixty-eight printed volumes and a mass of mimeographed material, have a number of indexes—inadequate for our - purposes, but helpful nonetheless. The Wiener Library in London has in progress an index to a selection of these documents bearing directly on the Jews. Yad Vashem in Jerusalem is in the process of cataloguing its abundant archives, while the Centre in Paris has published an annotated catalogue of the Rosenberg archives in its possession. The joint Hebrew University.-Yad Vashem Institute is engaged in the preparation of its Guide to Unpublished Material of the Holocaust Period. Under the sponsorship of the Israel Foreign Office and Yad Vashem a guide has been compiled to the vast collection of the Arolsen Inter- national Tracing Service. Published material is catalogued in the bibliographical series of the joint Yad Vashem-YIVO project, and in other similar works. Unfortunately, no provision has been made to keep these bibliographies up to date. The work that has been done fills many shelves with books, journals, offprints, typescripts, catalogues, and indexes. Yet there is little cause for satisfaction in what has been achieved in the light of the immensity of the task. We are still at the stage of unco-ordinated growth, putting out a shoot here, a branch there, but ndt yet at the point where an overall pattern of development brings order and rationale into the subject as a whole. V Whatever has been achieved, till now, has been the product of a small devoted group of researchers, working either as individuals or in the framework of institutes established for the study of the Catastrophe. Those working on their own have almost all been survivors of the Catastrophe, moved by their experiences to record and study what they underwent. On occasion, groups of such survivors have got together to pooi their resources and reminiscences. Since they are subject to no direction or guidance, the quality of their writing depends entirely on the talents and training of the writer. THE JEWISH CATASTROPHE There are eight Jewish research institutes specializing in the study of the Catastrophe, most of them supported by funds from the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany. These are: Yad Vashem Martyrs' and Heroes' Memorial Authority in Jerusalem, the Hebrew University and 'Yad Vashem' Institute inJerusalem for the Study of the European Jewish Catastrophe, the Ghetto Fighters' House in Memory of Yitzhak Katznelson in Kibbutz Lohamey Hagetaot (near Haifa), the documentary Projects of the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research in New York, the Wiener Library in London, the Centre de documenta- don juive contemporaine in Paris, the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw, and the Centro di Documentazione Ebraica Contemporanea in Milan. In all eight institutions, however, there is a total of only about fifty permanent staff researchers. There are, in addition, a few non-Jewish institutes, specializing in research on the Nazi period, which have given considerable attention to the question of Jewish interest. Foremost among these are: the Central Commission for the Investigation ofHitlerian Crimes in Poland, located in Warsaw; the Western Institute, a research Institute in Poznan; the Comité d'histoire de la deuxième guerre mondiale in Paris; the Nether- lands State Institute for War Documentation in Amsterdam; the Institutfuer Zeitgesehichte in Munich; and the Deutsches Institut fuer Zeitgeschichte in East Berlin. The number of people currently engaged in research on the Catas- trophe is thus small, and is unequal to such an overwhelming task. The people concerned are almost all survivors of the Catastrophe. There is little new blood, and little opportunity for bringing young people into the enterprise. In addition, with the discontinuance of the activities of the Claims Conference, the financial situation of most of the Jewish institutions involved has deteriorated, notwithstanding the establishment of the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture, which has taken over from the Claims Conference the obligation to contribute in this field. The foregoing brief review of the current status of research on the Catastrophe suffices to show that what remains to be done in the future far outweighs what has been done till now, a fact none are more quick to acknowledge than those working in this field.

Perhaps the most important single step that could be taken to further research in this area is granting recognition by the scholarly community and the general public to the History of the Catastrophe as a separate discipline, worthy of the full attention of reputable scholars, and the full support of the community at large. The many special features of this subject, which I have discussed 201 JACOB ROBINSON earlier, entitle it without doubt to separate consideration. Such recognition would immediately take the field beyond the confines of the small specialized research groups at present constituting its only real support, and bring it to all Jewish institutions of higher learning, on a par with other legitimatejewish subjects, and to many universities, on a par with other legitimate branches of world history. Through the establishment of endowed chairs, research positions, and training fellowships, a regular channel would be provided for the teaching, apprenticeship, and ultimate employment of full-time workers in the field. In this way, the History of the Catastrophe would take its rightful place among the disciplines of learning, side by side with other established fields, assured of support, continuity, and a public forum for the propagation and discussion of its work. Although extensive research is still to be done on literally every facet of the Catastrophe, the most pressing tasks are two in number: first, to train new people for this work, and second, to gather first-hand testi- mony from as many people as possible among those who themselves experienced the Nazi terror. Time is running out for both tasks. Every year finds fewer scholars and fewer survivors of the Catastrophe among the living. If we neglect to take immediate steps to do what must be done, we shall soon find that the continuity of study has been broken, and that the last precious drops of information have vanished. Future generations will be dismayed by our lack of initiative in preserving for them and for all time that which it is so easy for us to preserve, and impossible ever to replace.

VT' The causes of our present inertia are many, but behind them all lurks the question: Why study the history of the Catastrophe? What good is it for us, of what interest to our children? Should it not better be forgotten, a nightmare best allowed to settle into the oblivion of lost memories? There are, of coursc, all the answers usually given to the question 'Why study history?' From earliest times men have desired to know the story of human development—to know their own origins, to uncover the foundations of their present state, to understind the behaviour of their fathers, and to attempt to learn the lessons of history. Surely all these reasons apply to the history of the Catastrophe. It has oversha- dowed all other events as a factor determining the present situation of the Jewish people, and is still very much with us as a moving force in world events. A long time will pass before the affairs of Europe and the Near East will be free of its influence. And few histories are as important as this one for the study of human behaviour. Here we see the full range of situations, all degrees of stress and tension operating in the framework of the destruction of an entire 202 THE JEWISH CATASTROPHE civilization. We have scarcely begun to give adequate attention to the sociological and psychological aspects of the Catastrophe, despite the far-reaching conclusions such study promises to yield. But the answer of answers to us as Jews is that the Catastrophe was the scene of the greatest moral achievements of our people, and provides us with a spiritual richness rarely equalled in our annals. In the present rudimentary state of our knowlcdge of the Catastrophe, we can only snatch glimpses of these things: resistance fighters considering in the context of Jewish values whether they should take to the woods as partisans or stay in the ghetto and meet sure death in an uprising; rabbis spurning opportunities of escape and remaining with their congregations to the end; fighters in the Warsaw Ghetto troubling to warn the Polish crowd carousing in the merry-go-rounSs on the other side of the wall to move out of their line of fire; an elder of a Jewish Council choosing death with the words, 'I gave you [Germans] everything you asked from me, but I am not going to give you Jews; I am no master over human life.' Hundreds of such episodes fill the pages of studies already written. We know that these are but a small fraction of the events recorded in the sources. - Never before had the values which sustainedJewish existence through the ages been put to such a severe test. Not the leaders and teachers alone, but the entire people, simple folk and learned, aged and young, healthy and infirm, all were put to the test: all were asked, at a time when as Jews they were facing death, 'What have you as Jews learned about the meaning of life?' They gave their answers, and it is for us today to hear them, and to listen well, so that we too may find our answers to the question of our existence, and transmit these answers to our poterity, as our fathers transmitted them to us.

203 A NOTE ON SOCIAL CHANGE AMONG IRAQI JEWS, 1917-1951

Hayyim J. Cohen

LTHOUGH there is no lack of material, no research work has o far beech published on Iraqi Jewry in modern times, not even Ason any single aspect of their lives. The material available in Israel alone could suffice for several pieces of research. The only draw- back is that this material is widely scattered, and has to be gatheiied from archives, newspapers, and magazines, and to a certain extent direct from the Iraqi immigrants in Israel. Such an operation has been conducted during the last two years by the Institute of Contemporary Jewry of the Hebrew University ofJerusalcm, and I present here some preliminary conclusions on the more noteworthy social vicissitudes and economic changes.*

THE BEGINNING OF THE PERIOD OF CHANGE In 1864, the Alliance Israelite Universelle founded its first school in Baghdad; it was the first modèfn school in the whole of Iraq. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened; and during the years 1869-72 there ruled .in Iraq the famous wali (Governor) Midhat Pasha, the father of the slogan 'Liberty, Justice, and Equality'. Thanks to his unflagging energy, a number of reforms were introduced, such as the founding of modern schools, the pacification of the Bedouin tribes in Central and Southern Iraq, and the establishment of securer conditions of life in the cities. For the next forty-five to fifty years (that is, until the outbreak of the First World War), Iraqi Jewry experienced practically no disabilities, though there were occasional instances of Muslim youths insulting an old man or beating a Jewish child. Noteworthy changes took place in the following fields. I. The Demographic Field. Despite the paucity, if not the complete lack, of statistics about the numbers of urban Jews on the eve of the First World War and fifty years earlier, it may be asserted that as from I87oJews started to move South. Around the middle of the nineteenth The preparation of this article was made possible by a grant from the Memorial Founda- tion for Jewish Culture. 204 IRAQI JEWS century there had been only two small Jewish communities in the whole of Southern Iraq, in Basra and Hila. However, after 1870 not only did the Jewish population of these two towns increase, but Jews also went to settle in new towns such as Amara, Qal'at Saleh, and Au Al-Gharbi. This steady increase ofJews in, and flow towards, the South was made possible by the order and security that were imposed in the region, and by the rise of Basra and its environs as a commercial centre following the opening of the Suez Canal. The year zgio alsowitnessed the beginnings of the exodus of some Jews from the Jewish quarters of towns to the Muslim quarters, a process that was accelerated after the First World War. 2. The Economic Field. As a result of the opening of the Suez Canal, the number ofJews in Baghdad and Basra cngaging in commerce, and especially in forcign.trade, steadily increased. Moreover, the emigration of some Jews to England and the Far East helped their kinsmen who remained in Iraq to establish and develop commercial networks. Several sources, including the British Admiralty, bear witness to the fact that before the First World War the major part of foreign trade was in the hands of the Jews; Muslim, and indeed even British, firms found it difficult to compete with them. However, Iraqi foreign trade was limited, and it would be wrong to assume that there were few poor Jews in the country; Jewish communities outside Baghdad and Basra were not prosperous, and in fact there was a deterioration in the economic situation of the Jews of Mosul after the opening of the Suez Canal. . The Educational Field. Thanks to the school established by the Alliance Israelite Universelle, and to the few modern Government schools which were opened in Iraq, a substantial number of Jews succeeded in acquiring a modern education, and a few graduated (in medicine, law, pharmacology, and engineering) from universities in Europe and Turkey. Nevertheless, illiteracy was not extirpated among Iraqi Jews, and certainly not among the women. Morcove!, outside Baghdad and Basra, only a fewJews were able to acquire an elementary modern education.

CHANCES DURING THE YEARS 1917-1951 It is necessary to divide the Jews of Iraq into three categories: I. The Jews of Baghdad and Basra, who in 1950 constituted about 75 per cent of all Iraqi Jewry, and who had already begun to experience an improvement in their economic and educational condition before the First World War. 2. The smallerJewish communities outside Kurdistan, which in igo made up some 15 per cent of Iraqi Jewry, and which only after the 205 HAYYIM J. COHEN First World War were able to benefit from the establishment of a few educational and health centres. TheJews of Kurdistan, some of whom, during the first half of this century, began to migrate to the larger cities of Iraq or to go to the Land of Israel. Their overwhelming majority, however, remained scattered in villages and small towns, and experienced no amelioration in their economic and educational condition. After this explanatory introduction, we are now in a position to consider briefly several aspects of Iraqi Jewry. Economic Conditions. During the British Occupation the Jews showed remarkable loyalty to the new rulers; in some cases, this loyalty stemmed from ties of trade; Jews were the main food contractors and suppliers to the foreign army camps. Many were enriched as a result, but only a few achieved very great wealth; indeed, it is doubtful if more than two individuals could have been accurately described as million- aires. During the British Occupation and until the mass emigration of Iraqi Jews, there occurred remarkable changes in the means of earning a livelihood. The Iraqi population census of 1947 failed to show occupations according to religion, but from the data available to the Immigration Department in Israel we get an interesting picture of the economic life of Iraqi Jews. Of 30,011 breadwinners who emigrated from Iraq during 1950 and 1951 and whose former means of livelihood was duly registered, 158 per cent had been employed in administrative and clerical work, and some 6 per cent had been engaged in the liberal professions. This stratum had for the most part emerged after the First World War. During the Ottoman period the percentage of Jews in clerical occupations had been very small, partly perhaps because most Jews could neither read nor write Turkish, but mainly because there were very few such jobs for anybodyin Iraq. This new class undoubtedly emerged from the ranks of those formerly engaged in commerce and petty trade. (With the exception of Kurdish Jews, Iraqi Jewry did not engage in agriculture.) As for the rest of the Jewish community about 30 per cent had been engaged in commerce, another 30 per cent in petty trade, and the remainder in services and other kinds of work. About 15 to 20 per cent of the Jews of Kurdistan had been engaged in agriculture, and the remainder mainly in commerce and petty trade. Religion. The attitude towards religion also underwent conspicuous changes, especially among the younger generation in Baghdad and Basra. In these towns, a great number of Jews worked on the Sabbath (in government clerical jobs, though not in commerce or trade). They wrote, used electricity, and travelled on the Sabbath and on festival days; not a few smoked as well on the Sabbath, and ate non-Kasher food outside their homes. It is doubtful, however, if there were any who did not fast on Yom Kippur. This secularism did not cause Jews to look for new creeds; cases of Islamization among Iraqi Jews were 206 IRAQI JEWS very few, and those that did occur were usually due to intermarriage by Jewish girls who, having lost their virginity, could not find Jewish husbands. (Islamization had been known in earlier centuries.) During the thirties and forties some Jews embraced the Bahai creed and Theo- sophy, but these rare cases do not bear comparison with the willing or forced renunciation of the Jewish faith which took place during the last hundred years among Persian Jews or during the Age of Enlightenment in Europe. Among the Jews of Kurdistan, and on a lesser scale in the small towns of Iraq, tradition and the concomitant keeping of Mitzvoth continued strong, mainly because modern education was slower in reaching these Jews. Health. Because Iraqi health statistics are scanty, it is difficult to rely on the data concerning general mortality, child mortality, or the incidence of disease. Moreover, even the available incomplete statistics do not give details according to religion. However, from the existing figuresit is possible to note that the Iraqi population (probably including the Jews) suffered repeated epidemics until the turn of the century, and that eye diseases at least were rampant. However, as a result of the establishment of hospitals and clinics (especially in the larger cities), and owing to the improvement of sanitation in many towns, and especially to the two hospitals that were founded by Jews for Baghdad Jewry (where fees for treatment were graded according to income), there was a general improvement in health. There are, indeed, indirect indications that the mortality rate declined, and the average life expectancy rose. One thing is clear: the mass Iraqi emigration, which was not of a selective nature, did not take with it disease-stricken multitudes, as was the case among some otherJewish communities who came to Israel. Education. This is one of the aspects about which we have little material. We do not know the exact rate of illiteracy among the Jews of Iraq in the nineteenth century or at the turn of the present century; neither do we have data on the number of Jews who, during this period, attended any form of educational institution, or on the number who graduated from elementary or secondary schools, or from institutions of higher learning. However, although the figures at our disposal are fragmentary, it is possible to surmise with some degree of accuracy that great progress was made in the field of education owing to the opening of many Jewish elementary and secondary schools in Baghdad and Basra, and several elementary schools in other towns. Many Jews also studied in the Government schools that were established even in the smaller towns during, and after, the 1930s- In Baghdad in 1950 there were about 15,000 Jews studying in Jewish schools, compared with about 5,500 in 1920. But these and other available figures are insufficient to enable us to gauge the extent of the change, and it is probable that we shall never be able to know the exact number of Jewish schoolchildren in Iraq for any particular year. 207 HAYYIM J. COHEN The Institute of Contemporary Jewry has initiated research on one aspect ofJewish education in Iraq, namely higher education. An alpha- betical list was prepared ofJews born and bred in Iraq who completed university education between 1901 and 1950. The list indicated the name of the university, the subjects studied, the year of graduation, and the town of birth. As a result of a preliminary study of the data, it is possible to reach the following conclusions. During the first decade (igoi—io), tento fifteenjews completed their studies in engineering, law, medicine, and pharmacology. All were male, and all were born in either Baghdad or Basra. During the fifth decade (1941-50), that is, forty years later, about 600 Jews graduated from institutions of higher learning in Iraq or abroad, and of these, more than ioo in igo alone. These figures do not take into account the many students who were arrested for various reasons during the years 1948-50, or who emigrated to Israel shortly before graduating. Among those who graduated during this last decade were fifty women, including several from the smaller towns who had gone to Baghdad in order to acquire a higher education. Since modern education reached Kurdistan at a later period, there was not a single university graduate among the Jews of that part of Iraq.

CONCLUSION There is no doubt that during the years i 917-1951 there were many vast and important changes in the country as a whole, and in the life of Iraqi Jewry in particular. But it would be off the mark to assert that during this brief period, and under conditions prevailing in an under- developed country just starting out on the road to progress, the Jewish community was able to reach the educational and economic standards attained by Jewries in the West, or even in Egypt. However, the changes that did occur undoubtedly went far towards helping thousands of newcomers from Iraq to be absorbed in Israel in a comparatively short time. On the other hand, the settlement (forced or voluntary) of a relatively high proportion of Iraqis in development areas in Israel, where educational institutions of a high standard are lacking, has slowed down the progress of these immigrants in the educational and economic fields.

208 A NOTE ON THE SIZE OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITIES IN THE SOUTH OF MOROCCO

Joseph R. Rosenbloom

HE settlement of the Jews in Morocco, according to some traditions, goes back to Phoenician trading outposts along the Tcoast of the Atlantic, and, according to others, to descendants of the warriors of King David. Still others would have it originate with Jonah being spewed up along the southern coast and Joab buried in Tazzarine. Some would identify the flourishing community referred to by Sennacharib, and noted in the Talmud, with Sous in southern Morocco.' In any event, the settlement of the Jews of Morocco is ancient. In some regions of the south, commerce and certain crafts were dominated by Jews. The area has been surveyed several times in the past with at least two attempts, other than by census, at noting the size of these communities.2 Ma result of an extensive trip I made through this area during the summer of 1965 these statistics can be brought up to date. They will also indicate the dramatic impact which migration to larger urban centres in Morocco, as well as to France, Israel, and other places, has made. An area which once numbered its Jews in tens of thousands is now virtually depopulated of them. Figures in the first three columns are taken froth censuses and questionnaires administered by the French government, and those in the fourth from Flamand's research; those in the last derive from my own inquiries. Slouschz estimated thejewish population of the Draa and Tafilalet at 14,000 in igo6.12 Just a few hundred remain in these areas today. It is estimated that this small remnant will disappear entirely within a few years. The difficulty of living a Jewish life with so few Jews remaining in the villages, and the generally declining economy in the larger centres, as well as the uncertainties of Moroccan and Arab nationalism, are precipitating factors for the steady emigration of Jews, first to the large urban centres of the North, and then out of Morocco itself. It 209 Town 1920 1930 1936 1949 1965

Agadir 500 Boo Boo 1,340 400 Agdz 420 400 370 375 one grocer from Marrakesh Alt (Hmou ou) All 100 Ait Imi 30 Alt Rack 200 Arneksod 100 - Amizmis 1,000 1,000 727 590 last Jew left in Sept. 1964 Aoullouz - iSo 2Jews from hereworkingin Talioulne Arazan - 131 Arhen 220 262 293 Asfalu 120 Assarag - 200 20 heard of 3 Jews in vicinity Azrou 1,233 1,102 450 Jews gone by 1963 Demnate 3,000 3,600 3,900 60 Douar Oulad Busta one man and wife; had been s synagogues (not in Flamand: 5 km. from Skoura) El Kelaa des Mgouna 1,050 60 687 687 Enzel' 103 .10 Erfoud 102 Coulimine 115 Coulmina 8 Ifrane de Anti.Atlas 200 40 0—several formerly, in. eluding a rabbi, now in Agadir Igguinichnaim 200 Go no Jews since ig; village a ruin; had been all - Jewish Ighaiis 1 20 Ihoukarn '00 Imini 30 Imintanout 200 400 420 385 Inezgane 68 331 50 Irhil-Nord 2,000 500 5 Ksares-Souk 170' Ktawa and M'hamid 1,000 600 Marrakesh' - 11,000 21,000 26,000 18,310 3,000 Mejjat 192 Mogador (Essouria) 'O,000 5,468 6,15' 6,00 Gao Ouarzazate' 385 300 255 240 10 Ourika Goo 520 390 296 Rhessat 150 Rissani 48 Safi 3,800 3,200 4,100 4,700 834 Sidi Rahhel' 2,000 1,500 1,200 570 Skoura 714 1,100 1,5.56 Tagounite . , grocer from Marrakesh Taliouine 3 Jews working there: , from Casablanca and 2 of Aoullouz Tamarouft 138 Taouirirt i grocer Taroudant 1,200 1,150 1,000 953 110 Tazenakhte 820 740 504 I merchant and 2 men in vicinity (families gone) Telouet'° 130 Tidili'1 - 400 150 - Tifnout '7 Tinerhir 730 722 634 last Jew left early June 196 Tiznit 250 300 500 457 120 Zagora 765 883 grocer from Marrakesh

210 211 JOSEPH R. ROSENBLOOM cannot be long before this community which has had ancient and continuous Jewish settlements for perhaps 3,000 years, and which recently numbered as many as 250,000 Jews (today some 75,000) will be reduced to a miniscule and insignificant remnant.

NOtES 'This survey brings up to date the Local communal records: 1,050 Jews work of Pierre Flamand which was in 1954. published in Hesperis, Vol. XXXVII, 6 Flamand also includes these addi- 1950, Paris, pp. 363-397: 'Statistique tional figures: 1763-4,000; 1904-7,000; sur Ia population Israelite du Sud 1913-17,000. As the major centre of the Marocain'. While this research does not south, Marrakesh has had much in- and include every village noted by Flamand, out-migration throughout its history. it does include every important com- 'Flamand also notes about i,000 Jews munity in the south of Morocco as well here in igi, while Slouschz has 800 in as a few not mentioned by Flamand. This 1906 (p. 476). research was made possible by a grant Slouschz, op. cit., P. gg: 6o. from the Penrose Fund of the American ° Flamand also lists ,o families living Philosophical Society. here in 1875, and 75 families in 1883 'Ibid.; Slouschz, Nahum, Travels in 10 Slouschz, op. cit., P. 464: 800 Jews jvorth Africa, Philadelphia, 1927. who formed approximately one third of Slouschz's figures are for 1906. the entire population. Slouschz, op. cit., P. 459: 200 Jews. "Ibid., p.451:40 families. 'Local communal records and in- "Ibid., P. 379. formants. Also note 1,250 Jews here in 1954.

212 THE DEMOGRAPHY OF AUSTRALIAN JEWRY

Walter M. Lippmann

HE 1,183 Jews who lived in Australia in 1841 represented 0-57 per cent of the total Australian population at that time. TAlthough the total number of Jews grew steadily, their proportion of the Australian population declined until in 1933 it had reached the lowest point of o36 per cent. Immigration, mainly of victims of Nazi persecution, has since caused a revitalization of Aus- tralian Jewry and a substantial growth in their numbers. Yet it was not until the 1961 census that the proportion of those declaring themselves to be Jews again reached the 1841 figure of 057 per cent. In the context of world Jewish communities, Australian Jewry still represents a relatively small number. But both because of its geo- .graphic position on the fifth continent and its relatively firmly established economic position, Australian Jewry occupies a place of some significance beyond its actual numbers. Unfortunately, very little historical and biographical material has been published' to preserve a record of the colourful and, at times, important contributions which Australian Jews have made to the development of their country and community. Sociological and demographic studies of Australian Jewry have been even more neglected.2 It is in an effort to contribute to the closing of this gap in the knowledge of the Australian Jewish community that this study has been prepared. It is based primarily upon figures disclosed by the last Commonwealth census of 1961 and presents an illuminating picture of Australian Jewry in the early i 96os. The 59,329 people who disclosed their religion as 'Hebrew' represent 057 per cent of the total population of Australia. It must be noted, however, that disclosure of religion was not compulsory, and approximately ii per cent of the total population left this question unanswered. As it is impossible to determine whether theJewish rate of non-disclosure is greater or smaller than the overall total, I accept, for the purpose of this paper, the Australian average as the appropriate mean for the Jewish group.3 Therefore the adjusted total Jewish population for the Commonwealth in 1961 is 65,985: Comparing this with the 1933 census disclosed total of 23,553 and the 1954 disclosed total of 48,436, 213 r-.t-.cn100•tI-- C) C) a Otef nO en 0 O2tt.tet_ Ct (3 S Ct,

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F PLBfli - ui -C H 214 AUSTRALIAN JEWRY we have in a nutshell the story of the growth of Australian Jewry during the past 30 years: a story of doubling, mainly through the immigration of victims of Nazi persecution between 1933 and 1954, and of almost trebling of the 1933 figure by ig6i, again through further immigration as well as the birth of children mainly to the large humbers of post-war immigrants. This growth, however, has by no means been spread evenly throughout the Commonwealth. Victorian Jewry which today comprises 505 per cent of the Jews living in Australia, grew by over 350 per cent between 1933 and ig6i. New South Wales, until 1933 the home of the largest number. of Jews in Australia, has lost this position. With 26,673 Jews and a growth rate during the same period of 260 per cent, it now contains 404 per cent of Australian Jewry. Growth in the other States was very much smaller. South Australia (1,095) with just on ioo per cent growth, West Australia (3,090) with barely 50 per cent, and Queensland (1,494) with 40 per cent have benefited little from this

TABLE 2. Distribution of Jews in Australian States (as disclosed by Commonwealth Ceristu)

1933 1947 1954 '96'

Stale Jewish Yotal Jewish Total Jewish Tolat Jewish Tot at Pop. Pop. Pop. Pop.

Victoria 4038 2746 4657 271 498' 273 5051 2789 N.S.W. 4375 3923 4121 394 4015 381 4041 3725 South Australia 224 876 142 86 152 89 ,66 924 Queensland 442 1429 316 146 277 14.7 226 144' Western Australia 894 669 716 66 529 71 468 7.03 Tasmania 030 3.74 038 3.4 032 34 025 334 oig Aust.CapitalTerritory 002 oio 008 02 j o.' . 5 058 Northern Territory 018 002 j 5 1_ 004 026

1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000

TABLE 3. Jewish Population Index by States

Stale 1901 1911 1921 1933 1947 1954 1961

Victoria 100 '06 130 16' 278 451 564 N.S.W. 100 119 157 159 227 333 414 Queensland 100 92 137 142 153 202 205 South Australia '00 98 gojs 68 64 104 140 Western Australia 100 142 95 16 200 225 245 Tasmania 100 121 113 65 128 162 155 Aust. Capital Territory 100 206 Northern Territory tOO 288 215 WALTER M. LIPPMANN wave of immigration, while Tasmania's Jewish population (150) has resumed its declining trend which was temporarily arrested between 1933 and 1954. In terms of percentages, the growth of Jewry in the Australian Capital Territory (122) and the Northern Territory (26) has been spectacular, but the actual numbers are so small that in the overall picture their numbers are of little significance. The full impact of immigration on the growth of Australian Jewry can, perhaps, best be illustrated by reference to a study published in 1940 by Dr. J. Gentili,4 then Lecturer in Statistical Methods at the University of Western Australia. His careful analysis of the then prevailing age distribution and trends led him to forecast a'n Australian Jewish population of 21,500 for 1963. The heavy post-war wave of immigration as well as the children subsequent]y born to these migrants account for the fact that his forecast has proved to be far off the mark. Table 4, giving the distribution of Australian Jewry, underlines the heavy congregation of Jews in the States of Victoria and New South Wales. It also emphasizes their concentration in the capital cities. 966 per cent of Australian Jewry live in metropolitan areas, 25 per cent in country towns, while only og per cent are living in the rural areas which represent a large part of the Australian continent. Australian Jews (like other minority groups) tend to draw together and congregate. It is interesting to note how the census figures not only underline this fact, but also pinpoint the specific areas of Jewish congregation within metropolitan areas. In Melbourne, for instance, over 6o per cent of the Jews live in the south-eastern suburbs between Prah- ran and Moorabbin (see Table 5); in Sydney per cent live in the eastcrn suburbs of Randwick, Woollahra, and Waverley, with another 188 per cent on the North Shore. In Queensland, on the other hand, the congregation is by no means as pronounced. In Brisbane itself there are five statistical sub-divisions each containing between io and 20 per cent of Queensland Jewry, with the Moreton division, including the Gold Coast, accounting for another 16 per cent. The extent to which population movements between suburbs take place is another interesting aspect to be studied in the census statistics. Table 5, for instance, shows that during the seven years 1954-6 1, 71000 Jews moved into middle and upper middle class south-eastern suburbs of Melbourne, while the more industrialized inner suburbs and the city of Melbourne (including Canton) lost almost half of the Jews who had lived there in 1947. The most startling growth was in the city of Moorabbin where in 1947 only 89 Jews were recorded, while in 1961 no fewer than 1,998 Jews resided in that suburb. The eastern suburbs of Kew and Box Hill also recorded substantial gains in their Jewish population. In Sydney the movement into specific areas was less pronounced. Both the City of Sydney and the inner western suburbs recorded drops 216

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217 TABLE 5. Jewish Population of Melbourne (Census Totals)t

Municipal it, 1871 i8gr 1901 1921 1933 1947 1954 1961

C'itj of Melbourne (North Mclii, Carl- ton, East Mclii) Total 1,576 2,426 2,272 1,959 2,300 3,003 2,613 1,677

Percentage Gig 439 444 282 31.4 211 112 5.7

Inner East (Richmond, Collingwood, Fitzroy) Total 508 1,370 985 BGg 57' 369 552 311

Percentage 199 249 193 125 64 26 24 II jVorthen, (Northcotc, Preston, Heidelberg, Coburg, Brunswick, Shire 13 road m cad owl, Shire Keilor) Total 13 ,00 86 508 764 1,145 2,577 2,165

Percentage o i-H 17 73 8-6 8-o 110 74

Western (Essendon, Footscray, \\iI- liamstown) Total 5 79 96 136 132 195 249 260

Percentage 02 14 19 20 15 14 II 09

Southern (Port MeIb., South Mclii) Total ,16 356 348 382 249 264 308 268

Percentage 4-6 64 6-8 2-8 19 13 09

South-Eastern (Prahran, St. Kilda, Caulfield, Malvern, - Brighton) Total 319 ,,0,9 i,i86 2,826 3,991 8,140 12,936 17,732

Percentage 125 18-4 232 40.7 448 572 -6 6o-6

Outer South-Eastern (Sandringham Mordialloc, Chel- sea, Moorabbin, Oakleigh) Total 2 7 5 39 F84 192 1,385 2,525

Percentage o- o-i o-i o-6 0-9 13 59 87

From Charles Price, Jewish Settlers in Australia, Canberra, 1964, Appendix IXA. 218 AUSTRALIAN JEWRY

TABLE 5 (continued)

Outer Eastern (Box Hill, Nunawading, Ringwood, Dande- nong, Springvale, Wavcrley) Total ii 6 15 12 58 242 622

Percentage 02 01 02 01 04 10 21

Eastern (Kew, Haw- thorn, Camberwell) Total 0 '6o 130 210 300 865 2,461 3,692

Percentage 03 29 25 30 61 105 126

1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 1000 in the percentage ofJews residing there, but their movements appear to be spread in many directions with some slight proportional increase towards the North Shore suburbs. The composition of the Australian Jewish communities is much affected by the migrant content of its numbers, and it is noteworthy that the origin of the predominant migrant group .'aries from State to State. Tables 6 and 7 record the origins of Australian Jewry in the various States and at various censuses. They demonstrate the changes which have come about in the various communities through migration. In all States (with the exception of Western Australia) the content of Austra- lian born Jews is substantially smaller now than it was, for instance, at the 1911 census. On the other hand, in most States the proportion of Australian born Jews was greater in 1961 than it had been in 1954, reflecting the birth of children to recent migrants. If we look at the origin of the Jews in the various States, in Victoria the east European influx is clearly reflected in the fact that the 1954 census shows 316 per cent of the Victorian Jewish community to have been born there. On the other hand, in New South Wales only 146 per cent come from eastern Europe. There, the west European influx was greatest, as reflected in the 25-3 per cent of New South ¼telshJewry of west European origin. Further, the number of English migrants has been greater in New South Wales than in Victoria. These influences are not only shown in the figures disclosed by the census. They are also noticeable in the nature and attitudes of the respective communities and in the intensity of their Jewish life. The much smaller number of migrants who have settled in the other States is clearly reflected in the fact that the drop in the Australian born content of these communities was much smaller between 1911 and 1954-6 i than in the major migrant reception centres of Victoria and p 219 —o dU'tO4Oflw 0

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CE- O 15.5 .5 221 WALTER M. LIPPMANN New South Wales. Nevertheless, the fact that an unusually large proportion of the Egyptian Jewish refugees was attracted to Adelaide, South Australia, is reflected, for instance, in the high proportion of 'African' Jews in South Australia (218 per cent in ig6i). Similarly, the unusually large 'Asian' content of the \'Vestern Australian Jewish community owes its origin to an a4yah of Jews from Palestine in the Ig2os. On the other hand, their attitude to subsequent migration to their community is perhaps reflected in the particularly high content of Australian bornJews in West Australia, as well as in the relatively small growth of that community between 1933 and ig6z. Subject to local variations, however, the overall pattern of Australian Jewish communities reveals that all of them are—in this generation— predominantly foreign born communities. Comparison between the 1954 and 1961 figures, however, shows an almost universal increase in the number of Australian born: in other words, the native born children mainly of foreign born parents. (Analysis of the relevant tables leads me to the assumption that the number of Australian born adults of an age group that would have had children between 1954 and 1961 would be less than 20 per cent of the total number ofJews of that particular age- group.) Table 8 records the occupational status of Australian Jewry. It shows substantially larger proportions of Australian Jews listed as 'Employers' or 'Self-Employed' than for the general Australian population. Yet the influence of post-war migration is again reflected in the fact that the proportion of employers and self-employed among Australian Jewry has fallen in the post-war years, while the proportion of 'Jewish employees' has risen correspondingly. An accurate reading of these figures, however, is difficult, as a dis- proportionately large number of Jews conduct private companies with family shareholdings, giving rise to the question whether in such cases they would have identified themselves in the census returns as 'Em- ployers', which they are defacto, or as 'Employees' of their own companies, which would be the correct legal position. In any demographic analysis of a community, the age distribution is of particular significance as indicative of future trends and survival possibilities. Reference has previously been made to the fact that some twenty-five years ago the prognosis for the survival of Australian Jewry was far from encouraging. Post-war migration has revitalized the communities and caused the significant growth which has been disclosed by recent census figures. The question which must now exercise us is whether this represents a temporary arrest of assimilatory tendencies or whether the age distribution of Australian Jewry in the ig6os is such that one can confidently predict its survival. Unfortunately, the data presented in Tables ga, gb, and io, and Figure z contain many factors which must cause serious concern about the future of Australian Jewry. 222 223 --IiNNI

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225 WALTER M. LIPPMANN

TABLE 10. Age Distribution

Standard Australian Australian Jewish Western General Community Community Community

'96' 1933 1961

0-4 120 105 57 6-7 5-14 210 19.7 749 176 15-24 180 743 164 107 2534 150 14' 1 7' 99 3544 120 137 164 '63 4554 90 776 139 774 55-64 7.0 80 87 720 Over 65 6o 81 709 94

I000 1000 I00•0 100.0

Tables ga, gb, and io demonstrate that in the age groups up to 35 years of age, the proportion of Jews is substantiall below that of the corresponding age group in the Australian community generally, while the 'middle age' group from 40 to 6o years of age represents a very much greater part of the Australian Jewish community than of the general community. 321 per cent of the Australian Jewish community belongs to this age group, as against only 226 per cent of the general community. In the over 6o age groups the difference is smaller: 148 per cent of the Jewish community compared with 124 per cent of the general community. The age pyramid (Fig. i) clearly demonstrates the uneven and over- aged nature of the Australian Jewish community. The very small proportion of both males and females in the 20-30 age group indicates that there is little immediate prospect of a rise in the birth rate of the Austra- lian Jewish community, which at the time of the 1961 census was barely two-thirds of the birth rate of the general Australian community. The only time when the proportional Australian Jewish birth rate even approached that of the general population was during the years 1947 to 1951 (aged 10-14 in ig6i). There are, of course, easily under- standable historical reasons for both the small number ofJewish births in the years 1933-47, and the substantial rise shortly after the war: the arrival of the bulk of the post-war immigrants seeking to establish new homes and families in Australia after their war-time persecution. On the other hand, the drop from the 1951 peak of births has been severe, giving rise to concern about the future of the community. The relatively large number of old people presents Australian Jewry with special social responsibilities and problems. Nor are these likely to be short-term ones. Tables ga and gb, giving a breakdown of the numbers in the various age groups, indicate that for the next thirty , 226 b

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U,0 eq WALTER M. LIPPMANN years at least there is likely to be an increasingly high proportion of the Australian Jewish community belonging to the older age groups. In analysing the age distribution ofAustralianJewry (Table to) and in comparing it with the age distributions of a 'standard' community and the general Australian community, we can see the reason for the concern about the future of Australian Jewry. A sound age distribution would disclose gradual descending percentages for each advancing age group. The figures for Australian Jewry, however, show a much smaller proportion in the 0-4 age group than the general Australian population, and a very irregular pattern with its highest proportions in the 34-55 year old groups. In fact, from the point of view of prognosis for the future, Australian Jewry's age distribution in ig6i was even more unhealthy than it was in 1933. In the latter year 58 per cent of Austra- lianJewry was under 35 years of age, while in i g6z only 45 per cent was in that category. In the light of these facts, the larger number of those 0-4 years old in xg6i may represent a ray of hope, but it seems doubtful whether even this slight improvement is likely to be maintained. As in the analysis of the origin of Australian Jewry, so in the age distribution some significant differences are noticeable from State to State. New South Wales, for instance, has the largest number of people over 6o years old-4,o15 out of a total of 24,000 (16 per cent), while in Victoria 3,841 Jews of the same group' represent only a slightly smaller percentage. On the other hand, Victoria is the only State in which the Jewish percentage of young people (under 20 years old) is at least fairly close to that of the general population: 329 per cent as against 373 per cent. The Tasmanian figure in this age group is particularly distressing. Only 176 per cent of the small Jewish population of the island State is under 20 years of age. As already mentioned, however, the Jewish figures for this age group right through the Commonwealth contain an ominous warning for the future. The average Australian proportion of people under 20 years old is 38 per cent. The Jewish figures are between 8 and to per cent below the corresponding percentages of young people in their respective States. Some additional facts are worthy of comment. Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory are the only two States in which the numbers of Jews under 20 years of age outweigh those of over 5o. In Western Australia they are almost evenly balanced, while South Australia, New South Wales, Queensland, and particularly Tasmania must be listed as States which,Jewishjy speaking at least, are over-aged. Of these, South Australia and New South Wales, with their recent rates of migrant infiuxes, may be expected to show a rate of improvement by the next census. Concluding this comment on the age distribution of Australian Jewry, one can only repeat the earlier warning. Currently, the important age group of 20-50 year olds, who represent the bulk of any 228 AUSTRALIAN JEWRY population and bear the burden of communal responsibilities, compare soundly on superficial examination with the proportion in the general community (392 per cent of Jewish against 40 per cent of the general community). However, in the Jewish community the vast majority of these people are already in the over 40 group, with a particularly small share in the QOs. In addition, the Jewish community has a substantially higher proportion of over 6o year olds, and this surplus of old pcople is balanced by a shortage of young, a very disturbing factor pointing ominously to the eventual decimation of Australian Jewry unless new waves of immigration provide the revitalizing influences as they have done in the past. While the general Australian population figures show a io per cent larger number of males than females, the Jewish figures are almost evenly balanced (only 187 more females than males). It is also interesting to note that Australian Jewry has a preponderance of males in the o—ig age group and again among those between 45 and 59 years of age, while there are more women than men in the 20-44 age group and again in the age group of 6o and over. Tables i ia and i ib give the number of Jews classified according to conjugal condition. In this respect there are no significant differences between Jews in the various States. On the whole they show a somewhat larger proportion of Jews married than in the general Australian population. Another noteworthy fact is that there is a rather significantly larger proportion of Jewish widows in every State of the Com- monwealth. Another factor worth noting is the rather larger proportion of Jewish divorcees than is shown for the general population. Even allowing for the Catholic content of the general population and adding the 'permanently separated' group to that of the 'divorced', we can see that the Jewish rate is still running ahead of that of the general population. Although little enough comfort can be gained from the age pattern of Australian Jewry previously examined, a look at the marriage rates discloses a further reason for concern about the ability of Australian Jewry to maintain its current numerical strength. Before referring to marriage figures, however, we must draw attention to a reservation about the completeness of the figures presented. The information recorded at the time of marriage does not require any particulars concerning the religion of the partners. 'Jewish marriages' as recorded in marriage statistics merely cover those recorded by celebrants of Jewish marriage. They would not include a marriage by two Jews if their marriage was contracted at a Government Registrar's Office. Some slight allowance must therefore be made for the Jewish rate running below that of the general community, although, taking into account the religious basis of the Jewish community, one might expect the number of such purely civil marriages to be balanced by the fact 229 0 0 0 III

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(:,•. - ° D fl!- 9 C. 0 0 o CO Cl 10 — o -°2 null r3e C 231 WALTER M. LIPPMAT'jN that (as we have previously noted) proportionately more Jews are getting married. Be that as it may, in 1961 thejewish marriage rate was 5-05 marriages per i,000 of population as compared with the overall Australian rate of 731. In the subsequent years of 1962 and 1963 the Jewish rate was even lower. This can be partly explained by a sharp fall in the number of Jews in the 20-30 age group, but for a full explanation recourse must also be had to such information as is available on intermarriage. Because no religion is recorded at the time of marriage, the only source of information in this regard derives from the census. These figures, which are contained in Tables 13, 14, and 15, are illuminating, but again are subject to some serious shortcomings: i. They include only those couples who on the census night were residing together. They also cover only those couples who recorded their different religions on the census forms. (The answer to the question was not compulsory.) The figures do not cover couples in which neither partner disclosed any religion, nor do they include couples living apart—either divorced, separated, or even only temporarily absent. All these categories would undoubtedly include some mixed marriages. The figures also do not disclose marriages in which either partner was converted either to Judaism or out of it, either before or after marriage. Where conversion occurred into Judaism, the marriage would in these tables be included as 'Jewish', while in the reverse case ofaJew having been converted out ofJudaism or not recording his religion, the marriage would not be included in the figures. Again in this category a number of mixed marriages would exist. Although these res'ervations detract from the completeness of the tables, they offer some information on the minimal extent of mixed marriages in Australia. In interpreting them, we must clearly understand that the actual extent of mixed marriages will undoubtedly be greater—how much greater is, unfortunately, a matter for conjecture and must remain so until the means, both technical and financial, are available to conduct a survey in greater depth. Certain factors, however, emerge clearly enough to warrant the following comments: (a) A comparison between the overall Australian figures for the various census years shows a rising trend of intermarriage between i 911 and 1921, followed by a substantial drop in the period between 1921 and 1933, and a further decrease between 1933 and 1961. During these periods Australian Jewry experienced its largest influx of immigrants, with a resultant intensification of Jewish life. This factor would, no doubt, account for the arrest of assimilatory tendencies so 232 AUSTRALIAN JEWRY clearly evident from the earlier figures. Limited satisfaction can therefore only be derived from the great improvement of the ig6i figures as compared with those from earlier censuses. A better test of the degree of intermarriage currently taking place in Australia will only be possible after the 1966 figures can be compared with those of 1961, covering as they will a current period and one in

TABLE 12. Number of Marriages celebrated according to the Rites of the Jewish Religion

Rate per i,000 State 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 zgSr of population 1961

Victoria 137 183 151 157 '67 i66 51 5 N.S.W. 113 142 118 uS 130 119 49 Queensland i i 7 3 7 2 15 South Australia 3 1 2 - .i. 2 203 Western Australia iS 7 14 19 13 10 36 Tasmania - 6 - - i , 6-6 Aus. Capital Territory ------Northern Territory ------

Australia 270 1 340 292 1 295 322 1 300 1 505 (31)

TABLE 13. Mixed Marriages as recorded in Censuses, 1911-1961

A'S. IV. Victoria Qpeensland S.A. W.A. Tasmania Australia

Jewish Wife Married to— Jewish husband 1911 870 880 840 890 870 75.0 870 1921 84-0 86-o 78-0 88o 870 75.0 840 1933 870 93.0 8-0 8-0 920 8-0 890 1961 920 96-o 830 86o 94.0 100-0 94.0 Non-Jewish husband 1911 130 120 16-o 110 130 250 130 1921 16-o 140 220 120 130 250 ,60 1933 130 70 150 150 So 150 110 1961 8-0 40 170 I40 (So - 6-a Jewish Husband Married to— Jewish wife 1911 74-0 74-0 550 68-0 8,-o 58-0 730 1921 700 740 68-o 79.0 74.0 55.0 71-0 1933 770 80 670 550 840 6-o 80-0 'g6' 86-0 910 71-0 760 790 670 88-0 Non-Jewish wife 1911 260 260 450 320 190 420 270 1921 300 260 320 21-0 260 450 290 1933 230 15 0 3TO 45.0 '6-0 35.0 200 '961 140 90 290 240 210 330 120

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which the relatively settled ways of the community are not over- shadowed by the arrival of large numbers of newcomers. (Ii) It is interesting, though not surprising, to note that the figures throughout disclose a substantially greater number ofJewish males marrying out than Jewish females, although the figures of mixed marriages outside the metropolitan area show a much smaller discrepancy in that regard than in the capital cities. In Victorian and South Australian country towns and rural areas this trend has even been reversed. Some reservation must be exercised in comparing the percentage figures for the States having smaller Jewish communities with those of New South Wales and Victoria. With their smaller overall numbers each mixed marriage represents, of course, a greater relative rise in the percentage figures. This also applies to the figure for mixed marriages outside the metropolitan areas. Finally, the figures clearly show that intermarriage is at its lowest in areas of active Jewish life, the major decreases having occurred in the States with the largest number of recent immigrants (Victoria and New South Wales). This finding is in line with similar data in other parts of the world. Summarizing his 'Studies ofJewish Intermarriage in the United States', Erich Rosenthal observes that they 'reveal the effect of the size of the Jewish community upon the rate of intermarriage'. A comparison of the overall Australian intermarriage rates with those of the less populous States, and, even more so, a comparison of the figures for any particular State with those of 'outside metropolitan area' in the same State, will confirm that these observations are also applicable to Australia. It is of particular importance for us also to take note of a warning contained in Rosenthal's analysis of Jewish intermarriage figures in the Washington area:

The analysis of the Washington data has revealed that the intermarriage rate rises from about i per cent among the first generation—the foreign born immigrants—to Io2 per cent for the native-born of foreign parentage and to i 7g per cent for the native-born of native parentage (third and subsequent generations). The considerable differentials that were observed in the intermarriage rates among the first, secona, and third generations have a threefold significance: i. They show that the Jewish community of the United States is subject to the processes of assimilation and amalgamation in such a manner that the ethnic and religious bonds that welded the immigrant generation into a highly organized community are becoming progressively weaker. They cast doubt on the doctrine of the persistence of religious endogamy in American life and on the idea of the 'return of the third generation'. They reveal that a total intermarriage rate is not very meaningful. 236 AUSTRALIAN JEWRY Since intermarriage is virtually completely absent among the first- generation immigrants, the gross rate hides the process of assimilation that is at work among subsequent generations. The numerical predominance of foreign-born Jews in the Australian communities and the absence of further research preclude us from drawing meaningful comparisons between the Australian and American figures in this respect at this particular stage of the development of Australian Jewry. It would, however, take a rash man to say that the observations which Rosenthal makes in respect of second and third generations in America may not equally be applicable to the Australian Jewish scene when it reaches a comparable stage of development. The attached tables in fact point to a parallel development in the apparent arrest of assimilatory tendencies during periods of intense immigration. The figures revealed by the American studies, therefore, represent a warning to Australian Jewry of the problems which lie ahead. Rosenthal's final observation also appears to me to hold significant relevance for the Australian scene, if not of the present, then at least for the future. He writes: That intermarriage usually spells the end of belonging to the Jewish group is demonstrated by the fact that in at least 70 per cent of the mixed families in Greater Washington the children are not identified with the Jewish group. This finding, which repeats earlier European experiences, takes on special significance if viewed against the fact that the fertility of the Jewish population in the United States is barely sufficient to n?aintain its present size. In the absence of large-scale immigration, it may well be that intermarriage is going to be of ever increasing significance in the future demographic balance of the Jewish population in the United States. Although the figures and tables presented in this study bear no direct relationship to the American studies, I have quoted at some length from the conclusions drawn by Rosenthal because I believe that trends are already observable here of Australian Jewry developing along social lines similar to those known by our American congeners during the past fifty years. At this stage, however, we are still-- or should I say, again—a predominantly first generation immigrant community. The intermarriage figures presented in this study may therefore mask the portents of the future.

A superficial glance at the great variety of activities which make up currentJewish life in Australia may easily lead us to the conclusion that these activities in themselves represent a guarantee of continuing strength and vitality of AustralianJewry. To reach such a conclusion, however, would be misleading. It would ignore the fundamental sociological 237 WALTER M. LIPPMANN truth that no society is static and that vital changes are constantly occurring in the composition of each community affecting the attitudes and outlook of succeeding generations. This study has examined Australian Jewry at the beginning of the seventh decade of the twentieth century. It shows a community vastly different in composition from that which was Australian Jewry in earlier parts of this century. It has also pointed to the fact that twenty years hence AustralianJewry will again be materially different from its present pattern. Apart from its contribution to our knowledge of Australian Jewry in the ig6os, I hope that this study will awaken the present-day leadership of Australian Jewry from the delusion that the future of the community is secure because the present generation shows a remarkable vitality. The study has shown that the future of the Australian Jewish communities rests upon demographically unsound foundations, Even posing the question 'Is there a future for Australian Jewry?' will be regarded as heresy by many. Yet it is only b' pressing the question that there stems to be any hope of arousing the present generation ofJews in Australia to the special efforts that are necessary to understand their precarious position. Currently, Jewish life in Australia has reached a peak. However, below the surface of the vitality of the committed and involved, the alluring pressures of the free society are causing a steady drift of the uninterested, if not disaffected, away fromJéwish communal life. We do not have so many committed and responsiblejews that we can afford to be so cavalier about the uncommitted. Moreover, it is not the first time in Jewish history that some of the best Jews made their contribution divorced from the setting of their community rather than from within it and through it. Australia's active post-war immigration policy has created the basis of a pluralist society in Australia. AustralianJewry has so far failed to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by this for the development of positive Jewish community organization and of active group participation in that society. In the years ahead, numbers, emotional motivation, and intensity of involvement are likely to decline as second and third generation attitudes replace those of the closely-knit communities deriving their current vitality largely from the impetus of first generation immigrants. It is hoped that, by drawing attention to these factors, this study will help underline the need for Australian Jewish communities to probe below the surface of their current activities and analyse their problems. Vigorous joint effohs by all forces of Jewish life must be undertaken, to strengthen the group to continue as viable communities in an Australian environment.

238 AUSTRALIAN JEWRY

NOTES 1 L. M. Goldman, The ,Jews of Victoria Some argue that fear, engendered by in the igth Century, published by the past experiences abrpad, may cause many author, 1963. Max Gordon, Sir Isaac Jews to abstain from identifying them- Isaacs, Melbourne, 1963.; Max Gordon, selves as Jews. Others point out that Jews of Van Diemens Land,' Sydney, 1965. many Jews would regard themselves as The Australian Jewish Historical Society Jews by nationality or race, but not by has also published short biographies in: religion. Yet a greater consciousness of its Journal. Jewishness and pride of belonging to the 2 But see: Charles Price, Jewish Jewish group are advanced as reasons Settlers in Australia, published as Austra- why there may be a smaller proportion lian National University Social Science failing to disclose their religion among Monograph, No. 23, 1964- J. Gentili, the Jewish group than among the general 'Australian Jewry—a Statistical Study', population. Westralian Judean, January 1941. I. "The Twilight of Australian Jewry', Porush, 'Some Statistical Data on Aus- Australian Jewish Forum, 1941. tralian Jewry', Journal of the Australian 'American Jewish Year Book, Vol. 64, Jewish Historical Society, Vol. IV, 1953, 1963. pp. 1-7. LEISURE ACTIVITIES OF JEWISH TEENAGERS IN LONDON

Adrian Ziderman

HIS paper presents the results of a pilot survey conducted by the author during the autumn of 1964.' The Survey examined Tthe pattern of leisure activities (with particular emphasis on the cxtent of club membership) among Jewish teenagers aged 13-18 in the Willesden district of London. The purpose of the Survey was to pilot the possibility of carrying out, over a wider geographical area, a fuller survey on the same lines. The paper is divided into six sections. Section 1 contains a methodological account of the design of the Survey; this is followed by a brief discussion, in Section II, of other surveys of the leisure activities of teenagers conducted in the United Kingdom in recent years, but not specifically concerned with the Jewish community. The main results of our Survey are presented against this comparative background; Sections III, IV, and V describe, respectively, the age, sex, and other characteristics of the teenage sample, the pattern of thcir leisure activities, and the extent of their club membership. Some general conclusions are presented in Section VI. Finally, various characteristics of the teenagers' social background, with special reference to parents' occupation and education and to the availability of household amenities, are contained in an Appendix to the paper.

I. THE DESIGN OF THE SURVEY The district chosen for study The sponsors of the investigation strongly favoured locating the Sur- vey in the Willesden district of N.W. London—a clearly 'Jewish' area, with a sizable resident Jewish population and a large number of long- established Jewish institutions, including five synagogues, a yeshiva, a Jewish grammar and primary school, and numerous Zionist, religious, and cultural organizations. Moreover, and of more direct interest, the area was fairly well endowed with clubs and other organizations cater- ing exclusively for Jewish youth; these include a general youth club meeting at two of the synagogues, Jewish scouts, and Zionist youth movements, which meet both at the synagogues and in movement- 240 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS owned prcmises in the area. On the other hand, the Willesden district, which reached its zenith as an area of intensi\?e Jewish settlement in the 1930s, is now slowly but clearly on the decline.2 This is evidenced by the fall in recent years of synagogue attendance on the Day of Atonement and by the steady decline of synagogue membership in the area. Total synagogue membership figures for past years are not available, but male membership of the four United Synagogues in the area has fallen by some 15 per cent during the past decade.3 There is some possibility that the findings presented in this paper are applicable only to the Willesden district or other areas with similar Jewish characteristics, and that the selection of an expanding Jewish area like Edgware or an older-established one like Stamford Hill would have led to considerably different results. Without undertaking similar research in other, contrasting areas, we cannot say for certain whether or not our present results have more general application; this severe limitation on our findings must be borne in mind in interpreting the tabulations presented in the paper. In the remainder of this section, I discuss in detail the methodology used in conducting the investigation.

Locating the population The question arose of how to locate the population under study—in our case, Jewish teenagers in Willesden from 13 to 18 years of age—in the absence of any comprehensive listing ofJewish teenagers in the area. One obvious possibility was to use the membership lists ofJewish teenage clubs and societies in Willesden, perhaps using a sample survey of club members to supplement an analysis of membership or attendance records. This procedure would have been inappropriate for our purpose because of the bias it would have introduced in our results by excluding from our sample all those teenagers who did not attend clubs. An alternative approach was adopted, therefore, in which teenagers were contacted at their homes, so that the sample frame consisted of Willesden Jewish households having children in the 13-18 age group. In the selection of our sample of Jewish households, the more sophisticated methods—which involve some variant of calling, according to a fixed pattern, at houses in streets selected at random, and ascer- taming which of these are occupied by Jewish families—had to be rejected on grounds of time and cost. Fortunately, an alternative method presented itself in the shape of the membership lists of the local United Synagogues. In this context, it may be useful to distinguish between a target population, which is the group of individuals about which information is desired (in our case all Jewish teenagers in Willesden) and a sampled population. The latter may be identical with the target population, but more usually represents a close approximation to it and 241 ADRIAN ZIDERMAN is adopted as a proxy for the target population for !casons of convenience, cost, or simply because, it is not possible to identify the target population directly. In adopting as our sampled population the rather narrower group of the teenage children of United Synagogue members as a proxy for Jewish teenagers generally, we were open to the serious criticism of excluding from our sample important sections of the target population such as the more peripherally Jewish teenagers, whose parents are not members of a synagogue. Further, it could be claimed that the sampled population based on synagogue membership itself should have been broadened by the inclusion within the sample of the membership of the more orthodox and progressive synagogues.4 Never- theless, I think that no great injustice was done in drawing the sample from United Synagogue lists, particularly as synagogal membership today has no special religious significance; availability of burial rights, sentimental ties, or the wish for cultural identity are among the many factors which induce people to maintain membership of the United Synagogue and account for its extremely heterogeneous membership.

Selection of the sample The survey, we have seen, was limited to the Willesden district of London; the sample was drawn from the membership of three of the four United Synagogues sited in the area. The secretaries of these synagogues were asked to provide lists of synagogue members, omitting those whom they knew for certain to have no children in the 13-18 age group. While introducing a subjective element into the selection of the sample, the procedure was felt to be justified in order to economize on time and money as well as to avoid bothering unnecessarily a large number of synagogue members who had no children in the relevant age group. It was originally intended to take a one-in-three sample from these lists, but as only 484 names and addresses were provided by the three synagogue secretaries (this figure being the total number of members who might have children aged 13-18), it was decided to include the whole sample frame in the .Survey. Each synagogue member whose name and address had been sub- mitted was sent three copies of the questionnaire, a stamped addressed envelope, and a letter outlining the aims of the Survey and calling for support. Parents were asked to hand a questionnaire to each child aged 13-18 and to ensure that the completed form was returned in the envelope provided. Any members with no children in the relevant age grotip were asked to complete and return a slip which noted this fact. By means of a reference number attached to the reply envelope, record was kept of those replying to the Survey. This device was used purely for administrative purposes, the assurances of anonymity being rigor- ously adhered to. The questionnaires were mainly pre-coded, and sought information 242 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS on the personal characteristics of the sample of teenagers, on their home background, their pattern of youth club membership, and their general pattern of leisure-time activities.

The response The questionnaires were posted on 10-12 November 1964. Tthvards the end of the second week, as the response began to fall away, interviewers called at over half of the non-responding households with the aim of collecting the outstanding questionnaires;5 this 15rocedure was felt to be preferable to the usual postal reminder. In this way, some form of positive reply was received from 353 families, representing the very encouraging response rate of 73 per cent, and considerably above the usual response rates for this type of Survey. Why was the response so high? It seems clear that the postal-cum- personal visit approach considerably augmented the response to the Survey. Generally speaking, postal questionnaires cost less than personal interviews, but lead to a considerably lower response rate. Moreover, the low response to a postal questionnaire may lead to a bias in favour of persons with a particular interest in the objectives of the Survey, since others may not bother to complete the questionnaire. On the other hand, if we assume that interviewers are both sufficiently tactful and forceful in their approach and call when families are likely to be at home, then the overall response to the personal interviews method will be fuller and more comprehensive; but this method has the shortcoming of being time-consuming, arduous, and costly. By initially contacting the sample by means of a postal questionnaire, it was possible to avoid the expense of calling personally onthose in the sample who would co-operate in any case, and to concentrate our effort on the remainder, using the personal interview. Thus, by combining the postal and interview methods, we were able to benefit from the advantages.of each and achieve a high and representative response at relatively low cost.° . - Additional factors which probably contributed to the high response rate were the sponsorship of the Survey by an official Jewish body and the identification of the synagogue members with the aims of a survey of obvious Jewish interest.7 Table I provides full details of the responding farniliesi of the 484 families contacted, 201 had children in the relevant age group who were prepared to co-operate, while a further 152 families indicated that they had no children in the age group under survey. A number of the 201 participating families contained more than one teenager, so that in all, 245 completed questionnaires were received, of which 144 arrived by post, the remainder being collected during a personal follow-up visit (Table II).

243

ADRIAN ZIDERMAN

TABLE I. Families replying to the Survey

Replies Replies received obtained by Total personal by post replies visit

Families participating in Survey 121 So 201 Families replying but not participating in Survey 84 80 164 of which: - families with no children aged 13-IS 82 70 152 - families refusing to co-operate 2 to 12

Families not known at address 2 3

Total families 2o6 162 368

TABLE ii. The response

Total Total completed families questionnaires replying received

By post 121 144 By personal visit 8o lot

Total response 201 245

H. OTHER SURVEYS OF TEENAGE LEISURE Since the war, there have been a large number of surveys which, in their different ways, have investigated teenagers' leisure activity patterns.8 These surveys, while differing markedly in purpose, method, and degree of sophistication, have nevertheless built up a large body of empirical material with which we hoped to compare the results of our present survey. One group of such studies comprises surveys specifically directed to the leisure patterns of teenagers; typical of these surveys are those conductcd by Mary Stewart, over a number of years, on Ilford Secondary School children.9 The more usual sources of information on teenage leisure have been broadly based studies directed towards some more general area of investigation concerning teenagers; these surveys have often provided, as a by-product, extensive information on teenage leisure activities. Surveys of this latter type include the Social Survey investigation and National Service Survey, both of which accompanied the Crowther 0 the survey of fourth-year children at secondary modern and comprehensive schools, undertaken to provide background information for the Newsom Report;11 M. P. Carter's study of the experience of the transition from school to work of a sample of secondary modern schoolchildren in Sheffield;12 and the study by Thelma Veness of the attitudes and expectations of young people soon to leave school.13 Finally, information on teenage leisure is on occasion in- 244 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS directly available in miscellaneous surveys which themselves are not primarily concerned either with leisure orwith teenagers. For example, the Social Survey in 1947 examined the utilization of space in different classes of urban dwellings. This survey yielded valuable information, classified according to sex and age, on the frequency with which evenings were spent out of home; the method of classification allowed the teenagers to be identified.'4 Unfortunately, unambiguous general conclusions do not emerge from this substantial group of studies, since the results of the various surveys do not always agree. Apparent contradictions may be due to differences in sampling method, in sample size, in the age-span of the respondents, or in the time and place of the survey. Basically, it is a problem of comparing like with like. Since most surveys providing information on teenage leisure tend to be concerned with some particular teenage group, the results of these individual surveys will not necessarily be representative of teenagers generally and often will not be strictly comparable one with another. Even Pearl Jephcott's 1950-2 study of adolescent boys and girls (with particular reference to their membership of youth groups),15 which was broadly based in terms of the age group and geographical location of the sample, was strongly biased in favour of present and past secondary modern schoolchildren. The particular results that emerged from this study, and especially the relatively low figures for youth organization membership, are in large measure a reflection of the secondary modern school bias of the sample. For the purpose of comparing the findings of these various teenage leisure studies, the problem of temporal change in teenage habits is at least as serious as that of the heterogeneity of the teenage sample. This difficulty becomes particularly marked when comparison is drawn between surveys conducted over a period of some twenty years. First, there is the influence of such secular trend factors as the extensive growth of television set ownership (paralleled by the severe decline in cinema attendance). A further trend change influencing teenage leisure patterns has been the increasing tendency to stay at school after the age of i, and especially to complete the sixth form course. Second, cyclical changes in the general level of affluence of the population, and in particular of teenagers and their families, may be of considerable importance; this would affect, among other things, the state of the teenage job market and the weekly pocket-money receipts of schoolchildren. Third, and of major importance, are the continual and often unpredictable changes in teenage fashions and tastes. Typical of these changes are the greater popularity of the coffee bar today compared with a decade ago, and the replacement of the teddy-boy garb of the late 1950s by that of the mod and rocker today. Finally, there are the effects of the earlier onset of physiological maturity. The Albemarle Report describes this phenomenon in the following way: 245

ADRIAN ZIDERMAN Individual variations for the onset of puberty can be considerable; but it appears certain that puberty is occurring earlier, and that the large majority of young -people now reach adolescence as determined by - physical changes before the age of 15.16 - The survey Work of Mary Stewart, referred to earlier, highlights the problem of making inter-temporal comparisons of teenage leisure. In 1946 and 1947, she investigated, by means of a questionnaire, the leisure activities of 5,000 Ilford secondary schoolchildren. She repeated the survey in 1958, and received, over 7;000 comj3leted questionnaires from Ilford children, selected in the same way as before. The report on the 198 investigation indicates the extent to which teenage activities and attitudes can change over a twelve-year period: Dancing, fan, jazz and skiffle clubs, which were rarely mentioned twelve years ago, now play an important part in the lives of many schoolchildren.17 Games associated with childhood, such as Knock Down Ginger, Tin Can Copper, Ead Eggs, which were so popular among Ilford children twelve years ago, rarely got a mention today; nor do.skipping and marbles and the more conventional childhood pursuits of the past.'8 The concluding section of the report summarizes these changes: Few [schoolchildren] -today are interested in activities exclusive to children, such as street games and garden games and the reading of comics intended only for the young. And although sport, perhaps the most socially approved of all the activities of childhood, still accoutits for a considerable slice of the freetime of young people, it has lost much ground in popularity since 1946. What distinguishes modern children at play from their predecessori is their urge to read adult periodicals, to dance, to listen to records, to talk with those of their own age group in clubs and cafés and other places where they feel relatively free from the restrictive influence of adults. This urge to be independent, to be grown up at an earlier age than their predecessors, isdue no doubtin part to the earlier onset of puberty; but perhaps it is due even more to the higher standard of living which has given to children a degree of freedom and opportunities to spend money unimagined by their predecessors ten years ago.19 - Certain broad conclusions, however, have emerged from these past studies. They have tended to show that teenagers' leisure activities (and particularly their membership of youth organizations of various types) are related not only to sex and age, but also to type of school attended (especially gramniar-technical schools as opposed to secondary modern 20 to present occupation -(whether still at school, at college full- time, or at work); and to home background, including such factors as parents' occupation, type of home accommodation and the availability of household amenities. Consequently, questions on the teenagers' personal and home background were included in the present survey of Jewish teenagers in the hope that these items of information would act 246 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS as explanatory variables for: the pattc'rn :of leisure a6tivitics ofFthe respondents. . . . ...... So much for past surveys of teenage leisure activities. I.now present; in the sections that follow, the major findings of our own survey.

III. THE TEENAGE 5AMPLE The tabulations in this section present general detailrof the sample of Jewish teenagers who completed the questionnaires.2' Of the 245 teenagers for whom completed questionnaires were rgceived, about 6o per cent were males. Both sexes were fairly evenly distributed amongst the age levels included in the study (Table III); the low proportion of i8-year-olds suggests, however, that they. may have been under- represented.

TABLE 111. The teenage sample by age levels

Boys Girls Total Age (per ceni) (per cent) (per cent)

I3years 17 ''7 . . 17 14 ,, . 19 13 i6 15 55 20 17 16 18 :.. 25 21 17 ,, 19 17 is 7 10

Total teenage sample (= 100%) 1 46 99 : 245

Most of the results that follow are classified by sex and, age group, since, as we have seen, earlier studies have shown age and sex to be major factors influencing leisure activity. patterns. We also hoped to relate leisure activities to the typë of school attended (at present or previously), as well as to present occupation. However, Table IV indicates that the vast majority of these teenagers attended the grammar- technical-independent group of schools and very fes attended secondary modern schools. In view of the small numbers included in the latter category, no meaningful comparisons could b&d'rawn on the basis of type of school attended. These considerations apply equally to the present occupation of teenagers, since most were still at school (Table V). Problems of a similar nature were met in relation to the home background of the teenagers sampled. Some, 75 per cent of the teenagers' fathers were (or had been prior to death or retirement) in the professional, managerial, and .tecihnical'occupational group. A further 9 per cent were shopkeepefs or wholesalers, and the remainder were skilled workers or in service trades. No teenagers in the sample had fathers who were unikilled or seniiskilled worker's.22 This meant that our data on the leisure puishits of teenagers could not be ihterpteted in terms of their paienth'. occiipati'oñal:status: In i. similar way, the uniformly 247. ADRIAN ZIDERMAN high:level of household amenities available to most of the teenagers (Table VI) prevented the use of this proxy for affluence as an explanatory variable.23

TABLE iv. The teenage sample by type of school attended

School attended Boys Girls (per cent) (per cent)

Secondary grammar 52 50 Secondary technical or commercial 5 4 Comprehensive 7 9 Secondary modem 10 16 Public or independent day 22 20 Public or independent boarding 3 0 Other I ± Total teenage sample (=i00%) '46 99

Non-Jewish School 89 92 Jewish School. ii 8

Total teenage sample (= i00%) 146 99

TABLE V. The teenage sample by present occupation

Boys Present occvpotion Girls (per cent) (per cent)

Attending school 76 72 Full time higher or further education 12 15 Working, full time 9 Ia At work but studying part time 3 0

Total teenage sample (= 100%) 146 99

TABLE vi. Household amenities available

(per cent) Live in entire house 87 Have own room 91 T.V. in house gg Telephone in house 99 At least one car in household 82 At least two can in household 31

Total teenage sample (=100%) 245

In sum, there was a considerable degree of homogeneity in the teenage sample as regards school and home background. A very much larger, more broadly based, survey would be necessary if it were desired to say something useful about the influence of these particular background factors. The two sections that now follow, and which consfitute the core of the paper, contain details of the pattern of leisure activities of the teenage sample and of the extent of their youth club niemberships. Where p05- 248 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS sible, comparisons will be drawn between the present results and those of other surveys, though it is important to bear in mind the limitations, mentioned earlier, of this approach.

IV. THE PATTERN OF LEISURE ACTIVITIES Evening leisure activities The teenagers were asked to specify how they had spent each evening during the seven days before completing the questionnaire. Their replies are summarized in Tables VII—XIII. Among other results we show figures for the 'average number of evenings' spent in various activities. The term 'evening' carried a pre- cise meaning in the questionnaire; for example, the children knew whether or not they had 'been out' during a given evening. When combining the various replies to give the average number of evenings spent in a particular way, we decided to give the results to one decimal place, even though the concept of a fraction of an 'evening' is a little strange. It should be emphasized that no attempt was made to measure the actual number of hours per evening spent on the various activities. In the present paper, the average number of evenings devoted to an activity is given by the ratio:

sum of the number of 'evenings' spent by each respondent in the group number of respondents in the group The general pattern of these activities is presented in Table VII. The table indicates that older teenagers on average spend more evenings on leisure activities out of the home than those aged 13-15; the differences between boys and girls were probably not significant. The average number of evenings spent at home by both boys and girls in the 13-15 age group was 52; this figure falls to 4.6 for the 16-18 year old girls, and to 41 for the older boys. Although carried out as long ago as 1947, the Social Survey's investigation of house space utilization showed broadly similar average figures for evenings spent in the home during a particular week. Boys and girls aged 10-14 years spent an average of 56 and evenings at home respectively. For boys and girls aged i—ig years these figures fell to 37 and 43 respectively.24 Both studies were carried out during winter months, a factor which may have contributed to the general agreement between the two sets of figures. Tables VIII and IX give fuller details of the number of evenings spent at home by the respective age-sex groups. Table VIII shows that most boys and girls in the younger age group spent —6 evenings at home, while most of the 16-18 year olds spent only 3-4 evenings there. The teenagers were also asked how they usually spend Friday evenings (the Jewish Sabbath evening). While Table IX indicates that virtually 249

- ADRIAN ZIDERMAN

alt the.teenagers in the.sample usually spend Friday evening athothe with their families; a number felt inclined to write in on the question naire in a space provided for respondents' comments that this had no religious significance.

TABLE vu. Evening activities during the week prior to completing the questionnaire Boys Girls aged aged aged aged Evening actiuiey 13-15 z6—iB 13-15 16-18 (evenings) (evenings) (evenings) (evenings) Stayed at home 52 41 52 46 SVent out: to work o oi o oI to attend evening classes - 0 02 0' . 01 for leisure and other activities 18 26 17 23 Total evenings 70 7.0 - 70 70 Total number of teenagers in - sample 77 69 52 47

TABLE VIII. Number of evenings spent at home during the week

* Girls J\(unber of eiienings spent at home aged Boys aged aged aged ,n week prior to completing 13-15 iC—iS 13-15 i6-i8 questionnaire (per cent) (per cent) (per cent) (per cent)

None . - I 3 - 0 0 Ior2 3 12 - 0 2 30r4 26 45 29 49 5or6 48 33 Go 45 - Every evening 22 7 ii 4 Total teenage sample (= i00%) 77 Gg. , 52 47

TABLE IX. Activity on Friday evenings Friday evening activity (per cent) Usually spent at home with family gG Usually not spent at home with family 4 - Total teenage sample (= i00%) 245

It- is clear from Tabks Vil—IX that the teenagers in our sample spend the majority of evenings at home. Since only some 12 per cent of the respondents were not studying full-time (Table -V), we may infer that studying ;ook up a large part of the evenings spent in the home. It may well be the case that teenagers studying full-time rarely have time to go out in the evenings, and consequently develop interests and hobbies that can be followed in the home. But there is also the possi- kilit' that much of their spare time in the evenings is spent watching T.V. or generally idling. A detailed breakdown of evening activities in the- home :would have been of considerble interest, but the need to 250 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS restfict the questionnaire to manageable length prevented . us from investigating this aspect of teenagers' leisure activity. On the other hand, we were able to examine in detail the pattern of evening leisure activities outside the home, during the week prior to completing the questionnaire. Table X shows the average number of evenings spent on math classes of leisure activity on those evenings that the teenagers went out. The most popular activities were: dancing and general youth club activities (particularly for the older boys); visits to the cinema, theatre and other shows; and visiting relatives and friends.

TABLE X. Average number of evenings spent on each main type of leisure activity, during week prior to completing questionnaire

Boys Girls aged aged aged aged Leisure activity 13-15 i6—,8 13 15 '6—sO (evenings) (evenings) (evenings) (evenings) Outdoor activities, including playing outdoor games, walking, etc. 0! 0' 0 02 Watching sports 0t O•l 0 0 Cinema/theatre/shows of all kinds 04 04 04 o6 Dancing and all general youth or social club activities excluding in/outdoor games 04 I•I 06 o6 . Visiting friends or relatives 03 04 05 05 Indoor games.including those at clubs 03 01 0•9 - 0 Synagogue/learning Hebrew or religious instruction 0I 0 0 0I B. Listening to music/singing/playing instn,mcnts, records 02 02 01 0' g. Parties o ol oi 0I Average number of evenings spent on all leisure activities zB 26 17 23 Total number of teenagers in sample

The results for the older group may be compared vith those from the Crowther Report's Social Survey investigation, some of which are re- produced in Table XI. Details are included only for the grammar and technical school leavers of the Social Survey sample,25 the group closest to our Jewish teenage sample. The two surveys differ in that far greater interest was shown in outdoor activities by the Social Survey respondents, particularly the boys, than by our own. This difference may reflect the fact that the Jewish Teenage Leisure Survey was held in November whilst the Social Survey investigation relates to summer months. However, while the survey by Thelma Veness26 also showed sport to be important, particularly for boys, sport was not found to be an important activity in the study by Evans.2 '

251 ADRIAN ZIDERMAN

TABLE :xi. A. comparisonof leisure attiuities. duringa.specfied thee/c with/hole in the 'Crowther Report' Social Survey Sample .

Jewish fleeing1 Leisure 'Crowther Report' Social Survey Survey investigation Leisure activity Boys Girls (Grammar and Technical aged aged Schools Sample) 16-18 '6—tO Boys Girls (evenings) (evenings) (evenings) (evenings) i. Outdoor activities including playing outdoor games, walking, cycling, etc. 0-1 02 Watching sports (too 064 Cinema/theatre/shows of all kinds 04 oS 084 082 Dancing and all general youth or social club activities, excluding in/outdoor games 1-1 o6 092 070 Visiting friends or relatives 04 t.05 048 069 Indoor games including those at clubs Ol 0 017 007 *Synagogue/learning Hebrew or religious instruction o oi 018 029 Listening to music/singing/playing instruments, records 02 01 017 013 tParties 01 - 0I - 019 025 Average number of evenings spent on all leisure activities 26 23 4•O 3-6

Total number of teenagers in sample 6q 47 565 520 In the 'Crowther Report Social Survey investigation this activity group was described as 'Church/chapel, etc./religious activities'. I - In - the 'Crowther Report' Social Survey investigation this activity was described as 'Miscellaneous activities'.

Synagogue attendance Although most of the information sought on leisure related to evening activities during a particular week, two questions of a- more general nature were included in the questionnaire, concerning the frequency of attendance at the synagogue and the type of aimual holiday taken. The frequency of synagogue attendance of the four sex-age groups is shown in Table XII. Two features stand out from this table. First, the attendance figure for boys in both age groups is very much higher than that for girls; as thany as four-fifths of girls aged 16-1 8 hardly ever attend synagogue. This first finding is not altogether surprising in view of the considerably more active role assigned to the male in Jewish religious life. Secdnd, the number of boys and girls who attend the synagogue 'at least once a week' falls off markedly with age. In conse- -qilence, the proportion who attend 'only occasionally' is greater for the 16-18 year old age group than for the 13-15 year olds. The decline of synagogue attendance with age seems to be paralleled in other surveys by falling church attehdanbe. In a survey undertaken by the B.B.C. into the habits and attitudes ofsttidents in technical colleges and colleges for further education, regular attendance at a place of worship declined distinctly with age. 28 The Cardiff survey of youth and leisure also shows a decline in church attendance which, however, revived sharply after 252 LETSURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS reaching its 'lov'est Ipoint at the age .of 17 years. In contrast,; oth.et surveys do hot support our findings that boys attend religious services more frequently than girls, but indicate the, dppösite tendency. The survey of members of youth clubs by Evans reported that more girls than boys had a church connexion,30 while the studies of school leavers by Carter3' and Veness'2 both show a higher church attendance for girls than boys. Similar findings were obtained in the B.B.C. survey of technical college students33 and the Cardiff study ofyouth and leisure.3 '

TABLE xii. Frequency of synagogue attendance

Boys Girls aged aged aged aged Synagogue attendance 13-15 i6i8 1315 i6—i8 (per cent) (per cent) (per cent) (per cent)

At least once a week 44 28 27 .6- About once a month 23 16 - 15 15 Only occasionally, e.g., for a Bar,nitsvah or High Holidays 30 56 56 70 Never I 0 2 9 Total teenage sample (= 100%)

Annual holiday -. Over ,g2 per cent of the teenage sample took an annual holiday in the twelve mbnths preceding the time of the Survey; Table XIII gives fuller details of annual holidays taken, by age group and sex. Over a third of boys in both age groups took part in organized holidays; compared with 17 per cent of the younger girls and only 4 per cent of the older girls. To some extent these domparatfve figures fefiect those for youth organization membership, discussed in the following Section, and which show a verS' much greater degree of club membership for boys than for girls, with the comparison becoming particularly unfavourable for the older age group.

TABLE Xiii. Annual holidays

Boys Gir/s aged aged aged aged Holiday taken last year 1315 '6—i8 i-i iC—iS (per cent) (per cent) (per cent)- (per cent)

Holidays through an organization 17 9' Privately arranged holiday 73 83 No holiday taken 8 6 10 8

Total teenage sample (= 100%)

Over go per cent of the respondents took an annual holiday; this compares with a figure of only 50 per cent in ig6o for across-section of Cardiff youth.35 Further, relatively few of those taking a holiday in the Cardiff survey did so with their school or club,, and those were mainly 253 ADRIAN ZIDERMAN

in the younger age group. The latter survey shows that in the 15-16 age group, the family is the most commonS holiday group, followed by friends; at 17 friends rival the family, and at 18 they have supplanted the family as the main holiday group. 36 Our present survey, however, did not ask respondents to distinguish between privately arranged holidays taken with the family and those taken with friends.

V. THE EXTENT OF CLUB MEMBERsHIP A series of more detailed questions was included in the questionnaire relating to membership of youth organizations. In particular, the teenagers were asked: 'Are you at present a member of any clubs of various types, youth movements, aid societies or other organized group?' They were also asked to indicate the various types of clubs to which they belonged. Tables XIV—XVII present these results. Summary figures are given in Table XIV, which indicates the wider extent of club membership at the time of the survey among boys (72 per cent, with only 53 per cent for girls); the table also shows that of those who were club members, boys tended, on average, to belong to more clubs than girls. A further breakdown of these results by age group confirms these results (Table XV). Club membership 'is more prevalent among boys than girls for both age groups considered; further, while girls' club membership seems relatively stable with age (at 53-54 per cent) club membership for the older boys is actually higher (75 pefcent) than for the young boys (69 per cent).

TABLE xiv. Extent of club membership

Club membership Boys Girls (per cent) (per cent) Present club membership Belong to one club 36 36 two clubs 22 9 three clubs g 4 four or more clubs 5 4 Total, at present club members 72 53 Members of clubs once but not now iB 32 Never been a club member 10 15

Total teenage sample (=i00%) 146 99

TABLE xv. Club membership related to age

Boys Girls aged aged aged aged Club membership 13-15 '6-ia 13-15 ,6-i8 (per cent) (per cent) (per cent) (per cent) At present a member 69 75 54 53 Non-member 31 25 46 47 Total (= teenage sample i00%) 77 69 52 47 254 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS How far are these findings corroborated by those of other surveys of teenage leisure and club membership? Generally speaking, the club membership figures in our survey are somewhat higher than those found in other surveys. These surveys do on the whole confirm our findings of a wider membership of clubs among boys than girls, but they are ambiguous on the effect of age upon club membership—if anything, they tend to report club membership falling off with age, although less so for boys than girls. We consider relevant findings from a selection of these surveys in the next few paragraphs. The Newsom Report survey found that rather more than half of all boys and girls did not belong to any club or society, whether school- based or organized by an outside body.37 Pearl Jepheott's survey amongst 14-17 year olds showed that about one in every three children sampled belonged to a youth organization in each of the areas investigated.38 The inquiry showed that a larger percentage of boys than girls belonged to these organizations. Nearly half the boys and only a quarter of the girls were members, and there was some decline in membership with age, which was rather greater for boys than for girls.29 The 196o survey of Cardiff youth found that one third of the total sample belonged to youth clubs, with membership declining with age from 41 per cent at 15 and 16, to only 23 per cent at 18. 0 In this study, too, club membership patterns differed with age and sex. A larger percentage of boys than girls were club members. About half of the 15 year old girls were members, but they appeared to lose interest rapidly as they grew older, until only 15 per cent were members at 18.41 Boys' allegiance to youth clubs also fell somewhat with age, but considerably less rapidly than for girls.42 In the sample of schoolchildren investigated by Thelma Veness in School Leaver:, girls outnumber boys in non-membership of clubs outside school.43 For girls, the percentage not belonging to clubs was related to type of school attended (over half of those attending modern schools did not belong to clubs), although this relationship did not hold for boys. The Social Survey investigation for the Crowther Report also found that club membership was higher for boys than girls.44 Table XVI compares the extent of club membership amongst the 16-18 year olds in the grammar and technical school sample of the latter survey with that of the 16-18 year olds in our survey;45 these two groupings are broadly analogous, given the very small numbers in our sample attending secondary modern schools. The table indicates a remarkably similar pattern of club membership for the sub-samples of the two surveys, even though the size of our own sample was considerably smaller than that of the Social Survey investigation. We now turn to consider the type as well as the number of clubs to which the teenagers in our sample belong (Table XVII). Notable features of the table are the importance of general Jewish youth clubs 255 ADRIAN ZIDERMAN among all groups (except.-the older: girls), the higher membership of sports clubs by boys of all ages, and of college soéieties by the older boys. The lack of extensive membership of dancing clubs shovin for the older girls is surprising, given the popularity of this type of club amongst the older boys in the sample. The final line of the table strengthens our earlier finding that club membership is more extensive for boys than girls, but particularly in the older age group. The importance of general youth clubs shown in the table has been confirmed in most of the major surveys, referred to earlier; indeed, in drawing comparisons between her 1946-7 and 1958 investigations, Mary Stewart shows that youth club membership had actually risen in every. age group considered.46 Past'studies also generally confirm our finding that boys belong to more sports clubs than girls. On the other hand, there is no evidence in earlier surveys of considerably higher dancing club membership for boys than girls. If anything, the opposite seems to be the case, in some surveys dahcing club membership was mentioned almost exclusively by girls.47

- TABLE XVI. Club membership of i6-.i8 year olds

tCrowther ReporC Social Survey Jewish Teenage Leisure investigation Survey (Grammar and Club membership Boys Girls Technical Schools (per cent) (per cent) Sample) Boys Girls (per cent) (per cent) Present club membership Belong to one club 24 33 35 32 ,, ,, two clubs 29 6 22 15 three clubs 13 6 . 12 7 four or more clubs 6 11 ±9 8 1 Total at present club members 75 53 77 56 Members.of clubs once but not now 20 38 19 35 Never been a club member - - - Total teenage sample (= 100%) 69 47 353 277

One shortcoming of the;pre-coded classificatory scheme adopted to describe the various types of clubs (Table XVII) is that it does not enable us to distinguish the Jewish clubs from the others in all cases. Such a distinction would 3rovide some indication of the extent to which Jewish teenagers in our sample were spending their leisure time with otherJewish teenagers in a Jewish environment, rather than associating with teenagers generally. Apart from the Jewish general youth clubs and the specifically Jewish youth movements, one cannot say how many of the other types of clubs mentioned were Jewish ones, although it seems probable that the charity and aid societies were mainly Jewish. On the other hand, the extensive membership of-Jewish youth mcive- ments and general Jewish.youth clubs (and the virtual lack of non-Jewish 256 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS

TABLE XVII. .Mimber of clubs tnentioned of djffereizl types to which teenagers belOnged Boys Girls Type of club aged aged aged aged 13-15 i6-i8 1-15 iC-rB Jewish youth movement, e.g. Habonim g 6 7 6 General youth club (Jewish)—stsch as A.J.Y. clubs 31 26 14 5 General youth club (non-Jewish) .0 2 0 0 Scouts/cadets/Red Cross (or similar uniformed group) 6 2 Charity or aid society 6 i 7 Sports club 13 15 - 4 5 Dancing only 6 38 6 8 College student clubs/societies 3 17 2 3 C.N.D., etc. I I I 0

Total clubs mentioned 7' 97 37 35

Total number of club members 53 52 28 25 Average club membership per club member (A/B) 1-3 iS 13 1-4

Total number of teenagers in sample 77 69 52 47 Average club membership (A/C) 09 14 07 07 general youth club membership) does suggest that our respondents— particularly the younger ones—were spcnding. thuch of their leisure time with other Jewish teenagers.

VI. CONCLUDING REMARKS We have emphasized earlier that the pilot survey reported in this paper was never intended to provide conclusive results relating to Jewish teenagers generally; rather,.it was our aim to use this Willesden- based investigation as a methodological testing ground for a larger and more representative sample survey, to be carried out over a wider geographical area. A large-scale survey of this type that is representative of the Jewish community as a whole might perhaps corroborate the findings presented in this paper; but we cannot at this stage draw general conclusions from our results until further work has been darned out in .other contrasting areas However what can be said more dc- finitely is that the very favourable response achieved by our ptesent survey augurs well for the success of future field investigations within the Anglo-Jewish community. Apart from the detailed investigation of Jewish teenagers' leisure- time activity during a particular week, the main attention of the Survey was directed to examining the extent and pattern of their membership. of youth organizations. This emphasis was felt to be justified for two, main reasons. The, problems confronting the 'unattached', that is; young people who are unattached to any youth organization, has received much public attention in recent years, particularly following the publication 25.7- ADRIAN ZIDERMAN

of the Albemarle Report on the youth service;48 these problems have been further highlighted more recently by the publication of Mary Morse's book, The Unattached, which provides a fascinating insight into the world of the unattached. The Albemarle Report showed that in ig6o the youth service attracted only 30 per cent of young people in its 15-20 years age range, and considered it reasonable to aim to raise this proportion to 45 per cent.50 We were interested in learning something of the problem of the unattached within the Jewish community, whether it differed in extent from that of the general community, and if so, in which respects. This comparative approach has been stressed throughout the paper. As it turned out, while there were relatively fewer unattached youth in our own sample of teenagers than appears to be the case for the country as a whole, our results do accord fairly well with those for non-Jewish teenagers with similar backgrounds. But there is a more particular meaning that can be given to the term 'unattached' in the context of our present Survey: it can refer to those Jewish teenagers who choose to detach themselves from Jewish institu tions and activities and prefer to mix exclusively with the community at large. At the present time, fewer than 2,500 teenagers attend Jewish secondary schools,51 very small numbers receive any form of Jewish education after the age of thirteen, and synagogue attendance loses much of its attraction for teenagers as they grow older. Hence, the importance of Jewish youth clubs and other youth organizations in fostering, through their various educational and cultural activities, a positive sense of Jewish values amongst Jewish teenagers, or at least, in providing a medium through which young Jews may find some form of identification with the Jewish community at large.

APPENDIX: SOCIAL BACKGROUND The questionnaire included questions about parental occupation, parental education, and other aspects of the family background, since we hoped to relate the teenagers' leisure activity to their home background. As we saw earlier, this was prevented by the small size of the sample as well as by the relative lack of heterogeneity in social background. On the other hand, these questions did yield a great deal of interesting information about the social background of the teenagers, and this appendix presents tabulations of these results. Completed questionnaires were obtained from 201 households, some of which included more than one respondent; in order to avoid double counting when more than one questionnaire was received from a household, only the questionnaire completed by the eldest of the children was included in the tabulations. It is important to emphasize that the following results relate to a relatively narrow section of London Jewish households, that is, those that are members of United Synagogues in Willesden and have teenage children. 258 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS

Parent? occupation and education The teenagers were asked to state the present, or most recent past, occupation of their father; they were also asked to describe briefly the nature of his work. The most frequently mentioned occupation, by far, was that of company director; no less than 38 per cent of the fathers were described as managing or company directors. It was clear, however, from the teenagers' descriptions of these occupations that their fathers were predominantly proprietors of small business concerns. Other occupations mentioned, in order of importance, were: accountants (4 per cent); pharmacists (3 per cent); hair- dressers (3 per cent); and solicitors (2 per cent). This high proportion of company directors in the household sample compares well with a figure of some 30 per cent of regular male Jewish Chronicle readers, aged over 16 years of age, who hold directorships in private companies.62 The occupations of fathers were classified according to the General Register Office's socio-economic groupings of 1951 ;55 the result is shown in Table '. The most striking feature of this table is the very high percentage of the fathers (over 75 per cent) in the 'administrative, professional and managerial' groupings.

TABLE z. Occupation offather Socio- Occupation economic Per group cent Non Manual: Higher administrative, professional, and managerial 3 15 Other administrative, professional, and managerial (including teachers and salaried staff) 4 62 Shopkeepers (including proprietors and managers of wholesale businesses) 5 9 Clerical workers 6 2 Sales Assistants 7 2 Personal Service 8 Manual: Foremen 9 I Skilled workers 10 3 Semi- and unskilled workers II, 12 0 No information on occupation: 3 Total (= z00%) 201 ' Deceased or retired fathers are classified in their last occupation.

The occupations were further classified into broad 'occupational groups' as shown in Table 2, which also contains details of the 1951 Census occupational distribution of men aged between 35 and 5454 (the age groups that probably correspond mostclosely to thoseof the fathers of the teenaEesample). Clearly the comparison is to some extent a forced one because the distributions relate to different time periods.55 Even so, the comparison is reveal- ing, since 77 per cent of the fathers in the Jewish Teenage Survey were in the professional and managerial group compared with a national figure of only 14 per cent. Equally striking is the lack of manual workers in our present survey compared with 63 per cent for the comparable age groups in the population as a whole. 259 ADRIAN ZIDERMAN

TABLE 2. Occupational groups of fathers compared with /951 Census of Population distribution Jewish e Te nage England and Watts, Occupational groups of fathers - Socio-Economic Group LeimTe hiales Occupied or Retired Sunej (Census r,), aged 3j-.54 (per cent) (per cent)

Professional and Managerial 3, 4 77 - 1 4 Cleiical and other non-manual 5,6, 7 13 12 Skilled manual 9, 10 4 42 Semi-skilled and unskilled manual ii, 12 0 23 Remainder ', 2,8, 13, 14, 6 9 15, '6

All groups (=i00%) 30' 61 million

Table 3 contains data relating to the main occupation of the respondents'. mothers. 31 per cent of the mothers were at work; either full-time or part-. time, in close agreement with the national average of 32 per cent for the proportion of married women at work. Such a comparison is somewhat misleading in view of the limited age range of the mothers in our sample. A more meaningful standard of comparison would be the national percentage of married women at work between the ages of 35 and 54, the probable age range of the teenagers' mothers considered in our study. In 1963, there were 2,437,000 married women aged between 35 and 54 at work in Great Britain," and they constituted 42 per cent of the total number of married women in that age group;57 this compares with the significantly lower figure of 3' per cent in our sample. 58

TABLE 3. Main daytime activity of mol/zer .Dajtime actiuity Per cent At work full-time 14 At work part-time 17 Full-time housewife 69

Total (=,00%) 201

The teenagers were asked to indicate the highest level of education achieved by their parents, and these results are found in Table 4. A quarter of all fathers had university or ptofessional qualifications, while at the other extreme only some 15 per cent of parents went no further than an elementary education. However, there is some reason to suppose that the teenagers completing the questionnaires were not always able to classify accurately the level of education achieved by their parents, and hence these results should; be treated cautiously, flarticularly ,- the rather low figures for elementary education. -- - - . - - -

260 LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS

TABLE 4. Educational background of parents

Father Mother level ofeducatiOnzchieved Highest (per cent) (per cent) Elementary. 14 .. :16 Secondary 42 50 Technical/commercial - 13 20 University or professional qualification 25 9 Education level not known 6

Total (=i00%) 20' 201

Household amenities The affluence of the Willesden Jewish families was reflected in the high level of household amenities available: 85 per cent of these families li'.'ed in an entire house (Table ), while virtually all.households had a T.V. set and a telephone. - -

TABLE 5. Type of. accommodation Accommodation ( per cent) Live in an entire house 85 Live in seIf.containedflat 13 Live in non.seII.contained flat - 2

Total households (= i00%) 201

Car ownership, too, was very high. Only a fifth of the families studied.di4 not own a car, compared with 36 per cent in the Jewish Chtonicle Household Survey;59 over 30 per cent had more than one car..

TABLE 5. Car ownership

Jewish Teenage 196? Jewish Chronicle' Car ownership Leisure Survey Household &trvcj (per cent) (per cent) Houscho!ds having: One car 48 52 Qcarsormorc 31 12 No cars 2! 36

Total households (= i00%) 201 519

The pattern of car ownership revealed in Table 6 indicates a very high average car ownership of iii cars per household, comparing with a general level of car ownership in London of only 042 per household.°°

261 ADRIAN ZJDERMAN NOTES 1 The Survey was carried out on be- Psychology, Vol. 20, Part i, Feb. i9o; half of the Jewish Youth Organizations' The Leisure Activities of School Children, Secretaries' Committee, under the W.E.A., s96o. Other studies confined auspices of the Board of Deputies of to teenage leisure activities include: British Jews. A large number of people H. E. 0. James and F. T. Moore, assisted with the Survey in its various 'Adolescent Leisure in a Working Class stages, particularly Mr. M. Goldstein, District', Occupational Psychology, Part I, General Secretary of the Association for Vol. i, no. 3, July 2940; Part II, Vol. Jewish Youth and members of the 18, no. i, January ig.; A. Crighton, Jewish students' society at the London E. James and F. Wakeford, 'Youth and School of Economics. Dr. Margaret Leisure in Cardiff', The Sociological Re- Ager of the London School of Economics view, Vol. to, no. 2, July 1962; K. M. kindly commented on a first draft of this Evans, Club Members Today, Report paper; the author alone, however, is re- issued by the National Association of sponsible for what is said in the paper. Mixed and Girls Clubs, i96o. 2 A short but vivid account of the 10 Report of the Central Advisory growth and present decline of the area is Council for Education (England), 's to given by Meir Persoff in the Jewish '8 (The Crowther Report), Vol. II (Sur- Chronicle Supplement, 29 October 1965. veys), H.M.S.O., 1960. The report was Detailed male membership figures of concerned with the pattern of general the four United Synagogues sited in the and specialized education of boys and area are as follows: girls between 15 and 18. 1950 1955 1960 1964 "Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education (England), Brondesbury 528 514 402 333 Half Cricklewood 742 762 700 653 Our Future (The Newsom Report), Dollis Hill 617 626 640 587 H.M.S.O., 1963. This report considered, Willesden 748 732 723 683 within a broad context, the education of pupils aged ig to '6 of average and less Total member- - than average ability. ship 2,625 2,633 2,454 2,256 " M. P. Carter, Education, Employ- ment and Leisure, London, 196; a more In fact, there are no Liberal or Re- extended version of the study is conform synagogues in the area, although tained in the same author's Home, School the area does have a number of sht ic/il; and Work, London, 1962. the only non-United Synagogue of any 11 Thelma Veness, School Leaven, size is the Ohel Shem, a constituent London, '962. member of the Federation of Synagogues. 14 For an account of this Survey, see 'Time and cost considerations mili- Phyllis C. Allen, 'Evening Activities in tated against contacting all of the non- the Home', The Sociological Review, Vol. responding households by personal visit. XLIII, ig,. 6 For a fuller discussion of the relative 15 Pearl Jephcott, Some Young People, merits of mail questionnaires and inter- London, 1954. views, see C. A. Moser, Survey Methods of " The Youth Service in England and Social Investigation, London, 198, Chap- Wales (The Albemarle Report), Cmd. ters X and XI. 929, H.M.S.O., '96o, p. 14. The Report See Moser, op. cit., pp. 278-82, for notes that there is evidence to show that a discussion of factors favouring a high physiological maturity is occurring response rate to mail questionnaires. earlier and earlier as the century pro- An extensive, though incomplete, gresses. In the U.S.A., for example, the bibliography of relevant studies is con- average age at which puberty occurs has tained in the booklet Girls at Leisure, by been getting steadily earlier, at the rate of Jalna Hanmer, published in 1964 by the between * and j year for each decade of London Union of Clubs and the London the present century. Young Women's Christian Association. 17 Op. cit., p. s. ° Mary Stewart, The Leisure Activities 18 Op. cit., P. 5. of School Children, W.E.A., 2948; 'The is op. cit., P. 22. Leisure Activities of Grammar School - the type of school attended Children', British Journal of Educational produces at least as great differences in 262

LEISURE OF JEWISH TEENAGERS•

the proportion belonging to clubs as does 36 Ibid. sex, and indeed . . . girls with grammar ' Newsom Report, op. cit., P. 48. and technical school backgrounds show 80 Jephcott, op. cit., pp. 69-70, 105. at least as high a proportion of club 30 In the 14—I5yearsagegroup,47per membership as do boys from modern or cent of boys and 24 per cent of girls were all-age schools.' 15 to i8 (The Crowther members; these percentage figures fell to Report), Vol. II, op. cit., p. 81. 45 and 20 respectively for the i 6—i 7 year 21 Access to the London School of olds. These findings are derived from Economics' I.B.M. io computer con- Appendix!!, Table I, op. cit., pp. 16o—i. siderably expedited the task of analysing Crighton, James, and Wakeford, the completed questionnaires. The help Op. cit., P. 214. and advice of Miss M. Cowell, the L.S.E. 41 Ibid., p. 214. computer operator, is gratefully acknow- 42 Ibid., p. 213. ledged. It should be noted that in some 13 Op. cit., p. 120. of the tables presented in this paper, the 44 Op. cit., p. 81. Type of school percentage breakdowns do not always attended produced significantly different add up to ioo per cent owing to rounding. club membership patterns: in the gram- 22 The Appendix contains a fuller mar and technical school sample 79 per analysis of parental occupation. centof the boys and6oper centofthegirls 23 These results may partly reflect the were members of one or more clubs, as relative affluence of Willesden Jewish compared with 56 per cent of the boys families as contrasted, for example, with and 35 per cent of the girls forming the those living in North London or the East modern school sample. End; on the other hand, they may also "The data for the Social Survey in- reflect the particular position of Jewish vestigation have been derived from Table families as a whole in relation to the 32 of the Crowther Report, op. cit., p. general population. 90. 24 These figures are derived from 48 Mary Stewart (igfio), op. cit., p. ii. Phyllis C. Allen, op. cit., P. 7. This was not true for i i and 12 year old 23 op. cit., pp. 93-4. grammar school pupils who, however, 26 Veness, op. cit., p. ii6. fall outside the age range with which our 27 Evans, op. cit. present survey is concerned. 28 This survey is reported in the book- " Veness, op. cit., p. 120. let Survey, by Alan Hancock, London, 48 Op. cit. A number of measures have 2964; it formed part of the preliminary followed the Government's acceptance of research for a series of educational pro- the Report's main recommendations, in- grammes. cluding the financial strengthening of the 20 Crighton, James, and Wakeford, youth service, an increase in the pro- op. cit., p.2l1. vision of facilities, the establishment of 30 Evans, op. cit. 95 per cent of girls the Youth Service Development Council, and 81 per cent of boys had a church and the introduction of a long-term connexion. scheme for the training of professional 31 Carter (1963), op. cit., P. I I9. youth leaders. 32 Veness, op. cit., pp. 258-9. " Mary Morse, The Unattached, Har- " The replies of 2,500 students, aged mondsworth, 1965. mainly between 16 and 18, to a question " Op. cit., P. 134. on average frequency of attendance at ' For details of numbers of Jewish church or other place of worship, were as primary and secondary schools in Britain follows: and Ireland, see Dr. J. Braude's biennial AIde Female survey in the Jewish Chronicle, 6 August (per cent) (per cent) 1965, p. 12. No answer , 32 Derived from the Jewish Chronicle Never 37 15 Household Survey, conducted in 1962 by Occasionally 38 41 Research Services Ltd; this sampled 5'9 Ahout once a month 8 13 Jewish Chronicle About once a week 17 30 households to which the was delivered. 100 '00 "Definitions of socio-economic "Op. cit., P. 211. groups are given in the General Register 35 Crighton, James, and Wakeford, Office's Classjfication of Occupations 1950, Op. cit., P. 212. H.M.S.O., '950. 263 ADRIAN ZIDERMAN

" Derived from 15 to'S (the Crôwther cards, isofomewhat narrower scope and Rep&t);Vol. II, op; cit., p. xii.- does not relate to all married women- at Occupational tabulations relating work; in particular, employers and the to the ig6i Census were not yet available self-employed choosing not to hold at the time of writing. National Insurance cards are excluded Ministry of Labour Gazette,June 1954, from the published figurS. See C. M. P. 237. Stewart, 'Future Trends in the Employ- ' The 4nnualAbstract of Statistics, 1964, meñt of Women', The British Journal of shows that there were 5,955,000 married Sociology, Vol. XII; No. i, March ig6i.: women in Great Britain in 1963 aged 69 Op. cit. between 35 and 54. - °° London Traffic Survey, ip&j, which re- 58 Even these two percentage figures lates to car ownership in 1962. An are not strictly comparable since the analogous figure for 1964 would, of national figure for married women at course, be somewhat higher in view of work, being derived as it is from the the steady extension of car ownership in annual exchange of National Insurance London during the intervening years.

264 CHRONICLE

Yonina Talmon, the Israeli sociologist, died on 27 April 1966 in Jerusalem: Professor Joseph Ben-David writes: Yonina Talmon was born in Petah Tiqvah in 1923. Petah Tiqvah is the oldest Zionist settlement and one of the major centres of citrus-growing in Israel. Yonina Talmon's parents, religious and well-to-do farmers, were leading members of their pioneering community; and the values attached to the land, the community, and religion which-Yonina Talmon absorbed in her childhood were to become the subject of her enquiries as a sociologist. The interests which she acquired in her youth were reinforced by the influence of Martin Buber, her main teacher at the Hebrew University. Under his supervision she conducted her first empirical social enquiry (on the mos/uwim) and wrote her Ph.D. thesis on time and space in primitive society. While her interests were in this fashion shaped by her background in Israel, her style as a sociologist was formed during a post-doctoral year (1950-1) at the London School of Economics, where she studied both sociology and, for the first time, social anthropology. On the basis of this experience she worked out a methodology which sought to harmonize the structural-functional approach of macro-sociology with hypotheses concerning the regularities of group interaction as they are to be perceived in small- scale field studies. Returning to Israel, she joined the teaching staff of the Sociology Depart- ment of the Hebrew University where, except for the years 1961-3, which she spent as a research fellow at Harvard, she continued to work until her death. Her main research, which began in 1964, was a study of the kibbutzim. To begin with, she concentrated on social stratification, ideology, and the organization of work, but she came later to focus her interests on more micro-sociological topics, especially the family in general, and in particular, the role of the wife, parent-child relationships, mate selection, and problems of youth and age. The results of her research appeared in a series of papers in Hebrew and in English, and during her last years she was working on a comprehensive book on the kibbutzim. Her work had too many sides to it to enable me to summarize it here, and I shall try to convey a rough idea of its significance by discussing very briefly a single topic, her work on mate selection. Thedevelopment of an informal kind of exogamy in the kibbutzim had already been noted by others, but Yonina Talmon was the first to show that this 'exogamy' was not a con- sciously accepted norm but the result of attitudes arising from the experience of young people. Furthermore, she found that the avoidance of marriage within the kibbutz was accompanied by both a reluctance to marry people from the city and a preference for marriage with members of other kibbutzim or of youth movements ideologically related to the home kibbutz; As children of a kibbutz grow up together, a tendency develops to suppress sexual attraction and intimate pair relationships which would be disruptive of the age group as a whole. On the other hand, marriage with young people 265 CHRONICLE

from the city would damage the continuity of the kibbutz movement. These conditions gradually changed the attitudes which had originally been in favour of intra-kibbutz marriage. Yonina Talmon proceeded to show that the marriage pattern which eventually arose fitted in perfectly with the place of the kibbutz in the total society. On the one hand, each kibbutz wants to maintain its identity; on the other hand, the kibbutzim regard themsélvé&as forming a modern ideological movement with an important message and function for society as a whole. The pattern of mate selection to have developed ensures rural continuity and yet maintains the social ties within the kibbutz movement and the wider ideological movement of which it is a part. (Cf. Yonina Talmon, 'Mate Selection in Collective Settlements', American Sociological Review, Vol. 29, no. 4, August 1964.) This research not only illuminates the marriage system of Israel but is a major contribution to our understanding of the relation between mechanisms of mate selection and general social structure in modern society. Yonina Talmon's death prevented the completion of her book on the kibbutz and the development of her work on the sociology of religion. That death removed from the ranks of the sociologists one of its best minds and richest personalities.

The Fifth Plenary Assembly of the World Jewish Congress met in Brussels on 31 July 1966. In addition to the delegates of Jewish communities in 57 countries there were representatives of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, of the International Labour Office, and of numerous other international bodies. Christian churches also sent representatives. The Deputy Prime Minister of Belgium, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Israel, and the ambassadors to Belgium of many nations attended the opening session. In his address at the opening session, Dr. Nahum Goldmann, President of the World Jewish Congress, briefly reviewed the problems faced by the Congress since its establishment in 1936. He commented: 'Our future no longer depends on the fight against antisemitism, on defence, on relief and philanthropy, on competition between organizations. It depends on searching for and discovering new values and sources of inspiration. It is vitally important for our survival to bring into the forefront of Jewish life and leadership the tens of thousands ofJewish intellectuals who are today indif- ferent to Jewish problems. . . .Just as in past.periods, the prophets and the rabbis, the scholars and thinkers were the real shapers of our destiny and the leaders of our people, we have to strive to re-establish a similar situation for today and tomorrow.' The Assembly held 19 sessions; there was a symposium on world peace and disarmament, a debate on cultural problems, a special discussion on Germans and Jews, and a symposium on human rights. In his closing address, on 9 August, Dr. Goldmann noted that the Assembly had been the most representative of all the Assemblies held by the Congress; Jews lived in some 62 countries, and nearly 5oo delegates had come from 57 countries. The fact that resolutions were adopted unanimously by the delegates 'proved beyond any doubt that despite the dispersion and the diversity of Jewish communities, the Jewish people was able to speak with one single voice'. CHRONICLE

The Governing Council of the World Jewish Congress met in London in May 1966 and .decided to establish the Institute ofJewish Affairs in London. Dr. S. J. Roth was appointed Director of the Institute. The Institute, a research body for contemporary Jewish affairs, has carried on its work in New York for the past 25 years. Its former director, Dr. Nehemiah Robinson, died in 1964. Some of the Institute's activities will continue in New York. The work carried out in London will fall particularly in the fields of antisemitism, neo-Nazism, Soviet Jewry, legal problems affecting the status of Jews, and sociological studies in various parts of the world. Dr. Roth has been active in the work of the World Jewish Congress for the past 20 years as Executive Director of the European Division of Congress and as General Secretary of its British Section. Many Jewish scholars and university teachers have agreed to serve on the Institute's Research Board, whose chairman is Sir Keith Joseph, M.P.

The Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture (which is the successor to the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany) announced last July that it had approved grants totalling about £400,000 for distribution to 200 institutions and individuals. 30 per cent of the grants was allocated to educational programmes in rabbinical seminaries, to teacher- training colleges, and for establishing chairs of Jewish studies in various universities. Another 30 per cent was allocated for the documentation of the Nazi Holocaust, and 40 per cent for research, publications, and fellowships. The Memorial Foundation has awarded approximately £so,000 to the Hebrew Department of University College London. This will enable the Hebrew Department to expand into a comprehensive centre for Jewish studies; it will be called the Department of Hebrew and Jewish Studies. Two new degree courses will be introduced: a B.A. Honours in Jewish history and a B.A. Honours in Hebrew Literature and Jewish history. The Department has enlisted the help of many distinguished scholars, who will participate in its research and publication programme.

The President of Yeshiva University, New York, has announced the establishment of a teachers' training college at the University; it will be named the Erna Michael College of Hebraic studies. Mr. Jakob Michael has given one and a quarter million dollars for the establishment of the College in memory of his late wife. The College will help to meet the acute shortage of qualified Jewish teachers; scholarships will be awarded to all students enrolling in the College, and they will be required to commit themselves to full-time employment in Jewish education for at least five years. The College will make use of experimental techniques in its teacher training programme; all students will go to Israel for a full year of study in their junior year. About Goo,000 children attend Jewish schools in the United States; this figure represents almost half of all school-age Jewish children.

A survey prepared by the United Nations Bureau of Statistics states that 1,300,000 Jews served in the Second World War on the Allied side. There

9 267 CHRONICLE were 500,000 in the American Army, 400,000 in the Red Army, 140,000 in the Polish Army, 86,000 in the French Army, 62,000 in the British Army, 40,000 in the Palestinian Forces and the Jewish Brigade, 16,000 in the Canadian Army, and 9,000 in the Greek Army; 7,000 served in the Belgian Army and the same number in the Dutch and in the Czech armies, while 3,000 Jews served in the Australian Army.

It was reported from New York in June 1966 that Orthodox, Conservative, and Liberal lay leaders have established a Community Council for 'the furtherance ofJewish religious commitment, encouragement ofJewish education, upholding of Jewish institutional life and utilization of Jewish education'. The new Council has the blessing of the New York Board of Rabbis; the President of the Board said that the Community Council would seek the 'utilization of mass media for the understanding and appreciation of the Jewish heritage to the total community and co-operation with city and State administration in matters affecting the Jewish community'.

The education department of the Joint Distribution Committee published in June 1966 the results of a survey of Jewish day schools and supplementary schools in western Europe (excluding Britain). Almost 40 per cent of Jewish children in the region (more than 50,000 out of i,000) attend one of these schools; this is an overall increase of about 13,000 children since 1959.. The figures are based on replies to a questionnaire sent to 40 day schools and more than 300 Talmud Torah and supplementary schools, including Ort trade schools, in Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, West• Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Holland, Italy, Luxemburg, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland.

The International Council of Jewish Women held its seventh triennial convention in London in May 1966. The convention was attended by 300 delegates and observers from sixteen countries. The theme of the convention was 'The Family'. At the previous convention, held in Cleveland in 1963, affiliates were asked to form sub-committees to study the status of women in Jewish law. With the advice and help of scholars and rabbis from many countries, a petition had been drawn up for presentation to world rabbinical authorities; the text of the petition was approved at the convention of May 1966. The petition requested that a 'rabbinical assembly find the means and interpretations in the Talmud and the Codes to overcome the disabilities of Jewish women in matters concerning Get, C/ralitca, Aguna, polygamy and inheritance'.

In an address to the British Women's Ort Convention in London in June i966, the Director-General of the World Ort Union said that the organization had produced 12,000 graduates during the past year. Some 48,000 people would be trained this year in schools in 24 different countries. This 268 CHRONICLE year's budget would amount to f million, of which 55 per cent would be spent in Israel, the Middle East, and India. Another speaker at the Convention noted that 50 per cent of the world's Ort trainees lived in Israel and that many new fields of training were being set up.

Rabbi Dr. M: Rosen, representing the Federation of Jewish Communities in Rumania; gave the following details at the Twelfth Session of the Fifth Plenary Assembly of the World Jewish Congress in Brussels. In 1939 there were more than Boo,000 Jews in Rumania; only half that number remained in 1945. Largely as a result of emigration to Israel, there are now only about 100,000 scattered among 70 communities. There are' 24 synagogues in Bucharest, all very well attended. In 1948 there had been Goo rabbis; now there are only three; and only 26 ritual slaughterers are available to serve the needs of 70 communities. - Dr. Rosen pointed out that the Jewish community in a socialist state is first and foremost a religious community; its former responsibilities in the social field (care of the aged and of the poor and the provision of schools) were taken over by the state. The Rumanian government shows great understanding for the religious needs of the Jews; matzot and space for the sale of kasher meat are available, and there are also possibilities for full-time Talmud Torahs. The Federation of Jewish communities publishes a bimonthly journal in Rumanian, Yiddish, and Hebrew; 'this is the only Hebrew-language paper in a socialist country', observed Dr. Rosen. He added that the paper received contributions from Jewish writers in the Soviet Union, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and other countries.

An Israeli mission went to Teheran in the spring to consider with the Iranian Beth Din and the heads of the country's Jewish Community reforms to improve the status of Jewish women in Iran. It was reported in April 1966 that agreement was reached on several points, including the following: i. Polygamy is to be banned. 2. A widow will inherit a share in her husband's estate equal to that of the deéeased's son. . A daughter will have a share in her father's estate equal to half a son's share; this will be in addition to her dowry. Further, a daughter will inherit equally with her brothers from their mother's estate.

The first issue of a quarterly, Encounter Today, Judaism and Christianity in the Contemporary World, was published in Paris (61, rue Notre-Dame-des- Champs, Paris VI) in the spring of 1966. This journal is the successor to The Jews and Ourselves. The new publication states: 'The aim of this magazine is to supply Catholics and especially teachers with up-to-date information concerning modern Judaism and Christianity. It also aimsto meet a contemporary need for wider knowledge among Catholics of the Jewish ,'269 SHORTER. NOTICES background, faith and liturgy. By feeling more deeply rooted in the Chosen People and linked with the descendants of those to whom were entrusted the Revelation and the Hope of mankind, we shall come to know our Jewish friends better, acquire a fresh sense of our own religious values and help to bridge over the scandal of a divided world.'

The 'Second Scholars Conference on Jewish Life in Contemporary Europe' will take place in Brussels (9-13 January 1967) under the auspicS of The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Institute of Sociology of l'Université libre de Bruxelles. The Institute of ContemporaryJewry of The Hebrew University and the National Centre of Higher Jewish Studies of Brussels are jointly organizing this meeting. Its purpose is to study latest developments in the fields of European Jewish demography, the psycho- sociology of Jewish identity, and problems related to the promotion of culture in Jewish European communities.

SHORTER NOTICES

MARY DOUGLAS, Punt9 and Danger, An analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo,viii + 188 pp., Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1966, 255. This is a book of great interest, vigorous, lucid, and persuasive. And it deals with matters of fundamental importance in the sociology of morals and religion—the ideas of the holy and profane, the pure and impure. It suffers somewhat from an excessive preoccupation with polemics. The attack is directed mainly against Frazer and Tylor with whom Mrs. Douglas groups Marett. In this she follows Durkheim and his disciples who never tired of dwelling on the errors of the 'English School of anthropologists'. Like them, too, she entirely ignores the criticisms directed against Frazer and Tylor by English writers and the modifications and reconstructions of their principal conclusions which followed from these criticisms. The result is that in stressing their weaknesses Mrs. Douglas vastly exaggerates the 'baneful' effect of their teaching. Mrs. Douglas appears to share in the fashionable distrust of the 'evolutionary' approach, though in the end her own theory is evolutionist and she even uses the dreaded word 'progress'. It may be well to dwell a little on these points. First, Mrs. Douglas misses the essential elements in Frazer's contribution. Before the appearance of his works the dominant analysis of primitive beliefs and practices was in terms of the theory of animism. Frazer showed that in addition to the belief in spirits there was also a belief in impersonal mystical forces which he grouped tinder 270 SHORTER NOTICES the heading of magic. He established the wide range and antiquity of these beliefs and their remarkable similarity of structure throughout the world. In view of the climate of thought at the time, strongly influenced by Hume and Comte, the change of emphasis was important. This is not to say that Frazer's theories were not open to criticism. On the contrary, their deficiencies were quickly noted. Carveth Read—an acute logician and psychologist—showed that the analysis of magical beliefs as resulting from association by similarity and contiguity was inadequate. To interpret them we had to start from our own experience when we invent a rite or carry a traditional charm. Magical beliefs and practices could, he thought, be traced back to well-known traits characteristic of rudimentary mentality at all times—the tendency to hasty generalization, the tendency to rely on coincidences and to ignore negative instances, and, above all, the failure to allow for emotional factors affecting belief, especially in situations of uncertainty or anxiety. Considering how common these tendencies are, says Carveth Read, 'the wonder is that we resort so little to magic. That many people do so in London is notorious' (Man and his Superstitions, p. 49). The importance of emotional factors was stressed by Malinowski, though I do not know whether he had read Carveth Read's writings. In any case, the general lines of the explanation maybe found in Hobhouse's analysis of the early phases of thought in Morals in Evolution. Incidentally, Carveth Read conclusively refuted the view that science was derived from magic. Notwithstanding certain resemblances, or, perhaps, because of them, he argued, magic was and always had been the enemy of science. An equally strong refutation was provided by W. H. R. Rivers in his lectures on Medicine, Magic and Religion. On the relations of animism and magic and their bearing on religion and morals Mrs. Douglas entirely ignores the work of Westermarck and Hobhouse whose contributions are, in my judgment, far more balanced than anything to be found in Durkheim. Finally, Mrs. Douglas alleges that Frazer derived his interest in magical beliefs and practices from Robertson Smith. This is odd, considering that in adopting the word taboo for the restrictions on the use of natural things by the dread of supetnatural penalties Robertson Smith explicitly referred to Frazer's article in the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica as his source, and that in the preface to his book he expressed his gratitude to Frazer for putting at his disposal his 'unpublished collection on the superstitions and religious observances of primitive peoples in all parts of the globe'. Mrs. Douglas's oWn views on primitive mentality are presented persuasively in her chapters on Primitive Worlds. Unfortunately she cannot forget her polemics. She allows that the general picture she gives based on modern field work is much the same as that provided by Tylor and Marett. Never- theless she insists that the question whether events are governed by spiritual beings or impersonal forces is 'hardly relevant'. This is surprising in view of the proliferation of ghosts and spirits in the early phases of belief and the persistence of magical and animistic ideas in later phases, not excluding the most advanced. To interpret rudimentary beliefs it is still important to distinguish between animatism (or the tendency to attribute to some things, if not personality, elementsof personality, such as we know in ourselves in the experience of effort and quiescence, strain and relief) and various forms of animism. If these distinctions are ignored, primitive views of things are apt to 271 SHORTER NOTICES be considered far hazier or 'undifferentiated' than they are likely ever to have been. In an interesting passage Mrs. Douglas refers to an explanation given by Professor Evans-Pritchard of the way in which the Azande deal with occasions in which separate sequences of events intersect to produce results of moment to a particular individual. When, for example, a granary falls down and kills someone sitting under its shadow, the Azande know quite well that rotten walls are apt to collapse and that a man may die if he is crushed by the fall. Yet the event is ascribed to witchcraft. The reason is that ordinary causes are deemed inadequate to account for what has happened. What needs to be explained is why this particular individual was on the spot. The cause, as a philosopher might say, must contain the effect 'eminently', and if the effect has something personal in it, so must the cause. In other words, it must contain an intention on the part ofsome person or persons. In commenting on this Mrs. Douglas remarks that the demand for this kind of explanation is not to be traced back to a general curiosity about the causes of events, but to the need of satisfying a 'dominant social concern'. 'We now know what Durk- heim knew and what Frazer, Tylor and Marett did not.' Well, the argument owes more to Bergson than to Durkheim. It is set out at length with many interesting examples in Les deux sources de Ia morale et de In religion in the course of a very subtle analysis of the notions of chance and luck (pp. 156-60). In comparing modern with primitive mentality Mrs. Douglas adopts an evolutionary approach, though she seems to seize on only one aspect of evolution, namely, differentiation. 'Primitive means undifferentiated; modern means differentiated.' Differentiation can be shown to have taken place in the various spheres of social life, economic, political, legal, and intellectual. Inspired by Durkheim she moves quickly to the conclusion that there is a close correspondence between the variations in social institutions and variations in patterns of thought. Needless to say, she does not undertake the kind of investigation that would be necessary to establish this correlation and she seems unaware of the immense difficulties involved. Of greater interest is the emphasis she lays on the growth of what she taIls self-awareness and a conscious reaching for objectivity as conditions of advance. She might have added increasing systematization, extension of the range of experience, and above all the growth of a critical methodology. On all these modes of advance social factors exert an influence. Nevertheless, there are times in the history of civilization when advance depends on disinterested thought, capable of rising above practical interests, of breaking with traditions and defying established authority. From her general analysis of primitive beliefs Mrs. Douglas proceeds to a more detailed one of the ideas of pollution, contagion, purity, and impurity. She insists rightly that we should begin by examining our own attitudes to 'dirt'. They are easily seen to contain the same medley of ideas as those underlying primitive taboos and rules of avoidance. A very similar point was made by Edwyn Bevan in a very striking essay on dirt (Hellenism and Christi- anity, London, 1921, chap. VIII). Bevan showed that among ourselves the dirty does not coincide with the noxious and that our attitude of repugnance or disgust is quite different from that felt in shrinking from the dangerous. Bevan further drew attention to the fact that in many languages the terms 272 SHORTER NOTICES used in condemning moral offences are the same as those used to describe what is loathsome to sight, touch, or smell; and after a careful analysis he concludes that underlying the senseof uncleanness or dirt is the feeling of the sanctity of the body (op. cit., P. 154). Mrs. Douglas suggests that our ideas about dirt are connected with the notion of disorder, that is, with elements in our experience that do not fit into accepted classificatory schemes and therefore offend our sense of order. This, it will be seen, is a version of the idea of dirt (attributed according to Bevan by some to the poet Southey and by others to Palmerston) as 'matter in the wrong place'. There is something in this idea, but it is not quite convincing. Weeds are plants in the wrong place but not necessarily dirty. While to place shoes on the dining table is thought dirty, we do not feel the same about a book which has been placed on the wrong shelf. Evidently not everything out of order is dirty. However this may be, Mrs. Douglas uses her ideas about order and disorder very ingeniously in dealing with the dietary rules in Leviticus. In general, the underlying principle of cleanness in animals is that they should conform fully to their class. Those animals are unclean which are imperfect members of their class or whose characteristics confound the generally accepted scheme of the world. For example, the defining characteristic of livestock is that they chew the cud and are cloven-hoofed, of fish that they have fins and scales. Creatures that do not satisfy these criteria are unclean. Swarming things are unclean because they cut across basic classifications: they are neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, they propel themselves by movements not typical of creatures that live in the water or the sky. Granted these interpretations, the dietary laws have a positive function. 'To be holy is to be a whole, to be one. Holiness is unity, integrity, perfection of the individual and of the kind.' By the rules enjoining avoidance of what was imperfect, of what does not conform to type, Mrs. Douglas holds, expression was given to the recognition of perfection. The dietary laws may thus have acted as 'signs which at every turn inspire meditation on the oneness, purity and perfection of God' (p. This is good apologetics, provided you do not ask how God's perfection can be reconciled with existing evils and imperfections. According to Mrs. Douglas, pollution behaviour is not just a general reaction against anything likely to disturb accepted classifications: it is related more particularly to disturbances of the social order. This affects her outlook on the relations between psychological and sociological interpretations of behaviour. Thus she argues that 'it is implausible' to interpret sex taboos as expressing something about the actual relations of the sexes. They are far better regarded as symbols of relations between parts of society, as mirroring designs of hierarchy or symmetry which apply in the larger social systems, as models for the collaboration and distinctiveness of social units. Similar considerations apply to food taboos. The ingestion of food may portray political absorption. 'Sometimes bodily orifices seem to represent points of entry or exit to social units or bodily perfection can symbolise an ideal theocracy' (p. 4). These ideas are developed at length in later chapters. Thus, for example, she rejects psychoanalytic interpretations of rituals designed to produce bleeding in males as expressing male envy of female reproductive processes. 'It seems more likely', she says, that the public rites are concerned to create a symbol of the two halves of society. I have no 273 SHORTER NOTICES

desire to defend the psychoanalytic view, but apart from doubtful Durkheim- ian epistemology, I cannot see that the social explanation is any more 'likely' or 'plausible'. In the beginning of this century, Mn. Douglas tells us, 'it was held that primitive ideas of contagion had nothing to do with ethics' (p. 129). This is hardly borne out by the facts. The connexion was stressed by Marett in his criticism of Tylor's views of the relations of religion and morality (Tylor, chap. IX), and it is discussed at length by Westermarck and Hobhouse. Wester- marck concluded on the basis of very wide surveys that 'the moral ideas of uncivilized men were more affected by magic than by religion' (Moral Ideas, II, P. 746, and for many examples, Early Beliefs and their Social Jqfluences). Hobhouse in his very careful analysis of the influence of magical and religious ideas on early morality maintained that the conception of an inherent retribution following automatically on wrong acts lay closer to the moral consciousness of mankind than the alternative theory of punishment ab extra inflicted by a vengeful spirit or just god. The unconditional character of taboo has even led some thinkers, such asJevons, to find in it the germs of the Kantian Categorical Imperative. This was not Hobhouse's view. The element of truth in this analogy is that the notion of taboo implies that certain acts are inherently bad and carry their consequences with them. But since taboos take no account of intention or character, the moral aspect of the prohibition is obscured. The operation of the magical is, Hobhouse concluded, paramoral—working by the side of moral principles, but not always on the same lines. Later developments have consisted in part in challenging the unconditional claims of taboos and in demanding a reason for prohibitions other than the fear accompanying their violation or the disgust that the acts involved stimulate in the observer. The facts adduced by Mrs. Douglas do not invalidate this conclusion. She puts forward a theory that pollution ideas are brought into play in support of moral rules when recog- nized social sanctions fail or cannot be unambiguously applied. In support of this some interesting examples are given. But the argument seems over- strained. No convincing evidence is produced of an inverse relation between the enforcement of moral rules by explicit social sanctions and the appeal to pollution dangers. MORRIs OINSOERo

MICHAEL BANTON, ed., Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, (A.S.A. Monographs 3), xliii + 176 pp., Tavistock Publications, London, 1966, 305. In a recent work Professor E. E. Evans-Pritchard sums up his account of the theories that have been offered of the religions of primitive peoples in the words that 'they are as dead as mutton'. The authors of the work before us seem to be much of the same opinion, though they show more respect for Freudian and Durkheimian theories than does Professor Evans-Pritchard. Thus Clifford Ceertz asserts that since the Second World War anthropologists have been living on the capital of their ancestors and that there are no signs of any major theoretical advance. Students of comparative religion will 274 SHORTER NOTICES therefore be eager to learn what prospects there are for the future. They will not be entirely disappointed. The essays here presented contain much of interest and importance. They will, however, be surprised to find that anthropologists have taken so long to discover that religions have been concerned with what is here called 'the meaning of life', i.e. the ideas that men at different epochs have formed of the ordering of the world and of their place in it and with the beliefs and practices based on them which give consolation in grief, guidance and encouragement in the perplexities of life. They will find it no less odd that anthropologists have had to wait for Max Weber to tell them that religion is concerned with the problem of suffering and redemption from suffering. Though belated, there is here, nevertheless, a welcome effort to widen intellectual horizons to include concepts drawn from a richer tradition than has been usual among anthropologists in recent times. Three of the essays deal with special topics. V. W. Turner gives a highly interesting account of 'Colour Classification in Ndembu Ritual'. Incidentally, he refuses to accept Durkheim's theory that the fundamental categories of thought have a social origin and are conditioned by modes of social grouping. Instead he suggests that the elementary classifications are to be traced back to the experiences of the bodily rhythms. I find this no more convincing than Durkheim's theory. It is not obvious why the rhythms of the rising and setting of the sun or the experiences of the resistance offered by heavy bodies and the efforts needed to overcome it are not as important in this context as the experiences of the bodily processes. The second of the specialized studies is that by R. E. Eradbury on 'Ancestor Worship in Edo Religion'. In the third, R. N. Winter discusses 'Territorial Grouping and Religion among the Iraqw'. Among other matters he raises once again the question of the relation of kinship and local contiguity as principles of territorial grouping, discussed by Maine. Of more general interest are the comprehensive discussions by Clifford Ceertz on 'Religion as a Cultural System' and by Melford E. Spiro on 'Religion: Problems of Definition and Explanation'. Both of them give a good deal of attention to the logical difficulties of defining religion. This is a well- worn theme, handled more effectively by philosophers, for example, by C. A. Campbell in his Gifford. Lectures, published in 1957- Incidentally, Westermarck and Carveth Read long ago disposed of the objection against the definition of religion as involving a belief in superhuman beings on the ground that it would not apply to Buddhism. They showed that Buddhism, in origin a metaphysical and ethical doctrine, was transformed into a religion when the older Cods of Brahmanism came back and when Buddhism incorporated most of the local deities and demons of the nations it sought to convert. Spiro finds the core of religion in the beliefs in superhuman beings and the ritual related to these beliefs. To 'explain' them is to find their 'causes', that is, to show how they arise and persist. He traces them back in the Freudian manner to the child's experience within the family of a father endowed with supreme wisdom and power, at once benevolent and malevolent, whom he can win by obeying his commands and avoiding transgression of his prohibitions. Spiro claims that in general this theory finds support in some inquiries showing that variations in beliefs and practices correspond to variations in 275 SHORTER NOTICES modes of child training. The validity of these explanations is, however, not seriously examined here. While it may well be that religious beliefs and practices are coloured by parent-child experiences, it is hardly likely that they are either necessary or sufficient conditions of their formation and persistence. Among other difficulties, it is not easy to see how Freudian theories can be adapted to explain the beliefs of pantheists or of polytheists who see gods and spirits in every nook and cranny. In any event, it is clear that Spiro himself finds the deeper roots of religion elsewhere—in the desire to know, to understand, to find 'meaning', the desire to conquer want, suffering, frustration, the desire to overcome fear and anxiety, the feeling of dependence and helplessness. These desires which Spiro names cognitive, substantive, and expressive, are also satisfied to some extent and increasingly so by non-religious means, as by the growth of knowledge and power over natural forces. But at various points these fail and presumably will continue to fail. Hence the appeal to superhuman beings and the persistence of this appeal. Spiro argues that these desires vary in range and intensity with variations in family systems. He presents his arguments persuasively. But here again, in the absence of evidence based on direct psychoanalysis of representatives of the various creeds referred to and not on extrapolation of theories of uncertain validity even in reference to Western societies, they fail to carry conviction. An interesting part of Spiro's essay is devoted to the relation of 'functional' to 'causal' explanations. He distinguishes three types of causes, structural, causal, and functional. These correspond, I think, to the older classification into formal, efficient, and final causes, to some extent adopted by Durkheim. Spiro fails to note that Durkheim showed clearly that functions do not bring about their own fulfilment and that for a full explanation of a social fact or social change it is necessary not only to point to the function but to the efficient causes by which the fulfilment of the function is achieved. For example, the function of the growing division of labour is to bring about the kind of solidarity Durkheim calls 'organic'. The efficient cause is the intensi- fied struggle for existence brought about by an increase in the density of the population and necessitating increasing economic differentiation. It will be seen that in this case the efficient cause is biological rather than psychological and, in general, Durkheim objects to any explanation based on the psychology of the individual. Durkheim's arguments in this context are not discussed by Spiro. Nor does he deal with the more general problem how it comes about that functions are provided with the efficient causes needed for their fulfilment. In physiology the necessary co-ordination of processes cannot be attributed to conscious contrivance by the parts of the organism or the mind animating the organism. If there is teleology here, it is teleology below consciousness and the only explanation that biologists have to offer, however unplausibly, is that both structure and function are shaped by natural selection. In human happenings conscious purpose clearly plays an enorm- ously important part, though decisions often lead to consequences other than those intended and the interactions of wills lead to results not willed by any one. Whether the large-scale patterns to be discerned in human history point to a teleology above consciousness or whether they are ultimately to be traced to the interactions of individual minds shaping institutions and in turn 276 SHORTER NOTICES shaped by ihem isa prollem of the greatest importance for a theory of social development. Geertz's essay is noteworthy among other things for the ample use he makes of recent philosophical writings. He appears to adopt whole-heartedly the theory now fashionable in writings on the philosophy of religion of religious knowledge and practice as 'symbolic'. This points to an interesting reversal of attitudes in the study of religion. Whereas in the early part of this century it was expected that a knowledge of the religious beliefs and rituals of primitive peoples would throw light on the religions of the more advanced, now the concepts and theories developed in dealing with the latter are being used in interpreting the former. These mutual influences have some curious features. An interesting case is the use that has been made of the concept of mana. It is probable that Codrington was influenced by Max Muller who derived religious beliefs from the idea of the infinite. This led him to interpret mona in a highly abstract and metaphysical manner as an impersonal, mystical force pervading all things. Thus interpreted the idea came back to the students of the higher religions and was used by them to show that even the earliest forms of religion point to a belief in a supreme reality, wholly other than man himself—the mysterium tremendum et jèscinans delineated by Rudolf Otto. It remains to be seen whether the efforts made in these essays to utilize concepts derived from a study of the higher religions will have a similar history. MORRIS GINSBERG

R. V. SAMPSON, Equality and Power, 247 pp., Heinemann Educational Books, London, 1965, 35s. MICHAEL BANTON, ed., Political Systems and the Distribution of Power, (A.S.A. Monographs 2), xlii + 142 pp., Tavistock Publications, London, 1965, 305. Mr. Sampson's book makes fascinating reading. He uses words to great effect; his erudition is impressive; his examples are chosen from most interesting (and sometimes unexpected) fields and his message comes over with admirable clarity. But the reviewer faces a difficulty in explaining clearly what the book is about. To say that the author advocates, and very ably, a Christian-Socialist-Pacificist course of action is hardly accurate, for it is not clear what action he does advocate. To state that he merely describes the Christian-Socialist-Pacificist attitude to the world today is a little nearer the truth, but still not the truth. As a piece of writing designed to shake the complacency of the thoughtful conservative or the conventionally minded it might have some success with the latter, but not with the former. The thoughtful conservative will find far more in Mr. Sampson's examples to buttress his position than he will find in the author's exhortations to lower his defences. What we have here, in short, is a most impressive piece of persuasive writing in which the fundamentals of the human psyche and the human condition are exposed to view in the belief that the exposure of these truths will (or could, or ought to) lead men to adopt radically different attitudes towards one another. But will exposure do it? The book begins with the psychoanalysis of power in which Freud's 277 SHORTER NOTICES views of civilization and its discontents are introduced. The point is made that one person's dominance over another (whatever the source of its legitimacy) must corrupt the human relationship between the two. The cases of Mill, J., and Mill, J. S., Edward Moulton Barrett and Elizabeth Barrett, and Samuel Butler are discussed in detail, and there are illuminating general remarks on the subjection of women. Half way (at chapter 5) we abandon the individual's condition and begin the assault on the conventional wisdom of 'raison d'etat', of the Machiavellians, and Michael Oakeshott. The moral chasm which yawns between the physicist as a scientist-technician, and the democratic citizen employed as physicist is noted, but hardly exhaustively explored. The concluding part of the book makes the point that unless we accept the logic of equality (in which no man seeks domination over any other, and no country over its neighbour) we will all perish in the H-bomb finale. This seems obvious to Mr. Sampson, for preparing for war never did, on the evidence, bring peace. Conscript armies did not give the new European nations peace, nor, says Mr. Sampson, will I.C.B.M.s. Nations trying to produce a 'balance of terror' now will not be more successful than were their predecessors with the 'balance of power'. As one who supports with enthusiasm Mr. Sampson's efforts to make us re-think our values, I have yet an uncomfortable feeling that while he is morally well grounded he may be politically and even technically behind the clock. Twelve o'clock has struck—in the Cuban confrontation—and the world did not dissolve in ashes; and this was not because Kennedy and Khrushchev had been converted to the logic of equality; nor was it due to any technical faults in the weapons systems. Knowledge, reason, and fear— good Hobbesian categories—gave us 'peace'. If it is now common knowledge (based upon endless experiments and tests, the sort of exact knowledge which military men did not have before both world wars) that the world can be destroyed and nobody will win, must not this fact be given consideration in estimates of the probable behaviour of the human race? Men have re- fused to act out of love; they may be willing to act out of fear—and remain alive. Mr. Sampson has written a vivid tract of, and for, our times. Unfortu- nately the evidence he produces does not, in this reviewer's opinion, support his message of the need and feasibility of basing our actions on love. This is a serious weakness in the structure of the work, for evidence could and should have been produced to support his view that men can co-operate and do find it revolting to be asked to kill one another. To say that they are persuaded by 'raison d'etat' and dominating political leaders to do the contrary is not the best evidence of their better natures. Mr. Sampson does, of course, make the point that whatever 'human nature' is or is not, human behaviour is changeable. If psychological evidence is needed to buttress his position (Mr. Sampson is arguing a case and he needs the best evidence) it is available in some of Erich Fromm's work. Mr. Sampson has written a stimulating and provocative book which can be most highly recommended.

Political Systems and the Distribution of Power contains four monographs with a general introduction by Max Gluckman and Fred Eggan. The 278 SHORTER NOTICES material derives from a conference held by the Association of Social Anthro- pologists in 1963. F. G. Bailey writes on 'Decisions by Consensus in Councils and Committees' with reference to Indian Local Government; Ralph W. Nicholas contributes a monograph on 'Factions: a Comparative Analysis'; Peter C. Lloyd explores the 'Political Structure of African Kingdoms'; and Aidan Southall constructs a 'Critique of the Typology of States and Political Systems'. The writing is by anthropologists and, one supposes, for anthropologists. In the world of anthropology, the words 'the Ankole', 'the Shilluk', 'the A.shanti', 'the Anuak', must be as automatically and deeply evocative as 'Genesis xix. 25' is to the preacher, for little enlightenment is offered to the ordinary mortal save the notes which may or may not help. For the average literate student of the social sciences, however, Cluckman and Eggan's introduction does shed light upon the evolution of social anthropology to date. The borrowing and lending of concepts, insights, models, and analyses between the traditional subjects of social science have been so extensive in recent years that it may now seem merely pedantic to distinguish modern political science from sociology, sociology from social anthropology or from social psychology. Economics and even law take an occasional and not always patronizing glance at the science of man, and the compliment is returned. All social scientists must now be adventurous, daring to tread on territory they hope they know, partly but not wholly at ease in the economy of Malay fishermen, hoping to have time to read and understand more about Nuer religion. If it is tough going for political scientists and sociologists they can throw in Easton and Parsons to regulate the traffic in uncustomed goods from exotic lands. A damper is put on the elaboration of the minutiae of sub-regional enthusiasms and thought is applied to the construction of frameworks to house the variety of man's behaviour. Social anthropologists then turn—turn back?—to more traditional notions of legitimacy, authority, and government (which terms are themselves now less crudely formal than before) in search of classifications more appropriate and generalizations more watertight than those of Aristotle, Maine, or Marx. And above all in this animated intellectual agora sits the gently conceptualizing, potent but often inaudible, twin deity Weber- Parsons. Or so it seems to the inquiring layman wishing that the deity were more forthright in his utterances, less dependent on his press office. It is usual at this point to throw in some scathing remarks about strange social science jargon. Not in this case however. The difficulty in this book is not that the writers can be suspected of hiding their nakedness behind a screen of vogue sociological verbiage. They are using ordinary language to explore territory unfamiliar to the layman. F. G. Bailey in particular writes in plain language as do the authors of the Introduction. Two thoughts arise from the reviewer's attempt to do justice to this volume, both of which are probably old hat to the initiated. One: if social scientists now live in an intellectual common market is it not time for a common currency? Two: if the retort is that there is a common currency, e.g. structural-functional analysis (if this is not in danger of devaluation), can the use of this medium of explanation and exploration be made clear to the average undergraduate? If it can be, let us have it. If by its very nature it is for post-graduate transactions only, surely this is not good for business. The great advantage of the 279 SHORTER NOTICES old fashioned social theorist was that he was often readable, if often wrong; that his words could stir a man to write a letter of support or protest. Social theory will become the agreeable murmurings of an in-group if the Great Conceptualizers cannot speak in the language, and to the minds, of the average University student. R. H. PEAR

CHARLES Y. GLOCK and RODNEY STARK, Christian Beliefs and Anti- Semitism, xxi + 266 + 23 pp., Harper & Row, New York, 1966, $8.50 or 68s. The Anti-Defamation League, and Oscar Cohen, its Programme Direètor, are to be congratulated on proposing and financing a survey by the Survey Research Center of the University of California of the persistence of antisemitism which was shown by the swastika daubings of 'gag and 1960. By March of the latter year there had been 643 such daubings (or more serious incidents) in the United States alone, and they had taken place almost all over the world. This volume is the first of five which the Center is to produce. The remaining four cover 'the process through which school children come to establish their images of; and relations with, persons of different religions, ethnic, and racial groups. In particular this study will be concerned with changes in beliefs and patterns of association that occur with the onset of dating. A second study is exploring the link between anti-Semitism and political extremism, with special interest in the ways in which political movements become anti-Semitic. This study will also attempt to estiniate the potential for political anti-Semitism in contemporary America. A third study, already completed and to be published shortly, explored the impact of the Eichmann trial on American public opinion and the extent to which it influenced attitudes towards Jews. A fourth is a nationwide survey to determine the extent and location of present-day anti-Semitic beliefs and practices. A fifth study will explore Negro-Jewish relations within the context of the civil righis movement' (pp. xii—xiii). The present volume, which has been published first, describes the answers sent to a questionnaire distributed to church members in the San Francisco area. 2,300 belonged to various Protestant Churches, 545 were Roman Catholics. Of the Protestant Churches, Congregational, Methodist and Episcopal were the more enlightened, and the scale of intolerance rose rapidly to frightening heights in the southern Churches and sects. It is interesting that clerical leaders were found to have approximately the same scale of intolerance as their laity. The Roman Catholics, being very conscious in the United States that they themselves are a minozity, proved the most gracious in their attitude to that other conspicuous minority, the .Jews. The volume has the particular interest that neither of the authors, one of whom is a Christian and the other not, expected the religious element in antisemitism (the book insists on spelling the word anti-Semitism, as though it were a scientific objection to something identifiable as 'Semitism') to prove of very little significance, a view which they say is commonly held among contemporary sociologists. They candidly admit their astonishment at the result which is, indeed, an alarming one. For it shows that in millions 2 8o SHORTER NOTICES of American homes the religious attitude to Jews is such as tomake the eradication of antisemitism an impossible hope. There were two crucial statements to which the possible responses were 'agree', 'uncertain', 'disagree', and 'no response'. To the statement 'The Jews can never be forgiven for what they did to Jesus until they accept Him as the true Sauiour', Protestant agreement went from 10 to 8o per cent, and of Roman Catholics, 14 per cent agreed and 32 per cent were uncertain. To the statement 'The reason the Jews have so much trouble is because God is punishing them for rejecting Jesus' agreement was given by one per cent of Congregationalists, while ig per cent were uncertain, whereas ii per cent of Roman Catholics thought the statement was true, and another 30 per cent thought it might be. When the authors pass from an analysis of• the present opinions of their sample to their possible share in antisemitic activities; their conc!usions are less interesting; for an outbreak of violent antisemitism is invariably related to general social conditions, unemployment, governmental instability and so on, much more than to personal outlooks; and the sample could scarcely be expected to know what they would do if the American scene suffered violent social change. Their inevitable conclusion is that religion 'is an extremely important force in maintaining the endemic level of American, prejudice against the Jews'. The elements out of which the religious attitude grows, school, church services, Bible reading and so on, we shall presumably learn in a subsequent study in the series. The next duty is to see that the conclusions of this volume are insistently brought to the attention of the Churches. For it is usual for the clergy of all denominations to deny that any activity of theirs can possibly contribute to the detestable evil of antisemitism. How wrong they are we now have a scrious and expert survey to demonstrate. JAMES PARKES

RUTH GAY, Jews in America. A Short History, 198 pp., Basic Books, London, 1965, 305. Since the public could well use a good brief American Jewish history, it would be pleasant to welcome Mrs. Gay's amiable little book as filling the bill. But it falls far short. For well written as it is, Jews in America is deficient in hard facts and shot through with errors. Mrs. Gay, who rightly stresses the cultural and economic background of Jewish immigrants, is badly in- formed about Judaism (e.g., she says that European rabbis preached in Hebrew; the Sabbath was spent entirely in synagogue; Leviticus, Deuteron- omy, and the Decalogue contain the sum of Biblical law; all 6 13 command- ments are at present applicable), and in comparison with what she writes on other denominations devotes too much space to Reform. A deeper fault lies in the absence of any sense of conflict or debate within American Jewry, other than the reference to the strains of immigrants' adjustment to their new life. Nor is there a seriousapproach to antisemitism, which the author views rather light-heartedly. The best pages seem to be those depicting German Jewish immigration during the 1930s. It may be argued that the pleasantness and brevity of Jews in America will stir its readers to a more serious interest, thus serving a worthy purpose. 281 SHORTER NOTICES To the reviewer it seems rather that Mrs. Gay's bland and satisfied portrait of American jewry is likelier to persuade these readers that the whole subject is overblown and dull, better left to earnest rabbis and efficient organization executives. LLOYD P. GARTNER

WARREN 0. HAGSTROM, The Scient1c Community, 304 pp., Basic Books, London, 1965, 30s. The author's stated purpose is to explore 'the operation of social control within the scientific community' and to discover 'the social influences that produce conformity to scientific norms and values' (p. i). As a matter of fact, however, these are only the topics of the first three chapters entitled 'Social Control in Science', 'Competition for Recognition', and 'Team- work'. Chapters IV—VI ('Structural Change: Segmentation', 'Structural Change: Functional Differentiation', and 'The Conduct of Disputes') are concerned with the social structure of, and the processes of change in, the different scientific disciplines. In addition, there is an introductory chapter describing the sources of the monograph—published material, exploratory interviews with 79 professional scientists in the 'exact' sciences (all but three of whom were members of university staffs), and secondary analyses of several studies of academics and scientists, and a final chapter discussing 'the Future of Science'. The scientific norms dealt with in the first three chapters are: (i) the duty to make 'contributions' to science—that is, to share one's discoveries freely and openly with others; and (2) the norms of independence and individualism, namely the freedom to select problems, methods, and techniques and to criticize the work of others purely on the basis of its intrinsic value without regard to established authority, power, or personal relations. The motivation to contribute is said to be kept alive by an elaborate mechanism of recognition of contributions by the others who constitute the 'scientific community'. As long as recognition is given to strictly individual achievement, the mechanism also re-inforces independence and individualism. In order to distinguish the 'exchange' of contributions for recognition from economic exchange, the author likens scientific contribution to the act of gift-giving, and uses the latter as a kind of paradigm which explains the former. More concretely, the author explores patterns of scientific communication, tries to measure competition in different fields by using concern about anticipation by others as an index of the severity of competition; and explores patterns of scientific teamwork. The findings on communication patterns are generally in accord with those of others (especially Donald Pelz); those on anticipation and teamwork are original and interesting. Concern with anticipation is a function of the effects it may have on one's career and on the returns on one's invest- ment in the work (these are my words; the author prefers wording which is not reminiscent of economic behaviour). People at .the earlier stages of their careers, whose chances of becoming established depend on the recognition given to their first work, are more concerned about the possibility of being anticipated by others than scientists whose reputation is well established; 282 SHORTER NOTICES and the concern is more severe in theoretical fields, where anticipation may make the work of many years superfluous, or at times even unpublishable, than in empirical disciplines, where every independent confirmation of important results is significant. Teamwork is shown to differ considerably in different fields. Laboratory scientists have to work nowadays in teams, but the teams tend to be hier- archic as the laboratory is usually the personal domain of a single researcher. On the other hand, in the formal (theoretical) disciplines co-operation may be more equalitarian. In fact, formal scientists do not regard work with student assistants as teamwork, whereas experimental scientists do. These findings are interesting mainly because they show that there are important differences between different fields in the so-called 'scientific community'. The gift-giving model, according to which science is some kind of a game, where people exchange gifts for deference, does not, to my mind, contribute to the better understanding of any of the findings. In fact, all the findings are perfectly consistent with a model of rational economic behaviour. Chapters IV-.VI have a more meaningful theoretical fram'e of reference. Science is conceived here as a field of complex endeavours. The various fields are related to one another in different ways: (i) there is a rank order of generality according to which certain disciplines are logically more. fundamental than others; different fields are differently related to outside criteria—some are clearly applied, others purely theoretical, while the experimental sciences are in between, not subject to any non-scientific goal, but constantly measured up against the criterion of empirical reality; finally, fields differ from one another in the amount and importance of their contribution to other sciences. This latter consideration also determines the place of different specialities within a single discipline. There are many degrees of freedom to change the position of one or another discipline or speciality in such a complex system. Even though there is no attempt to develop a systematic theory on this problem, judging from the examples, the tendency to change seems to issue from positions with ambiguous status, such as relativity theorists whose past glory and present levels of aspiration are out of tune with their meagre contributions to present day theoretical work (a downwardly mobile case); mathematical logicians (who are an upwardly mobile group); or practitioners of in-between areas, such as mathematical statisticians, physical chemists, or molecular biologists. The outcome of such conflicts depends on the social organization of academic work. Where monopoly positions are extremely strong, the in- novators may have no chance whatever. Where the system is open and tolerant, accommodation may be sought and all kinds of adaptations are likely to be evolved. Finally, where there is competition (and opportunities) there will be an entrepreneurial tendency towards the differentiation of new fields. In the U.S. today such entrepreneurial tendency is principally to be found among private foundations intent on showing results in order to obtain free-floating funds, whereas universities and journals seem to prefer adaptations such as the establishment of interdisciplinary committees or the admission of new specialities within established fields on the basis of quotas. 283 SHORTER NOTICES It is, however, not quite clear what are the results for science of differentiation as compared with adaptation. The process of differentiation occurs as a kind of revolutionary movement with a great leader and a utopia. When the new field becomes accepted, it turns into an ideology designed to mark off the new scientific identity from its less reputable antecedents (e.g., the attempt of mathematical statisticians to differentiate themselves from those engaged in applied work). Differentia- tion can take the form of either segmentation—the establishment of an entirely new field—or functional differentiation where a field splits up into two complementary specialities. This latter exists in fact only in physics— between the theorists and the experimentalists. Finally, differentiation can lead to the disappearance of a sense of common purpose in a field. This is particularly true of mathematics, where everyone who is able and willing can set up his own axioms and develop his own system. Change may not lead to differentiation, but to conflict, crisis, and attempts to subvert or revolutionize an existing system. This type of case has been treated exhauitively in Thomas Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutionc. Hagstrom develops the idea further and specifies the conditions and the stages of the crisis (which Kuhn only treats as preliminaries to revolutions): fundamental conflict occurs when the intellectual and programmatic scope of the disagreement is broad (which is somewhat tautological), when evidence for the competing theories as well as the power of the opponents is more or less balanced, and when there are textbook implications of the controversy. The outcome need not be revolution, but may also be alienation or deviation from the norms of science. This book is the first attempt to develop a logically coherent framework for the understanding of the elusive phenomenon called 'The Scientific Community'. The ultimate purpose has not been fully achieved, because of the inadequacy of the gift-exchange model applied in the explanation of the statics of the scientific community. The treatment of the dynamics of the community (types of change) is, however, very successful and in parts excellent. The model of social stratification and mobility of scientific disciplines seems to be a very fruitful approach for identifying the sociological aspects of scientific change. On the whole, this is an important book which should be read by all those interested in the sociology of science, and which is well worth reading by sociologists in general. JOSEPH BEN-DAVID

WILLIAM SHERIDAN ALLEN, The Nazi Seizure of Power. The Experience of ,a single German Town, 1930-1935, Xl + 345 pp., Eyre and Spottis- woode, London, 1966, 305. Why and how the Weimar Republic fell to the Nazis is a story that has by now been well explored. So also are the methods used to put the Third Reich firmly on its feet. What we have not had, until this book appeared, was a close socio-political analysis of a small Gennan town as it worked its way through these events. At itsbest such an analysis will yield a deeper understanding of many of the factors that were at work in the Nazi revolu-. 284 SHORTER NOTICES tion. Professor Allen has so skilfully reconstructed the day-to-day life of his town that the advent and consolidation of Nazism do, in fact, acquire a new meaning for the reader. Until the Depression the politics of Thalburg (the town's pseudonym; 10,000 inhabitants) had divided along class lines, as indeed its whole social life had done. The working class—somewhat under-represented to make this a typical small town—was sufficiently numerous to give the Town Coun- cil a Social Democratic majority. The middle class, for its part, hankered after the good old days of the Empire and sullenly voted conservative and nationalist. If no one actively loved the Republic, which had to bear the burdens of defeat and revolution, the Socialists were virtually atone in at least defending its democratic institutions. Whether they did this because they had a vested interest in them—authoritarian governments of the extreme left and right would both have been fatal to the S.P.D.—or whether they were deeply committed to democratic principles on other grounds remained as moot a point in Thalburg as in the rest of Germany. In 1930, when the Depression was reaching its height, the citizens of the town showed that they understood the need for radical action. At the elections for the Town Council the votes for the Nazis increased spectacu- larly, but this was at the expense of the small parties and not at that of the S.P.D. Professor Allen argues convincingly that if the Socialists had then come out with properly socialist policies to beat the crisis.they might have won the day. But they did not, and they lost. As the local Nazis impressed the Thalburgers with their organizational skill and drive during the multitude of events that the many national, regional, and local elections brought with them, the Socialists failed in yet another way. And this was finally to lead them to destruction. They recog- nized the Nazi threat to Germany's democratic institutions (though like most others inside and outside Germany they mistook its hideous doctrines for mere hyperbole) and were ready to fight and die for them. In their in- numerable street brawls with the Nazis—a feature of Thalburg's life from the beginning of 1931—they showed that they could give as well as they got. Their Reic/isbanner organization was prepared to meet the challenge of a coup d'etat. But, of course, there never was a coup. Or rather, there was a series of small coups, none big enough to mobilize in earnest the local Reichsbanner who had so often devotedly practised for just such a contingency. When they finally realized what had happened after January 1933, it was too late. The Nazi terror machine was then in control, much to the dismay of those intellectuals of the town who had joined Hitler for idealistic reasons. Professor Allen finally shows how the town adapted itself to the Nazi era. With Thalburg's petty-bourgeois N.S.D.A.P. leader crookedly but effectively steering the local community out of the practical and psychological effects of the Depression, with the town's traditional social life broken up by distrust and attempts at Nazi reorientation, the citizens were reduced. to cultivating their gardens on the increasingly rare occasions when the strident injunctions of the New Order did not require their attendance at some ritual. The author seems surprised that the local Jews accepted their own degradation so meekly. Did he expect them to be the only martyrs? - HERBERT TINT 285 SHORTER NOTICES

MICHAEL BANTON, ed., The Social Anthropology of Complex Societies, (A.S.A. Monographs 4), xlii + 156 pp., Tavistock Publications, London, 1966, 30s. Social anthropologists have for a long time been studying complex societies, applying to them as far as possible a method of enquiry, a set of ideas, and a comparative perspective derived from their work in small-scale technologi- cally primitive societies, for which, of course, they are best known. A number of questions have arisen from their increasing interest in a field not traditionally theirs: What is different in an anthropologist's approach to an industrial, urban society, as compared with, for example, a sociologist's or a social psychologist's? In what way have anthropologists found it necessary or ex- pedient to modify an armoury of concepts and techniques originally more appropriate to simple societies? In what direction are the favourite problem areas, which in time make up the content of a field of study, tending to grow? The present collection of essays by six authors provides some answers. The range of societies included as 'complex' is a wide one, and is only justifiable if the meaning given to 'complex' is extremely vague. Eric Wolf ('Kinship, Friendship and Patron-Client Relations in Complex Societies') draws his examples largely from Latin American and European societies; Burton Benedict ('Sociological Characteristics of Small Territories and their Implications for Economic Development') discusses small territories which are 'larger than island societies like Tikopia and more complex than the segmentary societies and village communities' but are nevertheless small in scale of social relations; J. Clyde Mitchell ('Theoretical Orientations in African Urban Studies') takes his stand firmly on the need for studies of the modern African metropolis, using both intensive and quantitative methods, which avoid the error of thinking of modern institutions as mere transformations of corresponding rural, tribal institutions; Joe Loudon ('Religious Order and Mental Disorder') examines the relation between religious concepts, moral judgements, and ideas about mental illness, basing his discussion on a South Wales parish of 120 people; Ronald Frankenberg ('British Community Studies') presents a survey of achievements in the microsociological study of British local communities, giving a programme for future comparative research; Adrian Mayer ('The Significance of Quasi- Groups in the Study of Complex Societies') analyses the concept of network and action-set in an Indian town. Mayer is the only author explicitly to attempt a definition of 'complex' as a technical term (following Nadel's concept of less involute systems of role-relations), after disclaiming any real necessity to do so. There is more unity than one might expect in such a variety of topics, studied in such a variety of places and contexts. As Wolf says, the anthropologist studies 'interstitial, supplementary, and parallel structures', which exist together with the formal framework of economic and political power. This type of study lends itself to a combination of intensive and quantitative research. The anthropological tool of participant observation is still a sharp one, in urban, industrial studies, but must be supplemented by statistical enquiry if generalizations are to be made. This two-pronged attack is not peculiar to studies of complex societies; Mitchell quotes Fortes's remarks, made some seventeen years ago, on the necessity for statistical analysis in 286 SHORTER NOTICES simple societies as well. Nevertheless, some of the best material in the book comes from insight provided by the analysis of single eases and instances, although a reader used to seeing evidence, usually quantitative, given to support statements about some characteristics of a complex society may not find the rather literary tradition of anthropology congenial nor its broad generalizations convincing. There seems no doubt that, in the future, anthropologists working in complex societies will have to become more sophisticated about statistical techniques, so that they can judge, from strength, where these techniques are necessary. Among the many concepts that the authors bring to their studies are two of special importance: the concept of social role (which anthropologists share with sociologists and social psychologists) is used but not developed in any new direction; the concept of network and set of personal relationships, on the other hand, is widely explored. As a visual analogy, 'network'. lends itself to many interpretations, but, in any of its transformations, it offers the anthropologist a way of grasping the heterogeneity of relationships in a complex society and of tracing channels of communication and contact. It is a concept suited to that study of interstitial structures with which an anthropologist is well qualified to deal. This volume also has the informative introduction by Gluckman and Eggan, which appears in the first three A.S.A. monographs, and which discusses the individual contributions of authors to all four volumes. LORRAINE BARth

MORTON DEUTSCH and ROBERT M. KRAIJ55, Theories in Social Psycho- logy, viii + 244 pp., Basic Books, London, 1966, 25s. This is the third volume in a series on Basic Topics in Psychology produced by Basic Books, describing and assessing 'key topics of psychological interest today'. It is intended as supplementary material for classroom use, and as a means of information for laymen and for scientists in adjacent fields. It aims to be representative rather than exhaustive; there are seven chapters spiked with the names of well-known 'schools' or theorists, and the authors supply orienting sections and 'overviews' wherever necessary. It is good to see that the work of Sociologists such as Merton, Goffman, and George Herbert Mead has also been included. The writing of this book must have been preceded by a great deal of heart-searching. What to include, and what to leave out? Whom to praise, and whom to criticize? At what level should it aim? Is it talking down too much? Will it arouse interest and curiosity? How visible should the framework be? Almost inevitably, some will be disappointed—in this case, those who had hoped to see much more on language, on communication, on child development and socialization, on leadership and on group dynamics. Others will be pleased: social learning theories, psychoanalytic contributions, and Homans's work have been given considerable prominence. In some sections there are brilliant condensations which more than improve the original. The layman or the non-specialist may find the book appetizing but its greatest usefulness will be to students engaged in revision. They, and junior 287 SHORTER NOTICES lecturers, will find that it concentrates and pulls together their own more scattered knowledge and notes most admirably. Paradoxically, this book will be most appreciated by those who know most of it already. A. N. OPPENHEIM

STEPHEN A. RICHARDSON, BARBARA SNELL DOHRENWEND, and DAVID KLEIN, Interviewing: Its Forms and Functions, viii + 380 pp., Basic Books, London, 1965, 40:. It is a melancholy fact that good interviewers are not made by reading books, yet it is necessary to have some books on interviewing. These might well fall into two categories: those addressed to research directors and graduate students, containing research reports on interviewer bias, interviewer selection, hnd so on; and simple handbooks of interviewing practice, addressed to fieldworkers and usable as training manuals. The present volume falls between these two rubrics, and consequently it is disappointing. It does not, of course, deal with the whole field of interviewing (for clinical assessment, job selection, and the like) but only with the type of data- gathering interview most frequently encountered in the Social Sciences and in market research. It does not really go much beyond existing texts, though it is more spread-out; nor is this greater length due to particularly apt, fully worked examples, of which there are too few. As a text for trainee interviewers it is too difficult, as a text for graduate students it is not difficult enough. Too often the book treats interviewing as an isolated process; there is far too little on the research plan, the design of the questions in relation to the hypotheses, sampling problems and quota selection, and the quantifi- cation of intel-view responses. Much of the book deals with unstructured interviews but there are insufficient warnings against the dangers of this technique, and problems of validity are scantily dealt with. The authors are to be commended on their refusal to hold out any one method of approach as 'best', and on their novel discussion of the satisfactions which respondents find in beirlg interviewed. There is also a very useful section on approaches to respondents via the formal or informal leadership structure, and an illuminating discussion of 'leading' questions, in relation to the interviewer's own assumptions and expectations. Yet as a whole the book seems far removed from the rough and tumble of street interviewing and will be over the heads of most fleldworkers, while it lacks some of the bite and depth which research executives and graduate students will require. A. N. OPPENHEIM

288 CORRESPONDENCE

SIR, Messrs. Y. Rim and Z. E. Kurzweil (The Jewish Journal of Sociology, Vol. VII, No. 2, Dec. 1965) reach the conclusion in their research that there is 'no significant difference in the attitude towards risk-taking between observant and non-observant Jews'. They attribute this 'discovery' to 'the assimilation of a minority group such as the Orthodox Jewish' despite 'the group's conscious effort to preserve its spiritual identity and the characteristic attitudes which emanate from the Jewish doctrine . .' (p. 244) The research is preceded by a presentation of what the authors call 'the Jewish religious doctrine' concerning life and property. The statement that orthodox Jews do not have any qualms about risk- taking is true and did not need to be 'proven'. But the main trouble with this sort of research is that it is based on false assumptions. It may well be that, under the influence of the nationalistic tendency of overemphasis of the Bible (the Israeli writer H. Hazaz recently called this 'Biblitis') and de- emphasis of the 2,000 years ofJewish diaspora history, some Israelis may try to identify Jewish religious doctrine with the Bible. This may or may not be applicable to the Karaites. But rabbinicJudaism—which is the source of the Jewish doctrine of orthodox Jews—is not identical with the Bible. It is based on talmudic and post-talmudic ideas and practices which formed the Jewish value system. Risk-taking, not only in terms of changing jobs, but also involving travel for business purposes on robber-infested, war-torn, or otherwise dangerous roads, or to places where Jews as such were in danger, was not only practised, but was not frowned upon by the rabbis because of the danger to the travel- ler's life. Sep/icr Hasidim (twelfth-thirteenth centuries), for instance, as well as the Polish rabbis of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, may discuss if, when, and what sort of non-Jewish clothes a Jew may wear while travelling in order to avoid or minimize the danger to his life, but they do not have a negative attitude towards the taking of the risk. Again, in the discussions about wealth and its place in Jewish life found in PolishJewish rabbinical sources of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the question about prohibiting the risk of a life does not appear. Those who oppose wealth (R. Efraim Lunczyc, died 16'q, being one of the social critics) find all sorts of arguments against the amassing of riches. Among such arguments are some which belong in the realm of religious doctrine (the rich man commits a sin in being haughty, while travelling around he cannot study, or is unable to fulfil the prescription to educate his sons). But risk-taking is never mentioned as being forbidden by Jewish religious doctrine. Also, in the scores of responsa dealing with cases in which a Jew has been killed on the road or elsewhere while on business, I have found nothing anywhere resembling a statement that such risks should not be taken because of religious doctrine. Thus an orthodox Jew of today, a follower of this Ashkenazic religious tradition, could not have any misgivings about risk-taking. 289 CORRESPONDENCE

Nor is the attitude towards property which Rim and Kurzweil attribute to Judaism true. Judaism not only recognizes private property, but a good deal of Jewish religious literature deals with it. Whole tractates of the Talmud, parts of S/in/than Aruch, hundreds, or perhaps thousands, of responsa, many prescriptions of the Ke/zillot (Jewish communities), judgements of the Jewish Courts, and the like, are concerned with ownership and inheritance of property, tangible and intangible (e.g. Hazakah which protected an occupant of a home or store from competition). Then again, the statement that 'the Torah does not recognize absolute ownership of immovable property' is, at best, folklore. At the jubilee year land was not to be 'redistributed' but to be returned to the original owner ('it shall return into his possession', Leviticus xxv, 28), which means private ownership of land. While proof hardly exists that even the returning of purchased land in the jubilee year was practised in Biblical times, one thing is clear, namely, that the anti-property ideas which modern Jews (founders of the Jewish National Fund, some Zionist-socialists, some religious Socialists) tried to connect with the jubilee year have no basis in Jewish orthodox doctrine and practice throughout the ages. And if certain preachers, or moralists, here and there mentioned that 'wealth is a God-given trust' this was usually done for the purpose of 'persuading' the rich to give to charity or for similat 'reasons'. - In brief, the main premise for the Rim and Kurzweil study—the formula- tion ofJewish orthodox doctrine—is based on folklore and misunderstanding. The whole study thus becomes irrelevant and its result can neither show assimilation nor non-assimilation of a valuational minority such as contemporary Jewish orthodox groups. BERNARD D. WEINRYB

Professor Z. E. Kurzweil replies: The first part of our article setting out the Jewish doctrine concerning risk-taking was subjected to drastic editorial cutting, and its exposition suffered in the process. Even so, Professor Weinryb's strictures are not justified and his own statement on Jewish doctrine regarding risk-taking is erroneous. Instead of basing himself on Responsa literature, he should in the first place have gone to the main sources, i.e. the Talmud and Codes, and in that event he would have received a different impression from the one he gained by reading the Responsa alone, and which, incidentally, he misinterpreted. He appears to be prejudiced by the fact that the article he criticizes was written by Israeli scholars who work in non-Judaistic fields, and he quite unnecessarily raises the bogy of Israeli folklore orientation, extreme nationalism, 'Biblitis', Karaism, and what not. He should know that Rabbinic scholarship is widely diffused in Israel, and that there are Orthodox Rabbis (who do not assume the title, as for instance, in the case of the present writer) who work in secular fields in the various Institutes of Higher Learning in Israel. And now to the point raised by Professor Weinryb. The main source reflecting the Jewish attitude to risk-taking, or rather 'Sakanah'—danger—is in the Babylonian Talmud tractate C/zn/in (zoA), where we find the statement 'Khanjirq so/canto me'isura' in connexion with contaminated water. The point 290 CORRESPONDENCE made by the Talmud is that a possible danger to life is to be viewed more seriously than the existence of a religious prohibition. The import of this statement is that even the mere possibility of danger has to be viewed with extreme gravity, whereas if there is a certain degree of doubt concerning a religious prohibition, there is often room for relaxation of the rule. This principle of 'khamira sakanta me'isura' has been embodied in numerous places in the Shulc/zan Aruch and confirmed in the Glosses of the 'RAMA' (Rabbi Moshe Isserles). Suffice it to quote the most lengthy and impressive statement which appears at the end of the Shulehan Aruch, 'Choshen Mislipat'— under the title 'Hilehot Shmirat Hanefesh': 'Our Sages have forbidden many things because danger lurks within them, and a few of them have been explained . but there are others; and these are they: One should not put one's mouth directly to the jet of water when drinking. At night one should not drink from wells or cisterns lest one unwittingly swallows a leech. He who trespasses these and similar commands, saying I am about to endanger my life, and what matters it to others, it is of no import to me, should be flogged, and he who is cautious concerning these things, shall receive a good blessing.' This passage marks the conclusion of the Shulchan Aruch, and thus is given special emphasis. The case of risk-taking with property is somewhat different, as we have set out in our article, but even on this point the Talmud as well as the Codes advocate extreme caution which is reflected in the consideration of 'Hefted Mamon', acting as it does as a Halakhic principle motivating lenient decisions as to what is to be permitted or forbidden. 'Hatora/z Chocsah al Memonam shel Tisrael' (The Torah shows consideration for the property of Jews) is a well known principle of Halakha. Are we therefore not justified in assuming that a person who has been exposed and is committed to these teachings might be expected to view with utmost caution any involvement in risk, be it risk to one's life or risk to one's property? For a person notsteeped in traditional Judaism there is merely the biological urge of life preservation (or in the case of property, concern for its loss). In the case of an orthodox .Jew, however, there is the added motive of not transgressing against Halakha, which might, prima fade, be expected to act as additional motivation when one considers embarking upon a venture involving risk. This is the point we have made in our article, and this we uphold.

291 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

BACH!, Roberto; Dr.Jur. (Statistics), Professor of Statistics and Demography, Hebrew University, Jerusalem; Government Statistician, Israel; Chair- man, Association for Jewish Demography and Statistics. Formerly, Pro- fessor of Statistics at the Universities of Sassari, Palermo, and Genoa. Among his chief publications are: La Demografia degli Ebrei Italiani negli ultimi soo Anni, Rome, 1931; L'Evolzgione demografice degli Ebrei Jtaliani del x600 al 1937, Florence, 1938; Marriage and Fertility in the Jewish Population of Palestine, Jerusalem, 1964; A Statistical Analysis of the Revival of Hebrew in Israel, Jerusalem, 1956; Standard Distance Measures, Philadelphia, 1963. Currently engaged in research into methods of geographical-statistical analysis and into methods for the graphical representation of statistical data,; demography of the Jews; and demography of Israel. COHEN, HayyimJ.; Ph.D., Lecturer at the Institute of ContemporaryJewry, Hebrew University, Jerusalem; has published articles on the Middle East in Hamicrah Hehadash, the quarterly of the Israel Oriental Society of Jerusalem. KARP, AbrahamJ.; B.A., M.H.L., Rabbi, Beth El Congregation, Rochester, N.Y.; Visiting Professor, Dartmouth College, 1966-7; Vice-President, American Jewish Historical Society. Among his chief publications are: The Jewish Way of Lj/è, New Jersey, 1962; The United Synagogue of America, A History, New York, 1963; Conservative Judaism—The Heritage of Solomon Schechter, New York, 1963. At present engaged in preparing for the Jewish Publication Society a work entitled - The Jew in America—A Historic Portrait. LIPPMAN1-J, Walter M.; Chairman, Jewish Social Service of Victoria, and Executive Vice-President of the Australian Federation of Jewish Welfare Societies. Chief publications: 'Lessons to be Drawn from the 1954 Census', Australian Jewish Student, November 1956; Tasks in Jewish Wel- fare Work, a pamphlet published by the Federation of Australian Jewish Welfare Societies, 1966. At present working as Chairman of Planning Committee for Sociological Study of the Jewish community of Melbourne. MA55ARIK, Fred; MA., Ph.D., Associate Professor of Behavioral Science, University of California, Los Angeles, and Director of Research, Jewish Federation Council, Los Angeles; Chairman, Technical Committee on U.S. National Jewish Population Study and Member, Governor's Advisory Committee on Status of Women, California. Formerly member of the Bureau of Applied Social Research, Columbia University, and held a visiting appointment in the Department of Industrial Manage- ment, University of Leeds. Chief publications: Report on the Jewish Population of Los Angeles, 1953; Report on the Jewish Population of Los Angeles, igy; The Jewish Population of San Franciso Mann County and the 292

r BOOKS RECEIVED

Peninsula, 1959; I4adership and Organization (co-author), New York, 1961; Mathematical Explorations in Behavioral Science (co-editor), Homewood, Illinois, 196. Currently engaged in research on urban structure in Los Angeles, in human relations training, and in Jewish sociological research. ROBINSON, Jacob; Co-ordinator of Research on the Jewish Catastrophe at the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture, New York; formerly member of the Lithuanian Parliament, Legal Adviser to the Govern- ments of Lithuania and of Israel, and Director of the Institute ofJewis.h Affairs in New York; has published numerous works in the fields of international law, contemporary Jewish history, and the history of the Catastrophe; his latest work is And the Crooked shall be made Straight, New York, 1965. At present engaged in directing a bibliographical series for Yad Vashem and YIVO, and in preparing a three-volume introduction to International Law and Organization. R05ENBL00M, Joseph R.; B.A., B.H.L., M.H.L., D.H.L., Lecturer in History and Classics, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri. Chief publications: Biographical Dictionary of Early American Jewry, University of Kentucky Press, 1960; 'Notes on the Jews' Tribute in Jamaica', Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England, Vol. XX, 1964; 'Notes on Historical Identifications in the Dead Sea Scrolls', Revue de Qumran, October 1958; 'Some Conclusions about Rebecca Gratz', in Essays in American Jewish History, Cincinnati, 1958; 'The American Jewish Community', in Meet the American Jew, Nashville, Tennessee, 1963- Currently engaged in research into modernization in Turkey and political development in the Middle East. ZIDERMAN, Adrian; B.A. (Cantab.); A.M. (Stanford); Lecturer, Department of Economics, Queen Mary College, University of London. Formerly economic consultant at the 'Economist' Intelligence Unit and Research Officer, London School of Economics. Currently engaged in research in the field of economics of education and manpower planning.

BOOKS RECEIVED (Books listed here may be reviewed later)

Addresses given at the Fijkenth Conference of Anglo-Jewish Preachers held at Jews' College, London, lyar 71h to gth, 5725, May 91h to seth, 1965, London, '966, 64 pp., n.p. Bergman, S. H., and Rotenstreich, N.: Solomon Maimon: Giv'at Hammore, new edition with Notes and Indexes, in Hebrew, Publication of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Section of Humanities,Jerusalem, 1965, 7 + 192 pp., n.p. Eichhorn, David M. (ed.): Conversion to Judaism. A History and Analysis, Ktav Publish- ing House, New York, 1966, xii + 288 pp., $5.95. Glanz, Rudolph: Jew and Irish. Historic Group Relations and Immigration, Waldon Press, New York, 1966,159 pp., n.p. .293 BOOKS RECEIVED

Lambert, Royston: The State and Boarding Education, a factual report on the present provision of Boarding Education by the Local Education Authorities in England and Wales, Methuen, London, 1966, 96 pp., 95. 6d. Lamm, Norman: A Hedge of Roses, Jewish Insights into Marriage and Married Life, Philipp Feldheim, New York, 1966,92 pp., $1.75. Loewe, Raphael: The Position of Women in Judaism, S.P.C.K. in conjunction with the Hillel Foundation, London, 1966, 63 pp., is. 6d. Nettl,J. P.: Rosa Luxemburg, 2 vols., Oxford University Press, London, igGG, Vol. r, xviii + 450 pp., Vol. 2, viii + 451 pp., 126:. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, Fundamental Research and the Policies of Government; Government and Technical Innovation; The Social Sciences and the Policies of Governments; Paris, 1966; es.; 6s.; gs., respectively. Preuss, Walter: The Labour lilovernent in Israel Past and Present, Rubin Mass, Jerusalem, 1965, 239 pp., np. Radzinowicz, Leon: Ideology and Crime. A Study of Crime in its Social and Historical Context, Hcinemann Educational Books, London, 1966, xii + 152 pp., 2!:. Rose, Arnold M., and Caroline B. (eds.): Minority Problems. A Textbook of Readings in Intergroup Relations, Harper & Row, New York, '96, x + 438 pp., n.p. Woistenholme, G. E. W., and O'Connor, Maeve (eds.): Immigration—Medical and Social Aspects, Ciba Foundation Report, J. & A. Churchill, London, 1966, xii + 124 pp., 15s.

AMERICA LATINA The regional social science journal in Latin America Some recent articles: G. H. P. Aymans Tecnologia y recursos naturales: el ejemplo do America Latina Richard P. Schaedel Etude comparative du milieu paysan en Amérique Latine Antonio Otávio Cintra FolIticci y desenvolvimento o caso brasileiro & Fábio Wanderley Carlos Alberto de Impasse e perspectivas de sociologia rural Medina no Brasil: discussdo de quatro fenomenos socioldgicos Sam Schulman El reconocimiento del papel del campesino en In Reforma Agraria

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