Chinese Strategic Intentions: a Deep Dive Into China’S Worldwide Activities
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How Russia Tried to Start a Race War in the United States
Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 24 2019 Virtual Hatred: How Russia Tried to Start a Race War in the United States William J. Aceves California Western School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Communications Law Commons, Internet Law Commons, and the Law and Race Commons Recommended Citation William J. Aceves, Virtual Hatred: How Russia Tried to Start a Race War in the United States, 24 MICH. J. RACE & L. 177 (2019). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol24/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VIRTUAL HATRED: HOW RUSSIA TRIED TO START A RACE WAR in the UNITED STATES William J. Aceves* During the 2016 U.S. presidential election, the Russian government engaged in a sophisticated strategy to influence the U.S. political system and manipulate American democracy. While most news reports have focused on the cyber-attacks aimed at Democratic Party leaders and possible contacts between Russian officials and the Trump presidential campaign, a more pernicious intervention took place. Throughout the campaign, Russian operatives created hundreds of fake personas on social media platforms and then posted thousands of advertisements and messages that sought to promote racial divisions in the United States. This was a coordinated propaganda effort. -
US-China Relations in a Changing Asia-Pacific by TJ Pempel
BUILDING A REGIONAL ORDER IN EAST ASIA: Community, Competition, Conflict CHU SHULONG EVANS J. R. REVERE YOICHI KATO SUN ZHE YUICHI HOSOYA NOBORU YAMAGUCHI MICHAEL A. MCDEVITT STEPHEN M. YOUNG T. J. PEMPEL March 2016 Our Mission The National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) was founded in 1974 by Professor Hans J. Morgenthau and others. It is a nonprofit policy organization dedicated to the resolution of conflicts that threaten U.S. interests. Toward that end, the NCAFP identifies, articulates, and helps advance American foreign policy interests from a nonpartisan perspective within the framework of political realism. American foreign policy interests include: • Preserving and strengthening national security; •Supporting the values and the practice of political, religious, and cultural pluralism; • Advancing human rights; • Addressing non-traditional security challenges such as terrorism, cyber security and climate change; • Curbing the proliferation of nuclear and other unconventional weapons; and • Promoting an open and global economy. The NCAFP fulfills its mission through Track I½ and Track II diplomacy. These closed-door and off-the-record conferences provide opportunities for senior U.S. and foreign officials, subject experts, and scholars to engage in discussions designed to defuse conflict, build confidence, and resolve problems. Believing that an informed public is vital to a democratic society, the National Committee offers educational programs and issues a variety of publications that address security challenges facing the United States. Critical assistance for this volume was provided by Ms. Rorry Daniels, Associate Project Director of the NCAFP’s Forum on Asia-Pacific Security (FAPS); Ms. Juliet Lee, Project Assistant, FAPS; and Mr. -
Major Powers and Global Contenders
CHAPTER 2 Major Powers and Global Contenders A great number of historians and political scientists share the view that international relations cannot be well understood without paying attention to those states capable of making a difference. Most diplo- matic histories are largely histories of major powers as represented in modern classics such as A. J. P. Taylor’s The Struggle for Mastery in Europe, 1848–1918, or Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. In political science, the main theories of international relations are essentially theories of major power behavior. The realist tradition, until recently a single paradigm in the study of international relations (Vasquez 1983), is based on the core assumptions of Morgenthau’s (1948) balance-of-power theory about major power behavior. As one leading neorealist scholar stated, “a general theory of international politics is necessarily based on the great powers” (Waltz 1979, 73). Consequently, major debates on the causes of war are centered on assumptions related to major power behavior. Past and present evidence also lends strong support for continuing interest in the major powers. Historically, the great powers partici- pated in the largest percentage of wars in the last two centuries (Wright 1942, 1:220–23; Bremer 1980, 79; Small and Singer 1982, 180). Besides wars, they also had the highest rate of involvement in international crises (Maoz 1982, 55). It is a compelling record for the modern history of warfare (since the Napoleonic Wars) that major powers have been involved in over half of all militarized disputes, including those that escalated into wars (Gochman and Maoz 1984, 596). -
Gunboat Diplomacy: Political Bias, Trade Policy, And
Gunboat Diplomacy Political Bias, Trade Policy, and War∗ Brendan Cooley† 13 November 2019 Abstract Countries with deep trading relationships rarely ght wars with one another. Here, I develop a theory of trade, war, and political bias, in which both trade and war are endogenous objects. Governments can rectify poor market access conditions abroad through war and subsequent regime change, in which the victorious country installs a liberal “puppet” government abroad. Trade policy bargaining is therefore conducted “in the shadow of power,” with counterfactual wars shaping the policy choices that prevail in times of peace. When peace prevails, militarily weak countries are more open to trade than powerful ones, all else equal. Equilibrium trade policies balance domestic interests against military threats from abroad. War is less likely between liberal governments because they prefer less protectionist trade policies. As a result, trade ows and the probability of peace are positively correlated in equilibrium, even though trade does not cause peace. JEL Classication Codes: D72, D74, F13, F51, F52, F54 ∗Ph.D. candidate, Department of Politics, Princeton University. Previous versions of this paper were circulated under the titles “Trade Wars, Hot Wars, and the Commercial Peace” and “Trade Policy in the Shadow of Power.” For helpful comments and discussions on earlier drafts of this paper, I thank Timm Betz, Adrien Bilal, Tyson Chatagnier, Rob Carroll, Andrew Coe, Noel Foster, Erik Gartzke, Kishore Gawande, Dan Gibbs, Joanne Gowa, Gene Grossman, -
New Challenges and Opportunities in the Taiwan Strait: Defining America’S Role
New Challenges and Opportunities in the Taiwan Strait: Defining America’s Role By Thomas J. Christensen PREFACE Nations define their identities in many ways – through language, culture, political ideology, religion, ethnicity, and territory. When one or more of these elements becomes contested either between nations or within them, the potential for conflict and war arises. In the case of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, all six of these elements are now to a greater or lesser degree being contested. The official view of the PRC is that Taiwan is part of a yet-to-be-defined “one China.” The ROC no longer claims to be the legitimate government of all of China; its official position is that it is a separate, independent state, reunification is only an option, and an option that could only be achieved should both sides of the Strait, as equals, come to a mutually satisfactory agreement. Adding to the complexity of what is known as cross-Strait relations is the deep involvement of the United States, which maintains close but “unofficial” ties with Taiwan and ever-expanding, official relations with the mainland, and whose policies and military support for Taiwan are designed to dissuade both parties from actions that would lead them to violent conflict. Developments of major historical significance have taken place in the PRC and the ROC since Truman first involved the United States by sending the Seventh Fleet to patrol the Taiwan Strait shortly after the outbreak of the Korean War. The two most relevant to current cross-Strait relations are the PRC’s “Reform and Opening” and its resulting economic growth, and the development of multi-party democracy in the ROC. -
Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire
Journal of International Eastern European Studies/Uluslararası Doğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi, Vol./Yıl. 2, No/Sayı. 2, Winter/Kış 2020) ISSN: 2687-3346 Araştırma Makalesi Gunboat Diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire: With Particular Reference to the Salonika Incident (1876) and Armenian Reform Demands (1879-80) Fikrettin Yavuz* (ORCID ID: 0000-0002-3161-457X) Makale Gönderim Tarihi Makale Kabul Tarihi 01.12.2020 08.12.2020 Abstract Throughout history, gunboat, a small vessel of a naval force, has been turned into a term of coercive diplomacy. Gunboat diplomacy, associated with chiefly the activities of the Great Powers, means the use of naval power directly or indirectly as an aggressive diplomatic instrument. It seems highly probable to see many examples of this coercive diplomacy in the world history, particularly after the French Revolution. Naturally, the Ottoman Empire, always attracted attention of the Great Powers, was exposed to this policy of the Powers. During the nineteen century, the rivalry among the European Powers on the Ottoman territorial integrity became a common characteristic that led them to implement gunboat diplomacy on all occasions. In this context, this article firstly offers a critical analysis of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers on the Ottoman Empire within the dimension of two specific examples: The Salonika Incident and Armenian reform demands. In addition, it aims to contribute to the understanding of gunboat diplomacy of the Great Powers and Ottoman response by evaluating it from native and foreign literatures. Keywords: European Powers, Ottomans, Gunboat Diplomacy, Salonika, Armenian, Reform * Assoc. Prof. Dr., Sakarya University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Department of History, Turkey, [email protected]. -
Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China
Teaching Asia’s Giants: China Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China Poster of Deng Xiaoping, By Bernard Z. Keo founder of the special economic zone in China in central Shenzhen, China. he 9th of September 1976: The story of Source: The World of Chinese Deng Xiaoping’s ascendancy to para- website at https://tinyurl.com/ yyqv6opv. mount leader starts, like many great sto- Tries, with a death. Nothing quite so dramatic as a murder or an assassination, just the quiet and unassuming death of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the wake of his passing, factions in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) competed to establish who would rule after the Great Helmsman. Pow- er, after all, abhors a vacuum. In the first corner was Hua Guofeng, an unassuming functionary who had skyrocketed to power under the late chairman’s patronage. In the second corner, the Gang of Four, consisting of Mao’s widow, Jiang September 21, 1977. The Qing, and her entourage of radical, leftist, Shanghai-based CCP officials. In the final corner, Deng funeral of Mao Zedong, Beijing, China. Source: © Xiaoping, the great survivor who had experi- Keystone Press/Alamy Stock enced three purges and returned from the wil- Photo. derness each time.1 Within a month of Mao’s death, the Gang of Four had been imprisoned, setting up a showdown between Hua and Deng. While Hua advocated the policy of the “Two Whatev- ers”—that the party should “resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave”—Deng advocated “seek- ing truth from facts.”2 At a time when China In 1978, some Beijing citizens was reexamining Mao’s legacy, Deng’s approach posted a large-character resonated more strongly with the party than Hua’s rigid dedication to Mao. -
Myanmar Country Report BTI 2006
Myanmar Status Index 1.88 Management Index 2.04 (Democracy: 1.65 / Market economy: 2.11) Population 49.5 Mio. HDI 0.578 Population growth1 1.8% GDP p. c. ($, PPP) n/a Women in Parliament parliament not convened Unemployment rate n/a Poverty2 n/a UN-Education Index 0.76 Gini-Index n/a Source: UNDP: Human Development Report 2005. Figures for 2003 – if not indicated otherwise. 1Annual growth between 1975 and 2003. 2 Population living below $ 1 (1990-2003). A. Executive summary Myanmar today is still an authoritarian regime ruled by a military junta that suppresses all avenues of dissent, including the media and public protest. The regime leaves no room for independent civic organizations to develop, but uses vast resources to repress its citizens and deny all basic freedoms. Some 2000 political prisoners are still kept under arrest. Some hopes were raised in 2002 that the regime would relax its control on the National League for Democracy (NLD), Myanmar’s biggest opposition party, when it freed the opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest. Yet, these hopes were dashed again in May 2003, when the military ordered a clampdown against the opposition and the re-detention of Suu Kyi. The renewed house arrest for the opposition leader triggered widespread criticism from the international community. The military junta answered with the announcement of a roadmap to a “disciplined democracy” in September 2003, which also included plans for a new constitution, a popular referendum and fresh multiparty elections. The NLD was invited to participate in the proceedings but opted to boycott the National Convention after the military declined to free Suu Kyi. -
The Brain That Changes Itself
The Brain That Changes Itself Stories of Personal Triumph from the Frontiers of Brain Science NORMAN DOIDGE, M.D. For Eugene L. Goldberg, M.D., because you said you might like to read it Contents 1 A Woman Perpetually Falling . Rescued by the Man Who Discovered the Plasticity of Our Senses 2 Building Herself a Better Brain A Woman Labeled "Retarded" Discovers How to Heal Herself 3 Redesigning the Brain A Scientist Changes Brains to Sharpen Perception and Memory, Increase Speed of Thought, and Heal Learning Problems 4 Acquiring Tastes and Loves What Neuroplasticity Teaches Us About Sexual Attraction and Love 5 Midnight Resurrections Stroke Victims Learn to Move and Speak Again 6 Brain Lock Unlocked Using Plasticity to Stop Worries, OPsessions, Compulsions, and Bad Habits 7 Pain The Dark Side of Plasticity 8 Imagination How Thinking Makes It So 9 Turning Our Ghosts into Ancestors Psychoanalysis as a Neuroplastic Therapy 10 Rejuvenation The Discovery of the Neuronal Stem Cell and Lessons for Preserving Our Brains 11 More than the Sum of Her Parts A Woman Shows Us How Radically Plastic the Brain Can Be Appendix 1 The Culturally Modified Brain Appendix 2 Plasticity and the Idea of Progress Note to the Reader All the names of people who have undergone neuroplastic transformations are real, except in the few places indicated, and in the cases of children and their families. The Notes and References section at the end of the book includes comments on both the chapters and the appendices. Preface This book is about the revolutionary discovery that the human brain can change itself, as told through the stories of the scientists, doctors, and patients who have together brought about these astonishing transformations. -
The Lessons of 1914 for East Asia Today the Lessons of 1914 Ja Ian Chong and for East Asia Today Todd H
The Lessons of 1914 for East Asia Today The Lessons of 1914 Ja Ian Chong and for East Asia Today Todd H. Hall Missing the Trees for the Forest A century has passed since the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo set in mo- tion a chain of events that would eventually convulse Europe in war. Possibly no conºict has been the focus of more scholarly attention. The questions of how and why European states came to abandon peaceful coexistence for four years of armed hostilities—ending tens of millions of lives and several im- perial dynasties—have captivated historians and international relations schol- ars alike. Today, Europe appears far removed from the precipice off which it fell a century ago. If anything, most European states currently seem more concerned about the damage potentially caused by ªnancial instruments than instruments of war. On a global scale, the destructive power of contemporary weaponry so dwarfs armaments of that earlier era that some scholars have argued great power war to be obsolete.1 Additionally, the international community has estab- lished international institutions, forums, and consultative mechanisms to chan- nel conºict away from the battleªeld and into the conference room. Yet, not only do the great power relations of that era persist in intriguing scholars; as Steven Miller and Sean Lynn-Jones observe, they also continue to “haunt,” for “they raise troubling doubts about our ability to conduct affairs of state safely in an international environment plagued by a continuing risk of war.”2 In many ways, these doubts have assumed a renewed salience Ja Ian Chong is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the National University of Singapore. -
Astern Civilizations -- Regional Studies
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 043 537 SO 000 265 TITLE Social Studies, Grade 0, World Studies: !astern Civilizations -- Regional Studies. Course of Study and Related Learning Activities. Revised rdition. INSTITUTION NPw York City 9oard of Education, Prooklvn, N.Y. Pureau of Curriculum Development. SPONS AGENCY New York state Education Dept., Albany. Center for International Programs dnd Services. REPORT NO Curr-Mull-1060-i970-Ser-12 PUB DATE -10 NOTr nOFT.; History and Social Science Series AVAILABLE FP01 Poard of education of the City of New York, Publication Sales Office, 110 Livingston Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. 11201(S7. !O) Er)RS PRICE IMPS Price ME-$1.'0 PC trot Available from E! S. DESCRIPTORS African History, *Area Studios, Asian History, Concept Teaching, Cross Cultural Studies, Economics, Geography, *Grade 0, *Inductive Methods, Instructional Materials, Interdisciplinary Approach, Learning Activities, Multimedia Instruction, *Non Western Civilization, Political Science, Social Sciences, Social Studios Units, Sociology, *Fate Curriculum Guides, Values IDENTIFIERS Communist China, India, Japan, Middle East, USSR ABSTRACT ''he curriculum guide for non-western civilization area studies incorporates these major considerations: 1) the teachino of concepts rather than the accumulation of data, focusing on the development of critical thinking; 2)+he development of values, skills, and knowledge needed to cope with the Pressing social problems of today including: receptivity to change, international awareness, a committen+ to democratic values and -
Views of the Qin Instructor: Anthony Barbieri-Low Tuesdays, 9:00Am-11:50 Am Office: HSSB 4225 Location: HSSB 2252 Office Hours: Mon
History 184R: Views of the Qin Instructor: Anthony Barbieri-Low Tuesdays, 9:00am-11:50 am Office: HSSB 4225 Location: HSSB 2252 Office hours: Mon. 12:00-2:00 pm [email protected] Course Description: The Qin Dynasty (221-207 BC) was the first imperial house to rule the bulk of the territory we now think of as China. The Qin established the pattern for the imperial bureaucratic state that would rule China for the next two thousand years, and its unification of the various written scripts and metal currencies of feudal China ensured the cultural and economic unification of the land as well. But the Qin Dynasty has also been disparaged by later writers for its harsh laws, its excessive labor mobilizations, the autocratic rule of its emperors, and of course, the famous “burning of the books,” one of the most notorious literary inquisitions in history. In this course, students will look at the Qin Dynasty from a wide variety of perspectives. They will come to learn how this brief period in Chinese history has been viewed by later authors and through the lens of contemporary culture. The types of material that students will read or view in this course include primary historical documents, legal codes and casebooks, legends and literature, historical essays, archaeological materials, historical fiction, movies, comic books, and video games. Course Goals: The primary purpose of this course is to train you in the research and writing of a polished historical paper. This course will take you through the stages of a complete research paper