Indigenous Peoples Profile Lao People's Democratic Republic

Home , Attapeu, Ethnolinguistic group, Hmong language, Khammouane Province, Khmer people, Koho people

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Public Disclosure Authorized Indigenous Peoples Profile Lao People's Democratic Republic

James R. Chamberlain Charles Alton Arthur G. Crisfield Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized

Public Disclosure Authorized CARE International, Vientiane Prepared for the World Bank August 30, 1996

PART ONE The findings, interpretations, judgments, and conclusions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and should not be attributed to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of the Board of Executive Directors or the governments they represent.

The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this report and accepts no responsibility whatsoever for any consequence of their use. Furthermore, the information provided in the report does not imply on the part of the World Bank any judgment on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries.

Copies of this paper are available from: Svend Jensby EASES, Room MC8-114 Indigenous Peoples Profile Lao People's Democratic Republic

James R. Chamberlain Charles Alton Arthur G. Crisfield

CARE International, Vientiane Prepared for the World Bank August 30, 1996

PART ONE

It was not important that they survive. What mattered was that they should bear Some lineament or character,

Some affluence, if only half-perceived In the poverty of their words Of the planet of which they were part.

Wallace Stevens

myci6 6vap aivopomol Pindar

Preface

The current interest that is being shown toward the indigenous peoples in Laos may well turn out to be one of the most important directions for the development of the country that has evolved to date. The willingness on the part of donor agencies to engage in the study of these many arid vraried cultures indeed parallels that which has been accorded to biodiversity.in studies of the environment, a fact which cannot be viewed as accidental in a holistic frame of reference where the role of human symbolic systems as determiners of the fate of our planet's ecology is central and incontrovertible. It indicates that the era of thinking in terms of the traditional philosophical dilemma of man versus nature is being superseded, even in the eyes of economists, by an awareness of the necessary unity between what some might portray as the real and the symbolic, and a focus on the gap that has existed between them in human thinking.

To capture the spirit of the "indighne" in the world of today, of his sense of loss of belonging, of his bewilderment in the face of greed, of his longing for the order and coherence of a culture that once provided warmth and comfort, is perhaps beyond the capability of this profile. Such reports are always directed at social goals, towards the greater good of the majority, and only rarely do they touch upon the state of mind of the individual. But it is the individual who lives in our thoughts and in our minds, the mother nursing her child, understanding and knowing so much of the natural world and yet being so little understood. In this light our profile of the indigenous peoples of Laos can only be seen as opening of the door a slight way on that understanding. But perhaps, amid all of .the unavoidable emphasis on complexity and diversity, there is an underlying simplicity that might sur- prise us if we are open enough, and caring enough, and patient enough. Is there still time?

Thus the purpose of our study is intricate and in some respects elusive. Our discourse and our metaphors are new and unfamiliar to the audience of developers and planners whose interests are characteristically physical or targeted amor- phously and aculturally at the "community." Our intellectual presence in the realm of indigenous peoples betokens the priorness of ethnic identity. And our effort, when carried to its ultimate logical conclusion, is aimed at the inclusion of indigenous thought in decisions that affect the lives and well-being of indigenous populations. This is no small matter, but we wish to express the hope that the directions which we have outlined will be considered and pursued to the degree that is deemed feasible by donor agencies.

James R. Chamberlain September 1, 1996

Acknowledgments

The writers of this report wish to thank the representatives of the many organizations who contributed their time, shared with us their knowledge and experiences, and provided us with numerous written materials.

In addition we would like to acknowledge the efforts of Mike Carroll, Choychien Sacteurn, and the staff of CARE for their time and support. Particular thanks go to Anna Gillespie for her work on the bibliography.

In preparation for the finalization of the report we are especially indebted to Concepcion del Castillo of the World Bank whose careful reading and comments on the first draft inspired many major improvements in the content and in the text.

iii

Contents

CHAPTER 1 hItroduction I

Introduction I Indigenous People 2 Official ermiinology 3 Highlander and Lowlander 4 The Present Report 6

CHAPTER 2 Th1( CiUrrei BaSe o ifnifilaion 9

Review of the Fixisting State of Knowledge 9 Recent Work 10 AvailabIe Resources 11

CHAPTER 3 Ethizolinguistic Classification 13

Classification 13 Tai-Kadai 14 Ilmong-Mien 17 Austroasiatic 18 ibeto-Burmese 19 Contents 20 --tai-K;idai 21 Be-Tai 22 Southwestern Tal 23 IImong-Mien 24

Contents iv Contents

AuNiwis :ili- 25 Klinmuic 26 Palaungic 27 Katuic 28 Victic 29 Bahnaric 30 Sino-Tibclan 31 Census Categories 32

CHAPTER 4 Society and Ethnicity 35 Society and Ethnicity 35 Lao National Identity 36 The State an(i Ethnic Minoritics 36 Ethnic Conflicts 37 Separatism and Sedentarization 38

CHAPTER 5 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 41

Agrictiimc mid tic linvirouncim 41 lind and Naiural Iewrce~m, Use 41 Sunnary of Development Txpericices 51 Population Groiith 52 lind Allocaian and (And Use .52 Relocatimi From Highland Areas 53 Pood Security 55 Potential Ethnic ConflicIts 58 Equity Cnsviderations 59 Government & Infrastructure & Services 59 Indigenous Knowledge and Development 60 Rice Production Data by Province 66

CHAPTER 6 Indigenous Peoples and Education 69

Ntioil Policics 69 The Right to Education 69 tanguage Policy 70 Ehicational Opportunity and Partiripation 71 Educational Programs for Minorities since 1975 74 On-piiiiv Oropr:i ms for 1fiiorilivs 77 Mar t.o v 77 (t/her l)onr Assxistanic 79 Annotatcd I;ihliograpliy of Education Documenis 82

V Contents Contents

I'mr,imw, I)ato 85

CHAPTER 7 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 87

5 I/hr ' i Nsa)n lid, 'rt.' v ,,or.servation Are (iiNIt( A) N J 11e Nakai Plateau 93 The Ethnic Groups 97 Wetic 99 Katitir 101 lIti-Keadlai 102 H'nong 103 Ethno-Historical Settlement Pattern 103 Social Status 104 Mobility 105 Concuvions 106 The Ethnicity Factor 107 The Case of the Bo and Other Shifts in Ethnicity 107 Final Comments on The Nakai Experience 109 L,essonr I.arned 110

CHAPTER 8 Conclusions and Reconmendations 113

Final Comments 113 lhica ion 115 Rescurch Nccds 116 lndigenus Knowvledgqc 117 Participation 117 Social Anwlysis 117 A etafo-antiropologicalConunent II An Fthnographic Clearinghouse 119

CHAPTER 9 Bibliography 123

Introduction 123 Bibliographics: 123 References: 125

Contents vi Contents

iji Contentsç CHAPTER 1 Introduction

Itroduction-

This report is written in response to the World Bank's request for an assessment of the situation regarding indigenous peoples in the Lao PDR in accordance with Operational Directive 4.20 which outlines the Bank's need for:

A. adopting broader definitional criteria than the existing OMS to reflect the diversity of definitions and sensitivities found in member countries (para. 3-5);

B. ensuring that indigenous peoples are not adversely affected by Bank projects and that the social and economic benefits they receive are in harmony with their cultural preferences (para. 6);

C. addressing issues concerning indigenous peoples in economic and sector work (para. 11);

D. including project components on indigenous peoples in Bank financed projects (para. 13);

E. ensuring the "informed participation" of indigenous people in the preparation of development plans and in the design and implementation of projects (paras. 8, 14-15).

In consideration of these needs, the report will focus on -- to the extent that is possible given the present state of our knowledge - both the technical ethnographic, ethnological, and ethnolinguistic aspects of the peoples of Laos as well as the real experiences of implementors of projects directly involving minority populations.

Introdiction I Indigenous People

Indigenous People

Since the term 'indigenous people' is ambiguous and may cause confusion, particularly in Laos where the ethnic Lao comprise only about 30-35% of the population, throughout this report the terms 'minority' or 'ethnic minority' will be used to designate non-ethnic Lao groups. The term 'ethnic Lao' will be used to refer to the ethnolinguistic group that speaks a language technically defined as Lao, as opposed to other lowland Tai speaking minorities that are frequently lumped together under the rubric of "lowland Lao" in both lay and professional discourse surrounding Laos, a practice which serves to inflate official population statistics for the clilt irally domilinant11 group. ind] which does not do juslice to the elnic diversity and pride of lowland groups such as Thuy Neua, Thay Phouan, or Phou Thay, Black Tii and Red Tai, even though these languages, because of frequent contact, are to a degree mutually intelligi- ble with Lao.

Also, in establishing the tone for this study, the unique circumstances surrounding the national language cannot be overly emphasized. That is, while "Lao" is the official language of the country, it has never been explicitly defined in terms of pronunciation. By contrast to all other countries in Asia, there is no standard pronunciation, regional Tai languages and dialects of Lao being used interchangeably with only slight modifications in cases of ambiguity. How long this situation, which appears to be an unconscious occurrence rather than an overt government policy, will endure remains to be seen, but its inherent wisdom and egalitarian attitude bear testimony to what might be referred to as an ethic of harmony in the cultural personality of the ethnic Lao. And it is this ethic, or cultural premise, which provides a ray of hope, that given sufficient education, it is possible to achieve the multicutural ideal.

Historically, prior to invasions by Thailand and subsequent colonization by France, there is little evidence of hostility towards minority peoples on the part of the ethnic Lao rulers. In this period, up until the 18th century, there were indeed hierarchies of inter-ethnic relationships hetween Tai speaking lowlanders and Austronsiatic uplanders, but for the most part, based upon evidence ["romt analogous situations in the Sip Song Chou lai -- the Black Tai piincipal- ities of what is now northwestern Vietnam which remained isolated for a longer time and hence preserved more of their culture with little or no influence from India or China - these relationships are perhaps best described as symbioses where a militarily or organizationally dominant lowland Tai group must maintain peaceful relations with an older Austroasiatic group because the latter control the spirits of the land. The mistaken interpretation that many political scientists and even naive anthropologists attribute to the term KHA, the Tai-Lao term used to refer to the indigenous Austroasiatic peoples, is "slave" with the resulting conclusion that all indigenous peoples at the time were slaves. In fact the etymology of KIHA derives from the ancient ethnonym for Austroasiatic peoples that is cognate with terms like KHIvER, KIMOU, KH1OM, KROM, and so on, the initial "KI-" element being preserved., In other words, while the term does imply lower social status, it does not mean 'slave' and this is a conven-

2 hirodiction Officini Torminology

tional myth that should be dispelled as it can only bias an already inaccurate Western view of ethnic relations in the Lao PDR.

An additional factor which has served to prejudice Western thinking on Laos is the long history of contact of foreign missionaries with the ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia. Because missionaries have traditionally had little success converting lowland Buddhist cultures to Christianity, they came to focus their attention upon the more easily convertible upland and highland groups. Here there were "simple" , "straight talking" , "down-to-earth" peoples whose values were perceived as closer to those of the Western missionaries than the complex cultures of the lowlanders. And the result has been for Westerners in general, including non- missionaries such as French and American military advisors, to identify with and champion the cause of the upland minorities. This does not mean that the minorities in Laos do not need championing, but that many Western organizations have come to identify government policy with the Lowland Lao ethnic group and this has tended to result in a distorted view of ethnic relations within the country as a whole.

Official Tenninology

The newly created constitution of the Lao PDR appeared in 1991, and conspicuously absent was the use of the terms that had been officially used to refer to ethnic minorities since 1975: Lao Lown 'lowlander'; Lao Thoeng 'midlander, uplander'; and Lao Soung 'highlander.' These terms were not the creation of the new regime however, as many believe, but had been in use, quasi officially, by governments, both local and foreign, and political scientists for many years, at least since the 1950s. It was a simplistic solution to avoid having to refer to the myriad ethnic groups by their real identities. Since the Tibeto-Burman and Hmong-Mien groups arrived much later, it is supposed that the older term Phou Theng or Phou Thoeng 'person + above', that is, 'people who live in the mountains,' which referred specifically to Mon- Khmer groups had been in use much longer, perhaps since the arrival of the Tais into Laos in the 12th or 13th century since at that time there were only two ethnolinguistic families represented in the territory that is now the Lao PDR. In about 1962, P.S. Nginn, a Vietnamese scholar trained in France, one of the founders of the Comite Littiraire which later became the Royal Lao Academy, lent his official sanction to the use of the terms, stating, in good colonial 1radition. Iblt since Ihigh' and 'low' did not have the same coinotalions as they did in France,

1. The tenn 'Kha' has come to be used in a doublet expression 'Khoy Kha' which does mean 'slave', but 'Kha' by itself is a word that occurs geographically onlyN in those areas where Mon-Khmer people coCNist with Tais. Furthenmoie, the Bilack Tai cognate, *S:', implies that the original initial consonant was *khr-, the same re- constructed initial as in the Mon-Khmer ethnonym such as attested in 'Krom' meaning Khmer.

Introduction 3 Highlander and Lowlander

refering to a pun in the use of Haute Savoie and Bas Savoie to refer to the people of the Savoie mountains in France, that it was permissible to use these in Laos.

I'lIoiglin the conl.slilliiu(m lilt tei ms p *ljtrA'i)./hi/hlluI)III l iJLl -1LV- ll mu )lenam41 handaphan (deqqtiunicU0) are utilized more or less interchangeably to refer to 'ethnic groups' or 'ethnic citizens,' making use of the old word for 'tribe' (phau).

Article 8 of the constitution reads:

The State will carry out a policy of unity and equality between the various ethnic groups. All ethnic groups have the right to preserve andimprove their own traditions and culture and those ofthe nation. Discriminationbetween ethnic groups isforbidden. The State will carry out every means in order to continue to improve and raise the economic and social level ofall ethnic groups.

Although it may be too early to tell, it appears that the intention of the constitution is to grant equal identity to all ethnic groups by eliminating all reference to the distinctions between highlanders and lowlanders. The inclusion of the national culture in this article is perhaps dis- concerting since there is no definition offered in the constitution as to its meaning or referent. The last sentence is also ambiguous since "raising the social level" is obviously a matter of personal interpretation and does not conform to an absolute scale.

Concurrently, there seems to be a trend to preface the names of certain groups with the word 'Lao', such as in 'Lao Phay,* Lao May,' or 'Lao Houay,' a practice that resembles the "Lao Loum,' Lao Thoeng,' etc. nomenclature. However, this may simply be a residual phenomenon that has not yet caught up with the terminological precedent of the constitution. In fact most people continue to use the old highlander/uplander/ lowlander distinctions. 2

Highlanderand Lowlander

Anthropologically and ecologically speaking, there are determinative categories of distinctions that can be made between highland (whether uplander/midlander or highlander in Lao parlance) and lowland peoples. Highlanders live in the mountains at higher altitudes and (aside from the few remaining hunters and gatherers) practice swidden agriculture. For the

2. Another possibility is that there may he a conscious attempt to replace the word "Thay". as an ethnic prefix meaning simply 'people' in (lie Lao language (as in Thay Lao 'Lao people', Thay Ban 'villagers'. Thay lay 'southerner'), but which is also the word for the "Thai" of liailand, and therefore the source of much undesirable confusion. (The word "Phou" meaning 'person' is uqed in n -;imilar way in ethnoinvm sich w; Phu 'I h:y. Phum Noy. Phou Theng. ic

4 Introduction Highlander and Lowlander

most part they are animists and do not practice lowland religions such as Buddhism - there are exceptions to this, as may be seen from the data in this report, e.g. the lu Mien and Kim Moun who have followed a form of Taoism since the 12th century, or those groups who have been converted to some form of Christianity.

In the highland areas there is considerable topographical variability in the shapes and patterns of mountain formations, and this, coupled with the monsoons leads to diversity in rainfall throughout the year, even though on the whole, the amount of rainfall is high and there is additional moisture available from mists and fog. The physical location of villages is thus a matter of great concern to highland peoples, and many, like the Hmong, have evolved elaborate sys- Winls ()f geomlancy (h1.1 have become intimlatwly interrelated Wilit leligion.

Kirsh (1973) summarizes the effects of this situation and is worth quoting here:

Aside from the localizcd problems of rainfall distribution, there are also significant differences in soil fertility both within and between various localities in the upland ecological niche. These differences in fertility are correlated in part with differences in slope, underbrush, soil content, and fallowing periods, etc. That the upland peoples are acutely aware of these problems is indicated by the extensive body of agricultural lore which they have amassed through years of experience. Among other things, the technology of swidden agriculture encourages numbers of people to cultivate together within swidden blocks rather than on separated individual clearings. The requirements for fallowing place some empirical limits on the total number of people who can live and work together. Within the limits of the smallest possible group capable of cultivating effectively as a unit and the largest group which can be supported by a swidden technology, there is a fairly wide range. This range is influenced not only by considerations of technical efficiency, but by other social and cultural factors as well.

Kirsh goes on to relate that these unstable ecological conditions have produced common upland social characteristics wherein "the motivation to maximize production cannot be left to chance," even though the maximum may be rarely achieved. This in turn accounts for the general tendency on the part of upland peoples to maximize such notions as 'potency' and 'fertility' in religious systems. He is quick to point out however, that, contrary to the zero-sum InodeIls developed by some political anthropologisls, that is, models wherein power can only be acquired by one individual at the expense of another, in his religious model (which appears nowadays to be more in tune with the ecological system and models of biodiversity) the amount of ritually acquired 'grace' or 'merit' is not limited or fixed, and there are no limits on the amount that may be acquired by others.

Another characteristic of upland and highland cultures is the importance placed on the value of labor. Intricate systems of labor exchange and indebtedness have evolved not only between families and villages, but between ethnic groups, to a degree where servitude, slavery, and the use of children in the repayment of debts are common in remote highland areas. In other instances, particularly among the Hmong, the hiring of local Mon-Khmer peoples to work in fields is common as well.

Introduction 5 Tho Pt rnzont nPorti

It should be mentioned that the "motivation to maximize" lies in direct opposition to the lowland ethnic Lao cultural premise of "optimization" or ethic of "enough" wherein over-produc- ing and maximization are perceived negatively as greed. In the past this has led to misunderstandings, though not on a large scale. However, the potential does exist here for cultural conflict if population pressure or relocation policies bring the two groups into closer contact.

Finally, there are indigenous peoples residing in some remote upland areas of the country, in particular Vietic populations who inhabit the Nakai-Nam Theun protected area, who appear to divert from traditional anthropological characterizations in that they are forest people who have only recently moved to village locations. In these cases agricultural practices are new or borrowed, with continued heavy reliance on staples like wild tubers or sago (palm). Birth control is practiced and populations are kept at a minimum. In these cases, perhaps "minimiza- tion" would be a more accurate term for the corresponding cultural premise.

Another anomalous situation occurs in this same location where a large number of Western Katuic Brou, who (unlike members of the other branches of Katuic) had been paddy farmers willh m11arginal swiddenl pract ices. They have recently moved into the protccled area to practice upland fanning while apparently retaining a lowland social system, but one that must have been, historicaUy speaking, itself only recently evolved from that of their uplander relatives in the other branches of Katuic. (The Western Katuic peoples [including the Kouay, Katang etc.] are still referred to by the Lao and others as Lao Thoeng - uplanders - even though most of them are living in lowland or marginal lowland situations.)

The Present Report

To the extent possible, in the chapters that follow, this report will address itself to an au cou- rant description of the situations surrounding the indigenous peoples of the Lao PDR. Chap- ter 2 will review work that has been done and offer commentary on the utilization of this work as preparatory to further study of ethnic groups in the country. Chapter 3 contains the latest assessment of the history and classification of the ethnolinguistic families that are represented in Laos. Chapter 4 will attempt to analyze the current level of participation in the government by minorities, while Chapters 5 and 6 assess the current status of indigenous peoples in the areas of rural development and education, bringing together the collective experiences of international development and NG() projects that have been direcily involved with minority populations. Chapter 7 offers a specific example of interaction between indigenous peoples and a large hydroelectric power facility being planned in the central province of Kham- mouane, and the types of information useful for programming under these conditions. Chapter 8 will present conclusions and recommendations which are aimed at policy considerations. A reference index of all the known ethnic groups in Laos is appended to the report, sorted by the common name and by province. An attempt has been made here to assess the relative vulnera-

6 Inroduction The Present Report

bility of each group based upon criteria that is described in that section of the report. This will be followed by a bibliography which is extensive but not exhaustive given our limited access to resources.

Intoduction 7 The Present Report

8 Infroduetion Review of the Existing State of Knowledge

CHAPTER 2 The Current Base of Infomation

Review of the Existing State of Knowledge

Despite having been relatively neglected or haphazardly portrayed in the popular literature on Laos, and likewise having been largely ignored by professional historians, political scientists, politicians and development planners, a considerable amount of scholarly material on the indigenous peoples of Laos has been produced by linguists and cultural anthropologists. Fur- thermore, a good deal of this research has been available for many years, much of it since the French period.

The reason why so little notice has been taken of the extant materials by these groups undoubtedly results from the degree of complexity that is created when one is confronted with such large doses of anthropological reality. Otherwise neat chains of projected causality are interrupted, with the consequent defensive response being an obviation or adumbration of references to indigenous populations. In fact, in 1964, a definitive work was produced by the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF) at Yale University entitled Ethnic Groups in Mainland SoutheastAsia, and edited by Frank Lebar, Gerald Hickey, and John Musgrave. At least 59 of the more than two hundred ethnic groups found in Laos are described there, many in detail, with bibliographic references provided for further research. Since that publication many other works have emerged that deal specifically with individual ethnic groups or communities. Thus there can be no excuse for the pretense of ignorance that has pervaded much current thinking.

The Current Base of Information 9 Recent Work

Recent Wok

That is not to say that in many sectors there has not been an interest in minority populations. And reference has been made in at least some prime ministerial decrees (temporarily substi- tuting for more formalized laws) to such matters as "respecting traditional land use practices." And many NGO activities are directly involved with projects that focus on minorities or minority communities. In these cases the problem has been a lack of resources and knowl- edgeable professionals. The lacunae created by this situation were then filled by aspiring non- specialists, and at least two works, one in Lao, Khamdeng (1992), Thong Thiaw Banda Phaw You Lao ("Traveling among Lao ethnic groups") [the English subtitle actually reads, sic "Tourist of Ethnic Groups in Laos"], a short work of 50 pages which attempts to classify the groups, provide population statistics, and has many excellent color photographs. The second work, entitled Atlas des Ethnies et des Sous-Ethnies du Laos, was written by Laurent Chazee and privately printed in Bangkok in February, 1995. The latter is a larger volume of 220 pages, with maps of locations, and some additional detail presented for some of the ethnic groups.

The Chazee work invokes some cause for concern because it purports to be something that it is not, a definitive work on Lao minority populations. The book is nicely produced and has unfortunately come to be seen by unsuspecting non-specialists and those not well acquainted with Laos, as a reliable source of information. The critique which follows is therefore a necessary step, albeit a negative one, in fulfilling the purpose of the present report for the World Bank.

The errors that are to be found in this volume may be classified into three main categories: errors of fact; errors of interpretation of existing data; and errors of judgement. Because the errors are quite simply too numerous to mention in this report, examples will be discussed from each of the three categories, and a number of the more glaring mistakes will be mentioned separately in the presentation of the data summary entries for individual ethnic groups.

As examples of factual errors we may cite the numerous cases of mistaken classification: The Tai Doi are not Tai, but rather one of the Sam Tao groups, that is they belong to the Palaungic branch of Northern Mon-Khmer. The Sek are not Austroasiatic, but are Tai-Kadai. The Nila of Bokeo and Louang Nam Tha are not the same group as the Neua of Houa Phanh although they are classed as such. The Panna are not Miao-Yao, but are Tibeto-Burman. And the Phai [Phayland Phou Noy are not synonymous. All of these errors could have been omitted by researching readily available resources. The cases of Sek and Phou Noy are examples of errors copied verbatim from the above mentioned Lebar et. al. (1964) that were long ago corrected in the anthropological literature. The mysterious category "Autres" likewise includes many groups whose ethnicity is not in question, for example, "Phong, Tayten [should be Thay Then], Kha Toong Luang [should be Mlabri], Kri, and Sing Moon [should be Ksing Muul]" are all known to be Austroasiatic. And, of course the immigrant languages of Burmese, Chi-

10 The Current Base of Information Available Resources

nese, Thai, and Vietnamese, if they are listed, should be placed in their proper categories rather than placed together with names of groups whose identity is unknown. In one case Tamoy is listed as a separate Austroasiatic ethnic group when in fact the term means simply 'other Khmou dialect group or clan' in the Khmou language.

The book attempts to provide illustrative ethnographic sketches of one representative group for each ethnolinguistic family. But in so doing the most aberrant groups have been selected. For example, for Tai the "Yang" are chosen, resulting in errors on several levels. First of all the term is "Nhang" by which it is known in much of the older ethnographic literature. Secondly, this is the outsider term, and these people refer to themselves as Yay, cognate with Dioi so spelled by the French in Vietnam, or Yi (Pu Yi) of Guizhou province in China where they comprise the dominant minority group. Thirdly, they are NOT closely related to Lao, Black Tai, and Lue as stated, but rather they belong to the Northern Branch of Tai (or the Chouang branch in Haudricourt's now outdated classification that is followed in the book). A large dictionary (670pp) was produced for Dioi by Esquirol and Williatte in 1908, and an even larger one for Yay (757pp) by William Gedney was recently published at the University of Michigan (Hudak 1991), complete with translations of traditional texts. The group is obviously atypical for Laos, and should never have been utilized as exemplary of a lowland Tai ethnic group.

This type of error is further perpetuated in the selection of the "Lao Houay" as representative of the Hmong-Mien (Miao-Yao) family. "Lao Houay" is a recent appellation indeed adopted to express the very heteromorphic nature of this group which are otherwise represented by strictly highland peoples. Houay is the Lao word for 'stream', and was adopted because this minority prefers to inhabit lowland areas beside streams. (They are sometimes referred to in Vietnam as the Lowland Yao.) The conventional outsider term is Lantne, but they refer to themselves as Kim Moun. In presenting this group as representative, the most atypical member of the entire family has been chosen.

Another work by Gunn (1990) entitled Rebellion in Laos: PeasantPolitics in a ColonialBack- water, is a more political view of minority discontent under the French colonial administration, but suffers from a total reliance on colonial archive sources with no collaborating research carried out among the relevant peoples themselves. Despite its theoretical approach being of the Marxist variety that was in vogue at the time, conforming to a more political and less academic goal, many interesting details are presented that are not available elsewhere. This work is discussed in more detail later in Chapter 4.

Available Resources

As the bibliographies alluded to attest, there is a great deal of work that has been done on the indigenous peoples of Laos. The problem has been in making the extant resources available,

The Current Base of Information 11 Available Resources

matching the information with the locus of the need, and utilizing the available materials as a foundation for additional research (as opposed to starting all over again whenever exigencies arise). It goes without saying that very few of the references cited in bibliographies are available inside Laos, and what little does exist is in private libraries rather than in locations easily accessible to the public.

Likewise there are very few trained Lao people capable of carrying out necessary research, whether in a library or in the field. The closest are a group of researchers at the Institute for CulturalResearch, formerly under the Connitteefor Social Sciences. The Institute which had been previously at the level of a ministry, is now located administratively under the Ministry of Information and Culture. Thus the move has meant a reduction in status. Some of the researchers are highly competent, but all of them are overworked. There is a small research library here as well, but its holdings are irregular in terms of content (This may in fact be the remnants of the library located in the Ministry of Cults under the previous regime.) In addition, members of the institute have amassed a considerable collection of photographs of indigenous peoples, that unfortunately have not been properly catalogued for retrieval.

At the present time, the members of this committee are plagued by a problem of interface with the international community of academics. To the government, and to the Ministry of Infor- mation and Culture, the term culture (vattanatham 'develop + dharma') is still understood in the lay sense as intellectual and artistic activity, or the development of that activity, rather than in the technical anthropological sense. This is the source of considerable misunderstanding between researchers and decision makers within the ministry and the government generally. There is thus an urgent need here for funding and strengthening of this institute if the situation is to be improved.

12 7he Current Base of Information Classification

CHAPTER 3 Ethnolinguistic Classification

Classification

The following classifications represent the current status of ethnolinguistic classification for the four major ethnolinguistic superstocks that are represented in Laos. The Austronesian family has not been addressed since there is so far no reliable evidence of native Chamic villages. The Lavi which are said by Chazee to be "certainly Austronesian," have recently been studied by a reliable linguist and shown to be Austroasiatic (Theraphan L. Thongkum p.c.). There are however itinerant Chamic traders found in the southern provinces originating from Vietnam or Cambodia.

This report will not engage in the current controversy being pursued by some anthropologists regarding the basis for classification. Our experience in Laos has been that wherever a group identifies itself as having a distinct ethnonym, there are always explicit linguistic features that accompany and mark that distinction. Language, being an unconscious phenomenon, has , internal consistencies in structure, and the laws of sound change are regular and systematic. It is also the primary indicator of ethnic identity (as opposed to national identity with which it is sometimes confused). Hence the term 'ethnolinguistic' which we feel provides the most reliable basis for identification and for classification.

The government has tried, without much success, to come to terms with the large number of minority groups in the recent census. In their guidelines for the 1985 and 1995 census takers

Ethnolinguistic Classification 13 Tal-Kadai

the Institute for Cultural Research (formerly under the Committe for Social Sciences) have grouped the peoples into 47 categories, some of which have many subcategories. From a technical ethnolinguistic point of view these categories are rather arbitrary and there is much need for improvement. However, the fact that this list was compiled by the government demonstrates an official desire to recognize ethnic distinctions rather than glossing over them as in the past. The list is provided in the Appendix to this chapter for comparative purposes. The results of the ethnic breakdown from this census are unfortunately not yet available, but when they are published, hopefully early next year, they will provide additional information on populations and localities.

The results of another census for Xieng Khwang Province done in 1985 were procured and examined in some detail. With some caution this has been utilized in including ethnonyms for the database. Over 112 groups were listed for that province alone, but many were soldiers' families that had been relocated from the south and were not included. Others, however, especially from areas of the province about which little is known, have been included and can hopefully be investigated further in the near future.

Tai-Kadai

Since Tai is the ethnolinguistic family to which the dominant lowland Lao population belongs we offer some additional detail here to demonstrate its position in relation to the rest of South- east Asia as well as internally in Laos. This section may also prove to be of value to the Viet- namese and Chinese Indigenous Peoples Profiles in clarifying the positions of the Tai-Kadai minorities in those countries. Both Vietnam and China have a history of confusing classifications that have led to misunderstandings and misinterpretations of data on minority populations.

Generally speaking, in the study of Southern Chinese and Southeast Asian Prehistory, the Tai- Kadai languages tend not to be considered. There are several reasons for this. Tai is commonly associated with the most visible of its daughter languages,-Thai or Siamese of central Thailand which had its nation-state development in the historical period beginning in about the 13th century or slightly earlier if the Angkorean mention of Siam proves relevant. Aside from Thai- land, most other extant Tai-Kadai groups today have a decidedly inland range (the only other coastal area being Hainan), and the inland states, principalities or chiefdoms are generally less well understood. The Tai family proper has been characterized -- incorrectly we believe -- as a conglomerate of other families (Haudricourt 1970) which arose recently in response to the political situation in Southern China. Haudricourt even termed one branch of Tai the "Thai Conqurants" because of their rapid dispersal over Laos, Thailand, Burma, Yunnan, and Assam. However, it now seems clear that they were in fact "Thai Conquis," and that their rapid dispersal over the mainland was probably mostly non-military in character but carried

14 EthnolinguisticClassification Tal-Kadal

with it a capacity for sedentary agriculture and social organization that was superior to that of the indigenous Austroasiatic populations. Finally, the prehistoric distribution of Tai-Kadai has for some time now been a matter of dispute and in some cases, such as the issue of the Nan Chao kingdom in Yunnan, it has been hotly debated.

In recent years however, much light has been shed on less well-known Tai-Kadai languages, and although the recorded evidence is still far from complete, some general patterns are dis- cernible. Inroads are likewise being made into the realms of literature, indigenous histories, and comparative mythology which support initial directions indicated by comparative and historical linguistics.

Tai languages have been divided by Li (1977) into three branches:

Southwestern, which ranges over Lai Chau, So'n La, Thanh Hoa, and Nghe An (NghE Tinh) in Vietnam, all of Laos and Thailand, southern Yunnan, northern Burma, and As- sam; Central, which is confined to the eastern Guangxi-Vietnam border area, including HA Tuy8n, Cao Bang, Lang So'n, Bac ThAi, HA Bac, Hoing Lien So'n, and parts of Quang Ninh and Vinh Phu as well as the southern portion of Guangxi;

Northern, which includes the northern portion of Guangxi, the eastern half of Guizhou, a substantial population in the vicinity of Lao Cai and adjacent parts of Yunnan (including the "Nhang" who are represented by several villages in Laos), and then a surprising distribution, separate from the rest, in Thanh-Hoi, Nghe An, Vietnam, and Khamkeut District in Borikhamxay Province in Laos.

Some scholars prefer to link the first two into a common group, called Southern (Gedney 1989) or South Central (Chamberlain 1975) on the basis of phonological similarity. It is significant that the general north-south axis of NT distribution is interrupted by the intrusion of Central Tai dialects to the north of the Red River delta, and Viet-Meuang (Mon-Khmer) in the delta itself and adjacent areas to the south. Furthermore, it has been suggested that the Saek language found in Borikhamxay and Khammouane may best be interpreted as a language which broke away prior to the unity of Proto-Tai (Gedney 1989). In addition, the Be (Ong Be) language of northern Hainan, has recently been shown to be closer to Tai than to either Kam- Sui or Kadai (Hansell 1988).

The next most closely related language family to Tai is Kam-Sui located in the tri-border area of Guangxi, Guizhou, and Hunan. Kam-Sui has been divided into two groups by Thurgood (1988): one comprised of Mulam (also called Mulao)' and Kam (also known as Dong or Tung), and the other comprised of T'en (Ydnghdang), Maonan, Sui (Shui), Mak (Mb) and Ai-

Etlinolinguistic Classification 15 Tai-Kadai

Cham. The larger unit to which both Tai and Kam-Sui belong is referred to as Kam-Tai (cf. Edmondson and Solnit, 1988)2

The most. distantly related languages belong to the as yet poorly defined Kadai group which includes H1ai (Li, Day, Sai) on Hainan; Laha in So'n La; Gelao (Kelao) in western Guizhou as well as in southern Yunnan and Vietnam; Lachi (Lati) and Laqua along the northern frontier of Vietnam and adjacent Yunnan and Guangxi. From recent studies it appears that Hlai is closer to Kam-Tai (Matisoff 1988). Gelao seems to be closer to Lachi than either of them is to Laqua and Laba. Several other Kadai languages, such as Buyang and Yerong have recently been reported in Yunnan and Guangxi (Liang Min 1990), and more Gelao dialects have surfaced as well, especially White Gelao (/ta 1/, /ta ?lju/) in Yunnan and Guangxi and White, Green, and Red Gelao in Vietnam (Hohmg Lu'o'ng 1990). Liang Min also notes that another two languages in Guizhou, Mbido and YI, are also Kadai. Edmondson (p.c.) reports that the YI are said*to live both in Guizhou and Sichuan (not to be confused with the Tibeto-Burman group Yi), but that the YI of Sichuan no longer speak their own language. There may be other groups living in Guizhou as well and there are large gaps in our data from even these recorded Kadai languages since most have only been described in barest detail. Liang Min has classified the Kadai languages (called by him Ge-Yang) into two groups! Ge-Chi, which includes Gelao, Lachi, and his Yi; and Yang-Biao, which includes two subgroups, Bu-Rong comprised of Buyang and Ycrong, and Pubiao (also Pupeo and Kebao) including Laqua and Laha.

Finally, on the western coast of Hainan island, there is a language called Ngao Fon (Cunren in Chinese), that may not be closely related to Hlai or the other Kadai languages, but whose linguistic affiliation is uncertain at this time (Edmondson and Solnit 1988), although Edmondson (p.c.) relates that Chinese experts claim the vocabulary is 70% cognate with Hlai.

The resultant family trees are provided in Appendix I to this chapter.

The distribution of the ethnic Lao is quite narrow, confined to the valleys of the Nam Ou, and the Mekong, with small populations along the Tha and the Beng rivers. Beyond this the lowland populations, as well as the highlanders, speak Tai languages other than Lao proper.

I. We are informed by Jerold Edmondson (p.c.) that there are two Chinese terms which are different in tone but are romanized in the saine way: 1) /milhol (-Mulam) the Kam-Sui language, and 2) imblAo/ a Kadai language close to Gelao which is found in Guizhou spoken by a people who call themselves Abo. 2. An alternate way of referring to these languagesis used in Edmondson and Soliit (1988). They use Kadai to refer to the larger stock and "extra-Tai Kadai" for Kan-Sui plus what Paul Benedict originally termed the Kadai, that is, Hiai (Li), Laqua, Lachi (Lati), Gelao (Kelao). To refer only to the latter, the term "outer Kadai" or "other Kadai" is used. Both of these seem awkward and so here we use the more widely accepted Tai-Kadai for the superstock and Kadai rather than "outer Kadai" etc. 3. For Mulao see note 2 above. Yi here is not to be confused with the Tai language called Yif or BC'yf, the cognate of Yay, Dioi. Yoi, Yooy, and so on (with the C tone) for whom the outsider term is Nhang in Laos and Vietnam.

16 Ethuo1inguistic Classification Hmong-Mien

-Imong-Mien

This family has been known in the past by the Chinese term Miao-Yao, Miao (Meo) and Yao being the outsider terms for two of the main branches. However, following Ratliff (1992) the decision has been made here to use the insider terms Hmong and Mien, and this usage is being generally accepted in most technical works nowadays. There are several reasons for this change, the primary one being that the term Yao, as it is being used in China, has differing connotations. Put quite simply, at least since the Ming Dynasty, it has been advantageous to refer to oneself as Yao because certain special privileges have been accorded to the Yao by the Chinese emperors, and these continue even down to the present day. Thus there are instances of groups that speak Chinese, Miao, and Tai-Kadai languages all calling themselves Yao for political benefits (Lemoine p.c.).

In addition, though, especially in Laos, the Hmong peoples resent the term "Meo" and feel that it has pejorative connotations. This resentment did not actually surface in Laos until the late 1960s, but today it is a very real condition which must be recognized. In fact, etymologically, the terms Miao, Meo, Hnong, Mong, Mien, Min, Man, and Mun all come from the same Proto-Hmong-Mien root. Benedict (p.c.) has even suggested that the Archaic Chinese form / *miog A/ was borrowed from Proto-Austro-Tai /*mlyaul 'people, person' making it cognate with Malay. But this is, of course, purely speculative.

The family tree in Appendix I has been adopted from the Ratliff (1992)/Strecker schema for the Hmong-Mien ethnolinguistic groupings based upon data from Chinese sources. It is sufficient to demonstrate the great diversity of the family, and the positions held by the representatives in Laos, namely lu Mien, Kim Moun, White Hmong and Green (or Blue) Hmong.

The origins of the Hmong-Mien ancestors are unclear. Comparative and historical linguistic evidence suggests a Hmong-Mien substratum in the tonal phonology of the Wu dialects of Chinese which are spoken along the mouth of the Yangtze River. If this suggestion is correct, then one possibility might be that the Hmong moved southwestward from this point to a location in Guizhou and Hunan, while the more widely dispersed Yao moved by sea along the Chi- nese coast to Kwangtung and then inland from that point. The less well-known Sh8 dialects are found in the mountains of Chekiang and Fu Chien, just to the south of the Yangtze.

Lemoine (1982) has described the sea voyage myth of the Mien which is found in all of the Mien localities between Kwangtung and Thailand, including Laos. All of the Yao, that is all of the peoples in southern China who are known by this ethnonym share the myth of the dog ancestor and have possessed, at least since the Ming Dynasty, copies of the Charter of King Ping (known in Mien as the Kia Sen Pong [Guo Shan Bang in Chinese]), called by such names as the "Perpetual Redaction of the Imperial Decree of Emperor Ping Huang for Protection When Traveling in the Hills" (Thongkum 1991); "Holy Pan Gu's Charter"; or "Imperial Order

Ethfnolinguistic Classification 17 Austroasiatic of the White Register" (Huang Yu 1991). In this document the relation between the Chinese and the Yao peoples is confirmed through the common myth of the dog ancestor Pan Hu or Pan Ku and the Yao are exempted from all taxation and corv6e and are allowed to freely travel and practice slash and burn agriculture throughout China. Copies of this document are still in the possession of some of the Mien in Laos.4

According to Lemoine (1982) the particular form of Taoist religion practiced by the Moun and the Mien appears to date from the Sung dynasties (12th and 13th century). This is based upon an analysis of the many extant Taoist religious texts still in the possession of the Mien and Moun, many of whom are fluent writers of Chinese.

The Yao are estimated to number 1,500,000 throughout the region, 700,000 of whom are Mien, and 100,000 of whom are Moun. Like the Hmong, they did not begin to enter Laos until the 19th century.

Austroasiatic

Having been present on the Southeast Asian mainland for at least the past 5,000 years, Aus- troasiatic populations represent the oldest and most diverse of the indigenous peoples in the region as a whole, and in Laos in particular. One scholar, Professor G6rard Diffloth of Cornell University, has estimated (p.c.) that the Austroasiatic family is approximately of the same time depth as Indo-European. Some members of this family have formed nation-states and flourish- ing civilizations, such as the Vietnamese, the Khmers, and the Mons. Others, such as the M1a- bri, are hunters and gatherers, living in the forests without cultivated agriculture.

Apart from the recorded histories and inscriptions of the Khmer and Mon, little is known about the past of this ethnolinguistic family. Even the history of the Vietnamese is in some doubt since all of the early records were written in Chinese by Chinese colonists, the ethnic Vietnamese themselves not having begun to write in Chinese until the 13th century. This is quite recent when compared to the Austronesian Cham in Vietnam whose earliest writing dates from the 3rd century AD. Unlike the other coastal cultures of Southeast Asia, the Viet- namese never acquired an Indic alphabet, and the historical linguistic evidence seems to indicate that the origins of the Vietic branch of Mon-Khmer were inland, along what is now the Lao-Vietnamese border, and the closest relative, the Katuic branch, is likewise located in the interior. Also now coming to light, is a greater than expected variety within the Khmuic branch which are spread out across northern Laos, but with its area of greatest diversity found in Houa Phanh Province. It is probably safe to assume that a good many of the archeological

4. For further discussion ef. Lemoine (1982); Lemoine and Chiao ChieN (1991); Thongkum (1991).

18 Einolingtistic Classification Tibeto-Burmese

findings in central Laos and northeast Thailand are Mon-Khmer. Beyond this however, there is still much that is not understood.

Lao history indicates that the earliest inhabitants, predating the arrival of the Lao-Tais were Mon-Khmer. And there has always existed in Louang Prabang a ritual position for the Mon- Khmers in the major local ceremonies. The same is true in what was formerly the southern Lao kingdom of Champasak. The Phou Thay in Khammouane and Savannakhet have a similar relationship with the Austroasiatic So. In all cases, the original Austroasiatic inhabitants are considered to have control over the guardian spirits of the land, and hence over such natural phenomena as drought and rainfall. This perception is still maintained by most people in Laos and has served to constrain potentially prejudicial behavior on behalf of the lowlanders to some degree. Such spiritually based relationships do not necessarily obtain between the lowlanders and the Hmong-Mien and the Tibeto-Burman groups who are more recent arrivals. And frequently, because of their altitudinal positions vis-4-vis the highlanders and lowlanders, the Austroasiatic groups have played the role of buffer between the two.

Tibeto-Burmese

There is not a large corpus of literature to document the arrival of the Tibeto-Burmese speaking peoples into Laos. The majority of them are known to have arrived from either Burma or Yunnan beginning in the 19th century and with the latest migrations arriving well into the beginning of the 20th century. They have remained for the most part, in remote areas and only recently have some villages relocated, either voluntarily or as refugees, to lower altitudes. Their agricultural practices in Laos, the degree of swidden rotation or lack thereof, the effects on watersheds and the environment, by comparison with that of other recent arrivals, say, of the Hmong, are undocumented.

Much more has been written on the Tibeto-Burman peoples of northern Thailand, many of which are similar or identical to those in Laos, but because of time and budgetary restrictions has not been accessible to this project.

Efhnolinguistic Classification 19 Contents

Appendix to Chapter 3

Contents

1. Tai-Kadai

Be-Tai

Southwestern Tai

2. Hmong-Mien

3. Austroasiatic

Khnuic

Palaungic

Katuic

Vietic

Bahnaric

4. Sino-Tibetan

*Note: Names of Ethnic Groups found in the Lao PDR are italicized;

24) Eihnolinguistic Classification TAl-KADAI

KAM-TAI

Be-Tai

Tai Saek Be Kam-Sui Lakkia Hlai (Li) Ge-Chi Yang-Biao I I Northern Central Southwestern

The Main Branchings of the Tai-Kadai Ethnolinguistic Family'

Adapted from Chamberlain (1992).

21 BE - TAI

Northern Central Southwest Saek Be Saek (Hainan) fMne

P PH

Neua-Phuan Lao

Yay (Nhang) Nung Black Tai Phouan Lao Chung Chia Tho/Thu White Tai Neua Yooy Wu-Ming Western Nung Red Tai Yeuang Kaloeng Bu Yi Lung Ming Moey Nyo (Bo) Lung Chow Nyouan Phou Thay Lei Ping Lue Thay Vat Nia Kaloep Kuan Siamese Khang (Bo) Kuan Khang Khamti Ahom Kheun

The Be-Tai Ethnolinguistic Family'

Adapted from Chamberlain (1992).

22 SOUTHWESTERN TAI

P PH

NEUA-PHOUAN A 1-2 A 2-3 A 3-4 LAO B/C 1-2 B=DL

Lao Neua {Phake} Khin Tai Dam Tai Deng S. Thai Phuan (Sukhothai) Siamese (Shan (Yai)} Yuan Tai Done Tai Moey Kaloeng Thay Vat (Bo) {KhamtilNiia} Tai Lue (Bo) Tai Kouan Yooy Phou Thay Kaloep {EwLai) Nyo

The Southwestern Branch of Tai'

The tripartite division of the P Group is adapted from Dr. Theraphan L.Thongkum, personal communication.

23 HMONG-MIEN (Miao-Yao)

Mienic Ho Nte Hmongic (Sh(e) I'I I I I 1 Min-Meng 1 I I I Dzao Min Mien-Mun Pa Hng Yu Nuo Kiong Nai Hm Nai West Hmongic N. Hmongic E. Hmongic (Bunu) (Bunu) (Bunu) (Bunu) (Qo Xiong) (Mhu)

In Mien Kim Mun Biao Mon (Yao) (Lantene) I1111 11 IllI Nu Mhou Nao Klao Pu No Nu Nu Tung Nu Eastern Luobo River Mashan Huishui Guiyang NE Yunnan Sichuan-Guizhou-Yunnan (Bunu) (Bunu) (Bunu) (Bunu) (Bunu)

White Hmong Green Hmong

The Hmong-Mien (Miao-Yao) Ethnolinguistic Superstock'

Adapted from Ratliff (1992) with the assistance of David Strecker. An additional possibly related language, Na-e, is so far unclassified.

24 ¸

а ¹ ½L s о z а .¸

' + » z ------О а о = о, ´ > ¸ w+ U о´ Å ´ ¸ "' Q' ¹ ао Wо w ¹ = W '¹ ¡ О v i ¹ О ´ а F А . v z ' ------а G

¸ L ± v ³ L о А ¸ - Q ,; ¸ , ' о о о , о U KHMUIC

Khmu (Khang ?) Phray-Pram

KsingHotii Prainic p1lay1mabTin Mlabri

Tai Hat Phong Laon Kaniang Ta 7ien (7 Duh) phong phine Pliong Piat Phong Topouairg (Pbong Saloey)

The Khmuic Branch of Northern Mon-Khmer'

Courtcsv of Gdrard Diffloth and Frank Proschan.

26 PALAUNGIC

I I West East North

I I I i I I _ = 1 I -- I Waic Anguic Lamet Danau Palaung-Riang (Khang ?) Mang

Wa/Lawa Plang Riang Palaung (Bulang)

Wa Sam Tao I Kha Bit Lamet Riang Palaungrl'a'ang Lawa Man Met Xmet Rumai Phalok Sam Tao 2

The Palaungic Branch of Northern Mon-Khmer'

Courtesy of Gdrard Diffloth.

27 KATUIC I I I East Central West 1 1 I II I-I - Kata Pacoh Nge' Ta'oy Ong Katang Brou-So Kuai-Yoe (Ngkriang) So (Many groups) Ma(n)kong Tri (KriCali, Chui) Kanay Bru

The Katuic Branch of Eastern Mon-Khmer'

Courtesy of Gdrard Diffloth. Only the groups living in the Lao PDR are shown here. There are many others in Vietnam and Cambodia.

28 VIETIC

Viet-Muang-Toum Other Thaveung Ahoe Mialeng (PakAtan) Arem I. Sach Viet-Muang

Vietnamese Ngouan Muang Toum Pong

The Vietic Branch of Eastern Mon-Khmer'

Courtesy of Gdrard Diffloth.

29 BAHNARIC

South Central (Uncertain) North West

Stieng Chrau Sre-Koho Mnong-Biat Tampuan Bahnar Taliang Rengao Brao (Lav,) Kasseng Sedang ru (Laven) Alak Halang Nha Hoeh KaYong Jeh Soil' Kacho Suk Sapuan Cheng oV

The Bahnaric Branch of Eastern Mon-Khmer'

Courtesy of Gdrard Diffloth. Many other members of this branch reside in Vietnam and Cambodia. SINO-TIBETAN

I I Tibeto-Burman Sinitic

Bodo Garo Kachin Kuki-Naga Lolo-Burmese Tibetan Karen

I I -- I Hsihsia/Tusu Loloish Burmish

I I I Southern Central Northern I Akoid Bisoid Mpioid Wonoid Lisoid Loloid Lahoid Loloish-Nasoid South-Central Ynnan)

Lolo Akha Akheu Sila Mpi Wofli Lisu Lolo Lahu Hafli Yi Yi Ahi/Ahsi Black Lolo Sani/Nyi (2) mBisu Phou Noy White Lolo Hani

The Sino-Tibetan Ethnolinguistic Superstock'

Adapted from Bradley (1979). 31 ETHNIC CATEGORIES FROM 1995 CENSUS

No. ETHNIC GROUP BRANCH (SUB-GROUP) 1 Lao Phouan. Kaleung, Yooy, Nho 2 Piou Thay Thay Dam, Thay Deng. Thay Khao, Thay Neua, Thay Et, Thay Moey, Thay Mène, Thay Vang. Thay Ka. Thay Ko, Thay Xam, Thay Pao, Thay E, Thay O, Thay Kouan. Thay Hèo, Thay Yai. Thay Theng, Thay Ang Kham, Thay Phak, Thay Sain Kau, Thay Xieng Dy, Thay Yeuang. Thay Katam, Thay Kap Kè, Thay Kapong, Thay Sooy 3 Kammou Kainmou Rok, Kammou Khrong, Kammou Khwèn, Kamnmou Ou, Kammou Mè, Kammou Thène, Kammou Kasak Kammou Nhouan 4 Mong Mong Dam, Mong Khao, Mong Khiaw, Mong Deng 5 Lue Kalomi 6 Katang 7 Makong Trouy, Pho, Xo, Ma. Roi, Trong 8 Ko Akha. Ko Phén, Ko Chi Cho, Pou Ly, Pana, Phou Khwa, Lou Ma, Oepa, Chi Piaw. Mou Chi. Mou Toe, Pixo, Pilu, Oma. Mamouang, Kong Sat 9 Xouay Xouay, Kha Phakeo, Lavak 10 Nhouan Ngiaw. Kheun 11 Laven Jru Khrong, Xu or Jru Dak 12 Ta Ooy Tong, Ihih, Ong 13 Taliang 14 Phou Noy Xeng, Fay (Phau Saly). Lao Pane, Phong Xet, Phong Kou, Phou Nhot, Ban Tang 15 Tri 0, Chalèt 16 Phong Fène, Lanc, Pouang, Rat 17 Yao Lantène, Lao Houay, lu Mien 18 Lavé Kavet, Mè Halong, Pa Ty, Mè Pla, Mè Habong, Mè Plong, Mè Trak, Mè Kayeung, Mè Kroun, Lamane 19 Katou Triu, Dak Kong 20 Lamet 21 Thin Pray, Phray, Phay, Lava 22 Alak Alak, Ratou, Rakong, Ramang, Tapong. Kalén 23 Pacoli Kanay, Kado 24 Ooy Sapouan, Xok, Thé, Inthy, Layao (Reuyao) 25 Ngeh Ko, Kriang, Chatong 26 Mouxoe Mouxoe Dam, Mouxoe Khao, Mouxoe Deng (Chaphi) 27 Kouy Kouy Soung, Kouy Louang 28 Ho 29 Cheng Cheng Ho, Cheng Phok, Cheng Tha Lane 30 Nhahoen 31 Nlang 32 Jch 33 Xek 34 Sam Tao Doi 35 Sila Sida 36 Xing Moun Phouak, Pouak, Lao May 37 Toum. Lira, Pong. Tay Cham 38 Mone Meuang, Mouav -39 Bit 40 Ngouan 41 Lolo Alou 42 Ravi

32 43 Sadang Sadang Douan, Kayong 44 Lavi 45 Khmè Khè 46 Khoe 47 Kri Tong Leuang, Arem, Youmbri, Labri 48T(Other)

33 Census Categories

34 Etlnolinguisfic Classifrication Society and Ethnicity

CHAPTER 4 Society and Ethnicity

Society and Ethnicity

Ethnicity has come to be defined by political scientists who specialize in racism and ethnic prejudice, relying to an extent on the work of political anthropologists and psychoanalysts, as an ideology. Naturally there are problems with this definition, for example, it is difficult to visualize the hunting and gathering groups living in the forests of Xaygnaboury or Kham- mouane as political "interest groups." But this representation, while motivated and dictated by the worldview of political science, as opposed to cultural anthropology or ethnolinguistics, is possessed of a degree of salience, especially as a prelude to the chapters in this report which are devoted to the effects on ethnic minorities of national policies for socio-economic development and education.

A recent work by Brown (1994) serves to characterize one such approach, interpreting ethnicity as, "an ideology which individuals employ to resolve the insecurities arising from the power structure within which they are located."

We might say, in other words, that ethnicity is the view that a group has of itself as compared to the 'state' and to the perceived cultural attributes of the national dominant culture.

Brown goes on to note that the

... limitations on the State's ability to control ethnicity relate in part to the intrinsic character of ethnic consciousness, which makes it inherently resilient to attempts by state 61ites to transform or control it, '.and in part to the relative weakness of the state, in terms of the varying degrees of its resilience to soci- etal pressures.

Society and Ethnicity 35 Lao National Identity

These meanings which are attached by Brown to ethnicity are based upon his reading of psychoanalytic literature on the subject, or at least as this literature is interpreted by himself and others as relating to ethnicity, and these are called upon essentially to account for and to vali- date the very deep and fundamental nature of ethnic identity and its pertinaciousness, a result of its roots in early infant development. This is a point which we will accept here as a given.

Lao National Identity

Lacking in Laos are the mythological trappings of legitimacy that typify national cultures generally, for in contrast to other states in Southeast Asia, Lao national culture has identifiable historical veracities upon which to draw, a break in pattern that may account for the relative lack of paranoia in relationships between the state and the indigenous minorities. Comprehen- sion of this situation has eluded political scientists who have attempted to analyze Lao history based upon false premises, not least of which is that characterized as a lack of national identity among the lowland Lao majority. From Phongsaly to Champasak, Lao speakers possess a common language and literature, but the need to proclaim and blazon this fact has not been present, or, perhaps a better way a stating this might be that the ethnic identity of the Lao themselves has never been in doubt.

A primal transgression of political scientists writing on Laos, one with grave consequences that has served to mislead Western analysts, is their disregard for the Lao language. This is tantamount to a proscription of primary sources: interviews in Lao, oral history, the reading of original texts, and hermaneutic endeavor generally. Doubt is cast on conclusions since analyses, it may be assumed, have not penetrated the Lao mode of thought. It is interesting to note here as well that this lack of language proficiency is peculiar to the discourse on Laos and not to homologous undertakings in Cambodia, Vietnam, and Thailand where in-depth knowledge of the respective language has been de rigueurfor at least the past quarter of a century. Histo- riographically, it is this fact that sets Laos apart from others in Southeast Asia.

The State and Ethnic Minorities

Looking at the history of Laos as a 'state,' even taking into account the authoritarian aspirations of the current regime, and looking at social reality as opposed to party theory, there have been relatively few instances of serious inter-ethnic conflict, and those that have occurred are

L One aspec) of the psychoanalytic literaturc that is not addressed, however, is the role of the psychoanalyst in relation to the breakthrough or 'cure' of the analysand. according to which metaphor, the ability to mold or manipulate ethnicity depends to a large degree on the state's ability to analyze and to comprehend itself as well as the ethnic group.

36 Society and Ethnicity Ethnic Conflicts

attributable to foreign or colonial intervention in internal affairs. Few of the ethnic minorities have expressed a desire to compete with the state or have expressed separatist ideals based upon religion or culture. And the state for its part, has been content to avoid overly aggressive policies of assimilation or conversion to a national culture. This situation represents a distinct contrast to that of all other nations in Southeast Asia.

At the present time there are overt policies by the government to include minority representation, and there is said to be an official directive to the effect that in cases where voting has resulted in a near draw between a member of a minority group and an ethnic Lao person, the minority member will be given the position. The outcome has not been assessed, but this policy, in addition to the many references in the constitution to equality between ethnic groups, indicates an approach by the state that is essentially benign, and, on the surface, prefers to resolve harmoniously any cases of ethnic discord.

In the national assembly, the two deputy speakers were specifically chosen from ethnic minority groups, one from the south and one from the north, as demonstrative of the governments intention to emphasize minority inclusion in the affairs of the state. There is, in addition, an ethnic minorities committee in the national assembly. Reports of the activities of this committee have not been seen.

Of course, with so much attention being given by the state to the outward symbols of an ideal multi-cultural society, it is necessary to ascertain whether or not these ideals are in fact put into practice. And here there may be more than one cause for anxiety, that is, there may be problems that spring from local prejudice towards minority groups in direct contravention of government policy, or there may be those that ensue unintentionally from uninformed thinking. For in the latter case, it must be remembered that extinctions of indigenous cultures may just as easily come about indirectly as a result of policies that are not targeted on ethnic minorities but which carry with them corollary potential for affecting seriously the lives and well- being of these populations. And the stimulus for such indirect policies may issue as much from the pressures of unwitting outside donors as from internal government decision making. That there may be instances of both types of problem will be seen in the sections of this report that deal specifically with the experiences of programs for rural development and for education.

Ethic Conflicts

The relative lack of inter-ethnic hostility can be attributed for the most part to a lack of aggres- siveness in the cultural personality of the dominant ethnic Lao administrators. It is remarkable that throughout the recorded history of Laos, conflicts between minorities and the ethnic Lao have taken place only when outside interventions, especially colonial, and usually in the form

Society and Ethnicity 37 Ethnic Conflicts

of excessive taxation, are present. Otherwise, all recorded conflicts between ethnic groups which have arisen in Laos have involved non-Lao ethnic groups. The most frequent of these could be characterized as rebellions against oppressive French policies during the colonial period. These have been described in some detail by Gunn (1990) using material from colonial archives. Despite its somewhat djinodd Marxist analytical bias and its general problem of ethnic precision, the work clearly demonstrates the lack of Lao involvement in ethnic conflict.

In the southern part of the country, uprisings against the French were carried out by various Katuic and Bahnaric groups in response to corv6e and taxation. In the north, similar revolts involved Chinese, Lue and Hmong.

Other instances of inter-ethnic conflict have occurred, such as that between the Hmong and the Khmou when the Hmong first entered into Laos in the early part of the nineteenth century, or between the Khmou (and possibly other Austroasiatic groups) against the ruling Tai-speaking lowlanders in Houa Phanh and Xieng Khwang as well as in adjacent portions of Thanh Hod and Nghe An in Vietnam. This latter uprising was termed the Soek Cheuang, and its leader called himself Phagna Thao Nhi, in the tradition of the Cheuang phenomenon. Cheuang is the local term for this type of rebellion against oppression throughout the area (although Gunn, who specializes in the study of these "proto-revolutionary" events, was apparently unaware of this fact). That the word exists would imply that such phenomena are certainly not unknown in the history of the region.

Among the highlanders, slave taking, and the use of children to repay debts is fairly common practice although it goes largely unnoticed because of the remoteness of the villages and the general absence of infrastructure that would allow access by the outside world. Cannibalism usually occurs only in times of warfare, but headhunting was a once common practice among the Wa in areas immediately adjacent to Laos on the Burmese side of the border.

Separatism and Sedentarization

Finally, the point should perhaps be made that for some highland groups, possibly as a result of the kind of social and cultural development of the type discussed by Kirsch (1973) that was touched upon in section 1.4 of this report, something approaching a state-like identity has evolved. This is certainly true for the Yao in southern China and their representatives in Laos, the lu Mien. It is also true for the Hmong whose posture has been more. aggressive and who are consequently more suspect in the eyes of the government today.

It has also been noted by several researchers (e.g. Ireson and Ireson 1931:930) that Hmong over-efficiency in swidden cultivation has led to total depletion of the areas and rendered them unusable 'ven after rotational fallow periods. This breaks the usual pattern put forth in support of environmentally sound sustainable agricultural practices by minorities.

38 Society and Ethnicity Ethnic Conflicts

There are at least three alphabets currently in use by the Hmong to write their own language: one is Romanized script developed by protestant missionaries Barney and Smalley in the 1950s but adapted and taught primarily by the Catholics under Father Bertrais (who wrote the first Hmong Dictionary along with many other materials in the White Hmong language); a second was a Laoized version of this same alphabet devised in 1972 in order to meet Ministry of Education criteria dating from the 1962 that National Education Act to the effect that education for minorities could be carried out in the mother tongue so long as the writing system was in Lao; and a third devised by a messianic cult in Xieng Khwang in the late 1960s. 2

While the opportunities for true separatism are certainly negligible, the Hmong have long been susceptible to millenialism, and have in the past formed messianic cults with large fol- lowings. This coupled with their generally more aggressive personality, resilient clan structure, and technological competence in agriculture and the environment has given the Hmong a strong sense of self-confidence by comparison with other groups. But at the same time, it has made them more visible to the government.

Based on these tendencies, it has been the policy of the government wherever possible to relocate Hmong villages into lowland areas. In some cases, such as in the vicinity of Na P 6 in Khamkeut District of Borikhamxay Province (as discussed in Chapter 5), at the southern extreme of the Hmong range, this has been successful. In other instances the policy has met with resentment on the part of the Hmong, as in Xaysomboun. There are also cases of sponta- neous relocation, such as along Route 8A between Lak Xao and Nakai which has met with resentment on the part of surrounding communities. And there are areas of long term Hmong resettlement, such as are found at KM 52 on Route 13. And finally, there are settlements of Hmong returnees from refugee camps in Thailand which have yet to be evaluated.

One danger of Hmong high visibility and over efficient resource use is that other highland and upland ethnic groups will be placed in the same category as the Hmong, even though for the time being they are existing in a relatively sustainable situation. It seems likely that the Hmong were the original targets of the relocation policy which has now been extended to include all shifting cultivators, regardless of their ethnicity or agricultural practices. To the degree this has happened already, the strain has become apparent on the limited supply of lowland area available for paddy cultivation, and the myth of Laos as an underpopulated country with an abundance of arable land is slowly being eroded.

Likewise, involuntary relocation from hydroelectric projects is cause for some concern, since most project areas are already inhabited by peoples classified as indigenous. Here again the scarcity of land suitable for lowland agriculture is manifest, although it is felt that a higher

2. The latter is a case of an untrained individual creating a new writing system in the form of true alphabet, one of the few, if not the only example of this in the world, and was the subject of a recent book by Smalley (source not available).

Society and Ethnicity 39 Ethnic Conflicts

degree of local villager participation would lead to more viable solutions since in most cases they are more familiar with the surrounding territory and the agricultural potential than are technicians from the outside.

40 Society and Etfinicity Agriculture and the Environment

CHAPTER 5 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development

Agriculture and the Environment

Land and Natural Resource Use

Diversity. Bio-physically diverse as it may be, encompassing three types of agroecosystems: lowland plains, high plateau, and mountainous, Laos is perhaps even more complex on a scale of socio-cultural diversity; the many ethnic groups mentioned in previous chapters each representing distinct livelihood responses to respective environments. It is a common mistake for outside planners and developers (including those from neighboring countries) visiting Laos for the first time to assume that all people in the country are socially, culturally and economi- cally similar to those in the lowlands, especially those along the Mekong River, whereas in fact, from the point of view of language, worldview, family structure, community organization, agricultural systems, etc., there are few socio-cultural generalizations currently at our disposal that would aid in devising approaches to socio-economic development or to the solution of social problems. We are left with no option but to study at every opportunity the histories and cultures of ethnic groups as they come to our attention during course of projects.

Culture and Environment. Austroasiatic peoples, as was discussed in Chapter III, were demon- strably the earliest known inhabitants of the territory that is now Laos, or at least the earliest of the groups that are recognizable to us in terms of the modem peoples presently occupying the land,. These groups are commonly believed to possess a special relationship with the spirits of the land. Such relationships have been recognized for many centuries in Laos, for example, from the beginning of the Lane Xang period in 1352 until the previous regime, Khmou holy

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 41 Agriculture and the Environment

men (shamans) performed elaborate rituals to pay respect to the guardian spirits in the Royal capital of Luang Prabang. This relationship is mirrored elsewhere in Southeast Asia wherever lowland (and sometimes other highland) peoples have come to form symbiotic relationships with older indigenous populations, and thus social status must always be viewed as having two dimensions in Laos: economic and spiritual.

Indigenous knowledge of plants and animals can be seen as an indicator of time depth as well, and here again, in the experience of many investigators -(for. example Austroasiaticist G6rard Difffloth p.c.), Mon-Khmer speakers display a more intimate knowledge of forest ecosystems and are able to describe the types of soils in which a particular plant might be found, requisite rainfall regimes, and its relationship with other plants to a much greater degree than speakers of other language families. And this comparison with other peoples is true even when non- Mon-Khmer groups are living in equal proximity to the forest..

Agroecosystems. Agricultural systems in the Lao PDR can be classified based on the type of major production and the topography as influenced by the Mekong watershed.

The lowland areas of the country consist of alluvial plains along the Mekong River and its tributaries. Production systems here are rainfed paddy rice-based, providing staple food requirements. Farmers fish and raise livestock for protein. It is in these areas, that the few larger dry season irrigation schemes are located. Fruit trees are grown as well as vegetables near houses or along river banks for cash income. In addition, field crops such as cotton, sugar cane, and tobacco may be sold. Large animals can be a form of wealth to be liquidated in case of emergency. Thus, much of the nation's food is supplied from lowland areas inhabited primarily by Tai-Kadai speakers of the Southwestern Tai branch. The major cities lie in lowland areas, and other non-indigenous minorities, Chinese, Vietnamese, and South Asians, reside in these more urban locales.

Zones of rolling hills and low to mid-level mountain slopes form the locus of most 'rotational' swidden cultivation. Upland rice, cassava, and maize are grown as main crops, while the raising of livestock is important to livelihood as well. Practitioners of rotational swidden agriculture are primarily subsistence-oriented and rely heavily upon forests for supplemental food, medicinal plants, and wood for fuel and shelter. The overwhelming majority of rotational swidden cultivators are ethnically Mon-Khmer.

Bunded paddy land located on valley floors is scarce, but it contributes significantly to the overall performance of agroecosystems where paddy and swidden cultivation are combined. Where water resources are available, some farmers have evolved traditional irrigation systems. Also in this zone, fish form an important part of the diet and protein intake. Valleys and lowland areas generally are inhabited traditionally by Tai speakers, but a few others, such as

42 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Agriculture and the Environment

members of the Western Katuic branch of Mon-Khmer in the South, or the Phou Noy (ibeto- Burman) in the North, are found in this type of ecological niche as welL

There are three high plateaus in the country, the Plain of Jars in Xiang Khwang, the Nakai Pla- teau in Khammouane, and the Bolovens Plateau that spreads over parts of Champasak, Sara- vanh, X6kong, and Attapeu. All of them possess good natural pasture grasses, where farmers have traditionally raised animals, especially cattle, for sale. Some of the plateau areas, especially the Bolovens, produce cash crops for sale such as coffee, fruit trees, vegetables, and potatoes. With cash income from the sale of such products, farmers purchase rice and other necessities. All four ethnolinguistic families found in Laos are represented in these high plateau areas.

Highland zones, on or near the tops of mountains support production systems which include upland rice, maize, grain legumes, and tubers; small and large animals; and in some cases opium. Fruit trees may be grown, and home gardens are prominent. Many of the inhabitants, who belong primarily to the Hmong-Mien and ibeto-Burman ethnolinguistic stocks, practice a 'pioneering', that is, non-rotational, type of shifting cultivation. .

Shifting Cultivation. Lovelace (1991) points out what ecological anthropologists have been saying for some time now, that the level of knowledge necessary to subsist in a swidden system is considerable, but that the sustainability factor is conditional. His treatment is worth quoting here:

Many reports (beginning in the 1950s) began to emphasize the detailed environmental knowledge possessed by swidden cultivators and the homeostatic and sustainable nature of the cultivation system under conditions of low population density and sufficient fallow to allow regeneration of vegetation (Fujisaka 1991). Swidden cultivation was seen as mimicking the structure of the natural tropical forest ecosystem rather than replacing it with a n artifi- cial system. Geertz (1963) suggested swiddens resembled the forest in three major ways: they had high species diversity; they concentrated nutrients in the plant biomass rather than in the soil; and they had a multistoried closed architecture. ... The new emphasis on the sustainability and adaptiveness of swidden cultivation was in some ways popularized and exaggerated during the 1960s and 1970s, however, with many researchers seeming to overlook the range of negative environmental impacts from swiddening that could occur under changing population and resource conditions.

Shifting cultivation is one of the key development issues in the Lao PDR since farmers, who practice it, are among the nation's poorest; and due to the controversy over its impact on the environment. Its reduction was recognized as a major objective in the Second Five Year Plan (1986-1990). According to various estimates there exist a range of something between 180,000-337,000 families involved in shifting cultivation. If the latter number of families is accurate, it is estimated that 360,000 hectares of secondary forest are used each year. And with the national average fallow estimated at five years, this would indicate that approximately 1.8 million hectares are currently under cultivation by this method (Chazde 1991).

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 43 Agriculture and the Environment

Swidden cultivation has been broken down into two large categories in Laos: pioneering and rotational. Pioneering involves the periodic movement of a group or village into a new location, typically one which is densely forested. The area is then completely denuded of trees and cropped until the soil fertility is depleted. At this point the villagers either continue to clear more land nearby or relocate the village. The area is left in a condition where regeneration of forest and soils, if it occurs at all, would take many years. It goes without saying that this type of swidden cultivation falls into the category of non-sustainable land use practices.

Rotational shifting cultivation is carried out by sedentary villages, that rotate the cultivation of fields. The land is partially cleared of brush, scrub and trees of less than 25 cm in diameter. Then this plot may be cropped for one to three seasons, depending upon soil fertility. Some rotating shifting cultivation systems have as many as 12-20 years fallow periods between cultivations. In their traditional form, this would constitute a sustainable system, however, attempts to shorten the fallows, without improvement of agricultural techniques, would have to be considered as unsustainable since the time available for soil regeneration is not adequate.

Table 5.1 illustrates in more detail the types of shifting cultivation as distributed among broad ethnolinguistic categories. In general, the Himong-Mien and Tibeto-Burmese cultivate swiddens on the tops of mountains; the Mon-Khmer practice shifting cultivation on middle slopes; and the Tai-Kadai practice it by encroaching on marginal and forested lands on the lower slopes. Where members of two or more ethnic groups live in proximity, the close association among their shifting cultivation systems are complex. Any programs aimed at modifying the agricultural practices of one will have both intended and unintended consequences on the others. For instance, highland farmers encouraged to resettle in lowland areas may increase population pressure and decrease land per capita available for paddy fields. Incentives, that encourage lowland farmer encroachment into sloping foothills, increase population pressure on mountain farmers, requiring others to practice shifting cultivation at higher elevations and at greater distances from their homes.

Throughout the country it is estimated that more than 300,000 families rely upon the forest for their livelihood, that is, more than 60 percent of real family income derives from wood and non-wood forest products. All of the ethnic groups, but most especially the Austroasiatic peoples who have inhabited the mainland of Southeast Asia for a longer period of time, have developed elaborate systems of indigenous knowledge centered upon the classification and utilization of native flora and fauna.

Until recent years many of these peoples, most particularly the Mon-Khmers have been living in a relatively harmonious relationship with nature based upon stable-shifting cultivation systems. Population pressures, market demand for timber, dislocation and destruction resulting from the war, and the aspirations of highland farmers to participate more fully in national edu-

44 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Agriculture and the Environment

cation and health systems have combined to disrupt traditionally sustainable systems to a degree where today shifting cultivation practices are at the center of a nationwide controversy.

Schemes have been recently implemented, which encourage the concentration of villages near roads and the establishment of paddy (or irrigated) agricultural practices. These are motivated ostensibly by governmental concern for the protection of forest resources and to provide education, health care, social services, and economic opportunities to all of its citizens. However, in many cases these resettlement programs are poorly designed and hastily executed, and have increased the likelihood of erosion and other unintended consequences, in many instances actually accelerating deforestation rather than decreasing it, and subsequently impoverishing the ethnic groups involved.

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 45 Agriculture and the Environment

TABLE 5.1. Shifting Cultivation in the Lao PDR

Type Number Settlement/ Type of Tradition- Livelihood Comments of Fami- Migration Vegetation al Cultiva- System Com- lies (Esti- Patterns Cleared tion/ ponents mated) Fallow Cy-

cle (years) lon-Khmer Groups of Southern Areas (350-750 meters)

Pioneering 14,000 village moves primary forest 2-3 yrs/no rice, maize, no erosion pro- every 8-15 yrs fallow livestock, forest tection products, fish, handicrafts

Rotational 66.000 scdcntary vil- sccondary forcst 2 yrs/8- 10 yrs rice, maize, fruit some erosion lage fallow trees, vegs, fish, protection forest products, handicrafts

Alon-Khmer Groups in Northern Areas (350-750 meters)

Rotational 100,000 sedentary vil- big trees not cut, 1-2 yrs/7-15 rice, maize, sesa- some erosion lage only secondary yrs fallow me, vegs, pigs, protection forest poultry, forest products

Ilmong-Aien & Tibeio-Bunman Groups in Northern & Central Areas (> 700 meters)

Pioneering 24,000 move village primary & sec- 1+3 yrs/no maize, opium practices detri- 10-15 years or ondary forest fallow (black soil) mental to for- longer cattle, pigs, ests & soils handicrafts

Rotational 58.000 sedentary vil- bush & sec- 1+3 yrs/no maize, opium some terrac- lage ondary forest fallow (red soil) low- ing w/ irr sys- 1-2 yrs/6-15 land rice, tem & yrs fallow cattle, pigs, intercropping handicrafts for erosion contr

Tai-Kadai in all Areas (250-600 meters)

Rotational 75.000 sedentary vil- bush & sec- I yr/3-4 yrs rice, cassava, encroachment lage ondary forest fallow sesame, pigs, on to marginal fallow tree spe- poultry, aquacul- & forested ar- cies cleared ture, forest prod- eas on lower ucts slopes

TOTAL 337,000 (Source: MAF. National Agriculture & Forestry Research Master Plan, 1991.)

46 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Agriculture and the Environment

Labor in upland and highland societies is the most important unit of exchange. Marriage and residence patterns are transacted in the medium of labor, and as a result of the importance of labor, slavery, indentured servitude, and the utilization of children to repay debts are common practices.

Among the Yao, or lu Mien, of northern Laos male children are encouraged to marry older women, especially women who have already borne children, because their experience is more valuable as a source of skilled labor brought into the household of the patrilineal clan. This is in contrast to an Austroasiatic village of Mang Kong in Savannakhet reported in SUAN (1991:70) where a daughter's marrying out of the family was considered to balance equally a daughter-in-law's moving in.

In the ethnic Tri village of Ban Semoun, in Tch6pon (X6pon) District of Savannakhet, villagers report the following imputs of labor for an average field of .5 to 1.5 hectares, planted with 50 kilograms of seed:

ActivityLabor Requirements (person days)

cutting and burning 90-130

planting 30-40

first weeding 50-70

second weeding 60-80

third weeding 20-30

harvesting 20-30

Total estimated labor imput 270-380

The yield on this imput is estimated at between 600 and 1,500 kilograms, or 2.2 - 3.9 kilograms of rice per person day of labor. Harvesting is carried out primarily by women who are said to be able to harvest 80 kilograms of rice per day compared to only 60 kilograms by men. (SUAN 1991.38)

In another ethnic Tri village in the same district, Ban Houay Loua, the source writes:

Within the household, subsistence activities are gender-differentiated. Women appear to provide most of the subsistence labor, however, and even men report that women work harder than men. Women help in clearing the swiddens, do most of the dibbling and weeding, and are substantially involved in the harvesting of rice. Women also harvest supplemental wild foods (e.g.bamboo shoots), procure firewood and water, cook meals, and care for the children. Males are principally involved in swidden clearing, hunting, and, where households have paddy, plowing with buffalo. Elders assist in taking care of young children. Older children take care of buffalo (and other livestock to a lesser degree) during the cropping season. (SUAN 1991:61)

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 47 Agriculture and the Environment

The variations of division of labor by gender are obviously many, and given the significance of this topic to the analysis of highland societies more research is obviously needed. For example, the implications of the importance of women's labor in patrilineal societies where land can be inherited only by males, needs to be analyzed. In an ethnic Katang village visited during the appraisal of the Swedish forestry program, located in the district of Atsaphangthong, Savannakhet, it was noted that the men were caring for the children. Katang is very close linguistically to Tri (cited above), a fact that serves only to show that generalization is difficult even between closely related groups.

Be that as it may, a common perception of swidden based societies is that men's labor potential is underutilized. In many instances this could be the result of a reduction of men's traditional roles in the village while that of the women remains more or less unchanged. The role of men in the cutting of large trees for swiddens or house construction, a seasonal or intermit- tent task in any case, has been circumvented by government regulations governing this activity. Hunting, also a man's activity, has likewise been curtailed by increased scarcity of wildlife and government bans. The role of men in protection and security has been eliminated in times of peace. And in addition, since hosting is a man's duty, visitor's from the outside are frequently left with the impression that the men are not working, when in reality they are per- forming their traditional role in the village. But there is no doubt that men are in many cases underemployed as a result of changes resulting from development and modernization.

Land Tenure. Throughout the nation there are many different types of traditional land tenure systems. It would over simplify the issue to say that each ethnic group has a different tenure system. In fact the same ethnic group in different locations may have different tenure systems depending upon their natural environment. Thus, there are more traditional tenure systems than ethnic groups.1 Traditional tenure practices are not codified or written down, however, villagers share a common understanding about such relationships. Leaders or councils of village elders act as arbitrators in cases of dispute.

Customary tenure among many of the ethnic groups is complicated by the fact that land other than residential land, where the family's house stands and the kitchen garden is located, is the only land that can be owned. This includes paddy land, and, more recently, orchards. Villagers recognize a family's exclusive rights to use the plots. For some upland groups, swidden plots are considered as common land 'owned' by the village. In the case of the Khmou Rok annual village decisions are made as to where the coming season's land clearing will be done and the

1. This does not necessarily imply that customary land tenure systems could not be typed or classified, but at the present time too little is known about traditional tenure to consider this.

48 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Agriculture and the Environment

location of swidden plots (Siang Man Noi, p.c.). In the case of the Khnou Nyouan no swidden land or fallows can be sold or inherited (Damrong 1994:68).

Fortunately the government recognizes the importance of traditional land tenure systems in the Forestry Decree No. 169 (1993). At present the Land Titling Project is trying to factor traditional land tenure systems into official land titling but have not carried out research on the variety of extant systems.

In March 1996, the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry issued a paper aimed at clarifying the expression "traditional use of forest land and resources" found in Prime Ministerial Decree No. 169 entitled Management and Use of Forest Land. The paper is called Agreement(s) of the Minister of Agriculture and Forestty Pertainingto the Rights and Usage of Forest Resources According to "Tradition. " It is cited as being pursuant to Prime Ministerial Decrees 99 (on Land); 102 (on the Organization of the Administration and Management of the Vil- lage); 186 (on the Allocation of Land and Forests for Plantations); and Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry Directive No. 429 (on Conditions and Responsibilities of the Village in the Administration of Forest Resources). However, in the first article, the document restricts itself to the explication of clause 4.3 of Decree No. 169. Attached to this document for circulation to the various Provinces and Districts throughout the country were an additional set of Recom- inendations from the Minister of Agriculture and Forestry on The Use of Forest Resources According to Tradition. This latter is dated April 17, 1996.

The stated purpose of the Agreements is to "explain the details of clauses in the decrees which concern traditional rights regarding the use of forests, forest land, and forest products which the Lao ethnic groups have used (sic) for a long time and which do not conflict with laws that the State has issued."

TraditionalRights are defined as "rights and obligations. of individuals, groups, or families who are Lao citizens, which are grounded in tradition, and which the laws of the Lao PDR have approved and guaranteed. Generally, these (traditional rights) are not written, but they are true rights which are utilized in carrying out tradition, and are not in conflict with the laws of the Lao PDR."

Traditions (also sometimes translated as customs), it is stated, "are the result of usage and implementation and have the following characteristics:

* they are effected and applied evenly in forests and on forest lands which are not interdicted areas; * they are old, at least one generation; * they are generally held practices which have been adopted by groups or families; * individuals, groups or families hold that they constitute rights and obligations among them."

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 49 Agriculture and the Environment

From these two somewhat prescriptive definitions it is clear that in the eyes of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, tradition is still subordinate to law. In the accompanying recommendations examples are provided of practices that would be considered against the law. These include non-sustainable activities, such as hunting by burning forest, damming streams when fish are migrating to lay eggs, and over-clearing of forest for swiddens. (Probably pioneering or non-rotational swidden such as that practiced by the Hmong would be illegal by this definition.) Traditional land tenure systems are protected.

Traditions rights may be eliminated in the following instances:

* gradual abandonment of the practice * by mutual agreement to change or forego these rights * by law * through the State's passing new legislation to remove a right * when the environment is threatened

Any limitations which would be imposed upon traditional rights would be done at the district level.

Part 2 of the Agreement is aimed at the protection of traditional rights. This includes sections on the resolution of disputes, compensation, and village forests. Rights of the village committee to append additional regulations are granted in Part 3.

In the Recommendations some aspects of the traditional rights are expanded to include commercial extraction of forest products provided the activity is environmentally sound and is not in conflict with existing policies. Hunting of wildlife is allowed generally, without being spec- ified as to whether or not it is for commercial purposes, so long as the species hunted is not on the endangered list.

The possibility of joint forestry management programs at the village level is-addressed as well, though not in detail. This is an area where traditional practices and government policy are likely to come into conflict. One such example of this is provided under the section on indigenous knowledge.

Some of the ambiguities in Decree 169 remain unclarified, however. For example, Article 2 states that all land which is not "permanent agricultural land" is to be considered asforest land (that is, under the administration of the Department of Forestry). Thus while rotational swidden is in fact "permanent" in the sense that it has been practiced for several thousand years in the same area, its permanency exists on another plane, the locus of which is cyclical as opposed to stationary. As a result, in Article 11 it is not clear whether fallow land which is

50 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Summary of Development Experiences

under a rotational regime is to be classilied as "degraded forest," or whether, it is to be considered as a form of traditional land use.

Kinship and Inheritance. Many of the resource use issues, including tenure systems, depend to a certain extent upon the types of kinship systems which are practiced. For example, in the Hinong- Yao groups a couple will at least take up residence patrilocally until the birth of the first child and then set up a new household within the same village. They will continue to assist the boy's father in the fields. The son will receive his share of the inheritance of house, goods, and land along with his other male siblings.

In many Tai-speaking groups the groom will take up residence matrilocally with the wife's parents and will assist his father-in-law in the fields. After a certain trial period of two or three years, when another of her sisters marries, the couple may establish a new household in the family compound or in the village. The couple may even go to his village. They may or may not continue to assist his father-in-law with field work. The youngest daughter, last daughter to marry, is most likely to take the responsibility for taking care of the parents in their old age., In general, she and her husband would then inherit the family household goods, house, and residential plot. Orchards and rice paddy fields are usually divided among the children of both sexes with a double portion going to the daughter and son-in-law who take care of the parents.

For the Kinwu, Mon-Khmer speakers, Kin groups are patrilineal of three types (or totems), i.e., bird totems (4), four-legged animal totems (4-6), and plant totems (3). Marriages cannot be made within the same type of totems, including the father's patrilineage. In Khmou society, within a totem the other two totems are viewed as wife givers and wife receivers (Damrong 1994). The groom moves into the bride's father's house and makes his labor available to the father-in-law for the first several years. After this'the couple will set up a new household in the village or may even return to the household of the boy's father. Inheritance of the residence plot is by the married daughter and her husband.

Sununary of Development Experiences

There are a number of development issues in the Lao PDR, which have an influence on ethnic relations, and their activities are in turn affected by ethnic issues. Some of these issues are: population growth, land and forest allocation and use issues, equity considerations in development, and government services.

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 51 Summary of Development Experiences

Population Growth

The average annual population growth for the country between 1985-1995 estimated between the two census periods is 2.4 percent. While this is less than the 2.9 percent growth rate in the 1985 census, the growth rates in many of the rural areas are considerably higher. There have been a number of studies in areas of ethnic groups that exhibit population growth rates of well over 3 percent A Japanese project identification document even estimated the growth rate at over 4 percent in one district of Oudomxay, where there are mostly minority ethnic groups. It is not unusual to see 3.2-3.5 percent growth rates in many ethnic minority villages. This phe- nomenal growth in part is the result of improved rural health care, including the better distribution of medicines. Population increases and expanded demand spirals the family's rice requirements and income needs. In addition once rural children become adults, they will demand more land and resources to make their livelihoods. Obviously, with increased population more government services and infrastructure in health, education, communications, etc., will be needed.

Land Allocation and Land Use

Land and forest allocation was first undertaken in Xaygnaboury (1989) and Louang Prabang (1992) provinces, where a combined allocation has taken place in a total of 178 villages. Gen- erally, Forest Decree No. 169 (1993) has limited the upland rice fields to four per family, which allows three year fallows. Since that time it has been tried to a limited extent in many provinces, especially in Savannakhet, Saravanh, and Champasak. On the one hand, the Decree gives farm families the opportunity to obtain temporary land transfer forms and subsequently land titles. On the other hand, it forces them to relinquish many of their upland swidden fields.

In the recent past many families in northern provinces have had enough upland plots to allow 8-15 fallow periods, and many families have had two or three upland plots per season.2 Now in many of the above mentioned provinces a family has been allocated a single 1-2 hectare plot per season for four seasons. The shorter fallow period severely limits the amount of biomass which can be generated, and the soil's ability to regenerate itself. Soil fertility decreases and crop performance declines drastically.3 Yields become less stable on an annual basis because of soil physical structure breakdown and depletion of fertility because of chemical breakdown. With shorter fallows weed infestation becomes a more serious problem and yields decline even further. In such a situation the long run sustainability of crop performance is diminished. Consequently, the decreased performance of the agricultural system forces farm

2. However, these longer fallow periods have not been the case in much of Louang Prabang Province where the population pressure is greater than in many other northern provinces. '3. Without any soil conservation tillage practices such a scenario is highly likely.

52 indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Summary of Development Experiences

families to further infringe upon the forest in order to compensate and survive, a set of forces that acts contrary the original intentions of the decree.

The real issue with land allocation and relocation (to be discussed below) is that the control of individual and communal resources is being wrested away from upland and highland families, who happen to be mostly ethnic minorities. Thus, their whole means of livelihood and economic security is being threatened. Further uncertainties are being added on to an already risky situation.

Relocation From Highland Areas

There has been a Government policy to reduce shifting cultivation and to encourage permanent (sedentary) agriculture since the Third Party Congress of 1986 and this policy was strongly reaffirmed in the fourth Party Congress of March 1991. However, the Government had already begun relocating upland and highland farm families in the early 1980s.

There is no question that transformation to sedentary agriculture is necessary since population pressure in many of these areas will necessitate it.4 Most upland and highland peoples would prefer paddy land because: (1) it is less labor intensive; (2) it is potentially high yielding due to better water control and the possibility of soil amelioration; and (3) it is usually more accessible to villages.

However, the amount of potential paddy land on valley floors in mountainous areas is severely limited, and that which is available, has unsuitable soils (sandy or rocky) for paddy rice production.5 In many instances uplanders and highlanders have been relocated into areas with little or no preparation prior to their arrival. If farmers clear an area by hand, it takes at least two to three years before paddies can be constructed. Meanwhile they can obtain an upland rice crop, but production will be limited especially in the first year since clearing will not have been completed. Thus, food supplies are in serious jeopardy unless there is some external assistance in land clearing.6 Another serious issue, for both land allocation and relocation, is that of limited reserve land for future households resulting from natural population growth.

In addition without detailed preparation of new settlements, there are the typical attendant problems of housing, water supply, schools, health care, etc. The health issues can be particu-

4. However, the reduction and eventual elimination or shifting cultivation should be undertaken gradually with some perspective of the time. For example, in Sweden it took about 300 years to completely eradicate shifting cultivation. 5. Otherwise, this land would very likely have already been selected and used as paddy by farmers in the area 6. There can be a host of environmental problems introduced with improper clearing which in turn reduces the long term sustainability of the newly opened land.

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 53 Summary of Development Experiences

larly serious, especially for highlanders since they are introduced to whole new sets of parasite and disease regimes, especially malaria, experienced at lower elevations.

One of the best examples of relocation is in Borikhamxay east of Lak Xao where a Hnong village was relocated to a lowland site on the main road. In the ten years since it has been relocated, it has become prosperous and is cited frequently as a model (Alton, et al: 1994). Some of the key factors in its success were: (1) the villagers relocated voluntarily; (2) the site was selected by the villagers; (3) there existed a strong and active leadership, who negotiated with government officials for infrastructure and services, including irrigation; (4) relocation was undertaken in stages, the first groups convincing the others to follow; and (5) the Government delivered services in response to village requests. These types of participation are requisite conditions for the success of any relocation. Unfortunately, the lessons learned from this site have rarely been heeded.

The Hmong are technologically highly adaptive, and if sedentarization programs are well-con- ceived, then success is inevitable. The danger lies in relocation without proper preparation. In neighboring Thailand, where the Hmong represent a lower percentage of the total population, sedentarization has come about largely independently as a result of infrastructure. Hmong people in several provinces there, have moved into barren hills, developed vegetable and fruit farms, introduced cattle and pig raising, and initiated other activities that have blossomed into viable economic enterprises, all dependent on the excellent network of highways that have allowed access to markets. A study of the Hmong experience in Thailand could therefore prove beneficial to Laos. (Although it should be remembered that the Hmong in Thailand were subjected to rather harsh measures initially, and so the focus of such a study might best be confined to the reasons for recent prosperity.)

Another health issue related to land allocation and relocation is that of the implications of the loss of access to the forest for hunting and gathering. This would affect the diets of uplanders and highlanders. It has been reported (World Education; p.c:) that as much as 50 percent or more of the food supply (and perhaps 75 percent of the protein intake) of many of the Mon- Khmer groups is extracted from the forest by hunting and gathering. Related to this danger of limited access to the forest is the loss of knowledge and use of traditional herbal medicines. Again, this has been documented by some of the NGOs such as World Education and in UNICEF studies.

But perhaps the most serious problem that will result from land allocation will be the affects upon village social structure and the economic status of households relative to each other. In all swidden societies where labor is the primary medium of wealth and interaction, families undergo cycles of change, such that in any given segment of the cycle a family's wealth will depend upon the age of the children or other members of the household. The number of working members of the family determines the amount of land cleared and the amount of food pro-

54 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Summary of Development Experiences

duced, so that typical family whose children are too young to contribute labor to the production process, and who furthermore drain the time and energy of the adults in child care, are impoverished at that stage of the cycle. The same family, when the children are grown will be considered wealthy. Thus the waxing and waning of wealth based upon labor is a cyclical family-oriented process which over time and at the overall village level has an egalitarian effect, but which is manifested at the household level as various degrees of wealth and poverty. A land allocation process based upon land being utilized at a particular time, would freeze that cycle leaving some families poor and others wealthy depending on the particular stage of the cycle into which they are frozen.7

Food Security

The upland and highland peoples have long been risk takers to weather, pests, and the vagaries of budding markets with which they are increasingly becoming involved. In general, in areas with no paddy land there is very little rice surplus at the village level. As development occurs and as resources are reallocated they become even more vulnerable. In using the nationally recognized annual per capita rice consumption figure of 350 kg we have attempted to estimate a rice deficiency index for upland and highland peoples. This rice deficiency index will then be used as a part of the overall vulnerability index in the ethnic group database in the Annexes. This will be explained in the following and represented in Table 5.2.

Secondary rice production data are available for each province from 1990-94. Population estimates are made from 1990-94, however, the 1995 Census was undertaken in March 1995 (cf Appendix to this chapter).

7. For additional discussion of this point see the short paper by Kathleen Gillogly in SUAN 1991:129ff.

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 55 Summary of Development Experiences

TABLE 5.2. Rice Deficiency Index for Upland/Highland Province %age of Rice Sufficien- 1995 Rice De- %age Paddy Adjustment for Total Score cy in Province ficiency Rating Land in Prov- Upland ince Phongsaly 72 8 20 8 Luang Nam 97 3 28 3 Tia Oudomxay 92 4 20 4

Bokeo 97 3 19 3 Louang Pra- 79 7 19 7 hang Huaphanh 74 8 34 8 Xagnaboury 72 8 68 1 9

Xiang Khwang 71 8 55 1 9 Vientiane P 118 1 84 2 3 13orikamxay 86 5 46 5 Khammouane 85 5 73 2 7 Savannakhet 122 1 93.5 3 4

Saravanh 139 1 80 2 3 Xckong 59 10 22 10 Champasak 129 1 95 3 4 Attapeu 112 1 74 2 3

Xay.somboun 52 10 35 10 Sp Area

56 bndigenous Peoples And Rural Development Summary of Development Experiences

TABLE 5.3. Notes on Table 5.2

Rice Deficien- Adjual- cy Rating mentfor. Upland

%age of Rice Amount of Unmillcd Months Rating %age of Points Added to Pro- Requirement Rice (kg) Deficient Paddy vincial Rating Land in Province

>100 >350 0 1 (>85) 3

100 = 350 0 2 (70-85) 2

95 332.5 0.6 3 (55-70) 1

90 315 1.2 4

85 297.5 1.8 5

80 280 2.4 6

75 262.5 3 7

70 245 3.6 8

65 227.5 4.2 9

60 210 4.8 10

From the 1994 rice production statistics the amount of rice available for consumption is known within each province.8 From production data and rice requirements the percentage of. rice sufficiency within a province can be calculated. We have made up a rice deficiency rating system (based on field experience) which extends from one, representing a surplus, to ten, representing a 60 percent or less deficit (cf Table 5.2 notes).9

Since the rice deficiency rating is for the entire province, such a figure would be biased upwards if a province has a high proportion of paddy land. Typically little of this paddy land is located in the upland and highland areas, thus they are less rice sufficient Therefore, an adjustment is made for upland and highland families to be more realistic with their actual rice

8. For our purposes here we do not take into account intra- or inter-provincial trade. This is both due to the lack of data and the isolated nature of the locations in which most ethnic groups live 9. This rating system is very conservative since it is not unusual for a family to be rice deficient in bad years for six months in upland areas.

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 57 Summary of Development Experiences sufficiency situations. If a province has greater than 85 percent paddy land, then 3 points will be added to the provincial rating for upland and highland peoples (cf Table 5.2 notes). If it has 70-85 percent paddy land, then 2 points will be added to the rice deficiency rating, and if it has 55-70 percent paddy land, then only 1 point is added to the rating.

Thus, in Table 5.2 the rice deficiency index for 1995 for each of the provinces, other than Vientiane Municipality can be readily seen. 1 The uplands and highlands in X6kong and the Xaysomboun Special Area have the highest rice deficiency (i.e., 4.8 months) -- closely followed by Xaygnaboury, Xiang Khwang. Phongsaly and Houaphanh. Louang Prabang and Khammouane still are only about 75 percent sufficient or three months short on average.

Potential Ethnic Conflicts

There are certain risks of conflicts among the various ethnic groups practicing their livelihood in the upland/highlands. Land, forest, and other resource use conflicts occur among minorities themselves in the watershed areas, and conflicts between minorities in the watershed and majority groups down stream as well.

A major conflict at the present, with population pressures as they are, is the environmentally destructive practice of most of the Hnong, who practice 'pioneering' shifting cultivation in the upper watersheds (cf Table 5.1).11 This method of total denuding of mountain-top forests increases run-off and reduces infiltration in the wet season, and consequently reduces seepage and percolation in the dry season. Both gully and sheet erosion are rapidly facilitated and streams become silted. After only a few years of use the fragile topsoil has, to a greater or lesser extent, been eroded away and fertility has been depleted. Furthermore, such practice affects the agricultural system performance of the uplanders and lowlanders further down the slope.

One of the current solutions to enticing shifting cultivators into more sedentary agriculture is that of providing irrigation water to new paddy fields. But water cannot be supplied for irrigation without a viable watershed. Thus, the potential for conflicts arises between those farmers in the downstream irrigation area, whom will benefit from the irrigation water (usually lowlanders or privileged newcomers), and upland and highland farmers in the watershed who are expected to practice conservation cultivation and preserve the forest -- usually without any

1O.Again this does not include 1995 rice production data since it had not yet been tabulated, and the 1995 wet season experienced oneof the worst flood disasters on record. So the deficiencies for 1996 should be even worse for the provinces with paddy land in the lowland flood plains along the Mekong River and its tributaries. II This may also be practiced in some locations, to a much lesser extent, by some of the lu Mien and Tibeto-Burman groups.

58 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Summary of Development Experiences

compensation or mitigation. As yet there are few institutions or means of adjudication in these types of disputes.

Because of general population pressure, new migrants from urban areas who experience frus- tration in their livelihoods, and existing burgeoning farm families in the lowlands are expanding (encroaching) into upland areas. Frequently, this expansion occurs in recently established villages along new or improved roads into areas that are already occupied by uplanders, mostly of Mon-Khmer groups, Khmou speaking areas in the north. It has been estimated that there are 75,000 lowlanders practicing shifting cultivation by encroachment (cf Table 5.1).

Equity Considerations

Discussion of development projects and activities within the Lao PDR, in both government and donor community sectors, seems to be increasingly oriented toward urban growth centers. Urban development is much more in vogue, even though at least 85 percent of the population still resides in rural areas. Paddy farmers are being juxtaposed to upland farmers. The five or six lowland plains areas are rightly being emphasized, but at the expense (or at least neglect) of uplands and highlands.

As opposed to the testing of viable alternatives as is being done in such projects as the: Lao- IRRI Rice Research and Training Project, Lao-Swedish Shifting Cultivation Sub-Program, and Lao Upland Agricultural Development Project, simplistic (rather than holistic) solutions to rural problems and the reduction of shifting cultivation are being suggested. Implicit in these solutions is the assumption that minority ethnic groups should become more like lowlanders, culturally and linguistically in addition to adopting sedentary agriculture.

If this trend continues, an increase in the degree of inter-ethnic conflicts of interest, accompa- nied by a resultant increase in the degree of social restructuring along ethnic lines, can be expected unless donor thinking and programming is capable of meeting the challenge.

Government & Infrastructure & Services

Agricultural Extension. The nascent agricultural extension activity currently in place emphasizes increasing the performance of paddy rice systems. Since there are few technologies available for upland and highland situations, there would be very little content to support an extension program in those areas. 12 Thus, while most upland and highland farmers desire paddy land, the amount available is limited, so by default they are left out of the technology dissemination process. The number of agricultural extension agents is also severely limited, especially ones

12. The only two projects carrying out research related to the uplands and highlands in the country are the Lao-IRRI Rice Research Project and the Lao-Swedish Forestry Program. .

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 59 Summary of Development Experiences

who are speak local languages in minority areas, so communication with local people about improved agricultural technology and techniques would be difficult in any case. The situation is exacerbated with minority women since few of them speak the Lao language. The only exception of extension staff speaking a local language, that has been observed, is in Nong Het District in Xiang Khwang province, where all of the staff are Hmong as are most of the population in the district.

Health. The situation regarding inadequate or non-existent health services is similar to that of extension in remote areas, where most ethnic groups live. While there are small district hospitals, they are poorly staffed and funded. Most people who come to these hospitals for health care are from within the immediate vicinity of the district seat, and the majority are lowland town dwellers. There are very few sub-district health stAtiofis in remote areas. There is a trained corps of village para-medics, who are mostly local people (usually former army medics) with language skills, but they are only irregularly supported with visits or additional training from either district or provincial public health offices.

Communication and Infrastructure. It goes without saying that physical isolation characterizes the areas inhabited by ethnic minorities. Lack of communications infrastructure affects the delivery of all government services and access to markets. Thus, until roads and other communications are in place, minority peoples will always be disadvantaged in this respect.

Since perhaps as many as 25 percent of the total population (a large portion of ethnic minority women and conceivably half of the men) of the country may not even be able to speak the national language, they are at a disadvantage when interfacing with outsiders. This manifests itself in market transactions, interactions with government officials, and other possible inter- faces. While to most rural people of any ethnicity, government rules and procedures are rarely transparent, the language and cultural gap puts minorities at a particular disadvantage with respect to knowledge of the law. Indeed, many have come to view laws and decrees as a means to relieve them of their resources and livelihoods.

Indigenous Knowledge and Development

Cognitively or epistemologically speaking, we might think of indigenous knowledge as existing on three levels. The most primitive are premises or cultural ethics. These are acquired in early infancy and are not readily accessible to change. In their unconscious form, they direct thinking on a broad scale, for example, nature is bountiful, nature is stingy, nature is God, nature is unfaih; nature is beautifid, nature isfrighful. Or, as in our characterization of cultures in Laos, Maximum is good (highland agricultural societies), enough is good (lowland Tai-speaking societies), and minimal is good (hunting and gathering societies).

60 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Summary of Development Experiences

Likewise in the realm of the unconscious, systems of classification, indigenous biological tax- onomies, for example, break up the world into categories, some of which are universal, and others which are culture specific.

In both of these realms, there is an on-going evolutionary interaction in progress that allows the human belief system to communicate with the ecological system, and it is this interaction that might be thought of as determining the sustainability or non-sustainability or a particular group's adaptation, or of the ecosystem as a whole, inclusive of the human belief system. The precise form of this interaction is an area of inquiry that has not received much attention, but the results are clear. Peoples who have inhabited an area for an extended period, such as the Austroasiatic speakers in Laos, have adapted agricultural and hunting practices that are con- sistent with the sustainability of ecological balance, whereas recent migrants, such as the Hmong, are conspicuously disruptive of that system.

Finally, there is a form of indigenous knowledge that is prototypically the result of conscious acquisition from one's parents; how to catch fish, how to irrigate. a terraced paddy, when to look for mushrooms, how to treat a sick buffalo, recipes for herbal medicines, and so forth.

The interaction of the first two levels might be thought of as constituting a worldview that underlies the third, and is manifested in the language and culture of a given society, and which has, for development purposes, been given the label of "indigenous knowledge."

Thus, in the socio-economic development endeavor, especially in ethnographically complex situations such as are the rule in Laos, a project's initial task ought to be the discovery of what already exists in the realm of indigenous knowledge, as this knowledge relates to the objectives of the project When this is not undertaken, the opportunity for failure is high. The history of development in Laos is replete with examples: a Japanese introduction of a high yield rice variety to double rice production in a village near Vientiane which resulted in that village's planting only half the amount of paddy the following year (because they already had enough rice); a very expensive American silk-raising project for the Tai Lue ethnic group, that lost all investments because the Lue have a cultural fear of silkworms; and so on.

Successes are more difficult to cite.13 This is not unexpected however, since the current meth- odologies in vogue, such as RRA or PRA, usually do not allow adequate time for investigation of indigenous knowledge. Of course, some kinds of indigenous knowledge are physically apparent: weirs, dams, gold and gem mines, iron working, etc., are open to direct observation. But other aspects of indigenous knowledge require more study.

13.A silk production project in Hin Heup, carried out with the Black Tai, was an enormous success. The Black Tai have a strong tradition of silk raising, and they themselves initiated the project request.

IndigenousPeoples And Rural Development 61 Summary of Development Experiences

How, for example, have Austroasiatic peoples carried out sustainable upland agriculture in Laos for over 4,000 years. How do they classify the various aspects of their environment, and what do they know about the ecology of plants and animals that allows this level of sustainability. To our knowledge, these rather common sense questions have not yet been asked in the development context.

In part, this problem is the result of the worldview of Western science wherein "mentalist" approaches are eschewed in favor of more physical ones. One of the few research stations that focuses on upland agriculture, located at Xieng Ngeun in Louang Prabang, is managed by the Swedish Forestry Program. The foreign consultant in charge of the research there (personal interview during an evaluation of this project, May,1995) refused to acknowledge any value whatsoever in anthropological approaches to the study of swidden agriculture, and stated overtly that he felt these were "useless." (During the evaluation of this project, however, due to a remarkable lack of progress in finding improvements for the cultivation of upland crops, the positioning of a social scientist/anthropologist to this station was recommended and is now in place.)

This having beensaid, it must be realized that the large number of ethnic groups multiplied by the large number of micro environments makes generalization difficult. And without doubt, donors would be disconcerted by the economics of intellectual investment necessary to carry out even the most basic research. But such are the realities of diversity in the Lao PDR. (For the same reasons, as was discussed in Chapter 4, political scientists and historians have been unable to grasp the importance of ethnic diversity.)

The Lao-Swedish Forestry Program's Joint Forestry Management Project in Savannakhet province is an interesting case study.

The Dong Kapho forest is located in Atsaphangthong and Phin districts. The project was implemented in Ban Nathong, a village said to be ethnically Makong (although there was reason to question this identification), 14 that is, Austroasiatic. In the appraisal of this program, it was found that, aside from the problems of marketing, other problems resulting from a lack of Indigenous Knowledge in the system were apparent. These were characterized as falling into two categories: problems arising from a conflict between the Joint Forestry Management Association (a village committee) and the Village Resource Management Development Com- mittee; and problems expressed by the Provincial and.District Forestry Offices who repeatedly remarked that villagers do not know how to work as a committee and therefore must be con- stantly supervised.

14. When the'question of ethnic identity was raised, and the villagers hesitated in answering, a local Forestry official pointed his finger at the village chief and said "you are Makong." However, in other areas of Laos this term appears to be a Lao word for Brou, or perhaps other groups as well.

62 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Summary of Development Experiences

During the appraisal team's visit to Nathong it became obvious that certain types of information were missing from the system. (1) Village History: while it was known that the village was an old one, over 100 years old, and comprised of 7 hamlets, it was not known until the team's arrival that the 7-fold division was based upon date of arrival and place of origin, that is, the village is composed of an aggregate of 7 groups, who arrived at different times for different locales. This has resulted in a complex system of factions and alliances in the village that has caused problems within and between the committees. (2) Beliefs and Practices: three previously unrecognized facts came to light during the visit that had direct relevance to problems which were perceived from the outside as problems of organization and cooperation; (a) trees may have owners; (b) trees have spirits that are important in the belief system; (c) in the eyes of the villagers the forest is "beautiful." (This latter fact came to light when the village chief requested from the Forestry Official permission to use wider spacing between trees selected by the officials to be cut by villagers, 100 meters or more as opposed to the 50 meters currently used. The officials said no, and that this was a scientific decision, not up to villagers. One of the team members asked why they wanted to increase the spacing when it would mean more work to take out the felled trees, and the villagers replied that it was not "beautiful.") (3) Local Decision Making: the traditional ways in which these people make decisions was never investigated. It was obvious that working on a committee was a strange and foreign way of making decisions for the villagers, and that the real leadership system of the village had not been identified by the project.

Problems were thus shown to exist between the various factions of the villagers themselves, between the Makong and the ethnic Lao officials (that might be described as a problem of contrasting worldviews), and between the villagers and the foreign idea of a committee.

The appraisal concludes:

The Makong are an Austroasiatic group whose language and culture differ substantially from that of the ethnic Lao. And although Nathong has good paddy rice fields, they are relatively recent graduates to this economic base. Their indigenous knowledge of the forest may be described as intimate and their utilization of the forest resources we may assume has been conservative. It is interesting to note that during the appraisal team visit, one issue arose upon which all factions of the village were in agreement, and this was the issue of spacing of trees to be felled. The villagers had not been consulted on this matter and the DAFO technicians dictated the space at approximately 50 meters. The villagers felt this was too close and recommended that the space be increased to 100 or 150 meters between the marked trees. The reason was that the closer spacing was "not beautiful." Now, the question that must be asked is what do they really mean by this statement And, given the fact that we may assume a 4,000 year accu- mulated knowledge of the forest, isn't it probable that they know and understand something about Dong Kapho that technicians have yet to discover, something that they can only express as "beauty" ? In other words, given the seniority of their status vis-5-vis the forest we should be willing to give the villagers the benefit of the doubt. It might be suggested, for instance, that in situations such as this we would be justified in supposing that what the villagers are referring to as "beautiful" might be translated into our modern day language as "sustainable." In any case, it seems obvious that if the approach is to be truly participatory, the villagers must play a role in the selection of 15 trees to be felled.

15.From the Appraisal of the Lao-Swedish Forestry Program, SIDA, June, 1995.

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 63 Summary of Development Experiences

What is interesting, from a development perspective, is that these "discoveries" had to come from an appraisal team. Two foreign consultants had been working on this project for over one year; one of them an experienced community development specialist, and the other a community forester. Both spoke fluent Lao. It might even be suggested, in this case, that the emphasis placed on the concept of "community" is the main obstacle. "Communities," in the view of socio-economic development, have come to be regarded as a sacrosanct social entity devoid of cultural content, except perhaps superficially, and existing in a quasi-chaotic state waiting for committees to be formed. 16 Without this preconception, how can two highly educated sea- soned professionals work in a village for over one year and not know what language people speak, or have any knowledge of social structure in the village? And yet these same professionals oversaw the formation of a complex committee, one in which each of 12 members had independent duties to perform, and the writing of a detailed 15 page legal contract between the village and the government. In this light, and in the ethnolinguistically diverse Lao PDR, the lesson here would seem to be: foreign organizational concepts and presuppositions, such as those that surround the concept of "community" cannot replace basic investigation of language and culture, and hence indigenous knowledge, as the requisite fabric of socio-economic development.

To their credit, based on this experience and the report of the appraisal team, SIDA and the Lao-Swedish Forestry Program agreed to employ three social scientists in the program, and to initiate a second upland agricultural research station in Saravanh, in the south.

More will be said on the role of indigenous knowledge in the conclusion to this report.

16.As further attestation to its foreignness, in the Lao language, and in the languages of the minority peoples, so far as is known, there is no good translation for, or equivalent concept for, "community." There are, rather, "villages" and "cities", and within large villages and in cities, there are quarters, or sections, and there are clans and lineages, but none of these are equivalent to "community." In Lao there is a coined expression, xoun xon, used to translate the Western word, and it simply means 'gathering of people.' The Western use of community implies an avoidance of the traditional concepts in favor of one from the outside. Etymologically, conununity is derived from the same Indo-european root as conuzon, com- nunicate, mutual, mutate. molt, mad (i.e. changedfor the worse), etc., that is, mei- 'to change, go, move.' And furthermore, while the underlying meaning of community then becomes 'that which is to be changed,' the additional derivitives of this root have to do with the ex-change of goods or services within a society as regulated by law, as in mutual, renuner- ate, numicipal, thus, the relationship between community development and the forming of committees is not accidental.

64 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development Summary of Development Experiences

Appendix to Chapter 5

* Total Rice Production in the Lao PDR 1990-1994 (by Province)

* Average Mid-Year Population (1985 Census, 1990-94, 1995 Census)

* Rice Surplus (Deficit) by Province

* Percentage of Rice Requirements

* Surplus (deficit) per capita

Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development 65 Total Rice Production in Lao PDR 1990-1994 lby Provincel

Province 1985 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 Vicntiane M 106,100,000 142,800,000 123,900,000 157,100,000 130,600,000 149,400,000 ihongaly 38,300,000 39,700,000 45,000.000 40,200,000 34,000,000 38,500,000 , Luang Namlh1 28,900,000 33,100,000 20,600,000 16,600,000 40,700,000 38,700,000 Oudomxay 60,900,000 99,700,000 104,400,000 43,200,000 59,800,000 67,900,000 Bokco 17,300,000 22,500,000 21.700,000 18,300,000 33,000,000 38,500,000 Luang Prabang 83,300,000 112,200.000 94,400,000 82,200,000 82,600,000 100,400,000 1louaphan 59,600,000 64,100,000 55,600,000 50,700,000 46,500,000 63,500,000 . Xayabury 56,400,000 49,400,000 40,200,000 51,400,000 37,200,000 73,600,000 Xicng Kang 64,000,000 54,100,000 61,300,000 54,600,000 57,300,000 49,800,000 Vicntianic P 121,500,000 130,000,000 90,900.000 133,300,000 90,800,000 118,100,000 Borikhanxay 45,000,000 63,600,000 38,200,000 67,800,000 43,800,000 49,200,000 Kliammuan 106,200,000 117,900,000 52,600,000 115,000,000 77,000,000 81,500,000 Savannaklict 235.100,000 222,600,000 174,000,000 266,300,000 185,100,000 287,800,000 Sarnvan 89,400,000 114,900,000 111,600,000 118,00,000 73,800,000 124,600,000 Sekong 10,200,000 10,200,000 6,700,000 10,300,000 11,800,000 13,100,000 Champasak 244,800,000 183,900,000 159,700,000 225,300,000 204,000,000 226,700,000 Attapeu 28,800,000 30,900,000 22,400,000 32,300,000 30,200,000 34,200,000 Special Region 18,900,000 12,300,000 21,400,000 Total 1,395,800,000 1,491,600,000 1,223,200,000 1,502,400,000 1,250,500,000 1,576,900,000

Average Mid-Year Population [1985 Census, 1990-94, 1995 Census]

Provinice 1985 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 Vintianc M 381,000 464,000 476,000 489,000 503,000 515,000 528,109 Phongsaly 124,000 141,000 145,000 149,000 152,000 156,000 152,820 Luang Nan 1 ha 98,000 119,000 122,000 125,000 128,000 130,000 114,519 Ouidoinxay 189,000 283,000 291,000 188,000 193,000 198,000 210,820 Bokco 56,000 64,000 66,000 104,000 106,000 108,000 113,493 Luang Prabang 298,000 337,000 345,000 355,000 365,000 377,000 365,333 louaphan 212,000 220,000 226,000 232,000 238,000 244,000 246,414 Xayabury 226,000 185,000 190,000 195,000 200,000 206,000 291,705 Xieng Khuang 163,000 181,000 186,000 191,000 196,000 202,000 200,075 ; Vientiane P 267,000 305,000 312,000 321.000 330,000 339,000 286,089 Boriklianxay 123,000 143,000 147,000 151,000 155,000 159,000 163,847 l Kliammuan 215,000 245,000 252,000 258,000 265,000 270,000 273,779] Savannakhet 549,000 639,000 656,000 673,000 692,000 708,000 671,581 Saravan 189,000 225,000 231,000 237,000 243,000 250,000 256,550 Sekong 51,000 59,000 57,0006 0 59,000, 0 0 0 63¯00¯ 63,836 Champasak 407,000 453,000 465,000 477,000 490,000 503,000 500,994 Attapeu 70,000 79,000 81,000 83,000 84,000 87,000 87,182 Xaysombun Spc Rgn 73,000 74,000 76,000 54,112 Total 3,618,000 4,140,000 4,250,000 4,360,000 4,474,000 4,591,000 4,581,258

Rice Surplus (Deficit) by Province

P>rovince 1985 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 Vieniane M _ (27,250,000) (19,600000) (42,700,000) (l14,050,000) (45,450,000) (30,850,000) (35,438,150). Ihongsaly (5,100,000) (9,650,000) (5,750,000) (11,950,000) (19,200,000) (16,100,000) (14,987,000) Luang Nam Tha (5,400,000) (8,550,000) (22,100,000) (27,150,000) (4,100,000) (6,800,000) (1,381,650) Oudomxay (5,250,000) 650,000 2,550,000 (22,600,000) (7,750,000) (1,400,000) (5,887,000) Bokco (2,300,000) 100,000 (1,400,000) (18,100,000) (4,100,000) 700,000 (1,22.550) Ltang Prabang (21,000,000) (5,750,000) (26,350,000) (42,050,000 (45,150,000) (31,550,000) (27,466,550) llouaphan (!4,600,000) 2,900,000 . 23,500,000) j30.500,000) 0(21,000) 22,744,900) Xayabury (22,70000) (5AMOOO (29t-6,300,000) (16,850,000) (3200 1500 __8,496750) Xicng Kiung 6,950,000 (9,250,000) (3,800,000) (12,250,000) (11,300,000) (20,900,000) (20,226,250) Vientianc 1 28,050,000 23,250,000 (18,300,000) 20,950,000 (24,700,000) (550,000) 17,968,850 Borikhamxay 1,950,000 13,550,000 (13,250,000) 14,950,000 (10,450.000) (6,450,000) (8,146,450) Khammuan 30,950,000 32,150,000 (35,600,000) 24.700,000 (15,750,000) (13,000,000) (14,322,650) Savannakhct 42,950,000 (1,050,000) (55,600,000) 30,750,000 (57,100,000) . 40,000,000 52,746,650 Saravan 23,250,000 36,150,000 30.750,000 35,950,000 (11,250,000) 37,100,000 34,807,500 Sekong (7,650,000) (9,750,000) (13,950.000) (10,350,000) (9,200,000) (8,950,000) (9,242,600) Chanpasak 102,350,000 25,350,000 (3,050,000) 58,350,000 32,500,000 50,650,000 51,352,100 Atltpeu 4,300,000 3,250,000 (5,950,000) 3,250,000 800,000 3,750,000 3,686,300 Special Rcgion 0 0 0 (6,650,000) (13,600,000) (5,200,000) (9,113,7) 2 Total 1 9,500,00Q 42,600,000 (264,300,000) (23,00,000) (315,400,000) (29,950,000) (38,114,800) Note: consumption = 350 kglpersonlyear Percentage of Rice Requirements

1991 1992 1993 1994 7 1995 AVG 74.4% 91.8% 74.2% 82.9% 80.8% 80.8% 88.7% 77.1% 3.9% 70.5%____72.0% 74,4% 48.2% 37.9% 90.8% 85.1% 90.6% 71.7%. 102.5% 65.7% - 88.5% 98.0% 92.0% 89.3% 390.3'Ý 88.9% 101.9% 9Ó.9% 80A% 8.2% ____ ./a 64.t/o61% 7.5 72.7% 70.3% 62.4% 55.8% 74.4% 73.6% 67.3% 60.5% 75.3% 53.1% 102.1% 72,1% 72.6% 94.2% 81.7% 83.5% 70.4% 71.1% 80.2% 83.2% 118.6% 78.6% 99.5% 117.9% 99.6% 74.2% 128.3% 80. 7% 88.4% 85.8% 91.5% 59.6% 127.4% 83.0% 86.2% 85.1% 88.3% 75.8% 113.1%_ 76.4% 1.16.1% 122.4% 100.8%_ 138.0% 143,3% 858% 142.4% 138.8% 129.9% 32.4% 49.9% 56.2% 59.4% 58.6% 51.3% 98.1% 135.% J.0% 128.8% 129.3% 122.0% 79.0% 111.2% 102.7% 112.3% 112.1% 103.5% ERR 74.0% 47.5% 80.5% 51.9% ERR

82.2% 98.5% 79.9% 98.1% __97.6% 91.3%

Surplus (Deficit) per capita

1991 1992 -1993 1994 1995 AVG (90) (29) (90) (60) (67) (67) (40) (80) (126) (103) (98) (89) (181) (217) (32) (52) (12) (99) 9 (120) (40) (7) (28) (37) (21) ( 4) () _ 6 (11) 8)

(76) (t18) (124) __ (84) (75) (95) (104) (131) (155) (0) (92) (114) (138) (86) (164) 7 (98) (96) (20) (64) (58) (103) (101) (69) (59) 65 (75) (2) 63 (1) (90) 99 (67) (41) (50) (30) (141) 96 (59) (48) (52) (41) (85) 46 (83) 56 79 ._3 133 152 (46) 148 136 105 (236) (175) (153) (142) (145) (170) (7) 122 66 101 103 77 (73) 39 10 43 42 12 (91) (184) (68) (168) ERR (62)L (5) (70> __ (7)____8) ..._____ (31) Rice Production Data by Province

68 Indigenous Peoples And Rural Development National Policies

CHAPTER 6 Indigenous Peoples and Education

National Policies

The Right to Education

The Constitution. Following political change in 1975, the education system was remodeled. Literacy campaigns emphasizing basic formal education were carried out at the end of the 70's and at the beginning of the 80's. The success of these efforts was marginal. In 1987, with the shift to a market-oriented economy, the Government established a "Strategy of Education to Year 2000[sic]." This document confirmed the right of all citizens to education. It identified the system's weaknesses as being insufficient funding, weak management and too little attention having been paid to teacher development. In the new Lao constitution, adopted in August of 1991, article 19 further reinforces the goals of the Government as to education and estab- lishes the equal rights of all ethnic groups, stating that the state should pay particular attention to developing education in the areas where ethnic minority people reside. Further policy state- ments from the Ministry of Education emphasize the necessity for using non-formal education to provide the means to solve the problems of daily life.

"Education for All". Laos was represented at the World Conference on Educationfor All at Jomtien, Thailand in March 1990. A subsequent education conference in Vientiane in August of that year proposed three primary sectors of intervention: universal primary education, literacy, and complementary education especially for ethnic minorities, women and the disabled. A framework of action for the three areas up to the year 2001 has been laid out by the MOE.

Indigenous Peoples and Education 69 National Policies

Education for All has provided guidelines for Program evaluation to be done in 1995 and reported at the EFA forum in 1996.

Major issues remain to be addressed with respect to regressive education expenditure, rural- urban disparities as well as gender disparities. Though Laos is not an exception compared to other developing countries, public budget subsidies benefit the better off students, especially in middle and higher education. The rural areas pose important challenges for primary education. Late enrollment ages and low completion rates are widespread. These are mainly due to a lack of full 5-year primary schools, educational materials and qualified teachers. Gender disparities in education in the Lao PDR are well documented but not well explained. There is a lower motivation for sending girls to school in poor rural areas. This is due primarily to a family's need to use children to farm and tend animals and, in the case of girls especially, to care for younger siblings and help with housework.

Language Policy

In 1975, as much as 65 per cent of the active population was thought to be illiterate. The mass literacy campaigns of the late 70's and 80's attempted to teach Lao, the national language. This reflected a policy to unify the country, despite its poly-ethnicity, with Lao as the national language. The failure of these efforts may be due to two main causes: Lao is a second language for the ethnic minorities, and, in time, without appropriate materials to read, new literates regressed to illiteracy once again. Though some supplementary materials had been prepared, they often did not reach the intended readers. Shipping and distribution problems contributed to the lack of materials in remote areas.

The World Bank education project supporting curriculum, textbook development and teacher training for formal education includes a component to provide for research in the teaching of Lao to minorities. So far, no plan has been made to undertake this work.

A recent evaluation of the UNICEF Teacher UpgradingProject includes the recommendation that support should be provided for "action research, policy studies and pilot projects related to mother tongue education." Poor performance by minority children in the primary grades may be due in part to the lack of a transition period in the early years from the native language to the national language. This is especially relevant to the more remote areas where Lao is not used by the family or the community and not heard on radio or television.

However, the MOE has not indicated that Government policy would promote education in the mother tongue.

Before erly-primary native-language use could be put in practice, much work would have to be done in materials development and teacher training. Given the large number of different

70 Indigenous Peoples and Education National Policies

languages and dialects among the minority groups, it would take a long time to develop materials in all the dialects. However, once materials were available in one language, it would be easier to convert or translate them into closely related languages or dialects.

Educational Opportunity and Participation

Access to Education. Faced with the problem of illiteracy on the part of a large portion of the population in 1975, the Government began classes in the national language for large numbers of adults. However, in 1985, the percentage of illiterates was still estimated to be 56 per cent. Many of these were ethnic minorities.

Between 1983 and 1988, the Ministry of Education reported that more than 1.6 million people participated either in a literacy course or an up-grading course, depending on their level of general education. Upgrading of government cadres was also organized for nearly 76,000 civil servants between 1982 and 1988, of whom 2,503 were of minority ethnicity.

No evaluation has been made of the impact of these campaigns but the government has expressed its concern over the growing number of illiterates which includes dropouts from primary schools, children of the 6-14 year age group who never attended school, and the population over 15 years which is illiterate or has relapsed into illiteracy. It is expected that the proportion of people belonging to ethnic minorities is particularly high in all of these categories.

UNICEF reports that problems encountered stem first from the failure of the formal education system to enroll and keep its pupils. Some attempts were made in Xieng Khwang province to start supplementary schools for drop-outs but they quickly collapsed.

While no report is available regarding adult education programs, two main factors may be advanced to explain their low impact. Participation is low reportedly because the subjects were irrelevant to the peoples' environment and their needs. (This reason is also suggested to explain the high level of drop-outs from the formal system). It is thought that in the absence of continuing means to maintain their literacy level, a number of people subsequently relapsed into illiteracy.

The big literacy campaigns fell in an environment deprived of written materials capable of sustaining them. They had less impact than non-formal programs linked to the daily life and interests of the people. The more successful programs were those utilizing the mother tongue. To be successful, non-formal programs must relate closely to local needs and resources and take into consideration local geographical, gender and ethnic circumstances.

Indigenous Peoples and Educafion 71 National Policies

No major projects exist to provide educational materials in the minority languages. This is likely due to the policy on literacy being the extension of Lao, the national language, to all peoples of Laos.

While minorities in general may have a low level of literacy in Lao, it has been reported that many Hmong, for example, are literate in their native tongue and write letters and send fac- simile messages to their friends and relatives in other countries.

Alphabets for a very few of the minority languages exist. Translation of the Bible and development of some basic education materials were undertaken by Catholic and Protestant missionaries in the pre-1975 period. Literacy and basic education materials were also prepared in third countries during the Indochinese Refugee Program.

Neighboring countries have prepared materials in minority languages which are also spoken in Laos. One of these is the basic mother and child health information book, Factsfor Life. published jointly by UNICEF, WHO, UNESCO, and UNFPA in 176 versions. In Laos, the Lao, French and English versions are available, but none in the minority languages. Versions used in Vietnam, in languages also spoken in Laos, include Hmong, several Tai languages, and some of the Mon-Khmer languages spoken in the South.

Enrollments. In a document prepared for the development of the lower secondary boarding schools for minorities being assisted by the Government of Vietnam, the statistics from the year 1992-93 were given regarding population and enrollment figures in the 18 provincial or administrative areas:

1. Within the three geographically determined groups, the percentages of school age children are:

Lowland Lao 68 % Upland Lao 10% Highland Lao 4 %

2. Population figures are as follows:

- Savannakhet 673,000 - Xieng Khwang 191,000 - Champasak 509,000 - Oudomxay 188,000 - Vientiane Pref. 489,000 - Borikhamxay 151,000 - Louang Prabang 355,000 - Phong Saly 149,000

1. There is in fact a considerable body of research in the field of bilingual education to support the idea that children who become literate in their mother tongue first become literate in the national or standard language more readily than those who do not.

72 Indigenous Peoples and Education National Policies

- Vientiane Prov. 321,000 - Louang Namtha 125,000 - Khammouane 258,000 - Bokeo 104,000 - Saravanh 237,000 - Attapeu 83,000 - Houa Phanh 232,000 - X6kong 59,000 - Xagnaboury 195,000 - Hongsa-Xienghone 73,000

3. Student figures by ethnic group, province and grade level are as follows:

3.1 Primary level for the year 1992-93 Lowland Lao Upland Lao Highland Lao

Vientiane Prefecture 84,042 789 285 Phong Saly 3,876 4,194 5,676 Louang Namtha 6,628 810 2,578 Oudomxay 8,728 1,259 10,848 Bokeo 8,164 1,121 2,771 Louang Prabang 26,394 5,346 20,128 Houa Phanh 21,701 3,744 3,641 Xagnaboury 34,451 1,299 2,761 Xieng Khwang 24,331 7,571 2,477 Vientiane Province 47,960 7,007 7,044 Borikhamxay 23,743 1,688 1,157 Khammouane 31,273 0 2,577 Savannakhet 79,522 16 13,281 Saravanh 21,756 8 6,047 X6kong 780 1 2,976 Champasak 65,272 0 6,419 Attapeu 4,594 0 5,572 Spec. Admin. Reg. 7,267 442 1,911

3.2 Secondary level for 1992-93

Lowland Lao Upland Lao Highland Lao

Vientiane Prefecture 23,543 122 27 Phong Saly 282 399 454 Louang Namtha 755 33 94 Oudomxay 887 51 250 Bokeo 946 15 89 Louang Prabang 4,404 363 757 Houa Phanh 2,195 108 83 Xagnaboury 5,400 95 109 Xieng Khwang 3,178 450 74

huligenous Peoples and Education 73 National Policies

Vientiane Province 10,066 617 526 Borikhamxay 3,686 1,378 52 Khammouane 5,255 0 170 Savannakhet 12,605 3 735 Saravanh 1,949 0 120 X6kong 80 0 130 Champasak 10,359 3 612 Attapeu 466 0 51 Spec. Admin. Reg. 465

3.3 Upper secondary level for the year 1991-92;

Lowland Lao Upland Lao Highland Lao

Vientiane Prefecture 12,374 90 35 Phong Saly 39 116 18 Louang Namtha 119 3 9 Oudomxay 220 8 16 Bokeo 221 1 3 Louang Prabang 1,322 51 59 Houa Phanh 338 11 2 Xagnaboury 1,422 12 6 Xieng Khwang 427 52 4 Vientiane Province 3,526 163 54 Borikhamxay 845 6 13 Khammouane 1,342 0 167 Savannakhet 4,608 0 167 Saravanh 339 0 12 X6kong 64 0 29 Champasak 3,254 0 76 Attapeu 110 0 7 Spec. Admin. Reg.

Educational Programs for Minorities since 1975

Following independence in 1975, the Government was faced with the loss of large numbers of trained civil servants especially in the field of education. Without resources or facilities to administer national programs, the government turned over educational development to the province administrations. Except for the mass literacy campaigns and some attempts to establish regional schools for minorities, education programming was in the hands of local authorities. The result was a proliferation of schools without nationally set standards. Many teachers

74 Indigenous Peoples and Education National Policies

had no training at all. Due to the perennial problem of minority villages being small and remote, attempts were made to establish boarding schools to serve minority children. However difliculties arose in taking care of the children at the primary and even the lower secondary level.

One observer reported that the primary boarding schools were unsuccessful because the students were too young to take care of themselves and caregivers did not have the necessary training to handle the situation. More recent attempts to establish minority teacher training colleges have been only partially successful because of various other problems.

In one instance, a school had students between the ages of 15 and 28. They represented 18 different ethnic groups from two provinces. Their basic education was too weak to follow the regular 5+3 (primary plus three years of teacher training) curriculum. Much of the 3 years which was supposed to be devoted to teacher training had to given to re-teaching the primary curriculum. The instructors were not prepared to train minority students any differently from regular Lao-speaking students. Also different individuals might miss whole weeks of class when called home for traditional ceremonies or festivals. Many students had only one suit of clothes. They would go to the nearby stream to bathe and do their laundry and when their clothes were dry, return to school.

A more serious problem was what the graduates would do when they returned home. In some cases, their villages would rather have a non-native speaker because the elders wanted a teacher who would teach and speak only Lao. In other cases, the village had no school and the graduates were unprepared and lacked resources to establish a school on their own.

Formal education. The MOE statistics unit has collected data on the location and level of all schools in Laos as of a 1992 census. These data do not indicate the ethnic makeup of the student body or of the village but officials familiar with each province can provide such information fairly accurately.

In Xfkong, a parent observed that few minority students stay in school because they are needed by their families. There, and in other areas as well, agricultural cycles leave children free for school for only 3 to 4 months of the year. He asked if it would not be possible to set a different school calendar from that used in the cities. Students might study more intensively for 4 months and be able to work with their families in the fields at other times.

More research into ethnic and regional differences is required to respond creatively to the problems raised by standardized education.

The secondary level minority boarding schools project being started with the 1996 school year has the following goals and objectives and supports minority education in general as follows:

hidigenous Peoples and Education 75 National Policies

1. Allow ethnic minority children from smaller groups in areas of less educational opportunity to enter school and give more individuals the chance to continue to higher levels, with the aim of promoting gradual development, change, and progress for minority areas step by step.

.2. Build cooperative interaction among minority groups while preserving individual identity and expanding awareness of the national culture.

3. Incorporate certain basic vocational skills in order to expand techniques for earning a living and promoting a better.livelihood in local areas.

- Schools will be regular formal educational institutions following the regular curriculum but with the special addition of some vocational training desired. These will be boarding schools under the full supervision of the government and situated in district towns. The curriculum of the ethnic minority boarding schools will allow further education to be continued in all types of schools. - Primary schools may be located in individual villages or be consolidated schools serv- ing two or three villages. Other secondary and upper secondary schools are to be located in district towns and might be consolidated to serve several villages or districts.

- The ethnic minority boarding schools must follow the pattern of all formal schools in the system in order to preserve equality and quality in education.

- The schools are:

- to ensure a place for all students to study and live, and to provide a stipend throughout their years of study.

- to establish fully-equipped boarding schools of permanent construction in provinces with high populations of minorities. The first three are expected to be: Savannakhet, Oudomxay, and X6kong followed by: Attapeu Houa Phanh Khammouane Louang Namtha Louang Prabang Phong Saly Saravanh Vientiane Province Xieng Khwang

- to develop a curriculum which will establish teaching and learning at the lower secondary and upper secondary levels progressing level by level with enrollments expected as follows;

Year one: 60 Year four: 60 Year two: 60 Year five: 60 Year three: 60 Year six: ?

76 Indigenous Peoples and Education On-going Programs for Minorities

- Expected outputs are to:

- eliminate illiteracy among ethnic minority youth - raise the level of knowledge and ability of ethnic minority youth in order for them to take a role in local economic growth and development in every region. - build a measure of equality for ethnic minorities

Non-formal education. Beginning with the 1991 UNDP project proposal to develop a non-formal education program, several international donors have assisted the Department of Non-formal Education of the Ministry of Education with non-formal education projects which have been of benefit to minorities.

Considerable progress has been made at the village level in community development. The more successful projects have helped villagers identify community needs including educational needs and seek solutions to community problems. This approach emphasizes leadership development and cooperative effort by all the community. These projects support material goals when they also contribute to village self-sufficiency and capacity building.

Materials on a number of development topics including pamphlets on food production and health as well as posters and charts on different subjects have been produced in Lao by one of the implementing agencies, Ecoles Sans Frontibres

On-going Programsfor Minorities

Major Assistance

ADB CurriculumDevelopment for Teacher Education Project

This project seeks to revamp pre- and in- service teacher education to conform with the new curricula and texts being developed under the World Bank Project (see below).

The project is designed to consolidate all teacher education in ten teacher training colleges around the country. However, in closing the former ethnic minority teacher training colleges, fewer minorities are likely to gain admission to the teacher colleges. Also, special attention to the educational problems facing the minorities is not likely to form a part of the new curriculum for teacher education. Nevertheless, it is the intention of the MOE to place more minority students in the teacher colleges.

Indigenous Peoples and Education 77 On-going Programs for Minorities

UNESCO/Ecoles Sans Frontitres: "Skills-based Literacy Programs for Ethnic Minority Women"

Located in two provinces. The project has established vocational classes for women with a focus on continuing educational development not just on literacy and numeracy.

UNICEF: Basic Education Program in the LPDR

The Project rationale asserts that despite attempts over the past two decades to improve the primary education sector in Laos, the results have been minimal. While this impacts on all areas of society, among the hardest hit are rural and ethnic minority people, who by virtue of their isolation receive the worst educational services.

- many rural communities have no school at all; most schools in mountainous districts are difficult to reach, dilapidated, and lack even the most basic materials such as paper, pen and chalk.

- the curriculum is inappropriate and taught in Lao, a foreign language to most minority children which is not spoken at home.

- it is estimated that over 7,000 teachers nationwide are unqualified or under-qualified.

- there is no supervision or monitoring of primary schools in remote areas. This accounts for a high level of teacher absenteeism and a lack of accountability by school management and staff.

The result is a crisis of confidence among rural and ethnic communities towards the education system. Under 30 percent of pupils who enroll complete five years of primary school.

Most of these children do not drop out of school, but are withdrawn by their parents, often on the justifiable perception that school has so little.to offer. This situation particularly affects girls who form a minority of school enrollments and whose numbers decline drastically as grades advance.

Three interconnected components form the core of the Program: 1) network for teacher upgrading

2) basic education for rural minority communities

3) community non-formal education

78 Indigenous Peoples and Education On-going Programs for Minorites

For a recent evaluation of this project, see the appendix to this chapter.

World Bank: Education Quality Improvement Project:

This project seeks to revamp the curriculum for the primary and lower secondary levels, provide textbooks and teacher manuals and in-service training for teachers, educational inspec- tors and administrative staff. The project recognizes the problem of reaching ethnic minorities and includes the following section though no action has yet been taken on it.

Section 3.2, (a), (v): a study on Lao language teaching and the schooling of ethnic minorities.

Paragraph 3.19: Study on Lao Language Teaching. Recognizing the special situation of ethnic minority students, the project would support a study to; (a) evaluate classroom practices in schools catering to ethnic minorities with respect to the use (or non-use) of textbooks written in Lao, and determine the need to provide other instructional materials or supplies to these students if warranted (which would require adjustments to the number of Lao books to be printed and distributed); (b) develop appropriate strategies for teaching Lao to students whose mother tongue is not Lao; and (c) identify other interventions or policy options for the education of ethnic minorities. The project would finance expenses for field research, and about 15 staff- months of local, and 3 staff-months of foreign specialist services required to carry out the study.

People's Republic of Vietnam:

Assistance in the construction of lower secondary schools for ethnic minorities in 3 province centers and training of Lao educators for the administration of these schools. See section 6.2.b. 1. above for more detail on this project.

Other Donor Assistance

Save the Children (UK): This project is providing pre- and in-service teacher training assistance to teachers in four provinces with special attention to adapting the primary and lower secondary curricula to the needs of minority education.

Wdrld Education: This project.is providing community development assistance with a focus on basic education to villages in Saravanh and Attapeu.

Indigenous Peoples and Education 79 On-going Programs for Minorities

Church World Service: This agency has supported the minority teacher training schools and the teacher upgrading programs in 3 provinces. The schools are to become lower secondary schools for minority students.

Norwegian Church Aid: This agency supports non-formal education and community development especially for women in the minority area of Xdpon in Savannakhet.

UNHCR: This agency provides assistance in education and other areas of community development to repatriated persons and local villagers many of whom are ethnic minorities.

80 Indigenous Peoples and Education On-going Programs for Minoities

Appendix to Chapter 6

" Annotated Bibliography " Programs Data Base

Indigenous Peoples and Education 81 Bibliography

Evaluation of Network for Teacher Upgrading Centers Project, Sheldon Schaeffer and team, UNICEF Vientianc. 28, November. 1995.

This is an evaluation of the UNICEF NTUC and Basic Education for Rural/Minority Children projects which form the core of the Basic Education Program. It covers 4 years of the 5-year project. The Project has established an in-service training program to upgrade the qualifications of untrained teachers in 19 districts in 11 provinces. Lao language training and resource materials has been developed and a supervision and monitoring system has been established. Teacher Upgrading Centers have been provided with basic water and sanitation facilities and selected schools have been provided support to improve physical conditions. Major recommendations are to continue the project, to further revise or re-write certain training modules, strengthen linkages between education and health and linkages between school, parents and community. Other recommendations deal with the UNICEF Country Program including: i. the promotion of integration of basic education with early childhood development, women in development, water and sanitation, and health and nutrition; ii. support of action research, policy studies and pilot projects related to mother tongue education; iii. further discussion with the Government on policies, activities and special needs of teachers and students related to ethnic minority boarding schools; iv. the development of policies and practices related to assessment and examination systems which are more supportive of child-centered learning; and v. the development of school and community based implementation strategies for child rights, including the protection of the girl child from sexual and other exploitation and abuse.

Human Resources Development: a draft document for the Round Table Meeting, Vientiane, 5-6 October 1995.

Description: A wide ranging document on past and on-going efforts in HRD and on objectives up to the year 2000. Part I covers Policy and Guidelines for Personnel Development, Education, Labor and Social Welfare. Public Health and Nutrition, Culture and Information, Science, Technology and the Environment, and Mass Organizations. Part II covers achievements and shortcomings in the above areas and HRD Objectives up to the year 2000.

Lao PDR: Social Development Assessment and Strategy; Report No. 13992-LA Aug. 15, 1995

Description: 118 pp. with annexes. 5 chapters including Poverty and income distribution, Social Services and the Poor, Agriculture and Rural Development, Macroeconomic Policies and Poverty Reduction, and Conclusions and Recommendations. Chapter 2 deals with education and health with 6 sections on education including Illiteracy rates, educational enrollment, access and quality of education, public expenditure on education, the incidence of public expenditure on education, and policy implications. This does not deal specifically with minorities.

Traditional Child Rearing Practices among Different Ethnic Groups in Houaphan Province LPDR; Ms. Somporn Phanjaruniti and team, UNICEF VTE., April 1994.

This study of child rearing in six villages: Lao Loum, Hmong and Lao Theung covers a range of topics including caregivers, parental attitudes, parental expectations and responses toward child rearing, toys and games, child development through age 8 including the disabled, family structure, traditional maternal and child care practices in marriage. pre-natal, birthing. post-natal, feeding and health care.

Education for 6-8 year old p.36 " children by role... no content on social, natural science, safety, or health education which might be relevant at the village level. ... Parents do not see how the knowledge their children gain from school helps in their family's daily lives. Parents in one Hmong vill'ge commented that they wanted their children to go to school so they could better help their patents carry firewood and water -- but they found that the child could perform these tasks equally well whether or not he or she had been to school.

In the Khmu villages there were cases of children not going to school because of pressure to take care of younger siblings and the need to help their parents with househ6ld aid field work. They also have problems with children not knowing Lao Loum language, which is the only medium of instruction all primary schools.

82 One Hmong village reported that the parents usually encourage their children (boys) to go to school and to be diligent in studying. Families that have a lot of children (5-6) usually will keep 2 or 3 children at home to work in the rice fields and to take care of the parents later on. Children who get a chance to go to school will continue until fifth grade or higher so they can have a chance to try to get a job with the government. Children nhose parents have decided to have them work in the fields will never get to school at all. Most Hmong and Klnu girls do not get a chance to go to school. The main reason is that parents do not rely on or stay with their own daughters when they are old. The second reason is the daughters can take care of younger siblings and help parents working in the fields. In Lao Loum villages, all the children go to school at this age. However these are well-off and well- educated villagers and shouldn't be taken as the norm for all Lao Loum villages. Conclusions p. 66 " They (parents) do not believe that the existing formal kindergarten and preschool education system is adequate. They even commented that the preschool education system would be inappropriate for the poor remote areas of Laos since it requires expensive investments in buildings, formally trained teachers, outside curriculum and materials. They would prefer assistance based on existing village strengths and initiated with the participation of the villagers themselves using appropriate locally based curriculum and materials and village-supported teachers.

UNICEF'sBasic Education Program in the Lao PDR. UNICEF Vte. June 1994.

This pamphlet outlines UNICEF's focus and strategy to assist the GOL in Basic Education especially for rural and minority peoples including a network for teacher upgrading, basic Ed fro rural minority communities and community non-formal education and mid-term progress in attaining these goals.

Study on Post-Secondaty Education;ADB/Serco, July, 1994. Chapter 3: Women and minority Group Access to Post-Seconday Education and Training.

This report provides background on the context of women's and minority education, status of women, national education policy, legal status, education, adult literacy and non-formal education, health, marriage, participation in the labor force, impact of the NEM, women's access to education, quality of education, physical access, vocational education, teacher training access, concerns to access for women,

Educationfor Ethnic Ainorities, Project Document, 9 July 93, UNDP Lao/92/010/A/01/99,

Description: This project will develop a model for education through consultation and practical work on a national, provincial, and village level. It will further enhance knowledge and understanding of ways of improving educational levels so as to have an impact on the socio-economic situation on widely varying groups or beneficiaries.

Exlension Projectfor WVomen Literacy and Basic Skill Training; UNESCO/MOE, August 1992

Description: Reviews socio-economic growth and trends, social development in population, health and education, social impact of NEM, and women in development. Reviews development priorities, policies and programs focusing on education. States objectives of Extension Project using a non-formal approach for target groups, objectives, outputs and activities; gives Project Strategy focus areas: teacher training, new curriculum, reading materials, community learning centers. and income generation

On an EducationalProgram for Ethnic Minority Youth: AOE /DGE 10/24/94.

Reviews status of Primary and Secondary formal education, goals and aims of the Program special considerations and Program activities, tasks and outputs, plans and sources of support.

Strategies for the Promotion of Basic Education for Women and Girls; Shalmali Guttal, World Education, Vientiane, Dec. 1993 for UNDP, UNESCO, Dept of NFE/MOE.

83 This study identifies some of the major barriers to the participation of women and girls in education in the LPDR and suggests guidelines for future national strategies and project formulation. Findings reveal a significant gender gap in education and learning opportunities in the LPDR which holds across all Lao society but especially in rural areas and higher age levels. Barriers include: lack of time to participate due to family and subsistence duties, direct and indirect costs to the family, lack of perceived benefits, and lack of appropriate activitics and opportunities. The report makes a numubcr of recommendations for expanding educational opportunities to women.

Children and Women in the Lao People'sDemocratic Republic; UNICEF/GOL in English and Lao. A revised version is in preparation.

This report contains background material on the country and its people, the situation of children and women, and sectoral analyses. The education sector has sections on the formal education s) stem, sector funding, reform of the education system and education of non-Lao speaking minorities.

EducationallvDisadvantaged in Laos and a Community-basedApproach to EducationDevelopment; an Assessment and Program Proposal. Ken Kampe June 1991.

This Proposal for non-formal village education centers includes background on education and minority groups in the LPDR, an in-depth study of the formal education system, the need for relevant village based approaches, a section on the minority groups, and recommendations for community based educationdevelopment.

84 Programs Data Base

Agency & Director Project Info Location & Start Date Focus Target Groups

ADB Quality of Education 1/95 - 11/95 Pre- and in-service teacher All teacher training Teacher Education education students CARE Int. Laos AIDS Education Bo Keo 1995 Info, training of ethnic Ethnic minorities MOHIAIDSCAP/AID workers, prevention of Mike Carroll Dr. Ketkeo spread of AIDS Govt. of Vietnam Construction of 3 secondary Savannakhet, Sekong, Construction, training of Lower secondary minority boarding schools; Oudomsay administrators for formal level minority students training of administrators education Norway Church Aid Sepone, Savannakhet Community Develop. Minorities Save the Children (UK) Pre- school Vientiane, Xayabury, curriculum & teacher Pre-school teachers Teacher training Savannakhet, Sekong education Save the Children (UK) Primary Teacher Vientiane, Xayabury, Curriculum, materials, Teacher Training College Training Savannakhet, Sekong methods, in-service training students and teachers in service World Bank Quality of Ed: DGE 1/92 curriculum, teacher training, primary and lower secondary materials teachers UNESCO/ESF Expansion of Non-formal Vientiane, Champassak Literacy, numeracy, minorities, esp. women education programs XiengKhuang Xayabury functional, vocational LuangPrabang, Luang education I Namtha, Savannakhet UNHCR Refugee relocation assistance 1/92, 4 provinces Community Develop. Returned refugees and their support for formal education local communities

85 UNICEF support for basic education 23 districts in 12 provinces Upgrade teachers and 3200 teachers ; 96 trainers in training centers; train remote areas trainers; develop materials; World Education Non-formal education Salavan, Attapeu basic education, literacy, 2 villages in each of the two health, water, food provinces production CHAPTER 7 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau: A Case Study

Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors

In terms of socio-economic, cultural and environmental characteristics, perhaps no other area in Laos has been so intensively studied in recent years as the area surrounding the proposed Nam Theun 2 hydroelectric facility. Located in central Laos, in the northeast corner of Kham- mouane Province and adjacent portions of Khamkeut District in Borikhamxay, its fascinating biological and ethnolinguistic diversity, on-going anthropological innovation, and traceable historical upheavals, have proven to be a living laboratory for the study of indigenous peoples and their interaction with the environment and modem development.

The term Nakai plateau is actually an ambiguous toponym. Previously it was used to include both the flat land and the more mountainous area to the east, that is all land above the Ak Escarpment. Today, however, it is usually used to mean only the relatively flat area on the western side, while the region to the east is called the Nakai - Nam Theun watershed or National Biodiversity Protected Area (NBCA). The study encompassed both of these zones.

This small area is home to 28 indigenous ethnic groups, at least 4 of which were unknown before this year, and 3 others whose names were known but which had not been previously studied. Their languages and cultures are unique but in some cases are in danger of extinction in the near future unless measures are adopted to insure their preservation. As might be expected, those most at risk are forest peoples who have the most to offer in terms of indigenous knowledge.

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 87 Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors

The district of Nakai is thus a good example of cultural complexity. Nakai is located in the northeast corner of Khammouane Province and is currently the locus of much study, first because it is the proposed site of a major hydroelectric facility, and second because of the National Biodiversity Protected Area located there containing a unique habitat where many rare species of plants and animals are found. The human dimension of the problem had not been realized until this year when CARE undertook a socio-economic and cultural survey of the area as a prelude to proposed development planning. The area is of special interest because it illustrates the importance of the interplay of history, ethnolinguistic diversity, and socio-economic development. These factors, however, are not necessarily unique to this district, but they have been more well-studied. Similar sets of circumstances should be anticipated whenever any given location in the country is subjected to closer scrutiny.

What is provided in this example may seem overly detailed, but in fact it barely scratches the surface. Missing are descriptions of social systems, kinship, inheritance, religion, and so forth (not to mention other types of indigenous knowledge which would be the subject of a much more prolonged study), that could not be elicited due to time constraints.

Nakai is a new district and consists of a plateau and adjacent heavily forested area bordered on the south and west by an escarpment known as the Ak mountain chain, to the north by Khamkeut district of Borikhamxay, and on the east by the Vietnamese border. For purposes of this illustration, we will include villages on the Khamkeut side of the boundary since topo- graphically these form a continuum with Nakai.

As mentioned above, in this relatively small area there are 28 ethnic groups. These fall into 3 of the 4 ethnolinguistic families found in Laos: Austroasiatic (Katuic and Vietic Branches), Tai-Kadai (Southwestern and Northern Branches), and Hmong-Mien. The livelihood systems vary from exclusively hunting and gathering to swidden and paddy cultivation. But in many cases the shift from hunting and gathering to a more sedentary base has taken place quite recently, and non-rice staples such as corn, cassava, and wild tubers still comprise a major portion of the diet in many villages.

During the 19th century Nakai and the surrounding territory was subjected to a massive depopulation effort by Siamese armies, and the plateau portion of the area was not repopulated until after 1860, by ethnic groups arriving from the north, south, and east. The Vietic speakers are known to be the oldest inhabitants of the area, followed by the Sek. A group known as Bo appear to be Tai-ized Vietics who moved onto the plateau after the depopulation, and have adopted languages of nearby Tai speakers, but not necessarily other aspects of their cultures. Brou, belonging to the Katuic branch of Mon-Khmer, are relative newcomers. But the Hmong are the most recent arrivals, and are cause of some concern due to their overly efficient use of resources.

88 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors

The National Biodiversity Conservation Area (NBCA) Looking first only at the subdistricts of Na Vang, Thaphayban, and Ban Toeng, which are located in a National Biodiversity Protected Area of 3,710 square kilometers, it is noteworthy that there are only three schools currently in operation for an estimated population of 7,300 in 38 villages. Approximately 17 percent of this population speak Vietic languages, approximately 67 per cent speak Brou (a Katuic language), and 16 percent speak Tai-Kadai languages.

The following table summarizes the situation:

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 89 Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors

TABLE 7.1 Ethnic Groups in the NBCA: Population and Livelihood

RIVER SYSTEM ETHNIC CLASSIFICA- ETHNIC GROUP POPULATION AGRICULTURAL SYS- TION (APPROXIMATE) TEM

NAM SoT Victic: Arao- 150 Vietic: non-propri- Malang 95 etary swidden, h+g;a Atel 16 Tai: swidden, some Maleng 185 paddy Tai-Kadai: Kaleung {140 Phou Thay 586

NAM MONE Katuic: Brou 1,050 some terraced paddy at Na Vang (done by Sek originally); swidden (non-proprietary)

1,050

NAi TnFIuN Victic: Salang-X 38 swidden, h&g; Katuic: Brou 2,970 swidden (non-proprietary & pioneering) 3,008

NAM Noy Vietic: Kri 190 swidden, h&g; Phong 500 Katuic: Brou 850 swidden (non-prop) terraced paddy, per- Tai Kadai: Sek 300 manent swidden plots

1,840

NAM PHEO Katuic: Brou 70 swidden Tai-Kadai: Sek 800 terraced paddy; permanent swidden plots 870

NAM ONE Vietic: Salang-Z 10 10b h&g only

a. Hunting and gathering b. Total estimated population based on these figures is 7,364

Lack of roads and other communications makes the provision of government services difficult in the extreme, and the average walking distance to the Nakai District Seat at Oudomsouk is 3 days. There are no public health services available, although one Sek village reported regular visits by a district nurse. Medical needs are met by purchasing medicines on trips to the district seat, traditional medicines, or diagnoses by traditional healers. Likewise, there is no agricultural extension program operating in this area.

90 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors

Rice sufficiency is also a major problem, one that directly affects the situation vis-A-vis labor availability and the role of women and school age girls because gardening in upland plots and foraging for food supplements is primarily a female activity. The following chart illustrates the rice shortage problem:

TABLE 7.2 Rice Sufficiency in the NBCA

Ethnic Group- Sufficient En- Households ing tire Year with Deficit

Deficita < 3 months 3-6 months 6-8 months >8 months Vietic 1 99% 2% 37% 0% 60%

Katuic (Brou) 1 99% 0% 10% 8% 61%

Tai-Kadai 0 100% 0% 18% 26% 55% (Sek)

a. The rice deficits do not necessarily total over the months since these were rough estimates by viage key informants.

The most underdeveloped of groups, the Vietic speakers, are highly dependent upon rivers and streams for fish and upon the forest for edible plants, e.g., wild roots and tubers, wild vegetables, nuts and berries; plant products, e.g., damar resin (khii sii), rattan cane, and fragrant wood (may heuang); and for meat from birds, mammals, and reptiles. As is shown on the table below, of the villages sampled, 74.6 percent of the cash income is derived from nature. The sale of wildlife for an average household amounts to Kip 16,190 (10.9%), plant forest products amounts to Kip 79,149 (53.5%), and fish cash income is Kip 15,484 (10.5%). 1

But while on a per capita basis the Vietic speakers appear to have the advantage, the increasing population of Brou in the NBCA poses a greater threat to the resource base. The long term resident Vietic groups, while they possess a greater understanding of the environment and are therefore better hunters, are numerically inferior and lack experience in agriculture. When the resource base is exhausted, as it will be soon due to the extent of commercial hunting and extraction of forest products, this group be at a considerable disadvantage.

The chart below illustrates the differentiation in cash income by ethnolinguistic grouping:

1. These and other statistics are tentative since they are villager perceptions of quantities. They do, however, provide guidelines for hypotheses and directions for additional.study. At the time this study was carried out in early 1996 the Kip was valued at approximately K 930 to $1.00 US.

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 91 Socio-Economic and Cultural Factors

TABLE 7.3 Average Household Income for NBCA Ethnic Group- HHs Agriculture WildlifeIn- Plant Forest Fish Income Average Total ing (Livestock) In- come Products In- HH Income come come Vietic 124 37,137 16,190 79,149 15,484 147,960 Katuic (Brou) 273 27,885 3,553 40,881 3,297 75,615

Tai-Kadai 121 24,380 14,587 3,025 9,521 51,512 (Sek) Overall Aver- 518 29,281 9,155 41,199 7,668 87,303 age

Serious rice deficiencies and heavy reliance upon hunting and fishing for protein and the gathering of tubers for use as starch staples, implies a heavy labor reliance, especially upon women who spend much of their time gathering plants and tubers as well as tending garden vegetable plots. Since these activities may be performed by children, girls are introduced to this as well as caring for younger siblings at an early age.

Because of the importance of the National Biodiversity Protected Area, and the rapid exhaus- tion of forest resources and wildlife due to extraction for commercial purposes, there is an urgent need for an educational program that would be directed at the needs of the Protected Area Management Plan, as well as the agricultural needs of the villagers. A requisite educational program, for both adults and children, would address environmental issues as well as economic ones, and at the same time would assess felt needs of the ethnic minorities in relation to the preservation of their respective cultures.

It should be mentioned that of the twelve ethnic minority groups found in these three subdistricts, four were completely unknown prior to CARE's survey; three others were known to exist but were unstudied, one of which, the forest people known as Salang-Z, remained inaccessible. There is no reason to doubt that similar situations would be found in other provinces and districts such as might be selected for other development project locations. Certainly the presence of twelve or more ethnic groups in a district is not unusual, and for most remote areas, this would be the rule rather than the exception.

92 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study The Nakai Plateau

The Nakai Plateau

The situation on the plateau portion -of the project area, 450 square kilometers of which would be inundated by the proposed reservoir, differs in many respects from that of the NBCA. The plateau is more accessible to the surrounding area, and has been since an early time. The plateau is thus subject to in-migration from the north and the south, the access points of Route 8A. There was a foreign presence here as well, first the Siamese and later the French had military outposts here. And in the early part of the century, Prince Phetsarath, Viceroy of the Kingdom of Laos, maintained a hunting lodge and a cattle raising enterprise on the plateau as well.

The twenty-one settlements on the plateau can be divided into new villages which been recently established since 1988 and old, that is, previously existing villages, the new villages being recently formed along Route 8A by people from Khamkeut to the north. Many of these are Tai speakers of various types who have moved onto the plateau over the past two or three years to take advantage of opportunities in the commercial forest product and wildlife trade. Some of the "new" villages are in fact old villages whose original populations have been replaced or overshadowed by the influx of recent migrants.

While the real population growth rate in the area has yet to be determined, rough demographic data over time from some villages, gives the impression that population growth rates in many of the sampled villages are well in excess of three percent and probably have been expanding at that rate for at least ten years. If one looks at the age cohort structure, at least 40 percent of the population of nearly. all villages, for which age group data was available, are in the 0-14 years age group. This very young population implies that villages are in a pre-demographic transition stage, characterized by high fertility and high infant mortality.

TABLE 7.4 Demographic Summary of Villages on the Nakai Plateau

Ethnic Group- Villages PopI HHs PopI HHs ing (No.) (No.) (No.) (%) (%) Bo 5 1,281 274 33.6% 38.1% Katuic (Brou) 6 1,684 289 44.1% 40.1%

Vietic (Ahoe) 1 261 51 6.8% 7.1% New Villages 4 591 106 15.5% 14.7%

Total 16 3,817 720 100% 100%

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 93 The Nakai Plateau

All villages complained of the increased population pressures on available land for shifting cultivation and hunting and gathering, with the inference that the carrying capacity of the Pla- teau has been steadily declining since the end of the Indochina War in 1973. This can be attributed to the increasing natural population growth in a period of peace time and to inward and returning migration of people onto the Plateau.

Traditionally most of these groups have cultivated rice, hunted animals for meat and gathered plant products for their immediate use or future use if they could be stored. In agriculture, shifting cultivation is carried out for subsistence. Livestock has been a source of wealth which may be liquidated as needs arise, rather than as an economic enterprise, although currently, with rice productivity declining, villagers are relying more on livestock sales to purchase rice. These systems would be sustainable so long as population pressures are low and without the land degradation brought on by intensive logging.

But the traditional systems are being challenged as people begin to try every means to obtain cash to purchase more clothing, medicine, households goods, etc. And it is only logical to turn to the sale of those resources which are perceived as existing in "unlimited" abundance and which are readily accessible, that is, forest products. In the extreme case of the NBCA very little crop produce is sold -- other than garden products such as chillies. The sale of livestock still is not systematized, although this is reported to be increasing. Thus, there is a beginning of partial commercialization of agriculture and, of course, forest and stream products.

Families in the proposed reservoir area engage in agricultural production based on cultural preferences, ecosystemic factors, and previous experience. Almost all persons interviewed voiced their perceptions of a rapidly diminishing resource base.

Paddies are found in only two Bo villages, Nakai Neua and Nakai Tay, in the Brou village of Ban Done, and in the Phong/Yooy village of Khone Kbne. None of the Ahoe engage in paddy cultivation. It is not unusual for paddy fields to flood, but in the past eight or ten years reportedly fields have been subjected to excessive flooding (as many as three or four times in a season) almost every year. When it is possible to cultivate a rice crop, productivity is low as can be seen on the tables below. The subsequent decline in soil fertility and increased weed infestation can be attributed to decreasing fallow periods for swidden fields.

All villages reported that in the past twenty years the number of large mammal species, such as Gaur, Sambar, and Muntjacs, has seriously declined, and while a variety of other animal species still exist, their density has been significantly reduced. Plant species were said not to have declined, but certain of the heavily gathered species, such as rattan, damar resin and fragrant wood are in short supply.

94 hidigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study The Nakai Plateau

Increased hunting pressure because of the market on the Plateau has encouraged families to encroach on the NBCA. Villagers, those who would discuss the topic, reported changes in the methods of trapping animals. Longer snare lines are used than in the past in order to trap as many animals as possible. In some cases hunters have resorted to the use of war weapons.

It is clear that the Plateau's agricultural livelihood systems are threatened. The extent to which the official government policy limiting the cultivation of dry rice and other field crops (hay) to only 3-5 year fallows is adhered is uncertain, although villagers all pay lip service to such directives. All report declining soil fertility due to reduced fallow periods and the fact that they have no access to dense forest areas, in which they can undertake swidden agriculture.

The declining resource base is therefore serious on the Nakai Plateau, and should the current situation be allowed to continue unabated, disastrous affects on the livelihoods and daily lives of the residents will surely result.

Old Villages vs. New Villages. Economic differences between the old and the new villages are substantial. New arrivals who have been attracted to the plateau have come primarily from the Lak Xao area of Khamkeut District in Borikhamxay, that is, to the north of the plateau. Most have come for the express purpose of exploiting the trade in forest products and wildlife which they see as lucrative based on experience with the Lak Xao market. But in some cases they have come to set up shops along the road to service Vietnamese loggers and other outsiders. They are more entrepreneurial, and more competitive than the old residents of the plateau. One group came and established themselves at the proposed dam site with the expectation of becoming hired labor once construction begins, but in the meantime rely on the forest for sus- tenance and cash. Generally speaking, these migrants are less concerned with preserving the environment and more prone to undertake nonsustainable short-term activities, following which they may return to their home villages.

In the older villages on the Nakai Plateau, livestock raising is carried out in traditional ways but is secondary to rice as an agricultural activity. Hunting is a primary protein source, wild animals being preferable to the consumption of one's own domestic stock. Buffaloes are raised in fallows and in the forest, while pigs and chickens run lose in the village. Usually only chicken are eaten, and then infrequently. Pigs and buffaloes are reserved for ritual sacrifices. Within the old villages the Bo and the Brou depend heavily upon livestock as a source of cash income, whereas, the Ahoe sell very little.

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 95. The Nakai Plateau

TABLE 7.5 Average Household Cash Income by Ethnic Grouping (Kip)

Ethnic Grouping 1-lls Agriculture Wildlife Plant Forest Fish Income Average (Livestock) In- Income Products In- Total 1111 come come Income Bo 274 84,825 11,958 59,328 17,153 173,264 Kauic (Brot) 289 108,609 18,637 56,431 28,460 212,137

Vietic (Ahoe) 51 16,275 48,029 229,804 18,627 293,127

New Villages 106 51,849 17,618 258,019 32,476 359,962

Overall Average 720 84,661 18,027 98,104 24,052 224,84

The most pronounced differences between old and new villages is seen inn the amount of estimated total cash income. On a household basis in 1995, the new villages earned Kip 359,962, more than any of the other groups in the old villages. Of the old villages the Brou ranked second in total income (Kip 212,137/HH), followed by the Bo (Kipl73,264/HH). The Ahoe rank first of the old villages from in total cash income Kip 293,127.

The new villages ranked first in cash income (Kip 32,476/HH) from the sale of fish, while it only contributed 9 percent of their total cash income. Of the old villages the Brou ranked next (Kip 28,460/HH) with fish providing 6.4% their cash income, followed by the Ahoe (Kip 18,627/HH) at 6.4% and then the Bo (Kip 17,153/HH) at 9.9%.

The new arrivals also exploited more forest plant products for sale than did the old villages, ranking first (Kip 258,019) deriving 71.7% of the total cash income from this source. The Ahoe ranked second (Kip 229,804/HH) with 71.7%, the Bo third (Kip 59,328) with 34.2%, and the Brou last (Kip 56,431/HH) at 26.6%.

In agricultural cash income, new villages rank third among the four groups (Kip 51,849/HH), deriving only 14.4% of their total cash income from that source. Here the Brou rank first (Kip 108,609/HH), earning 51.2% of their cash income from agricultural sales; the Bo second (Kip 84,825/HH) at 49.0%, and the Ahoe last (Kip 16,275/HH), 5.6% of their cash income.

Rice Sufficiency. Rice production and deficits are difficult to calculate because of the fear of having to pay additional taxes. 2 All villages reported deficits. It was possible to get a better approxim'ation of rice supply by asking the number of months that they were sufficient in rice. Even here, though, the picture is not good.

96 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study The Ethnic Groups

As can be seen in the table below, on the Plateau in 1996 the Ahoe are the most self-sufficient in rice with 39 percent of the total households reporting enough rice to eat. However, the Bo and the Brou will have only 17 and 6 percent, respectively. The Bo have 62 percent with a deficit of 6-8 months, while the Brou report 40 percent with a deficiency of more than six months. On the other hand the new villages reported that 39 percent of their households will have enough rice in 1996, less than 50 percent of the households being deficient for more than six months.

TABLE 7.6 Household Rice Sufficiency by Ethnicity Ethnic Group- Sufficient En- % of Total Households ing tire Year with Deficit

EHs HHs < 3 months 3-6 months 6-8 months >8 months

Bo 47 17% 5.8% 14.6% 62.4% 0.0%

Katuic (Brou) 18 6% 17.0% 33.6% 19.0% 21.1%

Vietic (Ahoe) 20 39% 9.8% 19.6% 31.4% 0.0%

New Villages 34 32% 16.0% 9.4% 13.2% 27.4%

Total 119 17% 12.4% 22.1% 36.3% 12.8%

Rice deficiencies in both the new and old villages are made up by the gathering supplemental starchy foods, such as corn and wild tubers, and by the sale of forest products and livestock in order to purchase rice.

The Ethnic Groups

As has been mentioned, there are 28 distinct ethnic groups found in the extended project area, including the land to be inundated by the proposed reservoir on the Nakai Plateau, the NBCA (watershed, or catchment area), and the adjacent periphery. These fall into the following categories:

1. Vietic, that is, belonging to the Vietic branch of Austroasiatic (Mon-Khmer), con-

2. The tax rate on hay in the area studied was Kip 4,000/ha., so villages and families had a strong incentive not to report the actual amount cultivated.

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 97 The Ethnic Groups

sisting of at least 12 languages: Ahoe, Thaveung, Atel, Kri, Phong-1 & 2, Phong-3, Maleng, Malang, Arao, Salang-X, Salang-Z and Cheut.

2. Brou, belonging to the Western Katuic branch of Austroasiatic, known to outsiders as S6, or Makong.

3. Tai-Kadai, consisting mainly of Southwestern branch languages, with the exception of Sek (or Saek) which is a very archaic language thought to have broken away from the Tai mainstream just prior to the period of Proto-Tai unity. There are 13 Tai languages in the NT2 project area: Sek, Mene, Kaleung, Yooy, Phou Thay, Moey, Kouan, Khang, E, Nyo, Phong, Xam, and Theng.

4. Bo, treated here as a special group. The Bo appear to have been originally Vietic speakers who shifted linguistic identity to various dialects of Southwestern Tai (Thay- Lao), determined by their geographical locations at the time.

5. Hiong-Mien, represented by one group, the Hmong, on the northern periphery.

None of the groups visited during this study were practitioners of Buddhism. The only Bud- dhist monks are found at a very recently established temple in the new district seat of Nakai (oflicially Oudomsouk, commonly known as Ban Houa Phou). Remains of a temple exist between Nakai Neua and Nakai Tay, with two small carved stone Buddha images of indeter- minate age. One possibility is that this temple was erected during the Thai occupation of the area between 1828 and 1860, since the temple is located only 50 meters or so off Route #8 which appears to have been an ancient trading route between Siam and Vietnam. It may also have been constructed earlier by Lao traders prior to the Siamese invasion. But as a general rule, the residents of the plateau and the NBCA are animists with a religion centered on ancestor cults.

In terms of distribution, the Brou, who live mostly in the southern third of the plateau, comprise approximately 39% of the total population to be relocated from the proposed reservoir area, while the Bo who occupy roughly the middle third make up about 33%. The Ahoe who were formerly located at the extreme northern tip near their present home at Sop Hia, comprise about 10% of the total, and the Phong/Yooy of Khone Kbne 5%. The remainder of the population consists of recent arrivals who occupy villages in the northern third. In the Nakai District portion of the NBCA, the Brou also dominate the population with an estimated 67%, compared to 16% Tai/Sek, and 17% Vietic groups. (These are estimates based upon average village size per ethnolinguistic family.)

98 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study The Ethnic Groups

Vietic

The Vietic ethnolinguistic groups found in the NT2 area have not been well classified, and several, the Atel, the Malang, the Arao, and the Salang-X, were hitherto completely unknown. However, they seem, at first glance, to fall roughly into two major groups, each of which can be further divided into two as follows:

1. a) Ahoe, Ahlaaw 2. a) Maleng, Malang, Arao, Atel, Salang-X

b) Phong-3, Cheut b) Kri, Phong 1-2, Salang-Z (?)

The evidence for this grouping is provided below:

TABLE 7.7 Examples of Linguistic Evidence for Subgrouping of Vietic Languages bird civet snake soft- duck grasshop- shell per Ahoe ?aaciim tomur luk - pataay ?ataa pih Ahlaaw ?acoy luk - patay ?atee pooyh

Phong-3 ciim hmzj siig peet viit bu? baay Cheut pci.mm map pzsip? vii.ttt cou?

Maleng-2 ?:o? cineek kopee - ?aptul vii.ttt paar Malang ?aa? kQpii - pw?l viit jiaar

Atel ?au? concck kDpee - ptur viit P33if Salang-x ?aa? cineet kobtuat - phur vitt

Kri ?ou? Jayar vitth pay

Phong-1 ?ou? sapaak saayar - ptur vii.tt p3y

Phong-2 ?o_o? cupaak sayaar - paur vii.ttt pamy?

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 99 The Ethnic Groups

This grouping follows geographical areas delineated by the river systems of the NBCA. Thus, the Atel-Maleng group is found along the Nam Sot and Kri-Phong is found along the Nam Noy. Salang-X, is apparently the last vestige of an upper Nam Theun group. Ahoe, Ahlaaw, and Phong-3 are all found to the north along the lower Nam Theun and Nam Gnouang, and while the Cheut described here is found far to the south, it may also have relatives further north, but on the Vietnamese side of the border. In fact, the local Brou people divide them into separate groups depending on the river systems in which they reside, the Kha Nam Sot, the Kha Nam Theun, the Kha Nam Noy, and Kha Boualapha (the latter refers to a district to the south of the eastern Ak escarpment, but probably they derive from the Nam One river system area just to the north. All of this is as yet unverified since only the Cheut have been visited. The term Salang-Z is given tentatively to the hunters and gatherers known to reside in the Nam One basin.

Andr6 Fraisse, a French administrator and explorer, visited a group of Yellow Leaf people in 1944 who were at that time living along the Nam One. He traveled by foot up the Ak mountains from Ban Kham H in Gnommalath to a village called "Ban South," inhabited by Phong which, judging from the wordlist provided, resemble the Phong of the Nam Noy. He notes that these Phong practice swidden agriculture, but have been unsuccessful in their attempts at paddy. (It is also noted that further downstream, the village of Ban Muala (in fact this should have been recorded as Malua), marked on the maps as Ban Maloi, is Phong.) He relates that they can speak S6, and that the men are allowed to marry S0 and Yooy women and bring them to live in their villages. Fraisse continued up the Nam One by boat and met two of the Yellow Leaf people coming from the opposite direction also by boat, one of whom was the chief of the group. They were convinced to return back upstream with his party, and after passing what he describes as a rainy season village of five houses called "Ban Ouang Son," they continued until reaching the waterfall known as the "Keng Khoune." There they apparently met with the remainder of the band whose total number was 12, although the chief noted that their population used to be 30. Like the Salang-X of the NBCA they were unable to provide a name for themselves. The language of these people, according to Fraisse, resembled that of the Phong at Ban South but his wordlist is too short to judge the relationship other than to state that it is definitely Vietic. Fraisse goes on to relate stories of "pygmies" who inhabit the deep interior of the area. These he relates were actually seen by the governor of Khammouane in 1915, and were also described by the residents of Ban Naphao, at the base of the Ak range further to the east. The Lao word for them, he writes, is "Kha Thak Tb." (Fraisse 1949)

The Victic groups are the most diverse in terms of language indicating an earlier habitation of the area. And in fact, according both to long standing tradition and to the linguistic evidence, they are considered to be the original inhabitants. They are known to the Lao variously as Kha, Salang, or Tong Leuang (Yellow Leaf People), and to the Brou as Arem. Everyone in this region ofLaos, that is, in Khammouane and Borikhamxay, as opposed to elsewhere, is careful to distinguish between the terms Kha, which refers to Vietic speaking peoples, and Lao

100 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study The Ethnic Groups

Thoeng, which indicates Katuic. There seems little doubt that these Vietic peoples were hunters and gatherers until quite recently. The Cheut village visited by the team in Ban Dou subdistrict of Boualapha (that is, just opposite the southeast corner of the NBCA in the Nam Nou NBCA), had been sedentary only for the past two years, and at least one small non-sedentary nomadic group (Salang-Z), still unidentified, is known to exist in the Nam One valley but has remained inaccessible so far. (This is in the same area inhabited by the people described by Fraisse above, even the waterfall is mentioned.) According to some information, the older members of this group still wear bark-cloth. There are thought to be still others but reports are sketchy.

On the northern side of the NBCA, the Atel of the upper Nam Sot were intentionally brought out of the forest shortly after 1975, eight families. were taken to live at Ban Nam Houay where all of them died. Five families were taken to Tha Meuang and are still there, the only remaining speakers of their language. A similar situation may have occurred at Vang Chang with the Salang-X. These peoples appear to have been primarily endogamous, and in both cases the women practice a kind of birth control with herbal medicine known only to them and so the already very small population is declining in what may be an unconscious form of cultural suicide in response to radical changes to their way of life. Most of the Vietic groups in the NBCA still rely heavily on wild tubers and sometimes sago as staple foods for six months or more in a year. The main exceptions to the propensity for endogamy are the Ahoe and the Phong. In the case of the latter, Fraisse, as mentioned above, notes their intermarriage with Brou and Yooy.

Judging from their current location and their accounts of former areas of residence, the Ahoe, the only Vietic group now living on the plateau (and then only in what is the extreme northwest corner), inhabited the forested areas to the north and west of Sop Hia, especially between the Houay Nyala stream, and the Phou Song and Phou My mountains at the mouth of the Nam Phao River. They have been living at Sop Hia (Houay Hia) since 1984 (cf. Maps I and 2 in Appendix 1). This area, including the proposed dan site, appears to have formed the traditional hunting and fishing grounds of the Ahoe for at least several hundred years.

Katuic

The Western Katuic Brou language, the only representative of this branch in the Nakai area, reveals a marked degree of homogeneity both on the plateau and in the catchment area, as well as to the south below the Ak escarpment in the adjacent districts of Gnommarath and Boual- apha, indicating recent arrival. They are especially numerous in the upper Nam Theun system and the Nam Mone, a tributary of the Nam Sot. A few trace their homeland to Phou Vang- Meuang Barn, opposite the headwaters of the Nam Pheo on the Vietnamese side of the border, but,this is dubious. It is just as likely, however, that the Brou of Meuang Bam, like the Brou on the plateau and in the NBCA, arrived from the south, from Gnommarath and Boualapha. The language in all of these locations is identical, indicating a recent migration into the area.

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 101 The Ethnic Groups

The Brou are patrilineal and patri;ocal. They are exogamous in marriage patterns, and are more competitive for resources than either the Vietic speakers or the Bo, both groups whom they appear to have replaced or displaced in many areas.

In Boualapha, as may be seen on Map 6, a north to south linguistic isogloss separates Brou, of the type spoken in Nakai, from the closely related Tri. The Brou are located to the east of that line along the Annamite chain. This isogloss turns west, and on Map 3 one can see the occur- rences of Brou villages following the Ak escarpment west to the larger concentration at Gnom- marath. The isogloss is less clear to the south from this point, but gradually Brou becomes interspersed with Chaly and Chalouy. Unfortunately, the information in Mahaxay is still second-hand, and that district has been subjected to numerous military upheavals, beginning with the invasion of the Thais in 1828, as evidenced by reports of five or more ethnic groups per village in dozens of locations.

One further piece of evidence for the origin of the Brou is the ritual oath of agreement that exists between Brou and Kaleung not to take offence at the breaking of cultural taboos by one group against the other. That this oath was referred to frequently by Brou villagers in Nakai, even though there are few Kaleung on the plateau, implies that the Brou came from the south where they live in close contact with Kaleung. There are no Kaleung to the north of the plateau.

Tai-Kadai

Only two Tai-Kadai groups appear to have been indigenous to the area, the Sek and the Yooy. The Sek inhabit portions of the upper Nam Noy and the Nam Pheo in the southern portion of the NBCA, and the village of Na Kadok in Khamkeut District, Borikharmxay, on the northern fringe. There is considerable linguistic variation between the two settlement areas indicating a fairly long period of separation. The Sek at Na Kadok clairm to have come from Ban Phou Quang, tc Th6 District, Ngh8 An Province, Vietnam, about two days walk from Na Kadok. There are still several Sek families residing at this location. The closest relatives of the Sek are the Mne in Ngh6 An, and the Northern Branch Tai languages spoken in Guangxi and Guizhou provinces in China.

Yooy is the tentative linguistic identity of the residents of Ban Khone Kne, but in fact the people of this village appear to be the descendants of Phong men who married Yooy women as described by Fraisse (cited above), and since descent is reckoned through the male line, the people of Khone Kine relate that they came originally from Ban Tong (on the Nam Noy in the NBCA), a Phong village, and that they resided for some time at Ban Malua (the abandoned Ban Maloi on the maps) before moving to Khone Kbne, already said by Fraisse to be a Yooy village in,1944.

102 hidigenous People on the Nakai Plateau: A Case Study The Ethnic Groups

With the exception of the Phou Thay, the Yooy, and the Kaleung who are earlier residents, the remaining Tai speaking groups have recently moved to the plateau from Khamkeut district in Borikhamxay. They arrived in Khamkeut during the late 19th century as a result of the Soek Cheuang, or Cheuang (Khmou) uprisings in Houa Phanh and adjacent parts of Thanh Hoa and Ngh8 An, an ethnic conflict of considerable magnitude. From the account of Fraisse (1949, it would appear that the Yooy at least had established villages on the plateau prior to 1944. Today they are found only at the base of the Ak escarpment in Gnommalath district.

Hmong

The Hmong are the most recent arrivals of all of the ethnic groups in the area surveyed, and they are also noticeably the most destructive to the environment. By contrast to the existing swidden agricultural practices of the Tai and Austroasiatic groups on the plateau and in the NBCA, the Hmong engage mostly in pioneering type slash and burn agriculture. They leave no trees standing, clear larger areas, and usually do not have rotational cycles, preferring instead to move on leaving barren hills in their wake with little hope for natural reforestation to occur. Likewise, Hmong hunting is overly efficient, with parties of ten to twenty men going into the forest for over a week at a time. (By contrast local Tai and Austroasiatic hunters rarely stay even one night in the jungle and do not go in large groups.) These practices have brought them into serious conflict with the original inhabitants. In one case, at the Maleng village of Pak Katan, the Hmong established a cemetery on land belonging to the Maleng causing much bad feeling between the two groups.

It was said by some authorities that these Hmong originated in the special zone of Xaysom- boun in the north between Vientiane and Xieng Khwang provinces, and left that area to avoid harsh conditions rumored to exist there. This problem and the threat the Hmong pose to the NBCA has come to the attention of the provincial authorities of both Khammouane and Borikhamxay, and it has been agreed that the Hmong will shortly be returned to their places of origin. Because of their industriousness, the Hmong at the nearby subdistrict of Thong P, who were moved to the lowlands to practice permanent paddy rice cultivation have been highly successful and this experience could most probably be replicated elsewhere if suitable land could be found.

Ethno-Historical Settlement Pattern

The linguistic evidence is indispensable in unraveling the history of human habitation of the plateau and the NBCA. It is clear from the data (see appendices for examples) that while there is considerable diversity in the Vietic languages, this is not the case in the Katuic branch which is represented by a single dialect that shows practically no variation across the plateau

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 103 The Ethnic Groups

and throughout the NBCA. This situation indicates a very recent dispersal by the Brou, who appear to have migrated into the area from the lowlands to the south since their intrusion has reached approximately the southern half of the plateau and the central portion of the NBCA. Furthermore, the language of the Brou on the plateau and the NBCA matches that of the Brou in Gnommalath and Boualapha. There is also a possibility, already mentioned, that some of the Brou traveled to the northeast, through Vietnam, to an area known commonly as Meuang Bam on the Amang River and down into the NBCA from that location. But this is likely only in the case of Ban Kount on the Nam Pheo in the NBCA which lies only one day on foot from Meuang Bam, but which is relatively isolated from other Brou settlements on the Lao side, (see Map 2). In the case of Ban Khone Kine, the southernmost village on the plateau, described as inhabited by ethnic Yooy by Fraisse in 1944, the residents appear to be the descendants of Phong men from the nearby abandoned village of Ban Maloua (Maloi) who married Yooy (and perhaps Brou) women.

Thus, it would appear that the plateau, following the Thai policy of depopulation that ended in 1860, was repopulated first from the north by Bo, and more recently from the south by Brou. This hypothesis is further substantiated by historical evidence showing that the Brou who were swept into Thailand, most of whom now reside in Kusuman District of Sakol Nakhon Province, came from the lowlands in Mahaxay District of Khammouane, 3 that is, to the south of the plateau. It also means that the Brou who moved to the plateau, like other members of the Western Katuic branch of Mon-Khmer who range from Borikhamxay to northern Cambo- dia, were primarily wet rice agriculturalists, lacking a traditional tenure system for swiddens. This situation indicates that the modern day inhabitants of the NBCA are either former Vietic hunters and gatherers with little agricultural tradition, or Brou, who were until recently paddy rice cultivators, with only marginal swidden experience.

Social Status

The social status of the various ethnic groups relative to each other, as might be expected, does not follow the length of habitation, but neither does it correlate with the average annual income per household as may be seen on the chart below (based only on the reservoir villages). But the Vietic income, which for the reservoir applies only to one group, the Ahoe, may be skewed since the Ahoe in both Sop Hia and Nakai Tay live with other ethnic groups.

3. Surat Warangrat. 1994. PrawaisatSakol Nakhon (The History of Sakol Nakhon). Sakol Nakhon Teach- er's College, Thailand. It is also interesting to note that the "S6" of Nakhon Phanom, Thailand, differentiate between S6 and Kha, althoigh there seems to be only slight differences today between the two groups. One might speculate that the latter were Vietic speakers who shifted ethnicity to Brou following the turmoil of forced relocation.

104 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study The Ethnic Groups

TABLE 7.8 Relative Social Status Based on Ethnicity Rank Social Status Ave. h/h Income Length of Habitation

First Tai 359,962 (Tai) Vietic

Second Brou 212,137 (Brou) Bo

Third Bo 173,264 (Bo) Brou

Last Vietic 229,127 (Vietic) Tai

Although there were no overt instances of strong ethnic prejudice, based only on the team's first impression, the Ahoe at Nakai Tay did seem to be regarded in a somewhat inferior man- ner, but this may have been due in part to their having been placed there against their will originally. Elsewhere, however, on the northern fringe of the NBCA, it appeared, again based on only a first impression, that the Malang villagers of Ban Houay Nam, had been enticed into opium addiction by an outsider, and were gathering forest products, especially rattan, in return for opium. This is the same location where eight families of Atel hunters and gatherers were brought out of the forest to live in the village where they all died. The forest people are therefore more at risk than other groups in the project area and should be accorded special attention in planning.

Mobility

The history of Nakai reveals a long tradition of physical relocation. Displacements occurred as a result of external conditions, beginning with the Thai invasion and occupation of Kham- mouane in the early 19th century, the French period, the Japanese invasion and occupation of Laos, and the Vietnam war. Many local people moved as well to take up employment at the hunting lodge and the cattle farm of the Viceroy Tiao Phetsarath located along Route 8 on the plateau. But in addition, there has been a long history of relocation of villages because of internal factors such as epidemics and a search for improved agricultural circumstances. More recently, there have been substantial movements onto the plateau from Khamkeut District by lowlanders involved in the lucrative trade in forest products such as resins, cardamom, rattans as well as wildlife.

But,there is a second dimension to mobility, an ability to shift ethnicity, which we have seen in the case of the Bo and the Phong/Yooy. Although this must have occurred frequently through-

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 105 The Ethnic Groups

out the history of Southeast Asia, it is only rarely that it is possible to observe this process firsthand. And in this regard, the region of the Nakai plateau and the NBCA is a living laboratory for this type of cultural transition. This appears to have happened on two fronts: the first where Vietic speaking hunters and gatherers shifted to Tai languages, the case of the Bo, and of the Phong/Yooy at Khone Kane. And the second where the Vietic speaking Phong in the Noy River basin appear to be in the process of assimilating to Brou, a Katuic language, perhaps in similar fashion to the case of the Phong and Yooy in Khone Kne.

Conclusions

In summary, the truly indigenous people to the Nakai area are the Vietic speaking peoples, until recently hunters and gatherers, who now survive primarily in the NBCA. The only exception to this are the Ahoe at Sop Hia. Otherwise, on the plateau Vietic peoples appear to have adopted a Tai identity and have come to be known as the Bo. They inhabit the middle portion of the plateau, roughly from Tha Lang to Nong Boua (Sailom), but have been highly mobile within this area, as might be expected, relocating villages frequently, though usually within a limited radius, reminiscent of a hunting and gathering migrational pattern albeit with a larger population. They have gradually intermingled with and in some cases have been replaced by, Brou immigrants.

The northern half of the plateau, other than Sop Hia, and a small original population of Bo at Tha Lang, is populated almost.entirely by recent immigrants from Khamkeut District of Borikhamxay, mostly Tai speakers of various types. They have come in recent years to take advantage of the trade in forest products and wildlife.

Of particular concern to the environment are the newly arrived Hmong at Phou Phiang, Phonsa-at, Phon Keo, Non Kham, Phon Silay, and Kok Hay. Hmong swidden methods and exploitation of the forest are overly efficient, and have had immediate and highly visible detri- mental effects on the environment, to the extent that they have alienated and outraged surrounding villagers with what are perceived as abusive and destructive practices.

All of these 28 ethnic groups, (not including the ethnic Lao and other "outsiders" who are found at the Nikhom 3 and Nong Bouakham /Nikhom 5), have a distinct cultural and linguistic identity and according to the criteria in the World Bank's definition in Operational Direc- tive 4.20 they represent "social groups with a social and cultural identity distinct from the dominant society that makes them vulnerable to being disadvantaged in the development process," that is, they would all be classified as indigenous peoples.

106 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study The Ethnicity Factor

The Ethnicity Factor

The Brou (Austroasiatic: Katuic) influx into the NBCA had led, in at least one case, to a Phong (Austroasiatic: Vietic) village attempting to re-identify itself as Brou. Villagers here appear to be fluent speakers of Brou as well as their native language, and a Tai language. When first asked their identity they claimed to be "Makong", then Brou, and finally, after some probing, they said they were Phong. The extent of this variety of innovation in the NBCA is not known, but other types of ethnic shifting were more readily apparent on the plateau.

The Case of the Bo and Other Shifts in Ethnicity

The Bo dialects show some diversity, and this coupled with curiously mixed cultural practices suggests a group of people who were originally Austroasiatic but who after long interaction with lowland Tai speakers have adopted Tai languages. There are Bo speakers in the lowlands as well, to the north of the plateau, and at least one of these has adopted a completely Lao tone system while those on the plateau seem closer to Nyo, that is, the languages seem to originate from at least two separate subgroups of Southwestern Tai, further evidence that the Bo acquired their Tai linguistic characteristics relatively recently. The fact that they are called Kha Bo in some areas may indicate that they were originally of the Vietic branch of Austroa- siatic. Indeed the Village Chief of Sop Ma, himself a Bo, said that the Bo were originally Kha, "the Bo were born from the Kha," was the way he expressed it.

This shift in ethnicity could have happened in the surrounding lowlands to the north in Khamkeut where there are also many Vietic languages spoken, or it could have taken place through long exposure to lowland traders who had to cross over the plateau on their way to Vietnam since historically the only road from Thakhek to Vietnam was across the plateau. (Or it could have occurred in both places independently.) The present settlements, first along the Theun river and later along the old French road linking Thakhek with Khamkeut (Route Locale #8 constructed in about 1937), must have been established rather late, perhaps as a result of political upheavals in the first quarter of the 19th century. Furthermore, the evidence points to their having been Vietic as opposed to Katuic since the Bo, like most of the Vietic languages, do not range south of the plateau. (The Katuic languages are found mostly to the south, and only a few SO speakers are found to the northwest.)

The dialects of the Bo on the plateau are most similar to Nyo, a Tai language found primarily to the north of the plateau. Thus it might be speculated that it was the Nyo who Tai-ized some of the Vietic groups prior to their arrival on the plateau. Only the Ahoe who lived in remote areas slightly to the northwest, and those people living in remote areas in the mountains to the cast, would have been inaccessible. Had there been peoples distinguished as Bo on the plateau between 1828 and 1860, then the Siamese should have swept many of them from this location

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 107 The Ethnicity Factor

into Thailand, along with other groups such as Sek, Nyo, Yooy, Kaleung, Phou Thay and Brou. But there are in fact no Bo (and no Vietic languages other than Vietnamese) to be found on the Thai side. Likewise, there are no Bo in the NBCA. This would imply either that the Bo did not exist in areas affected by the Thai forced migrations, or that they came into existence after the Thais ceased their raids in 1860. That is to say, either (1) the Bo came into existence further north in Khamkeut where there are many Vietic languages and were pushed southward onto the plateau by the Tai groups who in turn were fleeing the Cheuang war in Houa Phanh and Nghe An which began in 1875, and hence were never in contact with Siamese raiders; or (2) that the Bo who are now on the plateau have shifted ethnicity very recently, post 1860. Given the Nakai Bo linguistic similarity to Nyo, both scenarios are plausible.

The origins of the Bo could be further investigated by a careful recording and comparison of all existing dialects to determine what Tai languages, in addition to Lao and Nyo, are represented. But this is a time-consuming exercise and not possible under the scope of the present study. We note only that there were slight tone system differences between the Bo language of Nakai Neua and Sop Phbne, and that previous work had recorded a Bo language whose tone system was identical to Lao.

More difficult to explain are the actual dynamics of the shift from Vietic to Bo. Anthropolo- gists such as Condominas in "I'Espace Sociale" (1980), have discussed this problem generally in relation to the types of symbioses that occur throughout the mainland, in particular between Tai and Austroasiatic, such as those that existed historically in northwestern Vietnam between Tai and Meuang, or Tai and Laha (a Kadai group). The same type of relationship was clearly evident between Phou Thay and Katuic groups. In these cases, the organizationally superior Tai group would enter into a ritualized relationship with an older population who controlled the spirits of the land. This relationship is invariably recorded in myths that allude to an initial conflict ultimately resolved by the marriage of an aboriginal princess to an invad- ing prince.

The Kaleung, who are most widespread to the south in Gnommarath, may likewise have been Austroasiatic, as their name seems to indicate a transition of the type:

*khaa-lu > kAlEug

(/khaa Cll being the Austroasiatic, and in this area the Vietic, exonym). Other Tai languages that appear to follow this pattern are Kaloep in Borikhamxay and Kalom in northwestern Laos. The Kaleung in particular have a long established ritually defined relationship with the Brou, and since there are few Kaleung on the Plateau, and since the Kaleung are found only to the south of the plateau in near proximity to Brou, it is suggested that this relationship existed prior to the arrival of the Brou on the plateau. In essence, this relationship is defined by an oath taken by both groups at some point in the past forbidding the Brou and the Kaleung from

I08 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study Final Comments on The Nakal Experience

taking offence at the other's behavior, regardless of whether or not such behavior is in viola- tion of cultural norms and practices. The existence of this relationship, confirmed at Sop PhMne and at Nong Boua, is additional evidence that the Brou in Nakai originated in Gnom- malath and Boualapha.

Finally, the Yooy/Phong of Khone Kbne are yet another instance of an ethnic shift that appears to be based on intermarriage practices between Phong men and Yooy women. In this case the language changed to Tai while the lineages remained Phong. This situation may in fact turn out to be even more complex if intermarriage with Brou is found to have occurred as well. Nevertheless, Khone Kine is one of the more culturally and socially unified villages on the plateau.

It might then be suggested that similar relationships might have existed prior to the birth of the Bo. Like many other hunting and gathering groups, such as the Mlabri who live in Xaygna- boury Province and in Nan Province in Thailand, or the Tasaday of Mindanao in the Philip- pines, the Vietic groups, especially the Atel and the Salang-X exhibit a shy gentle personality. Fraisse writes of his first contact with one group, "although very frightened (one of the two was trembling like a leaf), they came and allowed themselves to be photographed." They exhibit considerable linguistic flexibility, a lack of defensiveness, and a lack of strong ethnic identity. All spoke and understood Lao well in spite of obvious limited exposure, and most also speak Brou. Thus their transition from Vietic to Bo could not have been difficult. Nor, in the case of the Phong, is their current shift to Brou. It is noteworthy that there are no Bo to be found in the NBCA catchment area, and what few exist in Khamkeut are found in the lowlands. Fraisse (1949) records the existence of a "Thay Bo" village near Na P who mention links with Nakai. But these Bo, he notes, were careful to distinguish themselves from the "Kha Bo."

Final Comments on The Nakai Experience

Nakai and the adjacent territory that collectively form the project area for the proposed hydroelectric facility provide a microcosmic illustration of the status of indigenous peoples in the LPDR today; their diversity coupled with that of the natural environment, their socio-economic well-being, their contacts with the outside world, their perceptions of a dwindling resource base and of economic development, and their interactions with each other.

Like much of the rest of the country, Nakai is in a state of change and fluctuation. Even ethnicity is shifting and positioning itself to survive, but for those forest dwellers whose numbers remain small, extinction seems almost certain without outside intervention. Although cur-

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 109 Final Comments on The Nakai Experience

rently large, the number and diversity of ethnic groups may be expected to become smaller given the limited amount of arable land, competition for resources, improved infrastructure, and the premise of hierarchical social structure which applies intra- and inter- ethnically.

The ultimate effects of this changing situation on the country as a whole and on the natural environment in particular, are difficult to envision. Lack of extension services, lack of education, increasing population, and a demand for consumer goods, all coupled with a general lack of information and understanding on the part of decision makers and insouciance where research is concerned do not add up to a feeling of confidence for the future.

But in a more optimistic vein, there is the historical trend of non-violence towards minorities (as discussed in Chapter 4) on the part of the ethnic Lao who still dominate the central government bureaucracy. And it seems unlikely that these administrators would implement overt policies based upon racial prejudice which would adversely affect indigenous minorities. That does not mean, however, that unfavorable policies might not be inadvertently initiated through uninformed decision making, either on the part of government or stimulated by donor agencies.

Lessons Learned

Several cogent lessons useful for development planning became apparent during the course of this study, as well as directions for additional research, and hypotheses of theoretical import. Indeed these inspirations on so many different levels, both practical and speculative, are the rewards received from conducting research in the richness of this culturally and ecologically diverse environment.

To begin with, it is apparent that the situation of minority peoples in the Lao PDR is not static, and that population pressure, economic forces emanating from the marketplace, and depletion of resources are kindling demands that are far from the idyllic vision of homeostasis and pris- tine balance held by many on the outside. Yet in conflict with this reality are cultural premises which are requisite ideals evolved to sustain human adaptation in relation to the environment.. To the degree that these premises have encoded flexibility, to that degree will the bearers survive; come to dominate or be dominated; exist or cease to operate. In this very small area of investigation we have observed the extremes of lowland Tai market orientation, Hmong over- efficiency in resource exploitation, and Atel and Salang forest-people-become- reluctant-villagers whose languages and cultures are on the verge of extinction.

The importance of history was shown to be a crucial feature in the analysis of the region. The strategic location of the plateau proper as the primary route of communication between Siam

110 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study Final Comments on The Nakai Experience

and Vietnam since the 18th century; the Siamese occupation of Mahaxay Kong Keo (the former name for what is now Khammouane) and the massive deportations of the indigenous populations to northeast Thailand; French colonization; occasional residence by the Lao Vice- roy Prince Phetsarath; Japanese Occupation; the Second Indochina War; implementation of the New Economic Mechanism; establishment of the NBCA; and finally the prospect of massive inundation of much of the plateau by the hydroelectric project, have culminated in the area's primary social features: change and mobility.

It was found, furthermore, that mobility in the case of Nakai, is characterized by a second dimension, beyond physical mobility, an ethnolinguistic shifting, of which more than one variety seems to exist, actuated by different stimuli. The prototypical scenario for these phenomena were discussed by Georges Condominas in L'Espace Sociale (1980), where the change occurs within the framework of an inter-ethnic socio-cultural symbiosis. Three variations of this were identified during the study: (1) Vietic (Kha) speakers who adopted various Tai languages and became Bo; (2) Phong (Vietic) along the Nam Noy in the NBCA who are bilingual in Phong and Brou and are beginning to identify themselves with Brou, that is, with the language of the more progressive intruders; and (3) Phong (men) who have intermarried with Yooy (Tai), adopting the Yooy (female) language while continuing to trace their ancestry through the male line back to the Nam Noy. The particular interrelational circumstances that have led to these shifts are of theoretical importance in the study of ethnic identity and in need of additional research.

The extinction of the hunting and gathering forest people will occur shortly if there is no outside intervention. The Atel population is 16; the Salang-X population is 28; and the Salang-Z number perhaps 10. These are the original inhabitants of the interior of the NBCA, the headwaters of the Nam Sot, the Nam Theun, and the Nam One, respectively, that is, the area of most grave ecological and conservation concern within the NBCA. When they are gone, an enormous volume of indigenous knowledge of the NBCA will be lost. Given the global significance of this particular NBCA (Nakai-Nam Theun) to conservation, allowing these cultures to disappear is tantamount to setting ablaze a library of rare manuscripts. In the case of Nakai, the guardian spirits of the forest are surely echoing God's admonition to Job, "Knowest thou when the wild goats of the rock bring forth, or when the hinds do calve?" Our response is a humble one, we know nothing of the Saola, the Giant Muntjac, or the Warty Pig, beyond the fact of their existence, likewise in the case of the Atel, the Salang-X, and the Salang-Z. The repository of knowledge about the former lies with the latter.

Time is running out.

Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study 111 Final Comments on The Nakai Experience

112 Indigenous People on the Nakai Plateau:A Case Study Final Comments

CHAPTER 8 Conclusions and Recommendations

Final Conments

Circumstances surrounding the issue of indigenous peoples in the Lao PDR are characterized by a marked degree of cognitive dissonance. On the one hand the government and the constitution acknowledge and protect the rights and equal status of ethnic minorities under the law, and indeed the government itself is peopled with officials of divergent ethnic backgrounds. The Minister of Interior belongs to the Akha (Tibeto-Burman) ethnic minority, the Minister of Education is Tai Dam (Tai-Kadai), the Governor of Louang Nam Tha is Khmou (Austroasi- atic), and the Governor of Oudomxay is Hmong, to name just a few examples. But on the other hand, policies and programs that continue to be established by that same government favor lowlanders, albeit unwittingly in most cases, in that the level of knowledge and sophisti- cation necessary to comprehend and implement government decrees affecting minority populations is not present in most upland and highland villages, a fact that city dwellers often fail to appreciate. Hence in broad terms, development policy should aim at identifying and eliminating obstructions to understanding that exist between the government and the indigenous minorities.

The most primitive of these obstructions is an underlying attitude that ethnic diversity is an encumbrance rather than an asset. Language is the most relevant concern here, since language is the agent of misunderstanding. And because minority groups are poorly represented in educational programs, and because there is but slight access to media in the Lao language in remote areas, this will remain a serious matter for some time to come. In the meantime, while movement in the direction of Lao as a second language is burgeoning, so far it is receiving

Conclusions and Recommendations 113 Final Comments

scant attention at the policy level. Here again problems outweigh benefits in the minds of most officials.

Secondarily, the problem of curricula in government schools relevant to minority felt needs is of major concern. Needs assessment remains inadequate due to a lack of communication resulting from language and worldview barriers, and also to a lack of infrastructure that would allow access to minority villages. The importance and value of labor in upland and highland societies supersedes the imputed value of an education whose worth has not been adequately demonstrated. Thus the benefits of labor to the family continue to outweigh the benefits of education in the minds of many of the minority populations.

Cultural influence from Thailand and China continue to grow. Yunnanese Chinese (Ho) is the linguafranca for highland minorities in the northwestern portions of the country. And along the Mekong River, Thai television and radio broadcasts, as well as Thai newspapers and magazines, provide the primary source of news from the outside world for much of the population. Indeed, Lao television broadcasts are not strong enough to be received outside of Vientiane, and magazines and newspapers in the Lao language lack the slick charisma of those from neighboring Thailand. The government is then faced with the ironic situation of having to design policies and implement programs that will spread the national language to its many minorities, while simultaneously adopting measures that will preserve that same national language against the flood of linguistic and cultural influence emanating from Thailand. Most probably hesitation to promote minority language literacy reflects an insecurity on the part of the government where the national language is concerned, and thus there is a strong need for a policy of national language development.

Against this setting, it is fair to say that current development policy in the Lao PDR is deficient in its consideration of anthropological and linguistic foundations that underly successful implementation of programs which affect indigenous peoples.

For purposes of policy and planning, in characterizing the situation of indigenous minorities in the Lao PDR, the following points should be borne in mind:

1) Indigenous minorities are not a homogenous unit, and none of the over 200 such groups identified in this report are politically organized, and neither are they represented by spokes- persons in the government who are elected to safeguard their interests in policy decisions. Therefore, for the time being, the onus is on the donor agency to insure the participation of indigenous peoples or to implement institutional strengthening of government agencies to carry out activities that would involve such participation.

2) In cases where there is sufficient research available on a given group, this is rarely used in planning or programming, and may not even be readily accessible in the country. Thus a gap exists between research and information on the one hand, and policy making on the other.

114 Conclusions and Recommendations Education

3) As the data base in Part Two of this report demonstrates, there are still many ethnic groups in the country about which little or nothing is known. Research proposals to study these groups by academics from outside the country are usually denied, and there are few trained Lao anthropologists available who would be capable of carrying out research that adheres to international standards. This is true of the three agencies in the government who would be most interested and possess the most potential, given adequate training and institutional strengthening: The Institute for Cultural Research (under the Ministry of Information and Cul- ture); The Lao Women's Union; and the Lao Front for National Construction (Neo Lao Sang Xat, or, Neo Homn in colloquial parlance). The only acceptable framework for study that remains is a combining of applied academic research with socio-economic development projects, and the establishment of a requirement that this be carried out wherever minority peoples are concerned, in the same way that environmental impact assessments are required, and which the World Bank attaches to its programs under OD 4.20. (It is noted that Indige- nous Peoples plans are now required by the Asian Development Bank as well as the World Bank in all projects where minorities are involved. The guidelines for the ADB approach have not been seen as of the writing of this report.)

4) A forthcoming UNESCO-funded conference will be held in Vientiane in October, 1996 entitled "The Preservation of the Non-Material Cultures of the Ethnic Minorities of the Lao PDR." The conference will be hosted by the Institute for Cultural Research. At least part of the rationale for the conference is the establishment of a legal basis for the preservation of minority cultures.

5) The problems experienced by the Ministry of Education do not differ substantially from that of other areas of development. There is a lack of informed personnel, a lack of research, and a lack of funding. It is to be noted especially, as has been mentioned earlier in this report, that due to the constraints of the labor systems of upland and highland groups, few minority women receive education, and are usually the most deficient in speaking the national language, not to mention in literacy. A forthcoming "Women's Education Project" funded by the Asian Development Bank will focus on minority women, and has as one of its three primary objectives the design of an indigenous peoples development plan. The project is scheduled to begin in late October, 1996.

Education

Ethnic minorities in the educational system are often seen as a problem rather than as a resource. Only a few minority women receive education, and many of them, as a result, are unale either to read or to write the national language. Parents see no benefit to education since what is studied is not readily applicable to daily life, and because educational policies tend to be bound by traditional thinking. There is a lack of trained and aware personnel at the

Conclusions and Recommendations 115 Research Needs

policy level to direct more innovative and practical approaches to the education of indigenous peoples. The government lacks funds to develop and support relevant and appropriate education in remote areas. Using the national language is an obstacle for children at the primary level and this is a problem that needs to be addressed in the system. There is a tendency to view the writing of Lao characters as the objective in primary education.

There are several directions that educational developmeht ight take in the future. A National Conference on Minority Education, under the auspices of an international donor such as UNICEF could be held to review policies, establish guiding principles, identify needs and resources, set objectives, and identify pilot projects needed in education of all types.

A Center for the Study of Minority Languages might be considered where materials could be prepared for teaching Lao, the national language, to speakers of these languages. In addition, materials in the minority languages could be developed for use in early childhood education and non-formal education.

To increase the numbers of minority people in higher education, scholarship programs might be established to assist qualified students to continue their education at higher levels. In particular, such programs should aim to increase the number of minority people in teaching. This would assist in the expansion of education to smaller communities and to the many different language groups. Studies could be made to identify educational needs and to seek ways to meet those needs with relevant curricula and appropriate teaching strategies. Also, village learning centers might be established to deliver basic functional education relevant to minority village needs.

Research Needs

The requisite fabric of policies and programs for the future of socio-economic development in the Lao PDR will be composed of information, and the quality of that information will depend upon the design and establishment of an on-going research system. When one enters into the realm of minority peoples, the complexity of the needs are even more apparent. There are, however, several aspects of current development thinking that provide a platform for research, without having to begin anew when confronted by the staggering richness of ethnolinguistic diversity in the country. These foundations include (a) indigenous knowledge; (b) participation; and, (c) social analysis.

116 Conclusions and Recommendations Research Needs

Indigenous Knowledge

Two areas of major concern, both of which concern the environment, are shifting cultivation research and conservation. In the case of the former, the knowledge of soils, rice varieties, intercropping, and the selection of sites for swiddens are all types of indigenous knowledge that could usefully be studied prior to or along with inputs from Western science. In the latter, studies of ethno-botany and ethno-zoology, including folk biological systematics and ethol- ogy, are essential to the preservation of biodiversity and ecosystems, for in the final analysis, it is the role played by the organism in human symbolic systems that will determine the fate of forests, forest habitats, and wildlife.

Participation

As has been alluded earlier in this report, the key to participation lies in learning how people talk and make decisions, and then in listening to what they have to say. The implications of this very elementary statement, however, are considerable. The first part, learning, implies a study of the indigenous cognition system, not a simple matter, and one for which little has been developed in the way of methodology. And it implies, socially, that high ranking government officials have something to learn from poor uneducated villagers. Talking and listening presupposes either a knowledge of the indigenous language or the patience to engage in the hermaneutic endeavor of interacting with villagers via the medium of the national language. Finally, decision making is culture specific, and its explication must be approached ethnographically.

Each of these aspects of participation requires study and investigation to arrive at a methodology, as opposed to importing a methodology from the outside. The scope of the investigation necessary to carry out participation implies that participation should be regarded as an on- going activity, and should be written into projects as such, rather than relegated to the status of a feasibility study, needs assessment, or baseline survey as is often the case. PRA (Participa- tory Rural Appraisal) needs to be viewed in this way if it is to be truly participatory.

Social Analysis

Finally, under the rubric of social analysis, it is recommended here that in the context of economic development, certainly as it is being carried out today in the Lao PDR, there is a need for basic ethnography. This is true for both urban and rural projects, as well as for projects that address ethnic Lao for whom no adequate ethnography exists. (There are in fact good ethnographic materials for such ethnic groups as Lamet, Khmou, Hmong, and Nha Hoen, but few for lowland minorities and Lao).

Conclusions and Recomnendations 117 Research Needs

Conspicuously lacking is research into fundamental areas such as child raising and infant behavior, as a basis for programs that include gender analysis, or projects which study sexual behavior, prostitution or AIDS, not to mention household labor differentiation in upland swidden societies.

Also missing are traditional ethnographic studies on kinship and inheritance, especially as these relate to resource utilization, village definition, and land tenure. Laos is in the peculiar position of having laws that respect and protect customary land use without knowing what those customs are. Forests, for example, are usually spiritually protected, with territories sub- divided and named after guardian spirits.

A Meta-anthropological Comment

There is a tendency in the realm of economic development to separate "applied" from "pure" research, the former being viewed as useful while the latter is regarded as too "academic", and by implication not useful, at least in the economic sense. Indeed, those issues that are most often associated with indigenous peoples or ethnic minorities are topics within anthropology that are looked upon favorably by technicians and developers: land and resource use, agro- ecology, tenure, labor, and so on. Even the anthropoid-friendly term indigenous knowledge is usually confined to technological innovation or at best, ethnoscience. In short, the physical aspects of culture dominate the research interests of economic planners and policy makers.

To take an example, in Laos today, there is considerable interest in the various aspects of cloth making and decoration, in weaving, in batik, and in dyeing. The final product has economic value, and there is even a better market for antique cloth, something that would have seemed ridiculous twenty years ago. Books are published on the designs and colors and ethnic character of the textiles, and much attention is paid to the technology of the looms or chemical com- position of the dyes. Little has been written, however, on the trance-like state of the woman weaver, her visions, her internal mental experiences, and the effects of that experience on the culture and the environment as a whole. Likewise the aesthetic experience of local individual viewers of these products is ignored. Among lowland Tai-speaking cultures there is a strict gender differentiation in the domain of aesthetics where visual arts in the form of weaving are female while literary works are the province of males. (The cultural implications of this generalization are not clear and are in need of "research.")

The role of aesthetics in the sustainability of human populations, at least so far as Laos is concerned, has not been approached via either of the portals of applied or pure research. Religion and belief have received more attention, but usually as a part -oftraditional ethnography rather than as an element of sustainability with regard to the ecosystem. And while there is ample evidence that traditional aesthetic systems have a regulatory function in culture and mental health, the ways in which aesthetics and religion interact with the ecological system are poorly

118 Conclusions and Reconunendations An Ethnographic Clearinghouse

understood, or never questioned. In fact, from the point of view of ontology and epistemology and from the point of view of systems analysis, ignoring the role of aesthetics is a denial of the nonsummative principle.

Confronted with the range of human problems facing the planet as a whole and Laos in particular, and with the awareness, however dim, of the therapeutic and homeostatic role of aesthetic knowledge, by comparison with the runaway tendencies resulting from technology, it may well be that we have entered the realm of research wrongly, that is, via the applied portal as opposed to the pure one. Or perhaps the distinction should not have been made in the first place. But to fund only applied research at the expense of pure research, thereby obfuscating the aesthetic, is pathological given the long history of errors and ecological destruction, wrought in the name of technology. It is analogous to a demand for instant gratification without adequate reflection on the consequences. It goes without saying that the history of man- kind is the story of this pathology.

Interestingly, Lao scholars of the human sciences, when they address cultural issues, immediately give priority to the study of music, dance, weaving, architecture, literature, and so on. More "empirically testable" topics, such as those that dominate this report, are typically given only secondary priority in research proposals. But since the stated purpose of the indigenous peoples directive of the World Bank is to allow the preservation of culture and ethnic identity at the discretion of the ethnic group, and a culture must be considered to consist of the whole diapason of indigenous thinking and behavior, these more artistic aspects of culture should not be forgotten. While for the ethnic Lao anthropologist in whose worldview music and dance are paramount there is a differing focus of attention from the more ecologically oriented anthropology of the West, it is suggested that herein lies the opportunity for a balanced approach, a blend of donor inspired practicality with local interest in the aesthetic aspects of culture.

An Ethnographic Clearinghouse

On the surface, at least there exists the explicit stated ideal of a multi-ethnic society by the government. But while there appears to be no overt policy aimed at the dissolution of ethnic minorities, there remains a possibility that current policies relating to indigenous peoples are not strong enough to prevent unintentional exploitation of these groups through lack of awareness, lack of funding, lack of educated personnel, and lack of direction in economic development and educational planning generally.

To address all of the needs related to the survival and well-being of the many indigenous peoples of the Lao PDR, as can be seen from this profile, is a multifaceted endeavor that involves many ministries and government agencies and well as donors and providers of development

Conclusions and Recommendations 119 An Ethnographic Clearinghouse

assistance. It is also intimately caught up in the emerging legal system which will ultimately determine such basic aspects of daily life as land ownership. The educational needs are overwhelming when one considers the large number of minority languages and the low literacy rates, especially among women.

In all of these areas of development, there is a vital need for new information, as well as access to existing information, and it is in this context that a resource center in the form of an ethnographic clearinghouse is suggested that would provide an organizational and managerial foundation for the collection of existing materials, the housing, storage and retrieval of information, and the dissemination of relevant information to wherever it is needed. Such a clearinghouse would keep abreast of new research, and generally be responsible for gathering and processing data on indigenous peoples.

At the present time, in the Lao PDR, separate disembodied pieces of information exist in a variety of forms and places: in NGOs; in the offices of various development projects; in reports sitting on shelves in the headquarters of donor agencies and government ministries; in unread dissertations and theses; in universities abroad, and in the minds of individuals. To the extent possible the acquisition of this information would be an on-going enterprise and the basic function of the clearinghouse. It could likewise serve as the venue for meetings, semi- nars, or symposia, and publish newsletters or periodicals aimed at meeting the needs of academics and developers.

The funding, emplacement, and responsible government units would have to be investigated further, but given the unusually large number and diversity of ethnic minorities in the country, the current low level of information exchange, and the dire needs of socio-economic development, a clearinghouse is perhaps the best solution to meet the immediate demands for information in policy and planning.

120 Conclusions and Reconunendalions An Ethnographic Clearinghouse

Conclusions and Reconunendations 121 An Ethnographic Clearinghouse

122 Conclusions and Recommendations Introduction

CHAPTER 9 Bibliography

Introduction We apologize that limited access to library resources, and available personnel have not allowed the presentation of a more exhaustive bibliography on the indigenous peoples of Laos. Several of the more important bibliographies on Lao studies generally are listed below which contain many of the works we were not able to cite in the references for the present report. But there are, in addition, several bibliographies that have appeared recently which regrettably were not yet accessible to us at the time of writing.

Bibliographies:

Boudet P., and Bourgeois. 1929, 1931, 1934,1943 Bibliographiede l'Indochine Franfaise. Hanoi: IDEO.

Embree, J. and Dotson. 1950. Bibliography of the peoples and cultures of mainland Southeast Asia. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Huffman, Franklin E. 1986. Bibliography and Index of Mainland Southeast Asian Languages and Linguistics. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Halpern, Joel M., and James Hafner. 1971. A preliminaryand partialbibliography of miscel- laneous research materials on Laos. Centre d'Etudes du Sud-Est Asiatique et de l'Extr8me-Orient. Bruxelles.

Bibliography 123 Introduction

KhTne, Thao. 1958. Bibliographiedu Laos. Vientiane: Comit6 Litt6raire.

Lafont, Pierre-Bernard. 1964 Bibliographiediu Laos. Paris: EFEO.

Mogenet, Luc. 1973. Bibliographie Complementaire du Laos (1962-. 1973). Vientiane, Bib- lioteque Nationale.

Sage, William and J.A.N. Henchy. 1986. Laos: A Bibliography. Library Bulletin No. 16. Institute of Southeast Asian. Studies, Singapore.

124 Bibliography References:

References:

Abadie, Maurice. 1924. Les races du Haut-Tonkin de Phong-Tho a Lang Son, Paris, Soci6t6 d'Editions Gdographiques, Maritimes et Coloniales.

Alton, Charles, et al. 1994. Nam Hei: A Mountainous Area Irrigation Scheme. SRIDP Case Study No. 2. Vientiane: Department of Irrigation.

Anderson, Edward F. 1993. Plants and People of the Golden Triangle: Ethnobotany of the Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand. Bangkok: Silkworm Books.

Arutiunov, S. A. and A. I. Mukhlinov. 1961. Materialy po Etno-Lingvisticheskoi Klassifikatsii Narodov V'etnama [Materials for the Ethnolinguistic Classification of the Peoples of Vietnam). Sovierskaia Etnograflia, 1, 72-82.

Ayabe, Tsuneo. 1961.7ie Village of Ban Pha Khao, Vientiane Province. Lao Project Paper No. 14, ed. Joel M. Halpern, Los Angeles, University of California (mimeographed).

Bare, Garland. 1961. The T'in and Kha Phai. Pua, Nan province, Thailand (mimeographed). (A background study for a conference of American Bible Society personnel and American Church of Christ missionaries.)

Barney, George L. 1961. The Meo ofXieng Khouang Province, Laos Project Paper No. 13, ed. Joel M. Halpern, Los Angeles, University of California (mimeographed).

Beauclair, Inez de. 1956. Ethnic Groups. in A General Handbook of China, ed. Hellmut Wil- helm, HRAF Subcontractor's Monograph No. 55, New Haven (mimeographed).

1960. A Miao Tribe of Southeast Kweichow and its Cultural Configuration. Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, 10, 127-99.

Benedict, Paul. 1976. Austro-Thai. HRAF, New Haven.

Benedict, Paul K. 1943. Studies in Thai Kinship Terminology. JAOS, 63, 168-75.

Berkmuller, Klaus. 1992. An Outreach Programmefor People Living in or near Protected Areas of Lao, PDR. (Draft) Vientiane.

Bernatzik, Hugo Adolph. 1938. Die Geisterder Gelben Blatter, Munich, F. Bruckman.

Bibliographv 125 References:

1947. Akha und Meau: Probleie der- Angewandten Volkerkunde in Hinterindien, 2 vols. Innsbruck, Wagnerische Universitats Buchdruckerei.

Betts, G. E. 1899. Social Life of the Miao Tsi. JRASNCB, 33, 84-104.

Bonifacy, Auguste. 1919. Cours d'EthnographieIndochinoise, Saigon-Haiphong, Imprimie- rie d'Extreme-Orient.

Bourlet, A. 1906. Socialisme dans les Hu'a Pha'n (Laos, Indo-Chine). Anthropos, 1, 521-28.

Bourotte, Bernard. 1943. Mariages et funerailles chez Les Meo. IIEH, 6, 33-57.

Bradley, David. 1979. Proto-Loloish. Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies. Monograph Series No. 39. Copenhagen.

Breazeale, Kennon and Snit Smukarn. 1988. A Culture in Search of Survival: The Phuan of Thailandand Laos. Monograph Series 31, Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, Yale Center for International and Area Studies, New Haven.

Brown, David. 1994. The State and Politics in Southeast Asia. London, Rutledge.

Brown, James Marvin. 1962. From Ancient Thai to Modern Dialects:A Theory. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University.

Bruk, Solomon Il'ich. 1960. Peoples of China, Mongolian People's Republic, and Korea [Naseleniye Kitaya, MNR I Korei], Moscow, Academy of Sciences USSR, Institute of Ethnography imeni N. N. Miklukho-Maklay,. 1959 (translation by United States Joint Publications Research Service, No. 3710, Washington, D.C.).

Canada. Department of Mines and Surveys. 1953. Indochina: A GeographicalAppreciation, Foreign Geography Information Series No. 6, Ottawa.

Chamberlain, James R. 1975. A New Look at the Classification of the Tai Dialects. in Studies in Tai Linguistics in Honor of William J. Gedney. ed. J.R. Chamberlain. Bangkok: CIEL, University Development Commission.

1984. The Tai Dialects of Khammouan Province: Their Diversity and Origins. Sci- ence of Language Papers. 4.62-95. Department of Linguistics, Chulalongkorn Univer- sity.

126 Bibliography References:

1991 a. The Efficacy of the P/PH Distinction in Tai Languages. in The Rain Kham- haeng Controversy: Collected Papers. ed. J.R. Chamberlain. The Siam Society.

1991b. Tai-Kadai Considerations in Southern Chinese and Southeast Asian Prehistory. in The High Bronze Age of Southeast Asia and South China. Hua Hin, January 14-. 19, 1991.

1991c. Mene: A Tai Dialect Originally Spoken in Nghe An, Vietnam: Preliminary Linguistic Observations and Historical Implications. JSS 79. 103-123.

1991d. The Black Tai Chronicle of Meuang Mouay, Part 1: Mythology." Journalof Mon-Khmer Studies XXI. 19-55.

Chamberlain, James R., Charles Alton and Latsamay Silavong. 1996. Socio-Economic and Cultural Survey of the Namn Theun 2 ProjectArea. CARE International, Laos.

Chassigneux, E. 1929-30. Geographie physique. in Un Empire ColonialFrancais:L'Indoch- ine, ed. G. Maspero, 2 vols. Paris, G. Van Oest.

Chazee, Laurent. 1991. La Diversite Rurale di Laos. a Travers la Vie de Quelques Villages Ethniques. Vientiane: UNDP.

1995. Atlas des Ethnies et des Sous-Ethnies di Laos. Bangkok (privately printed).

Ch'en, Kuo-chun. 1942. Kuei-chou An-shun, Miao-I te Tsung-chiao Hsinyang [Religious Beliefs of the Miao and I in Anshun, Kweichow]. FrontierAffairs, 1, 88-92.

Clarke, Samuel R. 1911. Among the Tribes of Southwest China, London, China Inland Mis- sion.

Coedes, Georges. 1944. HistoireAncienne des Etats Hindouises d'Extreme-Orient, Hanoi, Imprimerie d'Extreme-Orient.

Colquhoun, Archibald R. 1885. Among the Shans, London, Field.

Condominas, Georges. 1980. L'Espace Sociale: A Propos de l'Asie du Sud-est. Paris: Flam- marion.

Condominas, Louis. 1951. Notes sur les Mois du haut Song Tranh. BSEI, 26, 13-38.

Bibliography 127 References:

Cooper, Robert. 1984. Resource Scarcity and the Hmong Response: Patternsof Settlement, and Economy in Transition. Singapore University Press.

Credner, Wilhelm. 1935. Siam: Das Land der Tai. Stuttgart, J. Engelhorns Nachfolger.

Cresson and R. Jeannin. 1944. La toile Meo. HEH, 6, 435-47.

Cuisinier, Jeanne. 1948. Les Muong: GeographieHuinaine et Sociologie, Paris, Institut d'Ethnologie.

Damrong Tayanin. 1992. Environment and Nature Change in Northern Laos. in Asian Per- ceptions of Natu-e. Ole Bruun & Arne Kalland, eds. Nordic Proceedings in Asian Studies No. 3. NIAS,. 1992.

1994. Being Kanniu: My Life, My Village. Southeast Asia Program Series. Number 14. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University.

1994. Khmu - Lao Dictionary. (Lao] Vientiane: Ministry of Public Health.

Damrong IKam Raw I Tayanin. 1992. From the Village to the City: The changing life of the Kammu. in Minoriry Cultures of Laos: Kannu, Lua', Lahu, Hmong, and Lu-Mien. Edited by Judy Lewis. Southeast Asia Community Resource Center. Rancho Cordova, California.

Diguct, Edouard. 1908. Les Mountagnardsdu Tonkin. Paris, Challamel.

Dodd, William C. 1923. The Tai Race, Cedar Rapids. Torch Press.

Du Perron, P. C. 1954. Etude d'un peuplement Man Xanh-Y BSEI, 29, 23-42.

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