Observations Regarding Fox (Mesquakie) Phonology

IVES GODDARD Smithsonian Institution

In May and June of 1990 I spent a month doing linguistic fieldworko n the Fox language at the Mesquakie settlement in Tama, Iowa.1 In the course of this work a number of aspects of the phonology of Fox, which I previously knew almost entirely from published accounts, came into clearer focus. This paper is presented in the belief that even these preliminary observations would be of interest to Algonquianists, given the importance of Fox for comparative Algonquian studies. It should be emphasized, however, that this work is still in progress, and that these remarks must be considered somewhat tentative. In particular only a very little of the variation in the speech community could be sampled.

A. Phonemes The phoneme inventory of Fox rates as one of the skimpiest in the world and may convey the impression that Fox phonology is simple: Consonants Vowels p t c k i o s s h i- o- m n e a w y e- a-

The rest of this paper will show that this impression of simplicity is false. All words, except for some asyntactic particles (1), end in short vowels (which are ordinarily devoiced), and short e does not occur word-initially

*I am indebted to a number of members of the Mesquakie community for aiding my work. The forms in this paper were obtained from Adeline Wanatee and Leonard Young Bear; some of these were re-elicited from texts or other materials. Fox forms (or variants) known only from other sources are always identified as such; my initials (IG) have been added to indicate that I also heard a variant cited from another source.

157 158 IVES GODDARD

(being replaced morphophonemically by i). Consonant sequences are highly restricted (§G), but consonant-semivowel sequences are abundant (§H). Vowel sequences are absent from ordinary words in explicit pronunciation. Vowel sequences do, however, occur under very specific conditions in the exclama- tive and interrogative intonations (§E) and are a characteristic of the casual style (§D); see also the examples in §B.

B. Extrasystemic Features In addition to the phonemes that occur generally in Fox words, there are some extrasystemic phones and distributional features restricted to interjec­ tions, baby-talk words, and loan words. Interjections and baby-talk words may have nasalized vowels (e, Q) or glottal stop (P), word-initial e, final long vowels, and vowel sequences: (1) ehehe 'yes' (confirming) ([eh£he ~ [eh£h ~ [eh£]);2 ghg- 'So-o-o!'; waP?, wa? 'What?'; haoP 'yes, alright' (agreeing), 'hi' (= [haw] ~ [haw?] ~ [hao?] ~ [hao-?]); pa? 'icky, dirty' (baby talk); ii' 'Say!' ([si]); o- 'Oh!' ([6]); ya- 'My!' (used by women) ([ya-]) Loanwords attest r, /, /, v, and foreign consonant clusters and vowel se­ quences: (2) tre'kite'hi 'tractor'; fotipa-ni 'football'; neteskiletemi 'my skillet'; nehccrhemi 'my chair'; nehpaipema 'my (tobacco) pipe' Loanwords of this type are considered stylistically inferior by at least some speakers. One speaker jocularly condemned them as [vorhisatoween]3 'Voorhis language' because of the prominent citation of the word ire kite hi 'tractor' in Voorhis (1971:63).

C. Syllabary The traditional syllabary (Jones 1906) is still in use. The syllabic charac­ ters clearly comprise alphabetic components (one vowel and from zero to three consonants), but they are always written as units. They are probably derived, perhaps via Potawatomis or Ojibwas, from primers prepared by Roman Catholic missionaries in the 19th century. The syllabary leaves out all of the phonetic features of the language that would ever give anyone any trouble, which includes a large part of the things discussed in this paper. In particular it does not write h or vowel length (Goddard 1988:194-195), omissions which result in very extensive ambiguity:

2I did not hear this word as ehe- (Voorhis 1971:63) but with an initial short, close e [e] rather than a long, open e- [c]. 3Casual style; see §D. FOX PHONOLOGY 159

(3) Written (apwakana) = apwakana 'frying pan', ahpwakana '(tobacco) pipe' (4) Written (kisakatewi) = kisahkatewi 'it's already set in the ground', kisahkatewi 'it's already dried', kis-ahkatewi (= kisi-ahkatewi) 'it's already burned' Although adept readers can often see immediately what the various possible readings of a written word are, deciding which one is best in a given context may take considerable reflection. Even when readers understand a sentence in its intended meaning, they may give a single word in the sentence a pronunciation appropriate to a distinct homograph.

D. Deliberate and Casual Styles The type of Fox that is familiar from the publications of William Jones and Truman Michelson, the sources for all the Fox data used by Leonard Bloomfield, differs noticeably from the type of Fox ordinarily used today. Paul Voorhis (1971:74-75; cf. Goddard 1988) referred to the older type as the deliberate style and the younger type as the casual style. The most prominent innovations in the casual style are the loss of most intervocalic semivowels, with shortening of resulting prevocalic long vowels,4 and the loss of short vowels after nasals before a homorganic stop or a pause: (5) Deliberate: apeno-ya-wi 'it's sheltered (from wind)' Casual: [a-penoai] Deliberate: a-penoya-niwi 'it's sheltered (where they are)' Casual: [a-penoa-nii]

(6) Deliberate: akwi kehke-netamanini 'I don't know' Casual: [a-kwakghke-ndAma-nm] (normal) [ahke-ndAmanfn] (extreme)

I located only one speaker who could consistently provide pronunciations in the deliberate style, though other speakers control sporadic features of it (and there were many I did not interview). Because the traditional writ­ ing system is based on the deliberate style it is extremely difficult for most speakers to use consistently and accurately. I did not make a study specif­ ically of the language of speakers who control only the casual style, but expressions obtained or overheard from such speakers, while phonetically advanced, were not observed to differ from the older form of the language in their grammar. Note, for example, the pragmatically triggered inanimate obviative in (5), which was used spontaneously by such a speaker.

4 Long vowels were sometimes heard retained before other vowels; further in­ vestigation of the conditions under which this does or does not happen is needed. 160 IVES GODDARD

E. Prosodtc Features Fox has a number of patterns of stress and intonation (cf. Voorhis 1971:70- 73). The most frequently heard are the normal, interrogative, and exclama- tive.5 In normal intonation (the affirmative of Voorhis) the primary stress and highest pitch fall on the second or the fourth syllable from the end of the word, the penult or the pre-antepenult. Pre-antepenultimate stress cannot be common in the world's languages, but as the final vowel in such words is devoiced perhaps the stress could be described as falling on the first or third from the end, counting only the stressable syllables. This devoicing is not found, however, in the word-final vowel sequences of the casual-style (5). Isolated words, as in one-word utterances or in lists, have the stress on the penult, as do words that have only two or three syllables:

(7) neiakwenemg. 'I was unwilling.'

Otherwise, ordinary words in ordinary sentences typically have the stress on the pre-antepenult:

(8) . . . wa~ waneska hakt wrh'ka'ki'wrte-madj. '. . . that you would go around with bad ones.' One sometimes hears unexpected primary or secondary penultimate stress:

(9) ... nemedimenemg, ...'... I hesitated, . . .'

The normal intonation is used for non-emphatic statements and commands and for question-word questions. In the interrogative intonation the utterance is spoken with a raised pitch (indicated here by an upward-pointing arrow) and the stress falls on the third syllable from the end, the antepenult. It is used for yes-no questions: (10) ]nih'maw-dnenwi? 'May I go swimming?' (cf. nih-maw-anenwi 'I'm going swimming') The long penult of a two-syllable phonological word breaks into two distinct short-vowel syllables, with the stress on the first:

(11) Inohka kiih-pya? 'Will you come again?' (cf. nahka kih'pya. 'Come again.'; 21)

In this paper primary stress (marked with acute accent) and secondary stress (grave accent), word-final vowel devoicing (circle beneath letter), and intonational contours (raised pitch: T ; falling pitch: "; rising pitch: " ) are indicated on words tor wh.ch these features were specifically recorded. The question of how to indicate these features in a maximally parsimonious phonemic notation is here left open. FOX PHONOLOGY 161

In longer sentences the sentence-final interrogative intonation may appear more than once, presenting challenges to the description of the relation between the prosodic and syntactic structures:

(12) ^ahte'toke na'tdwino'ni menok$, a'mi-kaski-oni'ca'nesiki? 'Might there be a medicine one can drink to be able to have children?' The sentence in (12) is from Michelson (1925:336.1-2), as read from my syllabic transcription; it has been confirmed against the original syllabic manuscript. Syntactically it comprises a main clause (ahtetoke natdwinoni 'there.might.be a.medicine') and a relative clause (Goddard 1987b:113—114) in which the object of an included lower verb is the head (normal intonation: menoke, a'mi-kaski-onicdnesikj 'if.one.drinks.(it), which. . .one.would.be. able.to.have.children'). The exclamative intonation has stressing, lengthening, and distortion of the finalvowel , and a more or less distinct secondary stress on the pre- antepenult. Final -i and -e are replaced by -er, and final -o and -a are replaced by -oV (with the loss of a preceding postconsonantal w). In these diphthongal sequences the pitch falls and trails off on the second element: (13) newani-hkei-! 'I forgot!' (cf. newanihkf 'I forgot.').

(14) ketepihei! 'Thank you!' (cf. ketepihi 'I thank you', lit., 'you please me').

(15) nepakanei! 'It's a bed!' (cf. nepakdni 'a bed').

(16) wikesinou! 'Be careful!' (cf. wrkesing 'Be careful.').

(17) nepye-miskwito tone-sou-! 'Isprained my (cf. nepyemiskwitotanesa ankle!' 'I sprained my ankle.')

(18) makekinou! 'He is big!' (cf. makekinwa 'He's big.').

Voorhis (1971:72) analyzes the exclamative as a combination of his affirma­ tive and emphatic intonations. Note, however, that there is no exclamative intonation pattern with a secondary stress on the penult. A number of other intonational patterns are found on utterances or indi­ vidual words. It is as yet uncertain how many of these are truly contrastive or what modular components should be used to describe them. The voca­ tive and what is here called the emphatic are similar, but the occurrence of lengthening seems to differ and there appears to be one type of emphatic without final devoicing. These intonations differ from the exclamative in not having final-vowel distortion. The vocative has raised pitch and the stress on the penult, with extra length on a stressed long vowel: 162 IVES GODDARD

(19) \tohkdne! 'Tohkan!' ([Ttuhka-ne]); cf. tohkdna 'Tohkan (member of the Tohkan division)'6 The emphatic has raised pitch and the stress on the penult or pre-antepenult, apparently without the extra length found in the vocative. It probably ordi­ narily has final devoicing (20), but some forms, perhaps shorter ones, have final voiced vowels (21): (20) ^nesiwdnematwi'. 'The wind is terrible!' (cf. nesiwanemdtwi 'There's a terrible wind.') (21) ^nahka kih'pya! 'You come again, will you!'7

The label interjectional is here applied to several intonational patterns, each found on words of a specific syllabic structure but all involving stressed, fully voiced finalvowels . The interjectional is marked here by an acute ac­ cent following the final vowel of the word affected. The final long vowel of interjections (1) is stressed with falling pitch (25, 26). The interjectional in­ tonation is usually associated with specific lexical items, of which it appears to be an inherent part: (22) nahi' 'Well, . . .' ([nahf]) (23) kasi' 'Why!' ([kail], [kasl?], [kasl-?] [?]) (24) ketena ' 'Too bad!' ([ketena]) (25) si- • 'Say!' ([si]) (26) ghg- ' 'So-o-o!' ([ohp])

I assume that the glottal stop sometimes present after stressed short final vowels (e.g., 23) is a non-distinctive concomitant of the interjectional into­ nation. The final long vowels with falling pitch (1, 25, 26) were analyzed by Voorhis (1971:73) as sequences of two short vowels, but unlike the clearly disyllabic falling-pitch sequence in interrogative forms (like 11), the high- pitch and low-pitch moras in these interjections are tautosyllabic, forming a single long vowel. Some cases were noted of the interjectional intonation on words other than interjections (27, 50), and there are some other miscellaneous patterns that may fit under this or another label (28): (27) ayoh-kohi' 'Do (sit) here!' (28) \tani' 'How (could I)?' ([tani?])

6The dual division membership names Tohkan and Kishko (kiskoha, voc. kriko!) are commonly used familiarly to refer to and address young boys. 'Underlining is used to mark word-final vowels not subject to the usual devoicing. FOX PHONOLOGY 163

F. Clitics A very salient part of Fox phonology, also present but generally neglected in other Algonquian languages, is cliticization. Enclitics form a phonological unit with their host, but the resulting unit is not accented like an ordinary word. Instead, the accent falls on the vowel that immediately precedes the enclitic. In native syllabic texts enclitics are written without a preceding word divider. In my preferred notation they are written with a preceding double hyphen (or little equals sign), though printers sometimes replace this with an oversized mathematical equals sign: (29) pe-hki-mekg 'really indeed' (pehki 'really' + *mekg EMPH)8 (30) senipa-hi*ke-hi 'and ribbonwork' (senipdhj 'ribbonwork' + *krhi 'and, but')

The phonological characteristics of enclitics indicate that they must be rec­ ognized as a distinct word category and transcribed in a distinctive way. There is also a very small set of mutually exclusive verbal proclitics, used to mark the aorist (31) and the future (32). Phonological words that include proclitics are heard sometimes with the accent of ordinary words and sometimes with the accent of host plus enclitic: (31) e'h'd'di, &h*a'6i 'he went (there)' (aorist proclitic preverb e'hm) (32) wih'pye-wa 'he will come (there)' (future proclitic preverb wih')

There are just these two proclitics, though the future proclitic also has variants incorporating the pronominal prefixes: nih- (first person), kih- (second person). Proclitics are written in native syllabic texts without a following word divider and are pronounced as a unit with their host. Non-enclitics may be cliticized, provided that they have only two or three syllables. They then behave exactly like inherent enclitics: (33) ki-Si-no-se-ya-ni-nahka 'Also, after I gave birth, . . .' (ndhkg 'also') (34) . . . eh'ict-nekyg. '. . . said my mother.' (also possible: . . . eh'ici nekyg.)

If the enclitic (or cliticized word) begins with a vowel, vowel elision takes place. All word-final vowels drop before vowels that are not t'-quality vowels; data on the location of the stress in such cases is incomplete.9

8Abbreviated glosses of particles include EMPH (emphatic) and HRSY (hearsay). 9Examples (35-38) were recorded without indications of stress, since at the time I was confident of my ability to predict it. Once again Franz Boas's misgivings about the potential loss of information that can result from the use of phonemic notation in fieldrecording s were proven to be justified. Apparently, however, the stress normally falls on the syllable preceding the enclitic. 164 IVES GODDARD

(35) in-apehe 'then every time' (ini 'then' + -apehe 'every time, usually')

(36) eh-maneseyak-apehe 'usually when we went to cut firewood' (e-h'manese-ya-ke + -a-pehe)

(37) nemanepen- apehe 'There would be a lot of us.' (nemanepena + •a-pehe)

(38) nemisatenem-apehe 'I would be glad.' (nemisatenemo + •apehe)

In contrast, a word-initial i in a clitic drops after any vowel. When this has happened, the accent is on the second vowel before the enclitic. In my transcription an apostrophe is used to indicate this elision, and the accent can be predicted from this:

(39) aneta-'pi 'Some, they say, . . .' (aneta 'some' + enclitic 'ipi HRSV, 'they say, it is said')

(40) nina-'yo 'For, I . . .' (nina 'I' + enclitic -iyo 'for')10

Of course, the stress can still be viewed as being on the syllable preceding the enclitic if the vowel that causes the elision is taken as superimposed on the deleted clitic-initial t rather than displacing it. For consistency, cases in which both vowels are i, are analyzed like (39) and (40):

(41) ini-kehi- 'pi 'And then, they say, . . .' (ini 'then' + enclitics -kehi 'and', • ipi HRSY)

Clitic-initial long r is treated like short i, with the transfer of the vowel length to the retained, preceding vowel:

(42) kap&twe-'ni 'At some point, then, . . .' (kapotwe 'at some point' + ini 'then' cliticized)

(43) kina-'na 'you . . . her' (kina 'you (sg.)' + ina 'that one (anim.)' cliticized)11

Again, cases where the preceding vowel is also i are analyzed like cases where the preceding vowel is something else:

(44) owiwdni-'na 'he . . . his wife' (owiwani 'his wife' + ina 'that one (anim.)' cliticized)

A final vowel is also elided before a clitic boundary if it is the last vowel of a particle and follows an h:

The enclitic -iyo has the unique property that its final vowel is never devoiced. Contrast the stress on kindna 'we (inclusive)'. FOX PHONOLOGY 165

(45) eskikeniki-keh-mekg 'and a brand new one (obv.)' (enclitics •kehi 'and' + -meko EMPH) (46) mekweh-meko 'I suppose, indeed' (mekwehe 'I suppose; no doubt' + •meko EMPH)

Final vowels in other parts of speech are not elided (30), but the interroga­ tive pronouns and the inanimate indefinite pronoun are also subject to this elision:

(47) weneh-nihka ... 'Who the hell . . . ?' (weneha 'who?' + •nihka ["the man's word"]) If there is more than one enclitic, the accent is determined by the last enclitic of the string:

(48) osemihani'caht-'pi-'ni 'So then, they say, his niece . . .' (-cahi 'so' + •ipi HRSY + ini 'then' cliticized) Words with inherent interjectional accent (§E) retain their accent on a final vowel retained before a clitic: (49) nahi- '•'ni ([nahinj]) 'That's enough!' (nahi' 'Well!' + i-ni 'that' cliti­ cized) (50) ii- '•'ni-yapi'kina' [si-niyapikina] 'So now you're going to!' (si- ' 'So' + i'ni 'now' + ya-pi EMPH + ki-na 'you (sg.)' cliticized) This phenomenon supports the analysis of the interjectional accent as lexi­ cally inherent in some words (22, 25) and the analysis that it is always the first of two juxtaposed t-quality vowels that is retained (41, 44). Compound stems (conventionally linked by a hyphen) are accented like ordinary phonological words or sequences of words and must therefore be distinguished from cases of cliticization (51; cf. 9):

(51) aya-pdmi-pydng. 'Come back.'

An intriguing loose end is furnished by cases of partially cliticized jux­ taposition, in which some features of cliticization are present and others are lacking. For example, the particle we-na 'rather' is restricted to second position, like an enclitic, but accented like a single word: (52) napijoenq 'why don't (you, I)' (napi 'instead' + wena 'rather'; casual style [napwen]) Even though it lacks the clitic stress shift, its host may undergo clitic elision: (53) mecihwena 'after all . . . not' (mecihi 'not' + we-na 'rather')

Other combinations have clitic stress but without clitic elision: 166 IVES GODDARD

(54) wawosahi-Cahi'so, it would not be expected' (IG; Michelson 1925:324.18)

These exceptional patterns seem to be lexically restricted.

G. Consonant Clusters True consonant clusters, which occur only postvocalically in native words, are restricted to the sequences h + C or s + k: Primary Phonemic Clusters hp ht he hk sk (hm) hw (§H)

Phonetic Clusters s(=[hs]) s(=[hs])

Secondary Clusters h«m h=n h=y

The primary clusters are just the small set that appears within words.12 The phonetic preaspiration of s and $ consistently noted by Michelson exists; it does not correlate with historical origin:

(55) oskasa '(finger)nail, hoof, claw' ([ohskahsa]); cf. Ojibwa oikaniin 'his nail, claw'

Both phonemic preconsonantal h and the nonphonemic preaspiration range from extremely prominent, sometimes even with velar constriction, to vanishingly faint. With reference to the preceding environment, h is strongest after a-quality vowels and weakest after i-quality vowels; with reference to the following environment, it is strongest before k and weakest before p. A reliable clue to the presence of n is the devoicing of a non-final short-vowel, which only occurs before an h (or an s or s). Secondary clusters are those arising across clitic boundaries; the three secondary clusters that do not occur as primary clusters have h followed by m, n, or y (also 45-47):13

(56) eh-nakwaci 'and he left'

Two particles have been noted that have hm internally:

12One marginal example of it was recorded: [kiamustiha] '(cannibal) giant', given as what a certain deceased speaker used to say for normal Jt. yomowrwa. Se C0I1 1^ Cl te^S 0f , + S r shoul d 8t „nnH ( ? ^ m l ' ° * rictly be phonemicized without the 6 ( VO 19 1:63): my WDPreference Wever is to h^Tl I . f?"fc Z ° • - -rite the n, which is present at both the morphological and phonetic levels. FOX PHONOLOGY 167

(5?) a m (th en ) { T thG firSt time onl tW £ a"h 'l°i; , ' "°Y ? ' y ([acahmek9], [acahmeko]); also acahmeko-meko. J (58) nahmeko '(be) the one (that), the time when' ([nahmeko]); also nahmeko-meko.

These two particles seem to have arisen by the incorporation of the enclitic •meko (the all-purpose emphatic), but they cannot be analyzed this way synchromcally: they are stressed like single words, they may be followed by •meko (which is otherwise never iterated), and their initial portions are not used separately.

H. Sequences o/Cw and Cy

Fox is notably conservative in the retention of consonant-semivowel se­ quences. The Proto-Algonquian inventory of permissible *Cw sequences is reduced only by the falling together of PA *0 and */ to n, and concomi­ tantly of PA *6w and *lw to nw: Cw pw tw (cw) kw sw sw hw mw nw

PA *w was lost only between t and i:

(59) nekoti 'one' (< PA *nekwetwi); cf. nekotwahkwe 'one hundred'; nekotweyawi 'one or the other'.14

Even so, the sequence twi is restored across synchronically active morpheme boundaries:

(60) sanakatwi 'it's difficult' (sanakat- + -wi).

A new cluster cw is found in loans:

(61) cwitihi 'treaty' (already (cwiti) in a syllabic ms. by C.H. Chuck from about the 1920s).

The treatment of PA *twe- is uncertain. With the evidence for retention across a morpheme boundary in (59), contrast the morpheme-internal loss in -atemo- 'weep' (inatemowa 'he weeps (thus)' [Michelson 1929:48.33]) < PA *-atwe-mo- (> Menominee -ati-mi- 'weep': ina-ti-mow 'he weeps thus'). On the other hand, morpheme-internal twe is found in kapo-twe 'some time later', a word with no obvious internal morphological segmentation; the only cognates of this known to me are Kickapoo kapootwee 'later' (< kapo-twe we, attested in syllabic writing) and a Miami form. 168 IVES GODDARD

The Fox inventory of Cy sequences also retains all of those in Proto- Algonquian (except that PA *ly has become ny):15 Cy

py ty cy ky sy my ny

The sequences cy and sy occur only across or immediately preceding a morpheme boundary, as does the new sequence ty. Apparently *y was lost by sound law in the PA sequences *cy and *sy:

(62) kesinecewa 'he washed his hands' (< PA *kesi6encyewa)

(63) kakanwikasewa 'he has long fingernails, claws' (< PA *kakanwikasyewa)

(64) mesawi 'it is big' (< PA *mePsya-wi);16 suppletive beside makekinwa 'he is big'. Subsequently, new sequences cy, sy, and ty arose by pattern pressure in two morphological contexts: in verb stems formed with thefinal -ya- II (65, 66) and in the plural and obviative forms of nouns of a class having ye- in the endings marking these categories (67, 68, 69):17

(65) cipacyawi 'it's stiff'; cipat- + -ya- II (cf. cipatesiwa 'he's stiff').

(66) menesyawi 'it is shameful'; menes- + -ya- II (beside me-nesa-wi).1*

(67) netaskweneii 'my little finger', pi. netaskwenedyeni (analyzable as: net- askweneiy- + -ani [cf. Bloomfield 1925-1927, 11:182]); cf. PA *-0en6y- 'finger'.

(68) neikasa 'my nail', pi. neikaiyeki (analyzable as: ne-ikaiy- + -aki); cf. PA *nexkansya, *nexkaniye-ki.

^Proto-Algonquian did not have the sequences *ty or *0y (which were replaced by *6y and *iy, respectively), nor does it appear to have had *sy or *hy. 16The IIfinal given here as PA *-ya- has reflexes that point to PA *-ya- (in Fox, Cree, Ojibwa, Arapaho, Cheyenne, etc.), PA *-ye- (Menominee, Eastern Algonquian), and PA *-yeyi- (Eastern Algonquian). No completely satisfactory explanation for this apparent variation has been offered; Proulx's (1984:87-89) reconstruction PA *-yaye- violates several sequence-constraint rules of the pro- tolanguage (e.g., see n. 22, below) and does not account for all the forms. 17The endings affected are the disyllabic endings beginning with a: -ani (inan­ imate plural; animate obviative singular), -aki (animate plural), -ahi (animate obviative plural). 18The y in this word is attested in the writings of C.H. Chuck (dakehtakosiha): (mah nah shya we) (Chuck 1907:38; written before 1905), which would be the edi­ tor's regular transliteration of syllabic *(menesyawi); (menesyewi) in a manuscript version of the same text, probably a later copy, with the wrong vowel written in the third syllable. FOX PHONOLOGY 169

(69) ociti 'bird's rump, tail', pi. ocityeni (analyzable as: ocity- + -ani); see (71). The restoration of cy and sy in the first of these contexts is readily un­ derstood as patterned on the large class of stems having -esi- Al, -ya-- II (cf. wapeskesiwa, wapeskyawi 'he, it is white'). An explanation of the restoration of y in the second of these contexts requires an examination of how Proto-Algonquian nouns in *Cy and *Ciy are treated in Fox.

I. Treatment of PA Nouns in *Cy and *Ciy The distinct classes of noun stems in PA *Cy (70) and *Ciy (71) show nearly complete morphological convergence in Fox, and the resulting Fox paradigm is a combination of the inflections originally found in the two stem classes. The Fox continuations of the nouns of each class have inflectional forms originally appropriate to the other class; these innovations are underlined in 70 and 71: (70) aseni 'stone', pi. asenyent, loc. asenrki < PA *aPseny-i, pi. *aPsenye-li (<— aPseny-ali); loc. reshaped (cf. PA *aPseninki *— aPseny-enki). (71) ociti 'bird's rump, tail', pi. ocitue-ni. loc. ocitrki < PA *-twiy-i 'hind- parts', loc. *-twinki (<— *-twiy-enki); pi. reshaped (cf. PA *-twiy-ali).19 The two Proto-Algonquian noun classes differed in their patterns of contrac­ tion with two types of suffixes. When occurring with the disyllabic endings beginning with PA *a,20 the stems in PA *Cy replaced the sequence *ya with *ye- (70), but the stems in PA *Ciy did not contract (71); with suffixes beginning with PA *e21 the stems in PA *Cy underwent contraction of *ye to *» (70), and those in PA *Ciy underwent contraction of *iye to r (71).22 By the operation of regular sound laws the singulars of inanimate nouns

19 Other inanimate nouns reflecting stems in PA *Ciy are: owinwi '(his) navel', loc. owinwrki (< PA *wilwiyi); owi-hkwi '(his) chin' (< PA *wixkwiyi). 20PA *-ali (inanimate plural; animate obviative singular), *-aki (animate plu­ ral), *-ahi (animate obviative plural); cf. n. 17. 21 The locative PA *-enki and others. 22 All of these contractions are in accordance with general phonological rules of Proto-Algonquian. (1) PA *ya is not reconstructible between consonants morpheme-internally and was probably not tolerated across morpheme boundaries (assum­ ing, inter alia, that Menominee has restored some sequences of ya be­ tween consonants after vowel shortening re-introduced this phonemic se­ quence to the language). The replacement of PA *ya by *ye- at mor­ pheme boundaries is also found in the medials PA *-apyek- 'string' and *-epye-k- 'water' (Goddard 1990:468, n. 45) and in PA *pye-ya--, the ir­ regular changed form of *pya- 'come' (< *pyaya-, with the regular *ay infix before *a\ The account in Goddard [1979:81] should be corrected; 170 IVES GODDARD

in these two classes (with the ending PA *-i > Fox -t) became formally indistinguishable: PA *Cyi > Fox Ci (70); PA *tyi > Fox -t-, -» (71)." As a consequence of ensuing paradigmatic analogy, most of the members of the two Proto-Algonquian classes came to constitute in Fox a single, restruc­ tured, morphologically uniform class that has the contraction to ye" of the PA *Cy stems in, e.g., the plural, and the contraction to v of the PA *Ciy stems in, e.g., the locative. It is the new plurals with yc of stems originally ending in PA *twiy that have the new sequence ty (71). In the one known case of an animate stem in Fox that reflects a stem in PA *Ciy, the end of the stem is reshaped to iio:

(72) mrtwrwa 'cottonwood';24 reshaped from PA *mi'twiya.

This reshaping can be explained as a back-formation from the casual style [mitwia] (IG; (mitwiya) in Siebert 1967:31), which would regularly reflect the Proto-Algonquian form. An influencing factor could well have been the corresponding verb of being, which occurs in the well-known story of Raccoon and Wolf: nemitwiwi 'I am a cottonwood' (Jones 1907:128.6).2& The contraction to short t expected for the stems in * Cy on comparative grounds (70) survives in all relevant forms of the word for 'mother' (73), and in some forms of words for 'earth' (74) and '(possessed) dog' (75):

(73) nekya 'my mother', nekinana 'our (excl.) mother', okiwawani 'their mother'; loc. nekiki. (74) ahki 'earth' (< PA *axkyi), netahkimi 'my land', beside (new) netahki-mi (also netohkimi, netohkimi [cf. Voorhis 1971:65-66]); loc. ahkiki (new; but cf. ahkiki 'down below' < PA *axkinki 'on the ground') (75) netaya 'my dog, pet', netayinana 'our (excl.) dogs', ketayiwawaki 'your (pi.) dogs'; loc. netayiki (new).

'go' is patterned on 'come'.). (2) PA *ye arising across morpheme boundaries between consonants was replaced by PA *i (Bloomfield 1946:91); the trend in recent years to write PA *ye here and there in reconstructions has not been accompanied by a demonstration that putative PA *ye is distinct from both *i and *e. (3) PA *iye arising across morpheme boundaries between consonants under­ went contraction to PA *r.

23 ]E.g. , Fox onekwikani 'his arm, wing' < PA *we-0enkwiy-ikan-i. 24 Attested, as plural (mitwiwaki), already in Alfred Kiyana's manuscript auto­ biography, written in 1915. 5The stem mitwiwi- 'be a cottonwood' would be regularly formed from either a stem in ty (mitwiy-iwi-) or one in iw (mitwiw-i-). Menominee attests the influence of verbs of being on the reshaping of corresponding noun stems in one set of forms: ahkew earth', nepeu, 'water' (Goddard 1990:462, n. 35), and probably mene w 'pus', nerkaw 'sand'. FOX PHONOLOGY 171

There is evidence that some other nouns preserve (or preserved until re­ cently) forms with contraction to short t; Jones (1911:849, 852) has aseniki 'stone (loc.) and netasenimi 'my stone' (cf. 70).26 The generalization of the sequence ye- (e.g., in 71) was also extended to stems in PA *sy and *cy, resulting in the restoration of sy and cy to the roster of Fox phoneme sequences:

(76) neskasa 'my nail, claw', neskasye'ki 'my nails',27 casual-style [neskasiekj].

(77) ohkeci 'tail feather', pi. ohkecyeni (< PA *wexkecyi, *wexkecyeli).28

It is possible that this restoration of y emerged in casual-style pronuncia­ tions, in which post-consonantal y is vocalized (76). In these pronunciations there would have been at firstn o surface violation of the constraint against sy and cy. This would furnish another example of the active bidirectional relationship between the two styles (cf. the discussion of exx. 96 and 97, below, and Goddard 1988:200-201, 206-208). It is worth noting that the pattern of the analogical restoration of sy and 6y in Fox supports the descriptive saliency ("psychological reality") of a strict segmentation of occurring ("surface") forms. The restoration of y in II stems (65, 66) further generalizes the usual surface shape of a common morpheme in all stems in which it is segmentable by comparison with other, paradigmatically related stems.29 Where there is no such paradigmatic relationship, the y is not restored (64). In nouns, the y is restored in the plural and obviative endings but not before the animate singular ending -a (76). This difference shows that the restored y is being treated not as stem-final (as in the analyses in 67-69) but rather as suffix-initial, part of the set of endings having surface ye- that are used after stems of a certain morphological class. Under this resolutely item-and-arrangement surface segmentation, the y is restored after a morpheme boundary in all cases, and the realistic generalization is permitted that these new sequences arose only across salient morpheme boundaries.

26Kickapoo appears to have retained more of these than Fox: Kickapoo nepiki 'water (loc.)' (Voorhis 1988:84; Jones 1915:12.25, etc.), agreeing with Shawnee nepiki, Arapaho neciP (cf. Fox nepi'ki); aOeniki 'stone (loc.)' (Jones 1915:12.15, 74 15) For the treatment of these classes of stems in additional languages, see Goddard (1981:62; 1982:24-25; 1990:454, n. 19; cf. 1980:147, 155, n. 5); Cree generalizes iy almost entirely. 27Note the early recordings keskasyeki 'your claws' (Jones 1907:114.19) and oskasyeni 'his claw' (Jones 1907:238.10). 28 Cf. Ojibwa oifcifcic'pipestem', pi. okkicin; Munsee wihkay 'bottom (of a pail)'. 29There is, however, an absolute prohibition of sequences of semivowels that blocks the restoration of y after «;: meskwa-wi 'it is red'; mahkatewawi 'it is black'. 172 IVES GODDARD

J. Perceiving Vowel Length As anyone who has used the published materials on Fox knows, the vowel length in many lexical items is variably recorded, even by the same ob­ server. In compiling his word list, Bloomfield (1984) made many correct normalizations of these variations, but he also made some normalizations and emendations of length that turn out to be incorrect. Part of my time in the field was spent trying to pin down the correct vowel length in prob­ lematical forms. In most cases vowel-length contrasts are clear, but certain environments give trouble repeatedly. For example, there are a number of examples of long vowels being recorded as short in the antepenult, which is ordinarily weakly stressed:

(78) we'we-netwi 'it is good, nice'; cf. we-wenetwi (Voorhis 1971:72; Michelson 1925:66.43).

(79) kesenwi 'how many times'; cf. kesenwi (Michelson 1925:326.4).

Michelson's recordings of vowel length before w are unreliable, though to my ear the contrasts here generally seemed consistent and were, in fact, ordinarily quite clear in the case of long and short a and i, though less so for o:

(80) eh-nahawiki 'in warm weather'; cf. ehnahawiki (Michelson 1925:304.3 (a na awig" )). (81) nahiwesiwaki 'they are clever'; cf. nahiwesiwaki (Michelson 1925:314.32).

The case is similar before y, where the contrast of long and short a, confirmed by Voorhis (1971:65), is particularly clear; this was a welcome surprise given that this contrast is completely masked by Michelson's indif­ ferent use of the transcription (aiy) for both sequences. The most difficult contrast to pin down is that of long and short t before y, which appears to show some real phonetic variation, but even this contrast emerges when words can be elicited with different intonational contours:

(82) eh'katawi-'meko -sakiciyani 'when I really had to urinate'; cf. e-hkatawimekosakiciyan (Michelson 1925:192.42). (83) kwryena 'exactly'; cf. kwiyena (Voorhis 1971:72).

The shortening of vowels before prevocalic h in non-penultimate syl­ lables is a feature of the casual style, but it also often appears in allegro deliberate-style utterances and hence frequently shows up in Michelson's recordings: FOX PHONOLOGY 173

(84) nanahapino 'sit down'; ci.nanahapino (IG, less deliberate style; Michel­ son 1925:184.24 (nAna'(Apinnu')). (85) eh'pwawi-'meko -pasi-apwihekowaci 'he (obv.) didn't wait for them at all'; cf. -pasihapwihekowa-6i (Michelson 1925:148.30-31). Long vowels before preconsonantal h (or [h]) may also sound short in sylla­ bles that precede the pre-antepenultimate accent: (86) piwehkeneseno 'gather some dry sticks'; cf. piwehkeneseno (Michelson 1925:298.41) (87) a'kwi . . . kaskanacthtonakowe 'I do not whisper to you'; cf. kaskanacihtonakowe (Michelson 1925:136.14-15). (88) e-h'ma-wi-a-sito-nika-wa-ci 'they went to trade'; cf. e-hmawasito-nika-wa-ci (Michelson 1925:58.24).

In several environments, short vowels may be heard as long. In a num­ ber of cases short e (normally [e]) has been heard as long when a long e- (normally [e]) follows in the same word: (89) peskipehi 'hickory' (IG; Michelson 1921:18.7; Jones 1907:360.18); cf. pe-skipe-hi (IG notes; Jones 1907:104.1). Position before a semivowel or a preconsonantal h may also favour hearing short as long: (90) tohkana 'member of the Tohkan division'; cf. tohkana (Michelson 1921: 14.32 et passim). (91) wanatohka 'unconcernedly, as if nothing had happened (or was happen­ ing)'; cf. wanatohka (Michelson 1921:62.14) (92) neniwa 'man'; cf. neniwa (Michelson 1921:18.29; Goddard 1987a:203- 204). (93) wiskopapowi 'sap'; cf. wiskopapowi 'wine' (Jones 1911:812). (94) owiye-ha 'someone'; cf. owiyeha (Michelson 1921:16.21). (95) kesiyawi 'it is cold', weci-kesiyaki '(in the) north'; cf. weci-kesiyaki (Voorhis 1971:71, 73).

Some variation in vowel length before w is real: (96) mawi PreV 'go to, go and' (Michelson 1921:82); casual-style [mai]; new deliberate-style form mawi (IG, e.g., exx. 10, 88; Jones 1911:767), mawapamewa 'he goes to see him', initial maw-. The initial maw- 'go and' (96) was inherited with a short vowel, which was still used by some speakers in Michelson's time. William Jones (b. 1871, 174 IVES GODDARD d. 1909). in contrast, always wrote it with a long a , no doubt reflecting his own pronunciation, and this is what I heard; in 1968 Paul Voorhis heard both deliberate variants (personal communication 1985). Very likely this new long-vowel debberate-style form was created on the basis of the casual- style pronunciation [mai]. Since vowels ordinarily lose their length when coming to stand before other vowels in the casual style (see n. 4), alterna­ tions in vowel length between the two styles arose:

(97) pwa-wi 'not'; casual-style [pai]; new deliberate-style form parwi (Voorhis 1971:64).

The long-vowel variant ma-to- (96) can thus be accounted for completely straightforwardly as resulting from the generalization of this pattern of al­ ternation. This is one of the innovations in Fox that shows that speakers do not simply derive the casual style from the deliberate style by unidirec­ tional rules but must be assumed to operate with a set of templates and alternation schemata that furnish switching strategies for moving in both directions between the two styles (Goddard 1988:200-201, 206-208; cf. the discussion of example 76). There are other initials with post-vocabc w as their last segment that seem to show the same sort of secondary length before it:

(98) ahkawapame-wa 'he keeps a close eye on him', root ahkaw- (IG); cf. ahkawapame-wa (Jones 1907:170.15, 290.19).

In the initial in (98) the antiquity of the short vowel is supported by direct cognates (Ojibwa akkawapamat, Shawnee hapkawapacike 'he is looking and waiting'), and apparently by Fox ahkawthewa 'he picks up his trail' (IG; Michelson 1925:576.20), if this has the same initial historically. In other, ostensibly comparable cases the long vowel may be old, but the variation in the sources may make certainty impossible:

(99) minawapame-wa 'he noticed him' (Jones 1907:95.15-16, 146.6; IG); cf. (minawapAm-) (Michelson 1921:64.28, 1925:96.13).

K. Lack of Secondary Lengthening in Derivation Restored confidence in the poesibUity of distinguishing vowel length before w makes it possible at last to say what happens in Fox to the pattern, found in other languages, of lengthening the final vowel of Al verb stems before w in some categories of derivation (Goddard 1990:457-459, 472). This lengthening, which is found in Shawnee, Cree, Menominee, and Ojibwa, is generally eliminated in Fox:

Cm f00d mten m naka ' 'Te'eTu") '' * - ™™'» 'eating songs' (cf. wiseniwa FOX PHONOLOGY 175

Compare with (100) Shawnee wipQenvwena 'groceries' (cf. wipQenilo 'eat' [2sg. imper.]). We can also now avoid the previously seductive Scheingleichung in the word 'to be wet' and similar words:

(101) False comparison: Fox nepi-wiwi 'it is wet' (Jones 1907:242.23, 250.11); C nipi-wiw Al; M nepewew Al, II; O (Maniwaki) nipiwi Al (< PA *nepiwiwa, *nepiwiwi).30 The vowel length recorded for Fox by Jones is incorrect (or idiosyncratic), and the length in the other languages is secondary, arising by sound law in Menominee and by morphological analogy in Cree and Ojibwa (which generalize r in such words before all suffixes). The correct form and recon­ struction are as follows: (102) Correct comparison: Fox nepiwiwa, nepiwiwi 'he, it is wet' (< PA *nepiwiwa, *nepiwiwi). PA *nepiwi- 'be wet' attests an interesting rule of Proto-Algonquian phonol­ ogy. It is formed from *nepy- 'water' and the secondary final *-iwi- which makes verbs of being (Goddard 1990:471-472),31 but Menominee nepe-wew (101) shows that the reconstruction must be PA *nepiwi- and not *nepyiwi-. The only way PA *nepiwi- can contain *nepy- is if it represents PA *nepy- ewi-, and indeed apparent PA *-ewi must be set up for the suffix of verbs of being after all stems in PA *Cy and *Cw: (103) pekowiwa, pekowiwi 'he, it is dusty', cf. pekwi 'dust, ashes' (stem: pekw-); < PA *penkowiwa, *penkowiwi (as if *penkw-ewi-; derived from *penkwi).32 In fact, *-ewi can be taken to be a conditioned variant of PA *-iwi Al, II 'be' used after all noun stems ending in semivowels. With the recognition of this variant, it is not necessary to posit as well an allomorph *-i used after stems in PA *Vw (Bloomfield 1946:107), and at the same time the vowel lengthening in the verbs of being from stems in short vowel plus semivowel is explained as the result of regular phonological processes: (104) PA *wekimawa 'chief -• *wekimawiwa 'he is chief (stem *wekima-wi- <— *u)efetmou)-eu)t-, with regular contraction).

30 Against Proulx's (1984:91) analysis of forms of this type see Goddard (1990:453- 454, nn. 14, 20). 31 Bloomfield (1946:107) reconstructed PA *-vwi (misprinted (-eewi)), presum­ ably on the basis of Menominee and the variable recordings of the Fox forms; but Fox, Cree, Ojibwa, and Shawnee all have -iwi, and the length in the Menominee suffix must be the result of a secondary generalization. 321 assume that PA *we contracted to *o before *w and that this was one of the sources of the highly restricted phoneme *o; PA *we and *o did not contrast in this environment, however, and either reconstruction will suit the present argument. 176 IVES GODDARD

(105) PA *elenyiwa 'man' — *elenyiwiwa 'he is a man' (stem *elenytwi- — *elenyiw-ewi-, with regular contraction); cf. Swampy Cree ininiw —• ininiwiw (Ellis 1983:410); Ojibwa inini -* ininiwi (Nichols 1980:237).

It was apparently the contraction in cases like (105), reinterpreted as vowel lengthening, that was the point of origin of the morphological vowel length­ ening before w referred to at the beginning of this section (Goddard 1990: 454, 458-459, 472). The distribution of the variant *-ewi 'be' exemplifies a general rule by which PA *t in some morphemes was treated as *e (with obligatory contraction) between *y or *w and *w. Other examples of the operation of this rule are the inflection of middle reflexives in PA *wi ~ *o (God­ dard 1990:458, n. 25, 459); the detransitivizing suffix PA *-iwe-, treated as *-ewe- after *Cw (cf. Bloomfield 1962:279); and certain Al verb stems in PA *awi and *ayt that have *a- (by contraction from *awe and *aye) before inflectional *w:

(106) PA *ni-pa-wa 'he stands (there), *neni-pawi 'I stand (there)'; cf. Mas- sachusett (neepau), (neepou) /nfpaw/ 'he stood', (neepoog) /nlpaak/ 'they stood', (wunneepauin) /wanipawan/ 'he stood there' (subordina- tive; Goddard and Bragdon 1988:667).

(107) PA *-kapawi Al 'stand', (with third-person -w-) *-kapawa: PA *pemika-pa-waki 'they stand in a row' > Fox pemika-pa'waki, Massachusett (pumikkompoog) /pamakapaak/ (2 Ch. 4:3).

(108) PA *wehtawakawa 'he has ears' (stem *wehtawaka- Al «— *wehtawakay- 'his ear' [stem] + -i-) > Cree ohtawakaw, Ojibwa ottawaka- (with old non-umlauting a- shown by its retention in Nipissing [Cuoq 1886:386]).33

In (106, 107) the prevocalic (6), (o) in the third plural Massachusett forms guarantees /a/ (< PA *a), and consistent prevocalic (au) in other forms guarantees /aw/. Other languages have eliminated this type of alterna­ tion by paradigmatic leveling: Ojibwa nipawi (and the corresponding final -kapawi); Fox -kapa- (107), with the archaic retention of non-umlauting a- (ayrhkwikapawa 'he is tired standing', lsg. netayihkwikapa). Fox, how­ ever, retains the originally basic variant -kapawi in secondary derivation: nisokapawihewa 'he stood them together'; pakamika-pawinohkatawewa 'he arrived and stood before him'.

33Cf. Kickapoo omaakwea 'he puts on, wears a hat' (stem omaakwaa- Al - maakway- hat'; Voorhis 1988:58, 90), with generalization of umlaut. FOX PHONOLOGY 177

Appendix Word List

Appended here is a supplementary list of revised recordings from my field- work of Fox words that have appeared in the published record in other or variable transcriptions. These can generally be taken as corrections to be made in Bloomfield (1984); most of the erroneous forms are from Bloom- field's sources, but a few resulted from emendations made by Bloomfield (Goddard 1987a:203-206, 212). I have tried to include words particularly likely to be troublesome or of interest to comparatists, but obviously this is only an incomplete beginning. The glosses do not necessarily take into account all attested uses. The resolution of wide discrepancies from the glosses in Bloomfield (1984) and the determination of which variant forms are genuine doublets will require further investigation. kehtahpi 'the nape of your neck', loc. kehtahpeki. owinesi 'a human head hair', owinesani 'his hair', owi'ne'tepi 'brain', owrwrna 'a horn'. nekahkwani 'my leg', onowayi 'cheek; his cheek', opehkwani 'back; his back'. netaktkwaha 'my phlegm', neta-mihkani 'my jaw', oto-skwani 'elbow; his elbow'. ahkone'he-wa, ohkone-he'wa 'he puts a blanket over him', ahkowi 'behind'; cf. a'hkowi (preverb) 'one after the other, every time', ahkwa, otehkoma 'louse', netehkomaki 'my lice', ahkwitako-ne 'on top of the snow', ahk- wiwa, ahkonwi 'he, it is (so) long'; cf. ahkwi-wa 'he comes to an end; he ends (there)', ahkwi-cisahowa 'he jumps up (onto something)', ahtene-wa 'he blames him'; kata ahtesihkani 'don't blame me', ahtehimini 'straw­ berry', akosowa, akotewi 'he, it sticks in being cooked, heated'; cf. ako'cinwa, ako-te-wi 'he, it hangs'. akwiskahkiwiwi 'it is mucky, miry ground'. ame-na'kosiwa 'he seems to notice', anakwiwa 'he is fat', anawine-wa 'he stalks him, creeps up on him'; imper. anawisi. anakowe 'yesterday' (but Menominee onakow [IG, 1974]). anemyaka 'downstream' (some speakers: anemyaki). aniw- 'at the top end of the normal range of intensity, etc' (e.g., aniwanematwi 'it is windy'), aniwewi 'anyway, regardless' (misprinted e-niwe-wi [Michelson 1925:328.15]). apina 'even (for example), even (so bad that), even (going so far as to)', atehci 'away someplace, off someplace'; atehcihkanawe 'off the road', atenawi 'less', aye-niwe, e-yeniwe 'steadily in the same place', ayoninahi 'now, for the present; here', ayotamwa 'he uses it' (beside the usual ayo-wa). ahcipiwa 'he sits leaning against something', ahkwamewa 'he's alert'. a-hkwihpokwatwi 'it has a strong taste', ahtawasinwa 'he lies on his back'. anehkokaneyawi 'it is a joint (of a limb of the body)', apatahowa 'he uses a cane to walk', apesiwa 'he comes back to life', a-sonewa 'he holds him up (helping him stand or walk)', asihewa 'he gets him to do what he himself does or is doing (by example)' (cf. asihewa 'he makes him'), a-sowi 'on the other side', awanewa, awatowa 'he takes, moves him, it in more than one load, trip';34 cf. awanewa, awato-wa 'he takes him, it along, carries him, it

34Ojibwa awanat, a-wato-t 'he hauls him, it'; Menominee i-wanew, iwataw 178 IVES GODDARD

with him', a-yacicime-wa 'he gives him strict instructions', aya-pa-hteha, iyapahteha, kiyapahteha (alternate forms of the name of Wisahkeha s younger brother), a-ya-po-tanakese-waki 'their ears are inside-out, upside- down' (i.e., they do not understand aright), ayaso hka 'back and forth, by turns'. cahkwi'hiwa, cahkono'hiwi 'he, it is short'. e-nika-we 'dispersing in different directions'. ifteu;a 'he goes (there)', lsg. neta, 2sg. potential ihahkapa. inahkiwiwi 'the land is (so); people's activity is (so)'; cf. ina-hkiwiwi 'the hill is (so). inapinewa, inapitowa3S 'he ties him, it (so)'; also ihpinewa, ihpitowa. ista'kina 'stocking'. i-cina 'Indian', i-na-ka 'that one yonder', i-niya 'that one (absent)', i-ya-ka 'that one over there'. kahkamiwa 'he cuts across, takes a shortcut', kawekwasiwa 'he falls asleep'. kehkiwesa 'the elder, eldest brother'. kehpakyawi 'it is thick'. kekinenwe-senwi 'it has the fat on'. keme'Sa-hema 'your (man's) brother-in- law', kenekenasowa 'he is mixed in', kenosiwa 'he is tall', kehta (prenoun) 'old; former', ke-no-te-hi 'longhouse'. ke-iawenamwa 'he loosens it; he holds it loosely'; ke-sawahokowa 'he becomes loosened (because of weight or mass)'. ki-so-pye'hte-wi 'it is hot water', krwite'wa 'he stays around (there)', lsg. neki'wita. kiwi-te-me-wa 'he goes around with him', konwa-ike'ha 'frog'. kotawiwene-wa 'he made him go under the water'; kotawi-wene-wa 'he helped him or allowed him to go under the water', kotawrwa 'he goes under the wa­ ter' (while swimming or touching bottom), kwici 'ten', kya-we-wa 'he (man) is jealous'. maia-hi'ni 'dry goods', makwahki, makwahkiwi 'large hill', pi. makwahkye'ni, makwahkiwani, loc. makwahkvki. mama'cihe-wa 'he makes him move': ki-si- mama-cihenakwa 'our Creator'; cf. mama-ci-wa 'he moves, stirs', mamaki- nemowa 'he takes deep breaths', masakahkwa 'badger', maiiskiwapowi 'herbal infusion', ma-hiya 'that one recently departed', meci 'very (much)'; cf. mehci 'clearly; in the open', mecihi 'not' (with statements assumed to be obvious; independent order), meiimihewa 'he is always after him', meh- powi 'it snows', mehposewa 'she passes on to her baby the effect of vi­ olating a pregnancy taboo', mehtanaski 'without matting or padding un­ derneath', mehtawaki 'on the ground', memyesi (prenoun) 'big (plural)'. memyeskyawi 'it is disruptive, ruinous', mesenewa, mesenamwa 'he catches him, it'; cf. mesenewa, mesenamwa 'he touches him, it'. meskwipiwewa 'he has red feathers'. meskwikitewi 'irritatingly'. memekenahwewa, memekenahamwa 'he gathers him, it, them up'. memenatamwa 'he vomits', menawanewa 'he likes her, she likes him'. menawatakana 'the person liked', mi-si-wamatamwa 'he has a feeling that he has to defecate', moweci 'excrement', loc. moweciki.

'he drags, hauls him, it'; Munsee ewalew, ewdtow 'he hauls (him, it)': an example of Proulx's (1984) correspondence. Perhaps some sort of reduplication of PA *awa8ewa (> Fox awanewa), but on both morphological and phonological grounds very unlikely to be a late PA **ayewadewa, -towa. "Fox -apiN- TA, -apit- TI2 < PA *-ampi0-, *-ampet- (> Munsee |-ampil-|, |-ampat-|). FOX PHONOLOGY 179 nahawinwi 'it is warm' (usually weather; also, in a house), nahpenewa 'he has him as a stepchild'; nahpenasowa 'he is a stepchild', nanakwi 'in the middle, among, between', nanahkawesiwa 'witch', nasatawinohkatawe-wa 'he his standoffish, unfriendly towards him', nawahpowa 'he takes lunch'. nawahpwahewa 'he sends lunch with him', nacihiwewa Al + O 'he goes to him, it for refuge' (e.g., to water, a tree, a friend), nahinahi 'at the time'. nahtaswi 'a few', nametone 'inside the mouth', napinewa, napitowa 'he has him, it around his neck'; napitawewa 'he has something around his neck', nenyehpesiwa 'he is shaky, can't hold things', nehtawi 'exclusively, in an exclusive group'; nenehtawi 'in exclusive groups' (e.g., each clan sepa­ rately by itself), nipinewa, nipitowa 'he weaves him, it', ni-sipineca-kani 'finger', notesowa, notehtewi 'he, it did not cook all the way through'. notewa 'she nursed, suckled him' (imper. no-si). ohkonehowa 'he puts a blanket or covering over himself, ohkoni 'liver'. opi'wayaki, pi-wayaki 'small feathers'. ota'hwi-hemiwa, ota'hwi-nemiwa, ota'hrnemiwa 'he has it, them as his possession(s), belongings', otehkoni 'burl'. papahkwaciwe-namwa 'he pulls it up by the roots', pasekwi-cisewa 'he jumps to his feet', pasekwi-tene-wa 'he lifts him to his feet', pa-naci-wa 'he goes downhill', pa-wa'hiwa 'he attends a powwow', pekihkenawi 'to smithereens'. pepo-wi 'it is winter', pepye-wi (with negative): 'not at all, not the least bit'. pi-hpi-skapiwa 'he sits on something soft, springy', prhtawose-wa 'he puts on an extra blanket', pi-wa-hi 'bead', pi-yohkwi 'rotten wood' (used for tinder). saka'ki 'just barely', sasakaki 'just barely each time', se-saha-sowa 'he was put away in a safe place', si'nene-piteki 'at Cedar Rapids, Iowa'. sasawa-wi 'it is Umber', sasawene'wa 'he rubs him' (e.g., leather), sakohka'ni 'flint', sa-po-siwa 'he has loose bowels', sekihkanawe 'fifty'. tatakohamwa 'he weeds it, cleans it (area) up'. tahtapakwi 'leaf. tepatohacike-wa Al + O 'he relies on him, follows his advice and example'. teprhiwewa 'he reaches safety, refuge'; cf. tepihiwewa 'he pleases people'. tohkihewa 'he wakes him up'; cf. tohkiwa 'he wakes up'. wahpa'he-wa 'he disturbs his sleep'. wa-hkami 'neat, clear of debris'. wahkahikani 'surrounding protective barrier', wawiyeyawi 'it is round'. wawiswewa 'he singes him', wawitawi 'on both sides', wawitewa 'he calls his name' (imper. wa-wi'si). wa-wosa-hi, wa-wasahi 'unexpectedly; it would be unexpected', we-cinowatwi 'it is easy', we-pipokotowa 'he sets it adrift', wicawitiwaki 'they live together, are married', wiseniwa 'he eats', wisenimikatwi 'it eats', wrsasiwa 'he is anxious, restless', wisate-hewa 'he is fretting', wisawi (free particle) 'maybe'; (preverb) 'with great agita­ tion', wi-skopenwa, wiskopanwi 'he, it is sweet (to the taste)', witapime-wa 'he sits with him', wiwapitowa 'he wraps it and ties it', wiyatahewa 'he made him have a nightmare'. 180 IVES GODDARD

REFERENCES Bloomfield, Leonard 1925- Notes on the Fox Language [1 and II]. International Journal of Amer­ ican Linguistics 3:219-232, 4:181-219. [1925-1927] 1946 Algonquian. Pp. 85-129 in Linguistic Structures of Native America. Harry Hoijer et al. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology 6. New York: Viking Fund. 1962 The Menomini Language. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1984 Fox-English Lexicon. New Haven: Human Relations Area Files. [Chuck, C.H.] "Cha ki ta ko si" 1907 A Collection of Meskwaki Manuscripts. [Edited by Duren J.H.Ward] Iowa City: State Historical Society of Iowa. Cuoq, Jean-Andre 1886 Lexique de la langue algonquine. Montreal: J. Chapleau et fils. Goddard, Ives 1979 Delaware Verbal Morphology: A Descriptive and Comparative Study. New York: Garland. 1980 Eastern Algonquian as a Genetic Subgroup. Pp. 143-158 in Pa­ pers of the Eleventh Algonquian Conference. William Cowan, ed. Ottawa: Carleton University. 1981 Massachusett Phonology: A Preliminary Look. Pp. 57-105 in Papers of the Twelfth Algonquian Conference. William Cowan, ed. Ottawa: Carleton University. 1982 The Historical Phonology of Munsee. International Journal of Amer­ ican Linguistics 48:16-48. 1987a Leonard Bloomfield's Descriptive and Comparative Studies of Algon­ quian. Historiographia Linguistica 14:179-217. (= Leonard Bloomfield: Essays on his Life and Work. Robert A. Hall, Jr., ed. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.) 1987b Fox Participles. Pp. 105-118 in Native American Languages and Grammatical Typology. Paul D. Kroeber and Robert E. Moore, eds. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club. 1988 Stylistic Dialects in Fox Linguistic Change. Pp. 193-209 in Historical Dialectology. Jacek Fisiak, ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1990 Primary and Secondary Stem Derivation in Algonquian. Interna­ tional Journal of American Linguistics 56:449-483 Goddard, Ives, and Kathleen J. Bragdon 1988 Native Writings in Massachusett. 2 vols. Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society 185. Philadelphia. Ellis, C. Douglas 1983 Spoken Cree. Revised ed. Edmonton: Pica Pica Press. Jones, William 1906 An Algonquian Syllabary. Pp. 88-93 in Boas Anniversary Volume. New York: G.E. Stechert. FOX PHONOLOGY 181

1907 Fox Texts. American Ethnological Society Publications 1. Leiden: E.J. Brill for the American Ethnological Society. 1911 Algonquian (Fox). Pp. 735-873 in Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 40, Part 1. Washington. 1915 Kickapoo Tales. Translated by Truman Michelson. American Eth­ nological Society Publications 9. Leiden: E.J. Brill for the American Ethnological Society. Michelson, Truman 1921 The Owl Sacred Pack of the Fox Indians. Bureau of American Eth­ nology Bulletin 72. Washington. 1925 Accompanying Papers. Pp. 21-658 in Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report 40. Washington. 1929 Observations on the Thunder Dance of the Bear Gens of the Fox Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 89. Washington. Nichols, John D. 1980 Ojibwe morphology. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University. Siebert, Frank T., Jr. 1967 The Original Home of the Proto-Algonquian People. Pp. 13-47 in Contributions to Anthropology: Linguistics I (Algonquian). Na­ tional Museum of Canada Bulletin 214, Anthropological Series 78 Ottawa. Voorhis, Paul H. 1971 New Notes on the Mesquakie (Fox) Language. International Journal of American Linguistics 37:63-75. 1988 Kickapoo Vocabulary. Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics Memoir 6. Winnipeg.