Notes on Fox (Mesquakie) Inflection: Minor Modes and Incompletely Described Morphemes
IVES GODDARD Smithsonian Institution
The description of a language is a process rather than a single event. Although Fox must be counted as a rather fully known Algonquian language, it has a number of relatively rare inflectional morphemes that have not yet been described, beyond the brief notice of some in Goddard (1994:187-9). In this paper several of these are surveyed on the basis of evidence derived from texts written by native speakers. Except where noted, these forms have been confirmed during fieldwork on the Mesquakie Settlement, Tama County, Iowa, between 1990 and 1994.1
RARE AFFIXES Indefinite Possession Fox has a variety of ways to mark kinds of indefinite possession. Any noun can be marked explicitly for an indefinite person (X) as possessor by the affix combination o-inaw- (1-4). For example, oni-ca-pingwaki 'one's dolls' (1) is formed from ni-ca-pa 'doll', and oni-ca-nesinawaki 'one's children' (2) from onicanesani 'his child'.2 Often nouns inflected for indefinite possessor appear in sentences with verbs inflected for indefinite subject, marked in 1 and 2, for example, by |-k| (conjunct AI
The texts were written in the years 1911-26; they are in the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C, and most are unpublished. The writers' names are abbreviated as follows: C = Charley H. Chuck; GBC = George Black Cloud; JP = Joe Peters; K = Alfred Kiyana; S = Sakihtanohkweha' The manuscripts are referred to by coded titles following the hyphen; these codes are for future reference to the eventual editions of the manuscripts. Citations with no internal hyphen refer to anonymous manuscripts. Some forms have been cited from my principal field consultant, Adeline Wanatee (AW). 2 The indefinite-possessor form of owi-yawi 'his body, himself is the uniquely irregular owiyaninawi (26). NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 125
'X') and |-et| (conjunct TA 'X-3').3 When this occurs all the indefinite persons in the sentence co-refer to the same logical entity.
(1) i-ni=ma-hi we-ci-nahikwa-soki, that=after.all how-X.learns.to.sew4 e-h=kokwe-cikwa-sikawgci oni-ca-pingwaki. (Auto.4A-B) by.X.practicing.sewing.for.them X' s.dolls 'That's how one leams to sew, after all, by practicing sewing for one's dolls.'
(2) a-kwi ni-ske-nemecini oni-ca-nesinawaki e-h=ma-ne-heci. (K-WOLF.3) not X.thinks.them.a.burden X's.children when.X.has.a.lot.of.them 'One's children are not a burden when one has a lot.'
(3) owi-picinawani 'one's teeth' (K-MED.3) (cf. owi-pici 'his tooth')
(4) o-siseminawa 'one's grandchild' (K-MAE.1065) (cf. osisemani 'his grandchild')
As the examples show, indefinite possessor may be marked for non- dependent nouns (1), dependent nouns of relationship (mostly kin terms) (2, 4), and dependent nouns of intimate possession (mostly body-part terms) (3).5 The ending -inaw appears to be cognate with Massachusett |-9nyay| (Goddard and Bragdon 1988:491), which would reflect PEA *-Tnay < PA *-inay; this is used together with the third-person prefix |wa-| exactly like Fox o-inaw-: Massachusett (wunnaumoniin) /wanam^nayan/ 'a son', (wunnaumoniineuh) /wanam^naysny^h/ 'the son(s) (obv.)' {l-'snyahl <— |-9nyay-ah|). The discrepancy between the semivowels is unexplained,
3 Grammatical abbreviations: AI = animate intransitive; AN = animate; AST = assertive; AOR = aorist conjunct; CC = changed conjunct; CON = conclusive; DIM = diminutive; EMPH = emphatic; EXCLAM = exclamation; EXPL = expletive; FUT = future; HRSY = hearsay; IFP = independent future potential; INAN = inanimate; incl - inclusive; IND = independent indicative; INT = interrogative; ITER = iterative conjunct; loc.obl = locative oblique; NEG = negative conjunct; obi = oblique; OBV = obviative; pi = plural; POT = potential; PPL = participle; PRET = preterite; PRi = prioritive; PROX = proximate; REL - relational; SECOBJ = secondary object; sg = singular; SUBJ = subjunctive; TA = transitive animate; TI = transitive inanimate; VCBL = vocable. 4 In the interlinear glosses the hyphens (marking preverbs) and double hyphens (marking clitics and cliticization) correspond to those in the Fox examples; if a space is added in the interlinear before a double hyphen the following word is not an enclitic but a cliticized word, or at least a word causing elision like a clitic. 5 The terminology is taken from Bloomfield (1962:44). 126 IVES GODDARD
but another case in which Fox has w but other languages seem to point to PA *y is furnished by the following set of verbs: Fox awiwa AI 'he
is, stays (there)', awiwe-wa TA, awiwa TI3 'he has, gets him, it'; Massachusett (ayim), (ayum) /ayam/ Tilb (reshaped) 'he makes (him, it)'. It also may be germane that the pluralizing suffix for a first-person plural inclusive possessor was PA *-enaw (Goddard 1967:68). The indefinite category in Fox is often used with a reference similar to that of the firstplura l inclusive, particularly as a generalization, as in 1 where 'one' has the referential meaning 'we women'.6 In addition to the inflection for indefinite possessor, dependent nouns have unpossessed forms, which indicate no link to any definite or indefinite possessor (5-9). The inflections are different for body-part terms and kin terms. For body-part nouns either me- or the third-person o- may be used, without a sharp distinction, as in the following references to a buffalo tail on the same page of a text by Alfred Kiyana: (5) i-ni mesowa-nowi 'that tail' (K-BLI.20) (6) nekoti osowa-nowi 'one tail' (K-BLI.20) It is possible that Fox (like Menominee; Bloomfield 1962:128) once used me- on unpossessed nouns referring to human body parts (and other nouns of intimate possession) and o- for animal body parts, but in all attested forms of Fox me- is used optionally with some animal body parts (5) and obligatorily with others: mete-hi 'a (human or animal) heart' (cf. ote-hi 'his heart'). Although nowadays words for unpossessed human body parts are ordinarily cited with o-, very few forms of this kind are found in traditional texts. An isolated but consistent example is owi-si 'a (human or animal) head, his head', which has no form with m-.7 The Fox nouns of intimate possession other than body-part terms are suppletive to non-dependent nouns that are ordinarily not inflected for 6 Original indefinite-subject verb forms are used also for the first-plural inclusive in Blackfoot; in some Arapaho paradigms the PA indefinite-subject form is used for the first plural exclusive. 7 One writer, Sakihtanohkweha, uses owisehkwayani 'scalps' beside the usual misehkwayani; this form may be influenced by owisani 'heads, scalps', which she uses interchangeably and perhaps even more commonly with the same reference. NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 127 possession, and they make no unpossessed form: netaya 'my dog, horse, pef; ni-pi 'my arrow'; ni-ki 'my house'; nehkone-hi 'my blanket, robe'; neko-te-hi 'my skirt, dress'. The last two of these have non-productively derived non-possessed forms incorporating me-: mehkone-weni 'blanket, robe', meko-te-weni 'skirt, dress'. The unpossessed forms of kinship terms use the affix combination o-ema-w-: oni-ca-nesema-waki 'people's children': (7) o-ni=ki-na ka-tadce-ko-hi itahitama-ke-hkani and =you don't =anything (don't).ever.say.(so).about.people's oni-ca-nesema-waki. (K-AUT0.229B) people's.children "You must not say anything against anybody else's children." (tr. Ida Poweshiek)8 (8) a-ya-sehkote=meko-='ni e-h=anemi-owi-weti-wa-ci across.the.fire(?)=EMPH =then they.marry.each.other oni-ca-nesema-waki. (C-IW. HE) people's.children 'Then the children of one marry those of the other.' (9) ma-waci-osi-mema-waki (C-G.4M) of.all-younger.siblings 'the younger brothers' (refers to the two youngest of ten brothers) This formation is a passive agent noun made on a TA verb of possession (cf. Goddard 1990:472-3, exx. 107, 114). It has exact cognates in Menominee (Bloomfield 1962:44, 242, 337) and Cree (Lacombe 1874: 510). Verbal Affixes The verbal inflections of Fox have been described by Bloomfield (1927:191-219) and Voorhis (1971:67-70) on the basis of textual attestations and field data. The paradigmatic tables compiled by Goddard (1994:187-207) filled some of the remaining gaps. Citations for the most significant of the new forms in these tables and for an additional form confirmed subsequently are presented here. 81 quote some translations ("tr.") by bilingual native speakers; those by William Jones are published and the rest are in manuscripts written for Truman Michelson. 128 IVES GODDARD In the independent indicative the ending for the TA third-person passive, singular and plural, is -a-pi (replacing PA *-a-wa, *-a-waki; Goddard 1967:85, 90); the equivalent ending in the independent dubita tive is -a-petoke. There are endings for the obviative passive corresponding to these, which have the suffix -em added before the theme sign -a-: indicative -ema-pi (10, 11); dubitative -emapetoke (12): (10) wi-h=nesema-pi=ca-hi wi-h=o-sicini. (K-WAP.24E) X.will.kill.OBV=so OBV.that.PROX.will.have.as.father 'And the one who will be his father will be killed.' (11) anemi-mi-nemi-nema-pi9 owi-yawi. (K-MAE.218-219) X.kept.repeatedly.giving.(SEC.OBJ).to.OBV herself 'She kept being given away to them.' (12) wi-nadioci wi-h=te-pwe-htawoma-petoke he=of.course X.will.probably.believe.OBV wi-h=ketemina-kokwe-hini. (K-FC.75C) OBV.that.may.bless.PROX 'Of course, whoever blesses him will probably be believed.' The suffix -em is also used to mark obviative objects with non-third- person subjects in the conjunct, in both participles and nonparticipial forms, but the passives are the only forms in which this affix occurs outside the conjunct. Kickapoo uses this -em more widely in the independent (Voorhis 1974:66-68). The independent indicative has an ending -ekwipi used for inanimate acting on indefinite, as in this description of the water in Heaven: (13) kehke-nemekwipi e-si-natawe-netameki. (K-MAE.247) it.knows.about.X how.X.wants.it.to.be Tt knows how one wants it to be.' The ending -ekwipi is remarkable for being the only verbal inflection for an indefinite object, which is generally indicated by a detransitiving derivational affix (Goddard 1990:474-5).10 The explanation for this anomaly seems to be that the inanimate-subject forms have the structure of an AI verb paradigm made on a stem ending in -ekwi, with the notional 9 The form minemapi here has two-syllable reduplication (Goddard 1991:47-48) 10 A corresponding conjunct form would be expected, but it has not yet turned up. NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 129 object appearing as the "grammatical subject" that is marked by the inflection. The ending -ekwipi has the shape of the regular indefinite- subject suffix -pi added to an Ai stem ending in -ekwi. For obviative acting on first plural exclusive the conjunct ending normally used is the same as that used for a proximate subject: -iyameci. One example has turned up, however, of a special ending -iyamenici for obviative on exclusive: (14) na-hka netokima-mena-nani enekihkwisimiyamenici and our.chief/OBV as.many.as.OBV.has.of.us i-ni enekihkwi-natota-sakeci pema-tesiweni. (K-BHD.70) that the.extent.to.which.we.pray.to.PROX life 'And we pray to them for life for the full number of us that our chief is responsible for.' The shape of this ending is not unexpected, since it has a cognate in Kickapoo (Voorhis 1974:83-84). Similarly, for proximate or obviative acting on inclusive the ending -enakwe is commonly used, but there is a rare ending -emenakwe used alternatively for obviative on inclusive: (15) e-taswihemenakwe=meko keto-kima-mena-nani as.many.as.OBV.has.of.us=EMPH our.chief/OBV i-ni e-nekihkwimakwe, e-h=mama-tomakwe. (K-SSB.35C) that the.extent.we.say.to.PROX when.we.pray.to.PROX 'We pray to him for as many of us as our chief has.' This ending has no reported Kickapoo correspondent, but the appearance of the obviative affix -em before the fourth theme sign -en (< PA *-e9) has a parallel in Cree, e.g. |-emetahkoh| (|-em-et-ahkw-ih|) '3'—12' (Ellis 1971:90).n A general feature of the conjunct paradigms in Fox is that -enako-w, the suffix for first singular acting on second plural, cannot be followed by any further modal or participial suffix except the obligatory general 11 Because the Cree plain conjunct endings are historically those of the PA participle, Cree |-emetahkoh| '3-12' (|-em-et-ahkw-ih|) incorporates the obviative participial suffix |-ih| ( conjunct suffix -e (the variant of -i used after certain endings). Thus in contrast to the negative-iterative ending -enanini 'ls-2s', negative (16) and iterative (17) forms made with -enako-w 'ls-2p' do not add the usual ending -ini and are homonymous with the ordinary conjunct: (16) a-kwidce-hi, 'nekoti,' inenako-we. (K-FC.128C) not=and one I.tell.you.(pl).(so)/NEG T didn't tell you (pi.) one.' (17) nesisehaki ketene-nemenepw-apehe ne-wonako-we. (K-OKUT.31) my.uncles I.think.of.you.(pl).(so)=always whenever.I.see.you.(pl)/iTER "I regard you as my uncles when ever I see you." (tr. Horace Poweshiek) Other endings for first singular acting on second plural show irregularities or gaps in attestation. It is possible that the interrogative ending is -enowe-kwe-ni, as given in Goddard (1994:207), but this ending is shakily attested and has been both accepted and denied on different occasions: (18) sewe-na i-ni=mekoho wi-h=isawiye-kwe but that=EMPH what.will.happen.to.you.(pl) e-nenowe-kwe-ni=mekoho. (K-FC.249) what.I.told.you/lNT^EMPH "But the same shall happen to you as I have stated to you." (tr. Horace Poweshiek) Horace Poweshiek's translation of 18 on its face seems to indicate that he understood a form e-nenowe-kwe-ni to mean 'whatever I told you', but the context indicates that the (enenowekweni) of the text is a miswriting of (enenowakweni) e-nenowa-kwe-ni 'whatever they tell you'. The corresponding prohibitive ending -enaka-wa 'ls-2p' (not in Goddard 1994:199) was given with confidence in elicitation but has not yet shown up in a text. Jones (1911:824) gave the ending -enaka as used for first singular on second person, singular or plural, but -enaka-wa 'ls-2p' beside -enaka 'ls-2s' would have the expected shape compared to the corresponding potential endings; cf. potential -enaka-wa-hi, -enaka-wa-ha 'ls-2p' beside -enaka-ha 'ls-2s'. 12 I have seen one possible case of -enakowa, with the animate singular participial ending -a: inoki=mana kisi-nehtamonakowa manetowa 'the snake I have just killed for you (pi.)' (K-FASB.28). I interpret the final RARE MODES There are several rare modes in Fox that have not been described in the literature. The independent conclusive and independent assertive are not used as narrative modes and hence are only attested in texts as quoted speech, but they can both be confirmed today, though perhaps with fewer forms of the paradigm in colloquial use than previously. Both are highly marked, a characteristic that contributes further to their rarity. Conclusive Mode The conclusive mode of the independent order (19-28) states a definite conclusion reached by the speaker. The modal suffix is" basically |-ehapa(n-)|. Third-person proximate forms are by far the most common; they have lengthening of a preceding short vowel (19, 21-23, 25) and a proximate plural ending -iki (23-25). Nonthird-singular and indefinite-subject forms add a preceding p in the same forms that add p in the dubitative, giving \-pehapa (26), which shows vowel assimilation to -pahapa in Chuck's writings (27-28)." Nonthird-plural forms are not attested. (19) Si-', we-nah=ni-hka maneto-wi-hapa. (K-WAP.39F) Say! here.is=MlLD.EXPL he.is.a.manitou/CON "Why, for good gracious, he is in the nature of a Manitou." (tr. Thomas Brown) (20) o-ho-', i-nina-h=we-na. katawi-pye-hapa. (K-MMB.12N-0) I.see that.time=in.fact almost-she.comes.back/coN 'I see, so that's when (she left). Then she must be about to return.' (21) maci-na-tawino-ni='yo=wi-na=no-sa kehke-netamo-hapa. (B111E) bad-medicine=for=but =my.father he.knew.it/CON 'For it seems my father did have knowledge of an evil medicine.' (The speaker's father had told him about it.) (22) ke-htena=meko isikeno-hapa. (SAR.198) true=EMPH it.is.(so)/CON 'So that must be tme.' 13 The one attested form with \-pehapa (26) was read with long e-; I interpret this as a reading pronunciation. The dagger (t) indicates an attested element whose phonemic shape is conjectured. 132 IVES GODDARD (The speaker had been told it in a dream.) (23) sihihwi-', pe-hki=we-na ma-haki meskwahki-haki Gee.whiz really=in.fact these Mesquakies ki-sa-koci-=meko -sanasanakihetihapaniki. ... extremely-=EMPH -they.set.hard.tasks.for.each.other/CON we-nah =sanakato-hapa ayo-hi. (K-WAP.36E-F) here.is =it.is.difficult/CON here "For goodness sake! Why these Foxes have indeed a very hard way of treating each other, ... Why it is very hard down here." (tr. Thomas Brown) (24) we-nah=ma-haki ase=meko inohinowe-hapaniki here.is =these/ANpl just=EMPH they.keep.saying.(so)/CON e-h=nenehke-netamowa-ci omehtose-neniwiwenwa-wi. (K-B.105E-F) they.think.about.it/AOR their.life 'So here they are, just lying as regards thinking about their lives.' (What the manitou would conclude.) (25) we-nah=ye-hapa here.is=I.conclude ni-h=kehci-=no-ci -mi-htamimekohapaniki=no-ci. (GBC-TDB.63) they.will.greatly-=VCBL -vex.me.by.speech/CON=VCBL 'So now I am sure they shall vex me greatly!' (Traditional lament of the Great Manitou about people.) (26) tepinowe=koh=meko owi-yaninawi self=certainly=EMPH X's.self ki-sa-koci-ketema-kihtopehapa. (K-MAE.296-297) X.makes.it.extremely.miserable/CON 'One certainly makes one's own self as miserable as can be.' (27) we-nah=pe-hki=we- =meko keketemaheko-pahaoa. (C-HIST.33) here.is =really=in.fact=EMPH X.mistreats.you/CON 'Now it turns out after all that you are really mistreated.' (28) kasi', pehki=ca-h=meko nenahi-taneti-pahapg. (C-RP.2R) why! really=so=EMPH I.know.how.to.gamble/CON 'Why, it turns out I really do know how to gamble.' The attested forms of the conclusive parallel the corresponding forms of the dubitative. The conclusive has -hapa (with lengthening of a short NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 133 vowel) where the dubitative has -toke;H -hapaniki where the dubitative has -toke-hiki; and (originally) \-pehapa where the dubitative has -petoke. The conclusive reflects a Proto-Algonquian mode with an affix reconstructible as PA *-esan or *-esapan, which has reflexes in several languages (Cuoq 1886:445; Goddard 1979a:55-56, 148-152, 1979^:89, 111). In languages in which this affix has a temporal reference it marks an emphatic present or present perfective. Somehow, Fox replaced PA *s with h, probably by contamination from the diminutive, in which the same replacement occurred. The archaic Ojibwa reflex has or had -san (Cuoq <-zan» and inserts an m in the firstan d second singular on the same pattern as the Ojibwa dubitative; this m is cognate with the inserted p of Fox (< PA *-hm). According to Cuoq this mode in Nipissing Algonquin indicated likelihood or great probability. The affix PA *-esan (*-esapan) is reflected in the endings of other Fox modes outside the independent order. With conjunct endings, -ehe (-eha after kw, with contraction; cf. Kickapoo -eha) makes forms of the preterite mode, which Bloomfield (1927:193, 211-2) called the unreal mode. This mode is most commonly used as a marked preterite; its various modal uses are not distinguished suffixally, since normally no suffix may follow -ehe}5 Thus the common use of -ehe without initial change as a past subjunctive can be thought of as having the usual morphology of the subjunctive (no initial change; suffix -e) with the suffix -e dropped after the preterite -ehe. The only suffixes appearing after -ehe are in two participial forms in texts: inini wi-h=penonitehepaniye-ne 'the one (obv.) who was going to go home' (K-WLB.11F), wi-h=pye-to-tehepaniye-ne 'the ones (inan.) she was going to bring' (K-BHD.125). These show -ehepan followed by an obviative singular and inanimate plural ending reminiscent of the inflection of the 14 The lengthening of stem-final long vowels, as in dubitative manetowitoke 'he is probably a manitou' and conclusive manetowihapa 'it seems he must be a manitou', points to underlying or historical endings |-w-etoke(h-)| and |-w-ehapa(n-)|, with third- person |-w | and regular contraction. This lengthening was extended to forms with stem- final or theme-final consonants, which have -otoke, -ohapa rather than the expected *-otoke, *-ohapa from |-w-etoke(h-)|, |-w-ehapa(n-)| after a consonant (21-23, 25). 15 Dahlstrom (1994) surveys the uses of this mode and concludes that "the basic function of the Fox suffix -ehe is to mark past tense," but "it has also developed several irrealis functions." 134 IVES GODDARD absentative demonstrative: i-niye-ne 'that (obv. sg.), those (inan.) (absent or formerly mentioned)'.16 In the potential mode the suffix -ehe appears beside -(e)ha, -hi, -sa, and -pa, the last continuing PA *-(e)pan, the preterite suffix reflected in the Fox assertive mode. Assertive Mode The assertive mode of the independent order (29-36) indicates a strong assertion, a highly marked type of utterance in Fox, whose speakers are normally content to employ the vast resources the language provides for stating things indirectly. The modal affix is basically |-epan(i)|. The assertive is rarer than the conclusive, and fewer forms are attested. The third-person forms, the only ones recognized today, parallel those of the dubitative and the conclusive, with the same lengthening of preceding short vowels (29-34) and the same plural suffix -iki (33-34): (29) wi-na, wina wi-teko-wi-pani mehtose-neniwa. (K-0.16DE; song, normalized) he he he.is.an.owl/AST person 'The person has become an owl!' (30) sanakatopani e-site-he-yani. (K-OWTvI.5) it.is.hard/AST what.you.think.to.do 'What you intend is definitely hard.' (31) kemehtose-neniwiweni, 'a-wasi-me-hi wi-h=ahkwi-mehtose-neniwi-pani,' your.life more/DlM he.will.live.(so.far)/AST ketenenemene. (K-BENE.54—55) I.think.of.you 'As for your life, I wish it to go on further.' (32) we-pesihi-pgni. (AW90) he.is.crazy/AST 'He sure is crazy.' The same with exclamative intonation (Goddard 1991:161): we-pesi-hi-panei! (AW90) 'You know he's crazy!' 16 For Kiyana's i-niye-ne most speakers have i-niye-na; it is possible that the preterite participles have a corresponding variant. NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 135 (33) neponepo-hi-paniki na-no-sa-ciki. (K-OWM.28) 'they.repeatedly.die/AST those.who.give.birth 'Women do die in childbirth.' (34) we-pesi-hi-paniki. (AW90) they. are. crazy/AST 'They surely are crazy.' Two forms that must have the first-singular and second-plural affixes for the assertive mode are found in Chuck's writings (35-36), though they are not recognized today:17 (35) i-ni=mg-h=nesina-pgni, i-n=e-ya-nehe='yo-we. (C-RS.18S) that=you.see =I.said.(so)/AST that =what.I.said=in.the.past 'I told you so! That's what I said would happen.' (36) i-ni=ma-h=ki-na ketenenawapani wi-h=anemi-to-to-nakwe. (C-WH.17T) that=you.see =you I.told.you.(pl).(so)/AST what.he.would.do.to.us.(incl) 'See, I told you that's what he would do to us.' The endings -f-napani (35) and \-na-wa-pani (36) show the same pattern of the use of n-endings that is found in the Ojibwa preterite, which is cognate (Goddard 1979a: 148, 19796:89-90). The n-endings are objective endings, and the anomaly that these Fox and Ojibwa paradigms share is that objective endings are used even in forms that otherwise require absolute endings: the Ai paradigm and the you-and-me forms of the TA. The divergent uses in Fox and Ojibwa are bridged to some extent by the "exclamatory coloring" (Bloomfield 1962:52) of the Menominee preterite, which is cognate with both, though with formal differences. The existence of a Fox assertive mode with the same formal peculiarites as the Ojibwa preterite casts new light on the dialectal relationships between the two languages. In general the evolution of the independent order has proceeded in opposite directions in each, with Fox maximizing the use of absolute endings and Ojibwa maximizing the use of objective endings. But the Fox assertive forms must have developed 17 The vowel lengths are written conjecturally but with a high degree of certainty on the basis of comparative evidence. In the form in 36, the writer first wrote (ketenenewapani) and then changed the second (ne) to (na); a second occurrence of this form has (nene) uncorrected. 136 IVES GODDARD at a time when Fox had more objective paradigms than it does at present, and when the two languages were accordingly more similar. The parallelism of the formation of the dubitative, conclusive, and assertive modes extends also to a set of enclitic particles: =ye-toke 'perhaps, it seems, I suppose' (59, 70, 80, 81), =ye-hapa 'it turned out, it turns out, I conclude' (25), =ye-pani 'it's sure to be, I expect'. Similar to =yehapa is the sentence-initial particle keye-hapa 'it turned out, it turns out' (65), though the morphological pattern is unique. These enclitics appear to be archaisms, frozen forms of a disused verb; =ye-toke is securely reconstructive as a sentence enclitic (occurring after the first word of a clause): PA *ye-t(w)eke-n > Cree e-toke- T suppose, I don't know, I wonder', Ojibwa i-tok 'maybe, must be', Ottawa i-tik 'supposedly', Unami et 'maybe, I guess, I would conclude', and Munsee e-t, the last two by shortening or reanalysis from Proto-Delaware *e-tke-, which is directly reflected in Pidgin Delaware (aetticke) 'perhaps, but, rather' (Campanius 1696:146, 151), (etka) 'or; with (in lists)' (Thomas 1698). Prioritive Mode There is a mode of the interrogative order that I call the prioritive. It is restricted to use after two particles, or (in a single example) an initial identical to one of them. With the preverb me-hi 'yet' the prioritive forms 'before' clauses (37-48), which may be set in the future or in the past (contrast 39 and 40, from the same episode): (37) ma-maya-meko me-h-wi-senikwe e-h^ng-kwa-ci. (K-MLF.18P) early=EMPH vet-he.eats/PRl he.left 'Early in the morning, before eating, he left.' 18 From earlier *yet(w)eke-h. The status of word-final vowel length in Proto-Algonquian is uncertain. The apparent word-final long vowels in the absentative endings are clearly derived from the short vowels of the corresponding non-absentative endings, presumably by the addition of a consonantal element that was later lost (*-a-C > *-a-, *-i-C > *-e-). Evidence that this consonant was PA *h is the occurrence of PA *h word-finally in preverbs (Goddard 1993:224, n.%) and the alternation between -toke and -toke-h- in the Fox dubitative (see discussion after 28). NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 137 (38) me-h-=meko -owi-weti-wa-kwe (K-GF.12) yet-=EMPH -they.get.married/PRl 'before they even got married' (39) i-noki=ca-h=mani wg-pgke mamaya, me-h-=meko -keci-kwe ki-seswa, now=so=as.it.is tomorrow early, yet-=EMPH -he.emerges/PRl sun, ki-h=ca-ki-we-pesiha-pwa. (K-BH.6D-E) you.will.all.start.hunting 'So early tomorrow morning, before sunrise, you will all start hunting.' (40) kekimesi=meko neniwgki me-h-ki-si-keci-nikwe ki-seso-ni every.one=EMPH men yet-already-OBV.emerges/PRl sun/OBV e-h=ki-si-we-pi-si-sa-wa-ci. (K-BH.8A) they.had.started.hunting 'Every one of the men had already started hunting before the sun had risen.' (41) apinadce-h=mo-hci me-h-ong-pe-miwgne=meko even=and =even vet-you.(woman).are.married/PRl kepo-ni-ne-wone. (Auto. 144C) I.stopped.seeing.you T stopped seeing you even before you were married.' (42) me-h-=meko =mani -otehci-owi-weti-wakwe (K-MAE.809) yet-=EMPH=as.it.is -getting-we.are.married/PRI 'before we were even married' (43) me-h- =meko -mami-na-wi-nenohtowa-kwe ke-ko-hi isi (K-AUT0.288B) yet-=EMPH -in.detail-he.understands.him/PRI anything in.(that).way 'before he understood him at all completely. (44) me-h-=meko='pi pe-hki -kakano-neti-ha-wa-kwe (K-SSP.86) y_et-=EMPH=HRSY really -they.converse.with.her/PRl 'before they had a good talk with her' (45) me-h-=meko -ne-wa-wake (K-W0RDS.41) yet-=EMPH -I.see.him/PRI 'before I saw him' (46) me-h-=meko -ki-si-waca-hekokwe (K-FR.24) yet-=EMPH -already-OBV.cooks.for.him/PRl 'before they had finished cooking for him' 138 IVES GODDARD (47) me-h-=meko -acimohpke (K-WORDS.41)19 yet-=EMPH -X.informs.me/PRI 'before I was informed' (48) meh-=meko -kotatamowa-ne (K-WORDS.41) yet-=EMPH -I.taste.it/PRI 'before I tasted it' The endings mostly match those of the interrogative with final -e instead of -eni: (interrogative) wi-senikwe-ni 'he must have eaten', (prioritive) me-h-wi-senikwe 'before he ate' (37). The third plural has -wa-kwe where the interrogative has -kwe-hiki: (interrogative) wi-senikwe-hiki 'they must have eaten', (prioritive) me-h-wi-seniwa-kwe 'before they ate' (cf. 38). We may suspect that there are really two prioritive submodes, one without initial change used, like the subjunctive, for the future, and one with initial change used, like the changed conjunct, for the past. But the fact that initial change would be invisible on the long vowel of the preverb me-hi makes it impossible to verify whether or not it is present. Most examples are with intransitive verbs, especially in the third person, which are the forms that are most readily recognized today (39-43). TA and TI forms are also attested (43^17, 48). Alfred Kiyana wrote out a whole page of prioritive forms in his marvelous collection of hard words, but unfortunately they all seem to be first singulars (e.g. 45, 47, 48). This use of the prioritive has an exact cognate in Unami Delaware, in which the isomorphic form is the changed subjunctive negative: ne-sko e-p-i-k-we 'before he was' (Goddard 1979a:56, 100). The morpheme-by- morpheme gloss of such expressions meaning 'before' is still recoverable synchronically in Delaware as 'when not yet'. This must have been the original gloss of the 'before' expressions in Fox as well, which can thus be seen to preserve indirectly the original negative meaning of the suffix -w of the interrogative order. With the particle and initial metwi(-) 'for too long (?)' (variant meto; 53) the prioritive makes exclamatory expressions of impatience, almost always in the third person, with meanings like 'it's about time!' or 'why not yet!'. One second-person form is attested, used by the ogre Rolling- 19 This form could not be confirmed, and the long l\-l is conjectured on the basis of the corresponding interrogative, e.g. acimohikeni T must have been told'. NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 139 Skull to his wife (53). In most examples the action referred to is desir able, and metwi appears as a particle without initial change (as repeatedly confirmed) immediately followed by the preverb pwa-wi 'not' (49-53). In some cases the idiomatic negative enclitic =ihi (Goddard 1994:53) is also present (50), but in others it would be realized as zero (49, 51-53).20 (49) metwi-pwa • wi-p ya -kwe. keteko-pi. (K-FISH.169) too.long-not-he.comes/PRi X.says.about.you 'They say they're impatient for you to come.' (paraphrasing Ida Poweshiek) (50) metwi-pwa-wi-='hi='yo -pasekwi-wa-kwe. (K-MAE.729) too.long-not-=not=for -they.get.up/PRi "Why are they so long in getting up?" (tr. Horace Poweshiek) (51) metwi-pwa-wi- =ni-hka ma-haki -mi-na-wa-pama-wa-kwe too.long-not-=MlLD.EXPL these -they.realize.about.them/PRl apeno-hahi. (K-FC.672) children/OBV "Why, it is about time these people should realize about the children." (tr. Thomas Brown) (52) si', metwi-pwa-wi- =ni-hka -kehke-netamowa-kwe. (K-B.172I) Say! too.long-not-=MILD.EXPL -they.know.them/PRI 'Say, don't they know them yet!' (53) metopwa-wi- =ni-hka -ki-si-penaha-hkwa-wane. (S-APAY.12H)21 too.long.not-=MILD.EXPL -already-you.comb.your.hair/PRl 'Haven't you finished combing your hair yet!' In one example metwi- is an initial having initial change (twice con firmed), there is no preverb pwa-wi 'not', and the reference is to an action whose cessation is desired: 10 =ihi is realized as ='hi before enclitics beginning with i, as ='h before enclitics beginning with w or y, and otherwise as zero; where it would be completely elided reanalysis has typically occurred, and expressions with and without it may have the same meaning. 21 I assume that for Sakihtanohkweha metwi-pwa-wi had been reanalyzed as a single word metopwa-wi (confirmed for me as lacking initial change). Not only did she not write a word-divider in (metopwawinika) and write (meto) rather than (metwi), but if (pwawi) here were simply the usual negative preverb this would be the only place where she wrote it in its older form (pwawi) rather that as (pawi). 140 IVES GODDARD (54) nahi', me-twitanekokwe metemoha. (Jones 1907:358.8-9) Well, she.works.too.long/PRi old.woman "Well, what makes the old woman so long at her work?" (tr. William Jones) The lack of initial change in 49-53 could be because metwi (or meto) is (or was originally) a free particle and the initial change is present but invisible on the preverb pwa-wi, but it is more likely that metwi is a preverb and the lack of initial change correlates with the presence of the negative particles and the reference to desirable as opposed to undesirable action. This analysis is supported by the fact that metwi appears as a preverb in independent indicative future constructions: (55) ki-h =metwi-='h =we-na -pwa-wi-kwi-natawi-'sinawe-ha-waki. (K-EGC.34) FUT.2=too.long-=not=after.all -not-troubled-you.make.them.feel.(so)/lND 'It's about time you stopped being mean to them.' This has the two negative particles and refers to undesirable action; per haps the opposite meaning of 50 reflects the apparent original negative function of the the interrogative -w (see above). Other similar express ions have metwi with the potential and reduplicated metwimetwi with the potential or with a future aorist complement. The use of these highly idiomatic expressions requires further study. Future Potential What is here called the future potential is an archaic and extremely rare mode of the independent order, attested only by two parallel third- plural Ai forms appearing in a traditional mythic utterance: (56) nye-wokonakatenikini aya-pami wi-h=pya-na-wa-hi='vo-we it.is.four.days/lTER back FUT=they.come/lFP=formerly pa-hkenamawiyanehe, you.open.the.door.for.me/SUBJ.PRET wi-h=a-pi-ci-pa-na-wa-hi='yo-we. (JP-MORTI.20I-21A;22 cf. K-W.732) FUT=they.come.back.from.the.dead/lFP=formerly 'If you had opened the door for me, they would have been going to come back after four days, they would have been going to come back from the dead.' This utterance, fractionally quoted at the memorial feast (ci-pe-hkohkwe-weni) 22 Cf. the edition of Michelson (1925:480.14-15). NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 141 and attested in very similar form from Joe Peters and Alfred Kiyana,23 is what Ayapahteha says to his older brother, the culture hero Wisahkeha, after he has been allowed to return from the dead by the manitous that murdered him and Wisahkeha has refused to open the door for him. It refers to the human race, at a time when the conditions of future human existence were still in the process of being laid down. The inflection appears to show a third-person n-ending, which is completely unparalleled in Fox.24 Descriptively there is no pronominal prefix, but the future preverb wi-h= may incorporate the historically expected third-person prefix, which is not found in Fox. The sequence of pluralizer -wa- + modal suffix -hi is also found in the potential ending -enaka-wa-hi 'ls-2p'. The appearance of a third-person rc-ending in the Ai is reminiscent of the Eastern Algonquian subordinative and the Menominee negative, but the Fox forms are main-clause verbs, not complements. Imprecative The evidence for a rare mode used in wishes or prayers that have the force of curses has been discussed elsewhere (Goddard 1993a:232-3). RELATIONAL FORMS Fox has traces of relational forms like the relational forms of Cree and Ojibwa (Ellis 1971:87, 94; Wolfart 1973:60-61; Nichols 1980: 221- 7). The attested endings are for first-singular and, especially, indefinite subjects in the modes of the conjunct, potential, and interrogative orders:25 Conjunct (plain conjunct and inan. sg. or obi. participle). Al -waki 'Is', -weci 'X'. TI, -amowaki 'ls-0', -amoweci 'X-0'. 23 Sam Peters, the younger brother of Joe Peters by one year, garbles the endings (SP-MORTB.19; Michelson 1925:390.37-39). 24 Cf. Ojibwa owapantanawapan 'they had seen it'. 25 The Fox relational forms that have been noted in the literature have been treated as alternative indefinite-subject forms, "perhaps... impl[ying] a plurality of actors" (Bloomfield 1927:204-210, esp. 206), or as forms made on derived TA stems (Bloomfield in Goddard 1994:90). The similarity of the AI ending -weci to the Cree relational was pointed out to me by Amy Dahlstrom. The use of the term "relative" in Goddard (1994:188) was an inadvertent echo of Lacombe's relatif. 142 IVES GODDARD TI2 -o-weci 'X-0'. TA -iweci 'X-ls'. Potential. TI2 -o-wene-ha 'X-0'. Interrogative (and inan. sg., obi., or obv. participle). AI -wa-te-ni 'X'. TI, -amowa-te-ni 'X-0'. TI2 -o-wa-te-ni 'X-0'. TA -a-wa-te-ni 'X-3', -ema-wa-te-hini 'X-3' (obv. sg.)'. Prioritive. AI -wa-te 'X'. The relational forms are used when there is an animate third person present in the discourse in some way but with no grammatical role in the clause. The third person that triggers the relational inflection is most often the subject of a higher verb (57-59, 62) or other main-clause verb (64, 66, 68, 69, 73-75, 77-78), but it may be a possessor (67) or a nominal adjunct (65, 70), or even only pragmatically present (60-61, 63, 71, 72, 76). The examples illustrate various types of triggers and various modes: Conjunct (plain, subjunctive, iterative, preterite, and participial endings). AI (57) ni-h=kehke-nemekwa e-h =katawi-nepo-hiwaki ni-hka-na. (K-B.10D)26 he.will.know.about.me almost-I.die/REL/AOR my.friend 'My friend should know that I am about to die.' (58) e-h=kehke-nemici e-h =maneto-wiwaki we-ci-'nowe-ci. (K-B.208P) he.knows.about.me/AOR I.am.manitou/REL/AOR the.reason.why.he.says.(so) 'The reason he said that is that he knows that I have manitou power.' (59) si-', na-hina-h=ni-hka=ye-toke tohka-na ke-hke-nemici Say! the.time=MlLD.EXPL=probably Tohkan he.knows.about.me/CC e-h=awi-hiwaki. (K-AUT0.131H) I.live.(there).DlM/REL/PPL(loc.obl) 'Say, it seems Tohkan27 now knows where I live.' 26 The relational ending here was edited out by Michelson (1925:50.20); in the manuscript of the phonetic text, in which the relational form appears as correctly dictated by Harry Lincoln, Michelson crossed out the ending with the explanation "error of AK." 27 For the use of this term, see Goddard (1991:162, n.6). NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 143 (60) ta=tike=ma-haki, anehki-hi wi-h=apo-sowakehe. (Jones 1907:294.11) EXCLAM=EXPL=these a.little FUT=I.roast.for.myself/REL/AOR.PRET 'Confound them! I was going to roast a little for myself.' (Wisahkeha cursing at the wolves for eating up the whole deer.) (61) ta=tike=mana maci-metemo-ha. neka-htwihekwa. EXCLAM=EXPL=this bad-old.woman she.caused.me.grief/lND wi-h=menwi-wi-seniwakeh. (ms. to Jones 1907:292.10-11)28 FUT=good-I.eat.a.meal/REL/AOR.PRET 'Confound this good-for-nothing old woman! She has caused me grief. I was going to have a good meal.' (Wisahkeha cursing his grandmother for releasing his turkeys.) (62) e-h=tasi-hka-soci wi-h=pehtawe-weci. (K-SGG.239) he.keeps.trying/AOR FUT=X.makes.a.fire/REL/AOR 'He kept trying to have a fire made.' (63) pehkwiki-hi e-h=kekapiweci. (S-WSW.19S) war.club X.sits.having.it/REL/AOR 'A war-club was in hand on the sidelines.' (A threat to the dancer.) (64) i-ni='pi a-mi-'sawiwa-ci i-ni isawiwete. (K-0.53D) that=HRSY POT-they.do.(so)/PPL(obl) that X.does.(so)/REL/suBJ 'That's what they would do if that was done.' (65) keye-hapa e-hoteneti-wetehe mahkate-hahi. (K-IFSB.4E) it.turns.out X.fought.because.of.(that)/REL/AOR.PRET blacks/OBV Tt turns out there was a war because of the blacks.' (66) okiwa-wani='pi e-h=se-skesi-hinici nahi-ni-miniwani their.mother/OBV=HRSY when.OBV.was.a.maiden know.how-OBV.dances ki-ke-nowecini. (K-TG.1C) X.holds.a.clan.feast/REL/ITER 'When their mother was a maiden she used to dance regularly whenever there was a clan feast.' TI, (67) e-h=pwa-wi-=meko wi-nwa-wa ke-ko-hi -isi-mesotamoweci not-=EMPH they.EMPH anything -(so)-X.hits.them.with.a.shot/REL/AOR owi-kewa-wani. (K-SSB.50D) their.houses 'Their houses were not hit by the shots at all.' 28 In the manuscript -keh (for /-kehe/) is written (-ge); in the publication this is (-ge>. 144 IVES GODDARD (68) ahkanani='pi si-kwatamowecini bones=HRSY X.discards.it.after.eating/REL/PPL(INANpl) e-h=na-nona-no-hkatamowa-ci. (K-MBT.3D) they.repeatedly.chew.on.them.again/AOR 'They gnawed the discarded bones.' TI2 (69) e-h=we-pi-wi-ke-ciseto-nici begin-OBV.sets.it.carefully/AOR i-ni e-nemi-pye-to-weci. (K-B.119B) that continue.on-X.brings.it/REL/PPL(lNANsg) 'They (obv.) began to carefully set out what was brought.' TA (70) i-ni=ye-toke no-sa that=probably my.father ami-'si-=mekoho -menwito-tawiweci. (K-FC.349) POT-(so)-=EMPH -X.treats.me.well/REL/PPL(obl) T suppose that for my father that would be kind treatment for me.' Potential. TI2 (71) ca-kiweto-wene-ha=meko. (K-MORTE.6A) X.takes.all.of.it/REL/POT=EMPH 'Everything (of his) would be taken.' Interrogative (plain, participial, and prioritive endings). AI (72) ki-ke-nowa-te-ni='pi tepehki. (K-SGG.89) X.holds.a.clan.feast/REL/lNT=HRSY at.night 'A clan feast was apparently being held at night.' (73) e-si-=mekoho -neskiti-wa-te-ni (so)-=EMPH -X.forbid.each.other/REL/lNT.PPL(obl) i-ni wi-h=anemi-isawici. (K-FC.256) that FUT=go.on-he.does.(so)/PPL(obl) 'He can just go on doing whatever is forbidden.' NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 145 AI (74) me-h-=meko ke-ko-hi -inowe-wa-te. yet-=EMPH anything -X.says.(so)/REL/PRl nekoti neniwa e-h-pemi-pasekwi-ci. (K-W.476) one man proceeding-he.gets.up/AOR "Before anything was said, one man began to get up." (tr. Horace Poweshiek)29 TI, (75) e-h=pwa-wi-nenohtaki not-he.understands.it/AOR 'si-si-kwanani' e-tamowa-te-ni. (K-B.166J) gourds X.calls.it.(so)/REL/lNT.PPL(lNANsg)30 'He didn't understand what it was that was called "gourds".' TI2 (76) we-kone-h=a-mi-askwiweto-wa-te-ni. (K-M0RTE.6B) what? =POT-X.saves.it.from.taking/REL/lNT.PPL(lNANsg) 'WTiat would be saved from being taken?' TA (77) a-kwi=na-hkaci e-na-wa-te-ni not=also X.tells.him.to.do.(so)/REL/lNT.ppL(obl) wi-h=pasi-=meko -isawicini. (K-OBES.111-112) FUT=at.all-=EMPH -he.does.(so)/NEG 'Also, he won't do anything he's told.' (78) nano-skwe e-h=nana-twe-we-ma-wa-ci blindly they.keep.seeking.him.by.wailing/AOR 'maneto-wa' e-nema-wa-te-hini. (K-M0RTC.6B) manitou X.calls.OBV.(so)/REL/lNT.PPL(OBVsg) 'They blindly wailed for whoever was called 'manitou'. The relational endings have more or less the shapes expected from the cognate formations elsewhere, consisting of a -w followed by the usual endings for the TA direct. After a consonant-final theme -ow is added, as in Ojibwa, resulting in TI, forms with -amow (67, 68, 75); this contrasts 29 The ending -wate is recognized today only as a third plural subjunctive, but Horace Poweshiek's translation shows that he took it as an indefinite-subject form. 30 Quite possibly this form is the interrogative participle for both singular and plural inanimate heads; no distinct plural form is attested. 146 IVES GODDARD with Cree, which has -amw. In the indefinite-subject forms of the interrogative order the sequence -a-t (representing |-a-w-et|) is the regular outcome of PA *-a-w-ent (uncontracted in Cree -a-wiht and Ojibwa -a-wint): nesa-te-ni 'he must have been killed'. The sequence -wa-t in the indefinite-subject relational forms (|-w-a-w-et|; 72-78) is only fortuitously homophonous with the third plural conjunct -wa-t (|-wa-t |). The -w of the relational cannot be analyzed synchronically as a TA secondary final, not only because of the restricted distribution of the forms but also because the -w follows the diminutive suffix -hi (57, 59) and the TA theme signs (70, 77-78), giving sequences that are inconsistent with an analysis of these endings as containing a TA stem formative. Fox is remarkable for having relational forms made from TA stems (70, 77-78). These forms, for which I have found no parallels in Cree or Ojibwa, have extended the pattern from the AI and TI by a type of morphological contamination (Goddard 1993Z?).31 As a result, what was historically the TA direct theme sign -a- appears twice, before and after the w. NON-EXISTENT MODES This is a good opportunity to point out that three rare modes that have been suggested in the literature do not in fact exist. Michelson (1925:615) described an 'as-soon-as' mode, which appears to have ordinary conjunct personal endings suffixed by the -e-ni of the interrogative. These forms are actually interrogative indefinite-subj ect relational forms (like 72) or ordinary subjunctives in -e followed by a cliticized i-ni 'that, then' that introduces the apodosis: (79) ki-si-ca-ki-pya-wa-te- ='ni wi-h=a-cimohaci. (SAR.125D) already-all-they.come/SUBJ =then FUT=you(sg).instruct.them/AOR 'After they all have come, you shall instruct them.' The i-ni is cliticized to the last word in the protasis but goes syntactically 31 The explanation in Goddard (1993ft) was written in 1989, before I had recognized the Fox relational forms and understood their formation. The explanation given there of the origin of the AI and TI relational forms is wrong, but the explanation of the analogical creation of the TA forms can be retained, mutatis mutandis. NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 147 with the apodosis that follows. The sentence fits the usual template of equational sentences in which the second half of the equation is introduced by a demonstrative of the i-ni series (e.g. 14, 15, 73). A literal translation would be: 'After they all have come (is) then when you will instruct them.' A sort of independent negative, having the future preverb but a past meaning, was identified by Michelson (1929:62, 1930:40, 16) in several parallel passages in the writings of George Black Cloud. Actually the supposed suffix of this mode is a sequence of three enclitic particles: =ihi 'not' + =we-(na) 'after all, in fact, rather' + =ke-hi 'and, but'. Although the use of the particles is idiomatic, only ordinary independent indicative verbal forms are involved: (80) i-nina-h=ca-h=no-ci=ye-toke nano-skwe^wi-na=no-ci at.that.time=so=vCBL=perhaps blindly=vcBL=VCBL e-h=ki-we-we-kihto-wa-tehe. they.went.about.wailing/AOR.PRET wi.-h=kehke-neme-waki='h=we- =ke-hi FUT=they.know.about.OBV/lND=not=after.all=and i-h=pemi-'napinikwe-ni. (GBC-TDB.75; Michelson 1929:52.20-22) FUT=in.sequence-OBV.sit.(so)/lNT.PPL(obl) 'So at that time it seems they went about wailing in random directions. After all, how would they know where they (the manitous) would be!' (81) i-nina-h=ye-toke ... nano-skwe at.that.time=perhaps blindly e-hfd-wi-inahinate-motehe. he.went.about.wailing.(so)/AOR.PRET wi-h=kehke-neme-wa='h=we-=ke-hi=no-ci FUT=he.knows.about.OBV/lND=not=after.all=and=VCBL pe-mi-'napinikwe-ni maneto-wahi. (GBC-BDB.81) in.sequence-OBV.sit.(so)/lNT.PPL(obl) manitous/OBV 'At that time it seems ... he went about wailing in random directions. After all, how would he know where the manitous were!' The -wa before the enclitics in (81) is present in George Black Cloud's manuscript but missing in Michelson's text (1930:30.17-18), which has (wrke'kanemawa'gai peminapi'nigwani manetowa'1.). Apparently a voiceless pronunciation of the final a before the following h resulted in 148 IVES GODDARD the omission of wa from Michelson's phonetic transcription and helped to obscure the identity of the form.32 The supposed endingless imperative that I suggested might be present in several apparent bare-stem forms used as imperatives (Goddard 1993a:221) does not exist. These forms are prefixless independent indicatives, in some cases to be taken as having an omitted future preverb incorporating the pronominal prefix (nih= 'FUT.l', ki-h= 'FUT.2'). Although some have an imperative or exhortative flavor, others do not (85, 86). They are found in songs (82, 84, 85), exclamatory remarks (83), and baby talk (86): (82) yo-, mani wi-seni nina. (K-O.24; song, normalized) VCBL now eat I 'Now I shall eat.'33 (83) pa-pi-cinihkisa. pa-pi-cinihkisa. (K-W.1002)34 '(I will) fall in the hole! (I will) fall in the hole!' (84) pena, wa-pata kesowa-nowi. (Jones 1907:110.20, 111, song) you'd.better (you.will).look.at.it your.tail 'You'd better look at your tail.' (85) nesiwe-nemene neteko-ki ayo-hdcoh=nenoso-ke+e+e | I.fear.you/IND they.say.to.me/lND here=certainly =buffalos nesiwe-nemeko-ki. (K-GBUFF.138, song) they. fear. (me)/lND 'The buffalos here tell me they fear me — they fear me.' (86) to-to-ha, ano-se, kosa-wa. (K-SGG.77) 'Bogeyman, daddy, I 'fraid of him.' Cases like those in examples 85 and 86, which have independent indicative endings but no prefixes, point to the correct analysis of forms 2 The fact that the -wa is absent from one of the three other examples of this expression found in Black Cloud's manuscripts raises the slight possibility that the syncopated form had some validity, but Adeline Wanatee does not accept such forms. In 80 the manuscript and the edition agree. 13 The context does not require an imperative, as I earlier assumed. It is rather that the singers sing songs appropriate for the invited guests, or in this case the ceremonial attendant (Michelson 1921:23, n.9). 34 Wisahkeha's exhortation to himself to fall into the top of a hollow tree as he plunges to earth after being dropped by the Thunderer tahoweha. NOTES ON FOX INFLECTION 149 of this type. In 85 nesiwe-nemene must be for kenesiwe-nemene T fear you', and the context requires that nesiwe-nemeko-ki must be for nenesiwe-nemeko-ki 'they fear me'. In 86 kosa-wa is obviously for nekosa-wa 'I'm afraid of him'. Given this clear pattern, and analyzing the endingless forms the same way, wi-seni (82) can be taken to be for ni-h^wi-seni T shall eat', pa-pi-cinihkisa (83) for ni-h=pa-pi-cinihkisa T will fall in the hole', and wa-pata (84) for kih=wapata 'you should look at it'. This analysis was suggested and rejected for 82 for lack of supporting examples (Goddard 1993a:221), but the supporting examples are now at hand. REFERENCES Bloomfield, Leonard. 1962. The Menomini language. New Haven: Yale University Press. Campanius, Johannes. 1696. Lutheri catechismus ofwersatt pa american-virginiske spraket. Stockholm: Burchardi. Facsimile edition: Martin Luther's Little Catechism, translated into Algonquian Indian. Stockholm: Ivar Hseggstrom and Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1937. Cuoq, Jean-Andre. 1886. Lexique de la langue algonquine. Montreal: J. Chapleau & fils. Dahlstrom, Amy. 1994. Irrealis in Fox. 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