PROCEEDING OF

International Conference on Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Organized by Shan State Buddhist University

Generously Supported by Ayeyarwady Foundation

Hotel Max, Nay Pyi Taw,

25-26 November 2017 (2561 BE)

Proceeding of the International Conference on Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary To mark the 53rd Birthday Anniversary of Ven. Prof. Dr. K. Dhammasami, DPhil (Oxford) (Founder of Shan State Buddhist University, SSBU), Taunggyi, Shan State, Myanmar 25-26 November 2017 (2561 BE), Hotel Max, Nay Pyi Taw

Disclaimer The responsibility for the information and views expressed in articles lies solely with the authors. This publication does not constitute any abridgement, alteration and edition made by the organizing committee of the International conference on Tipitaka Studies or Shan State Buddhist University.

Generously sponsored by: This Publication is generosity sponsored by Daw Shwe Ou, Shwe Ou Yar Su Thit Gold Smith, and , Myanmar

Published by: The Organizing Committee of the International Conference on Tipita Studies, Shan State Buddhist University, Taunggyi.

Printed by: By Aunag Pan Phyu Offset, Taunggyi, Shan State, Myanmar

Cover Design by: Jao Janinda Kun Hein

Layout by: Nanasamilankara & Ven.Kumara, Shan State Buddhist University

CONTENTS

1. Ven. Prof. M. Wijithadhamma: Tipitaka Studies in Oriental (Prācīna) Examinations of the Oriental Studies Society of 1 2. Prof. Ratna Wijetunge: How Tipitaka is Studied Academically In Universities in Sri Lanka10 3. Prof. Mattia Salvini: Chanting the : a didactic tool for modern universities 16 4. Dr. Aleix Ruiz-Falqués: Grammar from a Historical Perspective 5. Dr. Pyi Phyo Kyaw: A Forgotten Culture of Research in the 19th-20th century Myanmar: Burmese and their works 30 6. Prof Ravindra Panth: Relevance of Pali Tipitaka Today and its Studies in India 31 7. Ashin Saraṇ a: Tipiṭ aka Studies Outside Myanmar 38 8. Ven. Prof. Dr. Park Cheonghwan (Chongdok): Monastic Training System of the Jogye Order of Korean 47 9. Ven. Beopjin: Tree and Leaf the forms of canon and their cultural evolutions In Buddhist worlds 57 10. Ven. Prof. Bhiksuni Dr. Shi Zhiru: Master Yinshun (1906–2005) and His Method of Studying the with the Dharma 61 11. Ven. Bhiksuni Dr. Shi Zhihui: Master Yinshun (1906-2005) and Reading the Chinese Tripiṭ aka in the Changing Times of Modern China 72 12. Ven. Bhikshu Nigrodha: Traditional and Contemporary Studies of Tipitaka in 87 13. Ven.Yonten Gyeltshen: Buddhist Cannon Preserved in the Buddhism 101 14. Ven. Hor Hong: Tipiṭ aka Studies in : A Historical Perspective 111 15. Ven. Sem Chhunly (Sobhito): Tipitaka Studies in Cambodia from the Past To French Colonization 120 16. Prof. Dr. Banjob Bannaruji: The Structure of Tipitaka: Grouping and Relation 140

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18. Ven. U Nyeyyabhivamsa: Monastic Education and Examination In Myanmar* 149 19. Ven. Tipitaka Sayadaw U Gandhamalanlankara: Tipitakadhara Examination in Myanmar* 168 20. Ven. Sayadaw Dr.Kumara: Pakhokku Method of Studying Tipitaka* 202 21. Ven.Sirikancana: Teaching and Learning Five Nikayas or Tipitaka 208

* Paper in Burmese, otherwise all are in English

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Tipitaka Studies in Oriental (Prācīna) Examinations of the Oriental Studies Society of Sri Lanka

Ven.Prof. M. Wijithadhamma (PhD)1 Professor in Pali, Head/Dept. Pali and , University of Sri Jayewardenepura, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka

Abstract

The Oriental Studies Society of Sri Lanka is one of the oldest learned societies in Sri Lanka with a history of over 115 years. It was established on July 24, 1902 by S. M. Borose who was holding the Post of Director, Department of Public Instructions (which later became the Department of Education) with the co-operating of eminent scholars who lived at that stage. The above statement reflects the honour and respect and the innermost feelings of Borose towards the significance exhibited in the academic studies in oriented languages in the Pirivena Educational Institutes at that time and the fact that the Society was capable, through the immense dedication and intuition of the teachers led by the priests in charge of the Institutions in uplifting education system relating to oriental studies in them. Thus the Oriental Studies Society of Sri Lanka was established as a state institution, controlled by the Department of Education for the purpose of improving Pirivena educational institutions and the educational system leading to language studies implemented within them under state sponsorship. The Post of Patron of the Society, which was established and conducted as a State Institution was throughout held by the Head of State in our country. The society offers three examinations in oriental languages i.e. Sinhala, Pali and . The examinations are named as Prācīna examinations which consist of three levels Prārambha, Madhyama and Avasāna respectively. These examinations are conducted by the Department of Examinations, Sri Lanka. The final examination is considered to be equivalent to any other first degree examinations conducted by any subject area.

1 Email: [email protected]

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Tipita Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

As at present the curriculum is composed of Tipiṭaka studies, Sri Lankan History, Tarka and Nyāna, Prakrit in addition to the key subjects of Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit. Mahākkhandhaka Mahāvaggapāli, Brāhmaṇa Saṃyutta, and first ten vaggas of the are studied in the Prācīna Praāambha examination while Mahādukkhakkhandha, Alagaddūpama, Rathavinītha, Piyajātika and Indriyabhāvanā suttas of the Majjhimanikāya are studied for Prācīna Madhyama. Brahmajāla, Kuṭadanta and Mahānidāna suttas of Dīghanikāya and Pārāyana vagga of Suttanipāta are learnt for Prācīna Avasāna examination. Abhidhamma is covered from the Abhidhammatthasaṅgaha; a popular manual of Abhidhamma. Teachers use traditional and modern methods when they teach this curriculum. Prācīna education system has been developed on the basis of some basic principles. This education gave emphasis on the moral, mental and physical development and also to divert the students towards the rules and guide them to follow it. The main stress was given to have a clear idea of Tipiṭaka which consists of Sutta Pitaka, Pitaka and Abhidhamma Pitaka. The entire Tipiṭaka consists of Buddha's teachings, message, philosophy and rules for the and Bhikkhunis. The curriculum was chiefly spiritual in nature.

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Tipita Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Tipitaka Studies in Oriental (Prācīna) Examinations of the Oriental Studies Society of Sri Lanka

The Buddha is renowned as an accomplished teacher, and his sole purpose was to propagate the truth of life as he understood it. The Ariyapariyesana Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya (Collection of middle-length discourses) explicitly indicates that through the dissemination of his doctrine, he strove for the well-being of all living creatures. While it is apparent in the literature that the Buddha considered education to be a noble cause, he advocated teaching only what is necessary—in the Ambalatthika- rahulovada Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya, he advises his son Rahula to learn only such matters as will be beneficial for the betterment of himself and society. In this regard, the Buddha considered discipline to be a prerequisite for education, which he viewed as a process in which parents, the clergy, and students should participate equally. This resulted in a tradition of education that produced the early Buddhist universities in India and the Pirivena institutes in Sri Lanka, which served both monastic and Buddhist lay students. To achieve the levels of required discipline, the Pirivena students were placed directly under the head monk throughout their education. As dictated in the Vinaya Pitaka of the Tipitaka, monks are bound by 220 precepts, which include being awake before the head monk, cleaning the premises, taking care of the older monks, and generally conducting themselves respectably when interacting with both their fellow monks and ordinary members of society. The lay students were expected to behave and conduct themselves under the directions of the head monk. The teachers, on the other hand, were to guide the students with correct discipline and knowledge, as well as being sensitive to the students’ needs. For example, the Culagosinga Sutta of the Majjhima Nikayastates that the Buddha forbade teaching when a student was hungry. Such rules given by the Buddha himself are followed in the Pirivena system of education to this day. Sri Lanka’s Pirivena system of education pre-dates the 16th-century missionary education introduced by the colonial invaders by around 1,400 years. The term “Pirivena” is the Sinhalese variant of the Pali word “Parivena,” which means the living quarters or the official residence of Buddhist monks according to the (Path of purification), written in Sri Lanka by the Indian monk Buddhagosha in around 430, the term implies that the living quarters are “large-scale.” The Chinese monk-pilgrim (337–422) states in his travelogue that he visited

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Tipita Studies: Traditional and Contemporary the first Pirivenas of Sri Lanka the and Abhayagirivihara, within the Kingdom of (337 BCE–1017 CE) and indicates that they housed around 3,000 and 5,000 Buddhist monks, respectively. These facts notwithstanding, Pirivena is primarily regarded as a tradition of education that is esteemed for its quality, its contribution to society, and its historical value. The Pirivena tradition dates back to the 1st century CE, when the Mahavihara and Abhayagirivihara were commissioned through royal patronage. Other Pirivena institutes were created throughout the island during the rule of successive kings. The Sri Lankan rulers and the Sangha (monastic) community considered the education of both monks and lay people within a to be of utmost importance. The resulting Pirivena education significantly assisted in the propagation of Buddhism not only locally, but also overseas. As Buddhism declined in India, Buddhist universities like also deteriorated, and the traditional form of education soon died out there. However, despite numerous Indian invasions, Pirivena education prevailed in Sri Lanka over the centuries. The syllabus for both monastics and lay people was originally separated into two streams: the “Suta” part included such subjects as languages, religion, philosophy, history, economics, and geography, while the “Sippa” included skills such as agriculture, astrology, and carpentry. Sri Lanka was subject to colonial invasions from 1505 onwards, when the Portuguese arrived on the shores of the Kotte Kingdom (1415–1565). Following the conversion of King (r. 1551–97) to Christianity, the royal support for Buddhist education ceased. With the ensuing destruction of temples and Pirivena structures, together with the associated traditions, the Pirivena education system saw a rapid decline in Sri Lanka’s coastal areas. The Portuguese, Dutch, and English invasions resulted in a constant relocation of kingdoms within Sri Lanka, and this constant shift in the center of power led to the traditional Pirivena and Sangha residences being forced to move as well. However, the Pirivena education in the Kingdom of Kandy (1469–1815) continued to function as the region resisted the invasions until its fall to the British in 1815. Even at such times of upheaval, the Sangha community worked towards continuing the Pirivena system where possible. Currently, there are three levels of Pirivena in Sri Lanka, serving both monks and lay people. At primary (mulika) level they offer five years of education, during which the students are taught six subjects—Pali, Sanskrit, Sinhala, English,Tipitaka studies and Mathematics—followed by an examination enabling them to study at the senior (maha) Pirivena. At the senior level the students continue the six subjects they studied at primary level, with additional studies in subjects like

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Tipita Studies: Traditional and Contemporary philosophy, the history of religions, linguistics, Ayurveda, and astrology. It is intended that with this advanced knowledge, the Pirivena students will be able to gain entrance to university-level Piriven institutes. The Piriven Vidyayathana, or affiliated higher educational Pirivenas, were first recognized by an act of Sri Lankan government in 1957, and in accordance with this act, in 1959 the Vidyodaya and Vidyalankara Pirivenas of Colombo were given university status. At present, there are 794 Pirivenas on the island, serving a student community of approximately 62,000. The Pirivena students are trained for three examination conducted by the Oriental Studies Society of Sri Lanka annually. The Oriental Studies Society of Sri Lanka is one of the oldest learned societies in Sri Lanka with a history of over 115 years. It was established on July 24, 1902 by S. M. Borose who was holding the Post of Director, Department of Public Instructions (which later became the Department of Education) with the co-operating of eminent scholars who lived at that stage. The under mentioned extract of the speech made by S. M. Borose on the occasion of the inaugural ceremony of the Society on the above date will provide us with an understanding of the back-ground which paved its way for the establishment of the Society. "I was able to grasp an understanding of the Pirivena Educational Institutes on the occasions when I had the privilege of touring various parts of this country. I find that these Institutes had been established in order to provide studies in Sanskrit, Pali and classical Sinhala. Those who study in these Institutions are elders. This Educational system which originated as a result of an honest endeavor with a to acquire self prosperity, has been expanded to a great extent. I believe that this Academic service being performed by oriental scholars in various aspects should be streamlined under one General Syllabus and thereby fulfil the noble aspirations in the field of Education, by adapting the previous components embodied in this Educational process made to run as one unique system." The above statement reflects the honour and respect and the innermost feelings of Borose towards the significance exhibited in the academic studies in oriented languages in the Pirivena Educational Institutes at that time and the fact that the Society was capable, through the immense dedication and intuition of the teachers led by the priests in charge of the Institutions in uplifting education system relating to oriental studies in them.

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Tipita Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Most Venerable high priests in our country, namely, Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Nayaka , Ratmalane Sri Dhammarama Nayaka Thero, Waskaduwe Sri Subhoothi Nayaka Thero, Heiyantuduwe Sri Dewamitta Thero, Madugalle Siddhartha Thero, Mahagoda Gnanissara Thero, Thelwatte Seelananda Thero, who were the pioneers of the Classical Educational system in Sri Lanka were in the fore front of this inaugural meeting. Reverend Fathers F. A. Edirisinghe and C. W. de Silva who were leading scholars of oriental languages were also present then. From among the distinguished local scholars who excelled in their knowledge in oriental languages, C. W. Fernando, J. G. C. Mendis, D. B. Jayatillake, A. Mendis Gunasekera, A. Simon Silva and D. S. Dissanayake also participated for this meeting. Newspaper editors representing the journalists in our country, namely were J. Karunaratne (Sandaress) C. Don Bastian (Daily News) G. H. Perera (Dinakara) C. M. Silva (Sarasaviya) A. J. Wickremasinghe (Shat Bhasa) attended this memorable meeting. As government officers, Gate Mudaliyar W. S. Gunawardane, translator of languages of the education department being led by S. M. Borose, Director of Education was present at this meeting. Thus the Oriental Studies Society of Sri Lanka was established as a state institution, controlled by the Department of Education for the purpose of improving Pirivena educational institutions and the educational system leading to language studies implemented within them under state sponsorship. The Post of Patron of the Society, which was established and conducted as a State Institution was throughout held by the Head of State in our country. The society offers three examinations in oriental languages i.e. Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit. The examinations are named as Prācīna examinations which consist of three levels Prārambha, Madhyama and Avasāna respectively. These examinations are conducted by the Department of Examinations, Sri Lanka. The final examination is considered to be equivalent to any other first degree examinations conducted by any subject area. The extensive knowledge in oriental languages possessed by Pracheena Pandit Degree Holders was utilised for the benefit of a handful of students who endeavored to absorb local expertise each as Indigenous medicine, Astrology etc. when they were engaged in studies in Pirivena Educational Institutes. The need of utilizing the massive knowledge in oriental languages for the development of General National Education system was strongly felt in the middle part of the 20th Century. As a result of drawing the kind attention of late Dr. Wijayananda Dahanayake, the then Minister of Education towards this aspect, with the intervention of the Society

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Tipita Studies: Traditional and Contemporary in June 1958 a Cabinet Memorandum dated 13.11.1958 was forwarded which created an opportunity to get the salaries and privileges of Pracheena Pandit Graduates to be equal to those of General Art Degree holders and thereby an opportunity was provided for Pracheena Pandit Degree Holders to utilize their services for the prosperity of the General Education system with this approval, 134 Pracheena Pandit Degree holders were granted teaching appointments in Government Central Colleges in year 1959. It should be mentioned that there was a new change in the education in oriental language system. This group was successful in the act of improving their student community, as individuals endowed with love for their language by using their knowledge for literary creations and inquisition and being engaged in a deeper study of oriental fundamental on inquisition which is used for prudence and clarity of the language with the possession of a massive knowledge in the field of grammar. Pursuant to the submission of a Cabinet Memorandum by the late His Excellency R. Premadasa in his capacity as the Minister of Education, on 02 May, 1991 for grant of Government appointments holders of the Pracheena Pandit Degree by accepting the Degree as equivalent to the General Arts Degree issued from Universities along with equivalent salary scales and privileges, the Public Administration Ministry Circular No. 1/543/E552D/V of 20th June 1994 was issued. As such the Government is bound to accept that the General Arts Degree from a University and the Pracheena Pandit Degree are of equal recognition and that the holders of Pracheena Pandit Degrees are treated as eligible for employment purposes and they should be provided with equal salary scales and privileges. The 'Grantha Visharada' Degree Project is yet another Educational Section of the Society. A member of the Society or a Sannasa holding Pandit Graduate will be allowed to undergo these studies. The function assigned to the student will be to get prior approval from the society in respect of an academic field and to compile a book with his own ideals established by indicating investigative and the critical facts based on them and to submit it to the Society. Those Pandits who successfully complete the Project will be honoured by the award of title 'Grantha Visharada' along with a 'Sannasa' certificate. This Project is made statutory from year 1928. Another academic service conducted by the Society is the Journal of Oriental Studies Society. It is recorded that the first issue of this Journal comprised one article written by Rev. Suriyagoda Sumangala Thero under the title 'Asoka Great King', in year 1918. The second issue of this publication was a well organized Journal carrying 16 articles published in year 1919 being edited by Mudaliyar Mendis Gunasekera and

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Tipita Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Mr. W. A. Samarasekera, Inspector of Pirivenas. The journal of the 2001 was launched last year. The initiative of this academic journal is to bring the large number of research these written by eminent scholars of the island to the access of these who are badly in need of them. Editing and publication of rare classical books is yet another academic field implemented by the Society. During the past decade, the Project was implemented with the assistance extended by the Sinhala Department of the University of Colombo. Under this programm books like, 'Sikha Walanda', and 'Sikha Walanda Vinisa' 'Saddharmalankaraya', 'Sanskrit Shadbarnawaya', Saddharmaratnawaliya' were printed and released. Arrangements have been made to print 'Amawatura'. While respecting the efforts made by eminent scholars headed by Prof. M. B. Ariyapala, Prof. G. Hemapala Wijewardane, it is expected that these books will fulfill the aspirations of those who study them. As at present the curriculum is composed of Tipiṭaka studies, Sri Lankan History, Tarka and Nyāna, Prakrit in addition to the key subjects of Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit. Mahākkhandhaka Mahāvaggapāli, Brāhmaṇa Saṃyutta, and first ten vaggas of the Dhammapada are studied in the Prācīna Praāambha examination while Mahādukkhakkhandha, Alagaddūpama, Rathavinītha, Piyajātika and Indriyabhāvanā suttas of the Majjhimanikāya are studied for Prācīna Madhyama. Brahmajāla, Kuṭadanta and Mahānidāna suttas of Dīghanikāya and Pārāyana vagga of Suttanipāta are learnt for Prācīna Avasāna examination. Abhidhamma is covered from the Abhidhammatthasaṅgaha; a popular manual of Abhidhamma. Teachers use traditional and modern methods when they teach this curriculum. Prācīna education system has been developed on the basis of some basic principles. This education gave emphasis on the moral, mental and physical development and also to divert the students towards the Sangha rules and guide them to follow it. The main stress was given to have a clear idea of Tipiṭaka which consists of Sutta Pitaka, Vinaya Pitaka and Abhidhamma Pitaka. The entire Tipiṭaka consists of Buddha's teachings, message, philosophy and rules for the Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis. The curriculum was chiefly spiritual in nature.

References

Adhikari, A. 1993. Sri Lankawe sambhavya adhyapanaya ha maha sangana [The intellectual education of Sri Lanka and the Buddhist Sangha]. Colombo: Sri Dhara Publishers.

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Tipita Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Bandaranayake, S. D. 2009. Sinhalese Monastic Architecture: The Viharas of Anuradhapura. New Delhi: Orient Blackswan.

International Buddhist College. 2014. History of Buddhist Education: Convocation Address by Professor Prasert Na Nagara, the First Chairman of IBC Council. Accessed 8 December 2014. http://ibc.ac.th/en/news/history-buddhist-education- convocation-address-professor-prasert-na-nagara-first-chairman-ibc.

Jothipala, G. 1988. Piriven adhyapanaye 100 wasaka maga salakunu [One hundred years of Piriven education]. Sri Lanka: Salinda Publishers.

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How Tipitaka is Studied Academically in Universities In Sri Lanka

By Ratna Wijetunge, Professor and Dean of the Faculty of Buddhist Sources, Nagananda International Institute for Buddhist Studies (NIIBS), Sri Lanka

Abstract The aim of my research paper is to elucidate the contemporary facts related to Tipitaka Studies prevailing in the universities in Sri Lanka and to compare the present state of affairs with the traditional Tipitaka studies existed in the past. The gradual expansion of Tipitaka studies at present in relation to other social sciences and thereby its deviation from traditional approach also will be considered. Finally the strategies that may help to preserve the academic quality of Tipitaka studies will be enumerated. Tipitaka studies are carried out in nine universities and one postgraduate institute of the country. They are SIBA (Sri Lanka International Buddhist Academy), Peradeniya, Nagananda, Kelaniya, Jayewardenepura, Colombo, Ruhuna, Buddhist and Pali, Buddhasravaka Bhiksu and Postgraduate Institute of Pali and Buddhist Studies. Tipitaka studies in these institutions are combined with. Pali language. In addition some institutions conduct academic programmes in relation to three major streams, namely Pali language, Tiptaka studies and Buddhist culture. A detailed outline related to these areas and relevant academic courses will be included in the full paper. An important fact which should be included in relation to Tipitaka studies is the addition of courses on Buddhism. Courses such as Buddhist history, monastic institutions, Buddhist rites and ceremonies, Buddhist counseling and psychology, Buddhist arts and architecture, Buddhism and environment and Buddhist culture and Ayurveda are taught in these institutions. Thus the expansion of Tipitaka studies into various course units and the reasons for such changes are worth considering. This can be considered as an attempt to study the surface structure of Buddhism rather than its deep values or as a strategy for finding occupations in the job market. In conclusion I would like to focus on the variety of issues related to modern Tipitaka studies of the university education while comparing it with the traditional Buddhist studies in Sri Lanka.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

How Tipitaka is Studied Academically in Universities In Sri Lanka

Introduction The aim of my research paper is to elucidate the contemporary facts related to Tipitaka Studies prevailing in the universities in Sri Lanka and to compare the present state of affairs with the traditional Tipitaka studies existed in the past. The gradual expansion of Tipitaka studies at present in relation to other social sciences and thereby its deviation from traditional approach also will be considered. Finally the strategies that may help to preserve the academic quality of Tipitaka studies will be enumerated. Universities in the past paid attention to teach Tipitaka texts together with Pali language for the undergraduate students. . Students who studied Tipita knew Pali language thoroughly and vice versa. Investigations and research on the basis of various aspects of Tipitaka were done on the postgraduate level when students are pursuing their studies for M.A, MPhil. and PhD degrees. I would like to provide evidence to prove the state of transition associated with Tipitaka studies in all universities and postgraduate institutions of Sri Lanka. Tipitaka studies in Sri Lankan universities Tipitaka studies are carried out in nine universities and one postgraduate institute of the country. They are, Peradeniya, Kelaniya, ,Jayewardenepura, Ruhuna Colombo, Buddhasravaka Bhiksu, Buddhist and Pali, Postgraduate Institute of Pali and Buddhist Studies, Nagananda and SIBA (Sri Lanka International Buddhist Academy). Tipitaka studies in these institutions are combined with. Pali language. In addition some institutions conduct academic programmes in relation to three major streams, namely Pali language, Tiptaka studies and Buddhist culture. Peradeniya The Department of Pali and Buddhist Studies of the University of Peradeniya offers Buddhist history, social and political philosophy, , , early Buddhist monastic institutions, rites and ceremonies in Buddhism, contemporary Buddhism, expansion of Buddhism in South East Asia, Buddhism in contemporary Sri

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Lanka.This Department conducts two undergraduate programmes in two subject areas, Pali and Buddhist studies. Kelaniya Pali and Buddhist study Department of Kelaniya University offers three groups of courses such as Pali, and Buddhist Culture. for the student Academic courses include Pali, Tipitaka studies, psychotherapy, human resource management, preaching skills, personality development, Mahayana Buddhist thought, contemporary views on Buddhism, Tantric Buddhism, Buddhist art, Buddhist concept of ceremonies, Buddhism and environment , Buddhist culture and Ayurveda etc. Thus the Kelaniya University has multi-faceted approach in teaching Buddhism. In addition to Triptaka and Pali studies the Department introduces Mahayana and Tantrayana, Ayurveda and other secular courses within the curriculum. Sri Jayewardenepura Academic programmme related to Buddhism in the Department of Pali and Buddhist Studies of the University of Sri Jayewardenepura is similar to that of the other universities in the island. It includes Buddhism, Pali, meditation and character development, Buddhist medicine, Bhanaka tradition, Mahayana Buddhist culture, Buddhist social philosophy, Buddhist art, Buddhist aesthetics and comparative study of Buddhism etc. This Department also includes three degree programs for the undergraduate student, namely Pali, Buddhist philosophy and Buddhist civilization. Ruhuna Department of Buddhist studies of the University of Ruhuna offers undergraguate courses related to three streams, Buddhist culture, Buddhist philosophy and Pali. Some of the courses taught in this Department include concept of Buddhist culture, Buddhist social philosophy, Pali, evolution of Buddhist schools, and social philosophy, Sri Lankan Buddhist culture, Mahayana Buddhism, Buddhist festivals and rights, Buddhist aesthetic philosophy, Buddhist management and Buddhist jurisprudence etc. Buddhist studies unit, Colombo Buddhist Studies Unit of the University of Colombo offers undergraduate courses under two streams, namely Buddhist studies and Pali. Some of the courses taught in this Unit include Buddhist thought, spread of Buddhism, Buddhist social philosophy, Buddhist art and architecture, Buddhist ethics and political thought, concept of emptiness, Buddhist culture, Buddhist tradition and scholarship in the West, Yogacara school, Buddhist epistemology, world religions, gender and Buddhism, Buddhism and current social problems and Pali etc.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Buddhasravaka Bhiksu Buddhasravaka Bhiksu University of Sri Lanka has two faculties dealing with Buddhist studies, One of them is Department of Buddhist and Pali Studies and the other Practical Buddhist Studies. Department of Buddhist and Pali studies offer courses related to Pali, Buddhist philosophy and culture. Department of Practical Buddhist Studies deals with the practical aspects of Buddhism. Buddhist and Pali Buddhist and Pali University which has been established specially for Buddhist studies has two faculties, Faculty of Buddhist Studies and Faculty of Language Studies. The Faculty of Buddist Studies offers courses related to archaeology, Buddhist culture, Buddhist philosophy, religious studies and comparative philosophy. Pali is included as one of the languages in addition to Sanskrit, English, Sinhala, Hindi and Tamil in the Faculty of Language studies. The academic programmes included in these two faculties are similar to the other universities. Postgraduate Institute of Pali and Buddhist Studies The Postgraduate Institute of Pali and Buddhist Studies of the University of Kelaniya conducts two postgraduate programmes known as Postgraduate Diploma in Buddhist studies and Master of Arts in Buddhist Studies. Candidates are expected to offer four courses such as The Indian Religious Background and Emegence of Buddhism, Basic Doctrines of , Buddhist Social Philosophy and Buddhist Culture: An Outline Study, for the Postgraduate Diploma Programme. The following courses are offered for the Master of Arts in Buddhist Studies: Buddhist Doctrines of the Pali Nikayas,: Analysis and Interpretation, Abhdhamma: Origin and Development, Controversial Doctrines in the Abhidharma Tradition, Origin of Mahayana and Earliest Mahayana , the Buddhist Vinaya and the Monastic organization, Buddhist Art and articheture, Buddhist Psychotherapy etc. This Institute consists of three departments, namely Buddhist sources, Buddhist culture and Buddhist philosophy. Nagananda Nagananda International Institute for Buddhist Studies, a newly established institute for Buddhist studies includes five faculties such as the Faculty of Practical and Applied Buddhism, Faculty of Buddhist Ayurvedic systems, of Medicine, Faculty of Graduate Studies, Faculty of Early Buddhist Sources and Faculty of Buddhist Philosophy. SIBA

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

The Department of Pali and Buddhist studies of the SIBA University in Kandy includes Pali language together with some texts from Tipitaka. In addition numerous peripheral courses such as Background of Buddhism, Buddhist leadership, Meditation practice, Mind culture, World religions, Buddhist social and political philosophy, Engage Buddhism, Buddhist ethics and leadership, Mahayana Buddhism, Buddhist history, Buddhist institutions and organizations, Expansion of Buddhism, Buddhist psychology and counseling, Buddhist art and Buddhist positive thinking are included. The Department offers undergraduate programmes on Buddhist leadership, Pali, Buddhist studies, Counseling and psychology. Thus the deep knowledge of Tipitaka is almost disappearing from the society. Tipitaka studies in all universities in Sri Lanka can be categorized into three strams: Pali, Buddhist culture/civilization and Buddhist philosophy. This has been given rise for producing pursuing their studies in Buddhist culture/civilization or Buddhist philosophy without a modicum of knowledge in Pali language. Reasons for the innovation These changes in the Buddhist education in universities can be attributed to several crucial reasons, such as administrative, monitory and social demands. The university administration expects candidates to complete their undergraduate programmes within a period of three or four years. Candidates need to take the final examination and complete the degree. Therefore they need to pay more attention to complete the degree by studying only prescribed texts or class notes than obtaining a comprehensive knowledge on the subject. The newly introduced credit system to universities made this situation more complicated. The university graduates expect to find employments for living as soon as they are graduated. Thus the universities are compelled to change the academic curriculum by adding different employable courses related to the job market. Thus they must have begun to add courses related to society, culture, administration, psychology, psychotherapy, counseling, law and comparative religion etc. to attract students. The university administration began to change their courses on Buddhism due to the social needs since the candidates like to select courses by considering it relevance to the different aspecst of society. This happened almost in all faculties but drastically affected the faculties of humanities and social sciences. Conclusion As the foregoing information illustrates Tipitaka studies in universities of Sri Lanka have innovated new concepts associated with psychology, psychotherapy, Ayurveda, medicine, Mahayana, Vajrayana, Tantrayana, comparative religion, law, management and political science etc. This change can be considered as a clear evidence for the

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary deviation of Tipitaka studies from the traditional approach. Traditional approach to Tipitaka studies constituted listening, reading, understanding, analysis, commentary refeference and memory of the Sutta, Vinaya and Abhidhamma Pitaka texts. Buddhist scholars bearing the titles of Tipitakadhara, Vinayadhara, Abhidhammika, Bhanaka etc. are not to be seen under the present system of university education. Thus a vacuum of Buddhist scholars was created in the country. To overcome this drawback the university authorities must reconsider the present state of affairs in the Tipitaka education. Traditional Tipitaka education can be reestablished with the consultation, advice and assistance of the erudite Buddhist monks and lay people with advanced knowledge in Buddhism.

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Chanting the Abhidharma: a didactic tool for modern universities

Mattia Salvini, PhD (SOAS), Director, PhD Program in Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Social Science & Humanities Department of Humanities, Mahidol University mahābalo jñānasamādhidanto yaḥ pañjaraṁ janmamayaṁ vidārya | viveśa nirvr̥ tyaṭavīṁ praśāntāṁ taṁ śāstr̥ nāgaṁ śirasā namāmi || Yaśomitra

Over the years, I have consistently adopted features of traditional instruction during classes on Buddhist Studies. I shall here focus on a very specific method, i.e. group chanting, discussing its benefits for the academic study of Buddhism. Introduction The academic setting of Buddhist Studies suffers from two undesirable constraints: a European intellectual pedigree and the general lack of independence (and relevance) of the humanities. These two features are undesirable because they are constraints; they are adopted without much critical reflection, and often without any other choice being considered. They result from the history of modern universities, and from a type of institutional thinking that that may not be prioritizing knowledge. There is no reason to prefer knowledge and methods that have a European to those that do not; nor is any reason usually offered for doing so. The situation has improved, over the years, in terms of the content of what is studied: for example, philosophy departments around the world are increasingly aware of the existence of non-European philosophical traditions. The imbalance, however, has not improved in terms of didactic methods; not much from non-European traditions is integrated in the didactics of modern universities. This is true, sadly, even when the subject taught does not come from Europe, and it includes the way Buddhism is taught in modern universities. Most regrettably, this is also true, to the best of my knowledge, for most universities in Asia, whose didactic framework is recognizably European (and/or North American) in origin and nature. Alternative approaches do exist. It is possible to integrate within a university setting didactic methods that could be broadly speaking called “traditional”; I am

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary increasingly appreciating the benefits of doing so. I will focus on one such method, i.e. group chanting of Buddhist philosophical texts, to explain how it brings perceptible benefits to the students, and how it creates a better learning environment. Chanting a root text in its original language gives a much better feel for its idiom and content. More specifically: i t helps students to focus; it helps understanding the text, its nature, and intended context ; it helps retaining key points of the text; it fosters the ability to perform effective revision; it greatly improves linguistic skills. All of this can be achieved with a very small effort: in a class of about four hours, I would usually include no more than 10 -30 minutes of chanting. For example, while teaching the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, I start the class by chanting the root verses. Focus Lack of focus, exacerbated by the constant use of the internet, is a growing concern for most educators. It affects the ability to absorb complex thought, and should most definitely worry us if we decide to teach Buddhist philosophy, which requires sustained reflection even when absorbing its most basic features. The 10-15 minutes of Abhidharmakośakārikā chanting help the students’ focus in several ways. First, by starting the class in this manner, students become more attentive even during the time that follows the chanting. Secondly, whatever they may be able to remember of the root text will function as a readily available mental template for reflection on the text, either during the class, or at other times during the day: it will help them to follow the explanation. Thus, chanting helps students focus during the shorter period of the actual class, and encourages them to focus on a specific philosophical text over a relatively long period of time, i.e. at least the few months of duration of a course. Understanding the text: content, nature, and context Not all texts are texts in the same sense, or for the same purpose. Buddhist philosophical root texts, such as the Abhidharmakośakārikā, are texts primarily in the sense of sounds, and for the purpose of being memorized as abbreviated outlines of longer expositions (such as what we find in the auto-commentary, the Bhāṣya). While one may or may not agree with the philosophical content of the texts one studies, it is obvious to me that learning a text through a didactic method that is in harmony with the structure of the text will facilitate comprehension. Long term memory I owe a better understanding of the didactics of memory to my exposure to what we could call the “Chanting the Classics” movement, by which I am referring to a wide group of (very successful) related educational associations devoted to the revival of

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary classical Chinese learning. In particular, I must thank Wenli Academy, starting from Prof. Wang and Dr Mei Isaacson, for providing a very effective didactic example. One of the points I was convinced of is that it is best not to ask students to memorize, but rather ask them to chant a text for a significant amount of repetitions. For the process to favour long-term memory, this should be a sufficiently long section (i.e. not just one or two verses). Students may eventually forget the text if not revising; yet some of the main points will remain more easily accessible. In case of the Abhidharmakośakārikā, remembering the first chapter means having a dictionary of fundamental definitions, applicable to most of Buddhist philosophy expressed in Sanskrit. It means having the tools to understand abbreviated references and hints; Buddhist authors expect readers to have memorized lists basic definitions, such as the aggregates, bases and entrances, etc. Revision The structure of Sanskrit philosophical root-texts is meant to facilitate an effective and quick revision of a broader content, expressed in the commentaries. Thus, if students learn the content of the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, Chapter 1, they will be able to revise it effectively by chanting the corresponding kārikās and bringing back to mind the content. Whenever they may forget the meaning and broader context of a specific text, they may consult the commentary once again. This process allows students to better understand the structure of the text, and in particular the precise relationship between the various initial mentions (uddeśa) and their further explanatory expansions (nirdeśa), which in turn can be treated as initial mentions for more detailed expansion, and so forth. Revising the text in this manner also helps with the first point, i.e. understanding its nature and content, and the rationale behind its structure. Linguistic skills I believe that one of the greatest didactic flaws in teaching Sanskrit is making students over reliant on dictionaries. Terms are best learnt in context, not in isolation, and it is therefore preferable to have students learn entire sentences or verses rather than single words to be matched with a (dubiously) appropriate English counterpart. The purpose should be to have students read Sanskrit, acquiring a feel for the language comparable to their feel for their native languages. They should not solve Sanskrit sentences as a riddle of sorts, to be then thought through in English. Thus, group chanting is an effective didactic tool to avoid such shortcomings, even in terms of acquiring basic linguistic skills and a sense of familiarity with the language.

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Conclusions The university system within which we teach Buddhist Studies is clearly of European origin, and didactic ideas from the European/American tradition still hold great influence throughout the world. The way courses are structured, the methods of assess ment, the way rankings are created, all reinforce this irrational dominance of a small part of human culture over the rest. This unfortunate situation need not be perpetuated. Asian universities teaching Buddhist Studies may start forming their own alternative networks, a more balanced space to reflect on the most effective didactics for the field, and not shying away from employing tools that may come from and rather than from Aristotle and St Thomas. This is not to say that tools from other traditions should be discarded in principle, but rather that they should not be preferred a priori. Even among those tools, I would think that textual studies should remain the most important, so as to offer a reasonable basis for any other types of research, protecting the field from the constant risk of succumbing to a superficial form of interdisciplinarity. Buddhist context is often treated as no more than a backdrop for discussing purely non-Buddhist intellectual concerns. It is in textual studies alone that I find an approach compatible with and empathic to the Buddhist tradition, a point that upcoming Buddhist universities should consider and perhaps on occasion discuss together. As a practical advice, I venture to recommend lecturers in Buddhist Studies to try the following experiment: when teaching a course, select at least 10 or 20 verses (in a Buddhist language such as Pāli, Sanskrit, Tibetan or Chinese) for group chanting. The group chanting will take only about 10 or 15 minutes, offering a precious glimpse into the traditional transmission of Buddhist knowledge. Universities should be a space for serene and open-ended discussion and research. If they in principle refuse to employ didactic tools of non-European descent, they adopt a clear-cut stance about the irrelevance of non-European culture. This becomes paradoxical in the context of Buddhist Studies, since one would then be studying something already deemed irrelevant or, at best, very marginal. To foster an open-ended and non-prejudiced attitude towards the content of what we study, we should be open to incorporate didactic elementsthat are in harmony with its context. In the case of Buddhist philosophical root texts, chanting is the clearest and easiest way to connect to that context. When studying a page of musical notation, it may be wise to hear its performance; when studying the Abhidharmakośakārikā, it may be wise to chant it.

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Pali Grammar from a Historical Perspective

Aleix Ruiz-Falqués Research Associate, Department of Pali and Buddhist Studies, Savitribai Phule University of Pune [email protected]

ABSTRACT This paper discusses the principles that define the historical approach in the study of . Specifically, it looks at the Pali grammatical literature of Myanmar. The historical approach is based on presuppositions (both academic and philosophical) that are external to the Theravada tradition. By means of the philological and historical approach it is possible to explore and understand certain areas of the traditional Pali scholarship in a way that is relevant to modern scholars. Textual criticism, for instance, has been proven a very useful tool in recovering ancient texts. The methodologies of textual criticism, however, are not free from shortcomings. The risk of misrepresenting the tradition is always present. Furthermore, some philosophical presuppositions of this method, developed in Europe, have generated (and still generates) vivid debates inside and outside the acedemic community of Asian Studies. In this paper I will take as an example the Pali grammatical tradition of Myanmar in order to show what are the results of the historical-philological approach, what are its shortcomings, what are its aims, how it can be useful not only in the understanding of the tradition.

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Pali Grammar from a Historical Perspective

I recently attended a conference on Post 10th-Century Pali Literature. The conference took place in Pune, India. The purpose of this conference was to explore the scholastic literature written in Pali after the 10th century of the Common Era. At the end of the conference, a PhD student monk from Myanmar asked me why were the speakers talking about such difficult matters and such details of late literature in front of an audience that did not even have the basic foundations in Pali learning: "You present so many problems" he told me, "but you do not tell them the solutions in a simple and straigh-forward manner. What is the point?" I consider that a very good question that deserves serious attention, because raising problems is precisely the most important part of scholarship in the West, and when students only expect answers and are not ready to face problems, then we do have a problem. Because without unsolved problems there is no scholarship. And that also applies to Tipitaka studies. The PhD student from Pune considered that many of the speakers in the conference, both speakers and people in the audience, were talking without really knowing. According to him, the fact that some speakers presented dilemmas instead of solutions was a sign of academic immaturity. I am aware that this is not an isolated case. I have seen many times how there is a very deep gap, in the field of Pali, between Western academics and South and Southeast Asian academics, especially those who are Buddhist practitioners. I think the situation is the following: Westerners tend to adopt a historical approach both to the Pali language and Buddhism, whereas Asians tend to have an insiders approach and many go for the higher study of Pali and Buddhism with the final goal of doing missionary work or propagating and perserving the sāsana. In the West we take it for granted that one has to take some distance in order to examine an object of study. In traditional Buddhist education it is taken for granted that one has to be inside in order to understand the fundamental truths of the subject, and the word of the teacher is almost sacred. In Western universities this dual approach is often represented by two different institutions. Generally, those who study the literature and the religion from a historical point of view, or a critical point of view, pursue their studies in faculties of philology, anthropology, Asian Studies, etc. On the other hand, those who are mostly interested in the religion and wish to go deeper into the religious content of the texts, pursue the study programmes of the faculties of Theology, Divinity, Religious Studies, and so on.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

These are two different paths with very different goals. But in the case of Pali and Buddhist studies I have often experienced confusion. In Pali or Buddhist Studies departments we find students with a genuine interest in Buddhism, and no interest in historical philology. For instance, that PhD student I was talking about, is doing a doctoral dissertation on vīthi, the "path of cognition" as it is taught in the Theravada Abhidhamma. I wonder, however, if we really need, in 2017, yet another book on Abhidhamma? Is there something new to say by simply looking at the same materials? This would be my first question. Why does a Buddhist monk who has already gone through monastic education (Dhammacariya and so on) need to prove his knowledge and ability in an Indian university, doing a PhD on a topic that has been already discussed many times by competent scholars? This is certainly not the way Pali and Buddhist studies work in the West, but I have realised that this is the way it works in some countries of Asia. In my experience I can see that the point of a PhD in those places is not to say something new, but to prove that one has a thorough command on the subject. That seems perfectly fine. Unfortunately, however, even in such cases the level of PhD works is very irregular. I have seen in many occasions that some monks simply pursue a PhD because they are socially constrained. Many PhD students have no real motivation to study. These PhD students find themselves in a situation of pressure, not knowing exactly what to do next, not having even a clear idea of what they want to study, they try their best and they follow orders from their supervisor. They are supposed to write a PhD in English when their English is not their first language, let alone the knowledge of other languages that would be helpful in the bibliography such as French or German or Japanese. On the top of that they are asked to present reports and other sorts of burocratic papers, which are written in haste and which can only delay the moment of real research. I have seen in many occasions (and I have also been reported of) many PhD dissertations that contain plenty of copy- pasted paragraphs from the Wikipedia or from other internet sources (Google Books, etc.). Leaving asside the copyright issues, this is in itself a poor academic practice that harms our discipline. I do not know exactly what is the solution to this problem, but certainly two things should be distinguished: the historical-critical approach and the insider Buddhist approach. The historical-critical approach, as the name says, takes a historical perspective and pays attention to changes and developments of Buddhism over time. Indeed, if we study the we can easily see that the philosophies and practices have been changing all the time, there have been many schisms, and what people call "Buddhism" today was not what people called "Buddhism" one thousand years ago. In fact, some people have rightly pointed out that

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary the very concept of "Buddhism" is modern and may simply be a label to counteract the influence of Christianity and Islam. Of course, leaving aside nominal issues, one can say that the Tipitaka is the same Tipitaka now and one or two thousand years ago. But precisely what the critical approach shows us is that the Tipitaka alone cannot tell us anything. Like any other text, it requires interpretation. That is why we have commentaries, sub-commentaries, grammars and, most importantly, teachers. It is in the interpretation, in the exegesis of an accomplished master, where the deeper meaning of the Tipitaka becomes manifest and clear. I think you will all agree on that, even if you do not agree on the many interpretations of Buddhism that we find all over the world. The fact that there is only one Tipitaka but many different sects and already shows that the Tipitaka, by itself, says nothing that is univocal and unambiguous. Some people will say that women are treated poorly in the Tipitaka, others will say that the Tipitaka is one of the earliest testimonies of feminism in India. Some people will say that even the Tipitaka says that we should not take sacred texts so seriously, but we should rather look at the reality of suffering in the world, while others will strongly claim that this is not true, and so on and so forth. There is no end to these discussions. The only thing that is clear to me is that there is no unanimous interpretation. On the other hand we have the insider's approach, the approach of the "practitioner" (as they like to call it in the West, whatever a practitioner is...). This is generally the approach of monks and nuns, or lay practitioners, believers, meditators who pursue the path of Buddhist studies in Universities as a natural extension of their spiritual path and making. Now I am going to say something that may be controversial but it is after all my belief and, in my opinion, it does not harm the main tenets of Buddhism: what I want to say is that monks and nuns and other practitioners should not expect universities to be places where they can learn more about Buddhism. Or, I will put it differently: Buddhism pays attention to reality, Buddhist Studies pay attention to Buddhim. Departments of Buddhist Studies are not Buddhist monasteries. In a monastery we do not study Buddhism, we study the reality, nature, life experiences, our mind, our suffering, etc. In universities we study Buddhism in its many manifestations, and very often from a non-Buddhist perspective. University lecturers are not arahants. Many of them are not even Buddhist practitioners. A university is an open academic institution which stands for the propagation of all knowledges and all points of view. Therefore, unless a university is specifically a Buddhist university, the students should not expect the institution to be a sort of instrument by means of which Buddhism can be promoted and shielded from criticism. The fact that Buddhism is criticised in Buddhist Studies Departments is not

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary an anomaly or something bad, but rather the normal state of affairs, in the same way that Christianity is criticised in the department of Christian Studies, Spain is criticised in the Department of Hispanic studies, Einstein is criticised in the department of Physics, and so forth. It is not the role of the universities to promote ideology (although they do it constantly depending on their funding). On the contrary, the role of universities is to encourage critical thinking, to study what is known and to criticise it, to break it down into pieces and then reconstruct it in a stronger discourse that can help us understand reality. In a way, it is not so different than the methods of Buddhist analysis. Another problem is that many students in PhD programmes of Buddhism want to take as subject some relevant topic in Buddhism, for instance, paṭiccasamuppāda or the . They want to do a PhD on paṭiccasamuppāda. This topic has been covered many times and it is very difficult to say anything new on paṭiccasamuppāda, especially by a young scholar. Such type of PhD may work as an essay, or it may not, but in my experience the result is too often a collection of citations that copy-pastes all the relevant passages in the Tipitaka and all the relevant passages in previous books on this issue. This kind of research is not encouraged in Western universities because it is considered redundant. Supervisors recommend to drop the topic alltogether, and choose some philological subject, some text or work of art that has not been examined yet. Or else, if students are more inclined to cultural studies, they are advised to combine paṭiccasamuppāda with some relevant cultural phenomenon: for instance, paṭiccasamuppāda and gender, or paṭiccasamuppāda and science, paṭiccasamuppāda and football, etc. Nowadays comparative studies are also encouraged, especially between Pali and Chinese Tipitakas. To me, personally, I think the following are the best two options for the scholar who is at the same time a practitioner:

1) Work on some unique artifact or relic: text, manuscript, work of art, etc.

2) Work on some contemporary issue from a Buddhist perspective: war, ecology, abortion, homosexuality, etc., or the biography of a living master about whom nothing has been written yet.

To those of you who speak languages like Burmese, Shan, Mon, Vietnamese, etc., making texts in these languages available in English is also a very good work, because Buddhism has many languages and the Tipitaka has been interpreted in all of them.

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I am aware that this may not be always interesting for the prospective student. There was recently a controversial case, actually a "Facebook drama", related to a well known university of Thailand. An anonymous PhD student publicly complained about a Western professor of Pali who did not treat him the way he expected. This was the clash between two views of academic studies of Buddhism: critical vs. insider. The student was complaining that the faculty of that department were always dealing with philological matters, whereas the students wanted to work on central issues of Buddhism, the Buddhist philosophy, such as paṭiccasamuppāda. Why didn't they allow him to do it? The student even complained of the arrogance of the professor and expressed his concerns about the way some Westerners undermined the traditional values of Asia, even in the personal relationship between a student and a teacher (and perhaps also he implied the social codes in the relationship between a layperson and a monk or nun?).

Historical-Critical Approach to Pali Texts I understand, therefore, that the approach to Pali studies is not always shared or understood in other places of the world. Here I would like to make my case a little bit more concrete and explain what is the relationship between my own work and Tipitaka studies. My own work, so far, consists of studying Pali sadda "grammatical" texts from Myanmar. Initially I was interested in the author known as Chapada Thera, who was the founder of the Sinhala Sangha of Pagan in the 12th century. I wanted to study this important monk and his grammar, called the Kaccāyana Suttaniddesa. But immediately after one or two months of research I found out that what I have read about this monk in Mabel Bode's Pali Literature of Burma was wrong. I discovered a couple of interesting articles, written in the fifties and sixties of the last century, but Mahathera and by professor Godakumbura of Sri Lanka. They clearly showed how Chapada Thera, the one who appears in the Kālyāṇī Inscriptions, and Chapaṭa Saddhammajotipāla, author of Kaccāyana Suttaniddesa, were two different authors. This is also known by the Myanmar Buddhist historian U Kelāsa in his sāsanavaṃsa series. This is one example of how our view of history needs to be constantly revised. After knowing that I had to push the date of the Suttaniddesa to the 15th century, because that is actually what the colophon of this work states. The figure of Chapaṭa Saddhammajotipāla also became interesting. He wrote other works such as the Nāmacāradīpaka and the Saṅkhepavaṇṇanā. Especially the Saṇkhepa was very well known in Myanmar a few centuries ago, but today many scholar monks do not know it -- at least that monk that I met in Pune last day, did not know it. The Saṅkhepa as you probably know is a short ṭīkā on the Abhidhammatthasaṅgaha and I have not

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary seen any printed edition in Myanmar. I have only seen a Sinhalese printed edition and some Burmese manuscripts of the Saṇkhepa and its nissaya. This is not part of my research and it simply shows that there is still a lot of work to be done in terms of editing Pali and Myanmar texts of the past. I suggested to that monk in Pune: "Why don't you work on a new edition of the Saṅkhepa?" But I think he was not very interested in it. Now some may ask why this sort of research is related to the Tipitaka. As I said, we approach the subject from a historical perspective. As you all know, the texts of the Tipitaka have been transmitted both orally and by writing. By writing we mean in palm leaf manuscripts. We also know of a recurrent phenomenon in the history of Buddhism which has shaped the Tipitaka, and this phenomenon is called in Myanmar sāsanavisodhana "purification of the sāsana". The purification of the sāsana occurs at many levels but first and foremost it is a revision, and edition, of the Pali texts of the canon. As you all know, this revision is carried out by experts in Pali grammar. Hence, the development of Pali grammar as a Buddhist discipline goes hand in hand with the preservation of the Pali texts of the canon. They are not two separate phenomena. By studying Pali grammars from a historical perspective we can learn about the way texts were preserved. Most importantly, we can learn that Theravada monks made efforts to preserve the texts in their original state. This is crucial if we consider the fact that not all Buddhist communities have shown the same interest in the texts. In Southeast Asia many traditions depend more on the teacher's secret instructions than on the Pali texts. One special feature of the Theravada, as the name indicates, is the interest and care for the earliest texts, the buddhavacana in its Pali recension, which is the oldest complete recension in an Indian language. That is why, when I study a Pali grammarian from the 15th century, who was from Pagan but who lived for some time in Sri Lanka under King Parakkamabahu the VI of Kotte, when we study the figure of Chapaṭa Saddhammajotipāla, who was allegedly a very important monk in the Kingdom of Ava, we are also studying the history of the Tipitaka and how it has been protected and understood over the centuries. Without the work of these monks, the text would have been lost or they would have come down to us in a different shape. One may simply look a little bit closer into the content of Pali grammars of Myanmar and begin to discover interesting things about Myanmar Buddhism. For instance, it is generally thought that Buddhist Logic (Nyāya) or pramāṇavāda is something that mostly concerns Indian philosophers such as Dignāga, , Kamalaśīla, and so on. Indeed, these Buddhist philosophers from Nalanda and elsewhere established the foundations of a very important school of logic in Asia. Although many people ignore are not aware of it, the Buddhist Logic tradition has

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary found its way into Theravada through grammatical texts. For instance, in the very famous treatise called Saddatthabhedacintā, written in Pagan around the 13th century, there is a mention of the apoha theory, originally exposed by Dignāga in the 5th century. We already find a mention of it in one commentary of , but in Myanmar it is transmitted through a brief mention by Saddhammasiri of Pagan. Grammar, philosophy of language and logic are topics that cannot be clearly separated. Yet, few people so far have approach this collecton of Pali texts from the point of view of Buddhist philosophy. I have been told many times that it is enough to choose one grammar, Kaccāyana, Moggallāna, Rūpasiddhi, etc. "Choose one," they tell me, "and forget about the rest. Because they all teach the same things." Well, that is not exactly true. They do not teach the same things, they do not teach in the same manner, and it is in fact very interesting to look at the differences. This is something I would like to point out here: the attitude that "finally they all say the same" does not lead to any good research. This, in philosophy, the theory that everything is the same is called "monism" and, as Buddhists, we should not fall into this trap. Maybe some sort of naive monism leads to social peace and harmony, but it is not the goal of the analytical mind. The scholar has to be mainly a vibhajjavādin, an analytic philosopher. To analyse means to break up into pieces, to examine the differences as well as the similarities. As Plato said: if all things were related, knowledge would be impossible (everything would be the same), and if all things were unrelated, knowledge would be equally impossible (nothing could be said of anything). The same principle was certainly operating in the monastic scholarship of the Pagan period. No wonder that their works are called "bheda" or "cintā", which mans "difference" and "critical thinking". So when today someone says that South and Southeast Asian universities should teach "critical thinking", it is a little bit puzzling to me, because it would be enough to re-read the classics of Buddhism. We all know that the Buddha is one of the greaters vibhajjavādins of all times. Even one treatise of the Abhidhamma is called , which means "Breaking-Up-Reality-Into-Pieces". When we break up things and see the difference and we reach discrimination. I will give another example that has come up recently: I was working for some time on Dhammasenāpati's Kārikā, a Pali sadda text written in Pagan around the 12th century. I found in this treatise many interesting topics that are generally not found in Pali literature, but are often found in Sanskrit of philosophy. Recently, Professor Dragomir Dimitrov from Marburg (Germany) has discovered that the Kārikā contains very many verses that are nothing but a Pali translation of an older Sanskrit treatise called Śabdārthacintā, written by a certain Ratnamati. Ratnamati was a Sinhalese scholar monk of the 10th century who studied in Nalanda. According to

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Dimitrov, Ratnamati wrote some works in Sanskrit and Pali. Among these works we find the Sanskrit ṭīkā on Daṇḍin's Kāvyādarśa. This ṭīkā influenced the commentaries on the Pali Subodhālaṅkāra. We also find the ṭīkā on the Cāndravṛtti, the gloss on the Cāndravyākaraṇa by Dharmadāsa. And among Ratnamati's works we also find the Śabdārthacintā, which is a versified text on grammar and philosophy of language, written in the Cāndra tradition (that is, the Pāṇini tradition). Professor Dimitrov and Professor Deokar from Pune have discovered, after editing the so-far unknown texts of Ratnamati, that the Moggallānapañjikā is basically a Pali version of the Cāndrapañjikā by Ratnamati, and also that Dhammasenāpati's Kārikā is a Pali version of Ratnamati's Śabdārthacintā. I am presently working on a critical edition of the Kārikā and its ṭikā, on the basis of the forthcoming edition of the Sanskrit Śabdārthacintā, and we will do further research on this topic. What we will find, we do not know. That is the whole point. One does not begin a research on the basis of knowledge, but on the basis of ignorance. There are still plenty of texts in Pali that need to be edited, and many texts that have been edited on the basis of few manuscripts. More work Pali philology will certainly derive in more knowledge about the tradition. In this way we can discover more things about the Buddhist tradition that we didn't know. Because it is only natural that some information is lost in the course of time. The philological approach is sometimes criticised because it produces artificial texts. From a variety of manuscripts it will produce a new text that is in a way a mixture of them all. In theory this is a reconstruction of the supposedly original text. But the methodology of textual criticism is full of problems. On the top of that, in the case of Tipitaka studies, there are some traditional approaches that are incompatible with the modern philological approach. Going back to the Mynamar monk who is doing PhD in Pune, he told me that if we find inconsistencies or mistakes in a manuscript we should simply solve the problem by referring to Kaccāyana "jinavacanayuttaṃ hi". But this involves a circular problem, called in Pali anavatthāppasaṅga, the fallacy of "infinite regress", because what we call the jinavacana is precisely that text that we need to revise. This happened with the Chaṭṭhasangāyana Tipitaka. In the editing process many interesting words in Pali were taken as erroneous and were simplified in a more comprehensible form (Professor K.R. Norman has explained that in his book A Philological Approach to Buddhism). I will give you one example from the Mahāparinibbānasuttanta (Ee DN II 77,12): in a famous passage we find many forms in the future tense, among them the form gacchanti. Manuscript K of PTS ed. reads gacchissanti. The editors of

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Chaṭṭhasaṅgāyana preferred the reading gacchissanti following some manuscripts and, I think, following what seemed to be the right grammatical form.

yāvakīvañ ca, bhikkhave, bhikkhū uppannāya taṇhāya ponobbhavikāya na vasaṃ gacchissanti, vuddhi yeva, bhikkhave, bhikkhūnaṃ pāṭikaṅkhā, no parihāni. They probably thought that gacchanti is the present tense, and therefore a mistake. But actually the form gacchanti is a future of a thematic conjugation of root √gam (gamu- dhātu) "to go" and it is closer to Vedic *gaṃtsyanti which gives gacchanti in Pali. For religious purposes, the meaning remains exactly the same: gacchanti/gacchissanti "they will go". But for philological purposes we want to preserve the older form, because this is part of the Pali legacy and, incidentally, it becomes a very eloquent proof of the antiquity of the Pali texts, which still contain many ancient forms that are closer to Vedic Sanskrit rather than to Classical Sanskrit. This is simply one example where philology can take us closer to the original language of the Pali Tipitaka. In any case, the meaning and message of the Tipitaka does not change. For this reason, also, Buddhist scholars should not think that the philological method is trying to destroy the tradition. Even Aggavaṃsa was aware of these linguistic issues. To conclude, I would like to say that Tipitaka studies in South and Southeast Asia would greatly benefit from a closer study of the Buddhist classics, and that includes the grammarians. For that, the first thing that we need is good editions, which we do not have. Textual studies become important even in the study of the Buddhist philosophy. If in the West we tend to focus on philological issues it is precisely because there are many manuscripts that still need to be properly edited and their texts understood. This brings us closer to the history of Buddhism and through that we can understand better how we arrived to the point that we are today. By studying so far unknown texts of Theravada Buddhism we can also re-discover the lost heritage of Theravada, and that is something that will be useful both to scholars and practitioners. Thank you very much for you kind attention.

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A Forgotten Culture of Research in the 19th-20th century Myanmar: Burmese Sayadaws and their works

Dr. Pyi Phyo Kyaw, Ph.D (King's College, London), Research Fellow in Abhiddhamma (Theravada analytical philosophy) and Meditation, Buddhist Business Practices and Buddhist Ethics, Department of Theology & Religious Studies, King's College, London, UK

Abstract Standardisation and non-secularisation of monastic education through formal examinations in Myanmar have produced many monastic literati and educationists who have been at the forefront of educational innovations. They have studied and memorized the Tipiṭaka and the Pāli commentarial texts extensively. Drawing on their textual expertise, they have composed many scholarly works. Examples of such monastic literati include The-inn-thathana-paing Sayadaw Ashin Sūriya (1782-1819), Kyee-thae-lay-htat Sayadaw Ashin Munindābhidhaja (1818-1895/6), Manle Sayadaw Ashin Javana (1844-1923), U Ñāṇa (1846-1923), Taung-myo Sayadaw Ashin Janakābhivaṃsa (1900-1977), and Ashin Vicittasarā bhivaṃsa (1911-1993). This paper explores some of their works, looking specifically at how they might have mastered Theravāda canonical and commentarial texts through research. It also demonstrates that there was a culture of research among Burmese monastic literati in the 19th-20th Myanmar.

30 Relevance of Pali Tipitaka Today And it’s Studies in India

Prof Ravindra Panth Department of Buddhist Studies, Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, Delhi NCR INDIA ABSTRACT One of the greatest scientists of our time, Albert Einstein, rightly said “Religion of the future will be a cosmic religion. It should transcend a personal God and avoid Dogmas and Theology. Covering both the naturals and the spiritual, it should be based on a religious sense, arising from the experience of all things, natural and spiritual as a meaningful unity. Buddhism answers this description. If there is any religion that could cope with the modern scientific needs, it would be Buddhism”. How true the words of Einstein are in the 21st century is a matter of great concern. Undoubtedly the present era of scientific and technological advancement has resulted into the so called material advancement. Man seems to have achieved control over the law of nature. However, the so called scientific and technological advancement has failed to alleviate poverty that very much provides fertile ground for the growth of fundamentalism and violence. Further, the environmental degradation is yet another outcome of materialistic criteria guiding the development process under the pretext of globalization. There is no empirical evidence to support the assumption that social and economic progress based on a materialistic conception of life can ensure happiness and well-being of the humanity. In order to bring the development process in harmony with our inner identity and character building, attention must shift to issues that help in making human a humane. It is this that makes the study of Pali Tipitaka more relevant as it encompasses the philosophy of life completely missing in this post-modern era of developments. In the proposed paper an attempt would be made not only to highlight these issues based on Pali literature which are directly concerned with the well-being of the humanity and fully capable of guiding the people to mitigate their suffering but other potentials that the Pali literature contains. Besides the Relevance of Pali Tipitaka today, I will also focus on the Pali studies and its historical back-ground, its traditional and academic studies and application in day today life in India.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Relevance of Pali Tipitaka Today And it’s Studies in India

One of the greatest scientists of our time, Albert Einstein, rightly said “Religion of the future will be a cosmic religion. It should transcend a personal God and avoid Dogmas and Theology. Covering both the naturals and the spiritual, it should be based on a religious sense, arising from the experience of all things, natural and spiritual as a meaningful unity. Buddhism answers this description. If there is any religion that could cope with the modern scientific needs, it would be Buddhism”. How true the words of Einstein are in the 21st century is a matter of great concern. Undoubtedly the present era of scientific and technological advancement has resulted into the so called material advancement. Man seems to have achieved control over the law of nature. However, the so called scientific and technological advancement has failed to alleviate poverty that very much provides fertile ground for the growth of fundamentalism and violence. Further, the environmental degradation is yet another outcome of materialistic criteria guiding the development process under the pretext of globalization. There is no empirical evidence to support the assumption that social and economic progress based on a materialistic conception of life can ensure happiness and well being of the humanity. In order to bring the development process in harmony with our inner identity and character building, attention must shift to issues that help in making human a humane. It is this that makes Buddhist Studies and more so the Pali Tipitaka studies more relevant as it encompasses the philosophy of life completely missing in this post modern era of developments. In the present paper an attempt is made not only to highlight the studies of Pali Tipitaka literature which contains the words of the Buddha but are directly concerned with the well being of the humanity and fully capable of guiding the people to mitigate their suffering and realize other potentials that the Pali literature contains. If we go back to the history, more than twenty-five centuries ago, Pali was the colloquial language of the part of Northern India where Gotama the Buddha made his Cārikā - sublime wandering. From the time Gotama became the Buddha, until the time of his great demise (Mahāparinibbāna), he gave thousands of sublime discourses for the benefit and happiness of many (bahujana hitāya, bahujana sukhāya). Within three

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary months of the Buddha’s great demise, the first Dhamma Sangiti was convened at Rajgrah, with the purpose of collecting, reciting and classifying the words of the Buddha, in order to preserve them in their pristine purity. We are fortunate that since that time till now there had been Six Recitations or Dhamma Sangiti – . The last two were held here in the Dhamma Land of Myanmar. These collection of the words of the Buddha is popularly known as the Tipiṭaka. The Pali word “piṭaka” means “basket”. “Ti” as a prefix in “Tipiṭaka” means three. Hence, Tipiṭaka actually means “three baskets” and is suffused with the Dhamma as revealed by the Buddha. These are:

1. which contains the rules of conduct pertaining to monks and nuns; 2. which contains the popular discourses given by the Buddha with apt illustrations, similes and metaphors, and; 3. Abhidhamma Piṭaka which contains the profound teachings of the Buddha related to the ultimate reality which elucidates the functioning and inter- relationships between mind, mental factors, material qualities, and the phenomena transcending these. It is an amalgamation of psychology and ethics in the true sense.

In addition to the Tipiṭaka, which contains the words of the Buddha, there are enormous number of commentaries (Aṭṭhakathā), sub-commentaries (Ṭīkā), and further sub-commentaries (Anu-ṭīkā, Madhu-ṭikās etc.) which have been written by great commentators since ancient time, and are a valuable contribution to ancient Pali literature. The tradition of compiling commentaries in Pali still continues today in countries like Myanmar and Sri Lanka. Not only does Pali Tipitaka literature contain the invaluable treasure of Indian civilization, including culture, religion, and philosophy, but it also contains the great contribution of the unique message of the Buddha, which emphasizes the importance of human values found in the practice of sīla, samādhi and paññā, (morality, concentration and wisdom) that the Buddha delivered in his First Sermon at the Deer Park at and is known as Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta. This Discourse of the Buddha is the essence of his teaching and is known as the Middle Path that leads to the liberation of each individual as well as provides peace, happiness and harmony within the society, which is currently the most basic need in today’s chaotic world. The Tipiṭaka is an unparalleled lexicon of wisdom. It not only gives the ancient spiritual and philosophical landscape of India of more than twenty-five centuries back,

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary but also brings back a colourful spectrum of the historical, geographical, socio- political, and cultural conditions of the time. The literature opens a window onto the administrative, educational, commercial and industrial customs of the Buddha’s time. It sheds light on social conditions, in the urban as well as rural life of ancient India. The India of more than 2550 years ago comes alive in this literature. It is a vast ocean overflowing with the peerless, wholesome benedictions of the Enlightened One. Readers of this literature, scholars and seekers, who wish to know the truly rich heritage of ancient India, might think that although apparently the wisdom expounded by the Buddha has disappeared from India, in reality, it flows through subsequent Indian literature. The Sanskrit literature which followed it, as well as writings in other regional languages is full of the benevolent teachings of the Buddha. The literature of medieval saints of India is suffused with the wisdom of the Buddha. When the words of the Buddha become available in their authentic form, an analytical and comparative study of them will show that India is greatly indebted to the Buddha for his innovative thought. The Buddha defines his teachings as Dhamma in the following verse of Pali Dhammapada : Sabba pāpassa akaraṇaṃ not to perform evil deeds kusalassa upasampadā to perform wholesome deeds sacitta pariyodapanaṃ to purify the mind etaṃ buddhāna sāsanam this is the teaching of the Buddhas

Precepts, which form the foundation of morality is the integral part of Dhamma in Buddhism and serve as an interface between an individual and other beings, thereby, working as a tool to avoid conflict and unite the living beings. The Dhamma is founded on the understanding of the interconnectedness of all phenomena and hence it relate to the root and fruit of all actions. Essentially it serve to protect the one who protects or observes them. Therefore, Dhamma embraces every type of righteous conduct covering every aspect of life essential for the sustenance and welfare of the individual and society and includes those rules which guide and enable those who believe in the Ultimate Truth or nature and attain or (eternal bliss). "Dhamma, on the external level, refers to the path of practice the Buddha taught to his followers". This Dhamma has three levels of meaning: the words of the Buddha, i.e., Buddha Vacana (Pariyatti), the practice of his teaching (Paṭipatti), and the attainment of enlightenment or experience (Paṭivedhana). So, Dhamma is not just doctrines--it is teaching, practice plus realization. “It includes not only the conditioned things and states, but also the non-

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary conditioned, the Absolute Nirvana. There is nothing in the universe or outside, good or bad, conditioned or non-conditioned, relative or absolute, which is not included in this term.” According to Buddhism, there is no act of man which is free from desire; whatever a man does is the result of the impulse of his desire. The force behind every action of a human being is his desire (taṇhā). The source of all evil actions of human beings can be traced to the desire for material pleasure which in turn give rise to conflict of interests among individuals or groups. So most of our troubles are due to our passionate desire for and attachment to things that we misapprehend as enduring entities. The pursuit of the objects of our desire and attachment involves the use of aggression and competitiveness as supposedly efficacious instruments. These mental processes easily translate into actions, breeding belligerence as an obvious effect. Such processes have been going on in the human mind since time immemorial, but their execution has become much more effective under modern conditions. What can we do to control and regulate these 'poisons' - greed, hatredness and delusion? For it is these poisons that are behind almost every trouble in world. According to Buddhism these poisons are influenced by the three immoral roots, greed (lobha), hatredness (dosa) and delusion (). Whenever the mind is associated with any of these immoral roots, the thought and actions becomes immoral and the negative impulses inherent in human beings such as anger, violence, passion, greed, infatuation and enmity etc. comes up. These negative impulses are in true sense the internal enemies of man, which if allowed to act uncontrolled could instigate him to entertain evil thoughts in the mind for fulfilling his own selfish desires causes conflict. Contrary to this the Buddha says there are three moral roots (Kusala Mūlāni) which are non-greed (alobha), non-hatredness (adosa) and non-delusion or right understanding (amoha). If the mind is associated with any of these moral roots then it helps in developing positive impulses which undo the conflicts by becoming a tool for conflict avoidance. How to purify the mind and develop the positive impulses? For this the Buddha taught the Eight-fold Path or the path of morality (Sila), Concentration (Samādhi) and Insight (Paññā) as mentioned earlier. This is Dhamma and the practical aspect of this is the Vipassanā Meditation. The technique which leads to the total purification of the mind and realization of eternal peace. The technique finds mention in the Tipitaka at several places like the Mahā Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta of etc. The influence of the Buddha’s contribution is not limited to Indian thought; the deep impact of his teaching is also visible in the spiritual thought and literature of the rest of the world. Thus the Tipitaka or the words of the Buddha carry a special significance for the human race, even today. The stately grandeur of the Buddha’s

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary teaching will be verdant forever. It is the perennial forerunner of the resurrection of fallen human values. What could be more relevant to the current state of moral degradation, with its inevitable result of down-trodden people afflicted with misery? In this way, we find that in addition to its spiritual aspect, which is no doubt the core of Pali Tipitaka, it also depicts different aspects of a society’s development paleographical, linguistic, literary, religious, philosophical, ethical, socio-political and artistic, each of which deserves patient study, special investigation, careful consideration and prudent judgment, in terms of its contribution to society. Although, Pali died out as a literary language in mainland India but survived elsewhere until the eighteenth century. Today Pali Tipitaka is studied mainly to gain access to Buddhist scriptures, and is frequently chanted in a ritual context. The secular literature of Pali historical chronicles, medical texts, and inscriptions is also of great historical importance. The great centers of Pali learning remain in the Theravada nations of Southeast Asia like Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia. Since the 19th century, various societies for the revival of Pali studies in India have promoted awareness of the language and its literature, including the founded by Anagarika Dhammapala. If we ponder over the period of last sixty years in India, we see that it was in 1956, with the celebration of 2500 years of the Mahāparinirvāna Buddha Jayanti celebrations by the Government of India that the studies in Pali and Buddhist Studies started in India. This was the time when institutions mainly devoted to Pali and Buddhist Studies like Nava Nalanda Mahavihara (NNM), Department of Buddhist Studies, Delhi University, etc. developed. For the first time Pali Tipitaka in Devanagari script along with some Commentaries (Aṭṭhakathā) were published by NNM. For the first time researchers and scholars got the opportunity to read the original words of the Buddha. Credit for all this mainly goes to three great luminaries, Rahula Sanskrityayana, Bhadant Ananda Kaushalyayana and Bhikshu Jagadish Kashyap. Subsequently, in the following years several Departments of Pali and Centre of Buddhist Studies started developing throughout India like in Bombay University, Banaras Hindu University, Nagpur University, Jammu University, Srinagar University, Pune University, Baba Saheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Gautam Buddha University,Greater Noida, University of Buddhist - Indic Studies, Sanchi, down to University in South India etc. In the last four decades great work of propagation and promotion related with Pali literature and Tipitaka studies have been done by the Vipassana Research Institute, Igatpuri. The Institute under the able guidance of Vipassana Acarya Dr Narayana Goenka published the entire Chattha Sangayana Edition of Tipitaka,

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Atthakatha and Tikas into Devanagari Script which gave a great boost to Pali Studies. It was on the basis of this VRI edition that I started the publication of the first ever Pali – Sanskrit – Hindi Dictionary from Nava Nalanda Mahavihara in seven volumes. The first volume of this volume was released by His Excellency the President of India, Dr APJ Abdul Kalam in 2007 at the concluding function of the 2550 Buddha Jayanti celebration in . Till now five volumes have been released. With the popularity and relevance of the practice of Vipassana Meditation several institutions like Maha Bodhi Society of Bangalore, Maha Bodhi Society of Leh, Ladakh and several Institutions in Maharashtra are promoting Pali studies. The government of India through its Ministry of Culture is also providing funds for Pali and Buddhist Studies and also to several Buddhist Monastic Institutions. To conclude I may say that there has been increase in the Institutions of Pali and Buddhist Studies in India. But still there is great need to promote the studies of original Pali Sutta as part of the Curriculum in the Universities. Since most of the Universities teach with the help of the secondary materials in the form of translations for teaching unlike in Myanmar or Sri Lanka etc. *****

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Tipiṭaka Studies Outside Myanmar

Ashin Saraṇa, Sakhangyi Tawya, Myanmar 1st of October, 2017 Abstract Tipiṭaka is the term commonly used for the three portions of Buddhist scriptures, namely the collection of discourses (Suttapiṭaka), the collection on monastic rules (Vinayapiṭaka) and the collection of deeper Teachings of the Buddha (Abhidhammapiṭaka). These scriptures have entered the consciousness of the West especially at the end of 19th century and became the subject of deep studies most famously by the , founded by Rhys Davids in 1881. The books and translations published by Pali Text Society and other such organizations gradually became a substantial source of information for students of Theravāda Buddhist scriptures and a number of Buddhist universities throughout the world adopted them into their reading syllabuses. In this paper, I will be looking at the different ways how Pāḷi scriptures are studied today in the west giving as an example the Sri Lankan Universities, where I studied for several years and which have successfully adopted the western attitude to religious studies. The modern culture of the West demands criticism and pursuit of development. Although religious scriptures, the books of Tipiṭaka are commonly misunderstood and portions of it are lifted out of the context to support modernist ideas of liberal thinkers. I will describe how does that happen and what are the disadvantages of critical studies from different perspectives. I will also show the positive points in analytical study of Pāḷi scriptures and attempt to compare and assess the differences between the Tipiṭaka studies in the West and the methods employed in Myanmar. Contents: 1. Playing God: Choosing what is Right or Wrong 2. Dogmatic Attitudes in Studying Tipiṭaka and an Appeal for Sincerity 3. Critical Thinking or Faithful Memorizing – Which is More Important? 4. The Challenges Faced by Buddhist universities 5. What Can Be Done?

May all beings be happy and healthy.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Tipiṭaka Studies outside Myanmar

1. Playing God: Choosing what is Right or Wrong Before we delve into the different ways of learning and studying Tipiṭaka, let's first discuss the scope of the text under study. Differing texts provide the student with a variety of advantages, and disadvantages, in their study. For example, historical texts can be easier to study because of the stories and trustworthiness contained within, however leave little space for making one's own hypothesis or suggesting modifications. On the other hand, memorizing philosophical poems may be found easier because of the rhythm and rhyme, but may include much opportunity to misunderstand the meaning. In other words, lets first examine the object before we move on to the method. The Teachings of the Buddha were verbally rehearsed during the First Buddhist Council and all the subsequent texts are supposed to be in line with it. All scriptures of Theravāda Buddhism which are universally accepted as valuable and worthy of study, are in the Pāḷi language, the language most probably spoken by the Buddha Himself. The original script of the language did not survive and therefore each Buddhist country has applied its own writing system to the textual form of the language. Thus, although we have scriptures from different Buddhist countries with almost the same text, the same content and similar pronunciation, each of the countries preserves the texts in their own script; Burmese in Myanmar, Thai in Thailand, Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, and so on. In the second half of the twentieth century, the decided what scriptures are to be considered as part of the proper Theravāda literature. A large number of texts were included and incorporated into the canonical Pāḷi literature. The Sixth Buddhist Council led to the international approval of categorizing the Buddhist scriptures into three main layers: (a) Firstly, Mūla (the main text), which mostly comprises the Buddha's and Arahants' wisdom as shared during the First Buddhist Council. It is also known as the Tipiṭaka, literally the "Three Baskets", and comprises of the Sutta Piṭaka (the collection of the Buddha's discourses), the Vinaya Piṭaka (the code of monastic discipline), and the Abhidhamma Piṭaka (the essential Teachings of the Buddha) (b) Secondly, Aṭṭhakathā (the Commentaries), the explanations, stories, and

39 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary metaphores rooted in the uncanonized knowledge of the great masters who attended the First Buddhist Council, then enriched by a large amount of information gathered over seven or more centuries, finalized by the famous Venerable Buddhaghosa in the fifth century AC. (c) Thirdly, Ṭīkā (the Sub-Commentaries and Sub-Sub-Commentaries), written mostly in the first half of the second millennium, partially by Sinhalese monks and partially by Burmese. Although the Sixth Buddhist Council inserted the previously non-canonical Milindapañhā into the Mūla (Main Text) and Visuddhimagga into the Aṭṭhakathā (Commentaries), there are still many, many other texts which didn't find their place in the three layers. These include Abhidhammatthasaṅgaha (known as Thin-Gyo in Myanmar), Jinaṭṭhapakāsanī Ṭīkā, Satthubimba Sutta, Sārasaṅgaha, Suttasaṅgaha and Catubhāṇavārapāḷi, to name only a few. The fact that these texts are not included in the three strata of Pāḷi scripture says nothing about their veracity. Some of them are faithful selections of discourses from the acknowledged texts. Some of them paraphrase or give more detail on the Mūla or Aṭṭhakathā. When we talk about studying Buddhist texts, we need to keep in mind that all those texts are worth reading and studying. They are revered as carriers of the Buddha's Teachings, the preservation of the pure Dhamma wisdom, and the correct and complete guide to the Liberation from the Cycle of . I believe that deciding on the value of each text is the crucial point at which students get wrong views or incomplete understanding. Each teacher and each group of scholars select their favorite texts and give them special importance while sometimes criticizing or rejecting other texts. I noticed that in western countries it is fairly widespread to reject the Commentaries, Sub-Commentaries, and even parts of the Main Text, such as Abhidhamma, Apadānapāḷi, and . Their logic is based on assumptions of materialist, nihilist scholars – and ignoring or even being unaware of their attachment to such views, they promote only those texts which are in line with their selection of certain assertions of certain scientists. The words I use are strong, but I believe that they point at an important issue. Materialism is the assumption that only matter exists, not mind. Nihilism is the rejection of next life, and attachment to views is the inability to accept ideas which do not fit into the "box" of their own beliefs. Consequently, such scholars play God in selecting what is right and what is wrong, limit study resources and support bias toward unsupported assumptions. In this way unnecessary arguments arise, and with them much hate, envy, quarrel, and enmity within the single community of Theravāda Buddhists. All that just because some scriptures are prioritized and some others are condemned.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

I would like to take this opportunity to show how the Burmese attitude toward the scriptures is much more suitable in the long run when preserving the Buddha's Teachings and the correct and effective understanding of wisdom and the path toward wisdom. In Myanmar, all Buddhist scriptures are highly revered and studied as much as possible. In fact, the Buddha Himself implied, that all Buddhist texts have the same essence, namely that they support the progress on the Path toward Liberation from all suffering: "Seyyathāpi, pahārāda, mahāsamuddo ekaraso loṇaraso; evamevaṃ kho, pahārāda, ayaṃ dhammavinayo ekaraso, vimuttiraso."1 "Suppose, Pahārāda, that the great ocean has a single taste - the taste of salt; indeed, in the same way, Pahārāda, this Teaching and Discipline have a single taste - the taste of Liberation." Some scriptures which seem to summarize the rest or give clear explanation are studied first and then, with the basic knowledge and understanding, the students are encouraged to read and learn further information from anywhere in the wide range of Pāḷi sources. 2. Dogmatic Attitudes in Studying Tipiṭaka and an Appeal for Sincerity Knowledge about Buddhism started to penetrate the Western hemisphere only a few centuries ago, and the people researching it were Christian and materialist, nihilist scholars. Studying scriptures of a religion that one doesn't follow has both advantages and disadvantages. On one hand there might be an objective point of view, free from attachment to views and expectations, but the cultural and historical background of that belief system, and the experience of following the religion, may be missing. I would like to show that the objective view often easily ascribed to scholars outside the religion is only an illusion. The western scholars, strongly impacted by views and discoveries of their own esteemed philosophers and scientists, compared the Buddhist Teachings to ideas and ideals which themselves needed scrutiny. It is very common that information which doesn't come up to the materialist- nihilist views of modern scientific hypotheses is immediately rejected and dismissed as phantasmagoria and irrelevant information. This attitude has a profound impact on how the scriptures are viewed and how their historicity is assumed. For example, with the assumption that nothing like a heaven exists, it was easy

1 8 2.9. Pahārāda Sutta; slightly different wording occurs in – Udānapāḷi – 5. Sonavaggo – 5. Sutta and Vinaya Piṭaka – Cūḷavaggapāḷi – 9. Pātimokkhaṭṭhapanakkhandhakaṃ - 2. Mahāsamuddeaṭṭhacchariyaṃ .

41 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary to reject the idea that Abhidhamma was taught by the Buddha in heaven. This consequently dismissed the possibility that the Buddha Himself taught Abhidhamma, and thereby its historic value. By dismissing the existence of heaven and gods the Buddhist scripture most revered in Myanmar has been turned into irrelevant philosophizing of speculative monks. The scripture which, in my opinion as well as in the opinion of the ancient Commentaries, contains the deepest wisdom, which embodies the Buddha's greatest Teachings, has been rejected and dismissed, simply because it didn't fit into the narrow views of those who studied it. This is only one of many such examples. Western scholarship of Theravāda Buddhism has produced two outcomes – first, there are selections of the texts which fit well into the already existing views of the scholars and which are deemed presentable to a public biased by current scientific hypotheses. Then there is an open research of the texts in their original form, studying everything without distinction, more as the art of literature than as anything to enrich the reader by wisdom or useful information. The picky trend in presenting Buddhist scriptures to a trusting, unfortunate public nevertheless led a number of men and women into Asia to become monastics. However, while many of these are open minded and keep investigating their current views and broadening their perspectives and understanding, some of them retain their preconceived views which they previously adopted from western scholars, and with those views continue studying and following the sacred texts of the Buddhists. As a result, all around the world large communities appeared, where important parts of Tipiṭaka, such as Abhidhamma, are never studied, nor the reading of even encouraged. Commentarial literature is rarely available to students of these monks and the Commentarial knowledge is not commonly known. If ever mentioned, it is commonly rejected immediately when it doesn't fit their current belief system. This is a problem. Whether we believe something or not, it is, in my opinion, unethical to discourage study and prevent knowledge. The scriptures of Tipiṭaka and the Commentaries were written by knowledgeable monks, accepted by hundreds of thousands of great masters, and even greater numbers of monks benefited from the information on the path to purify their minds from greed, hatred, and ignorance, to develop genuine love for all beings and to attain stability in peace and happiness. Denying sources of knowledge to their students, some western scholars teach a fragmental version of the path to liberation rather than a comprehensive and complete path in the way the Buddha has shown to us. We need to acknowledge the truth as it is. Deluding ourselves with the idea that scholars know everything and are always unbiased is not useful for anything. Scholars do not know everything and commonly

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary stay biased. In fact, western scholars of Buddhism rarely ever question the background of their attitudes and beliefs. I am well aware of the unpleasant way in which I am sharing my feelings. However, this is not from a wish to offend the Western audience or to create any dissension between the West and East. Rather I would like to encourage the Western audience to disprove my sincere feelings about their attitudes. I wish that the Western scholars and students of Buddhism to reduce their conceit, open themselves up, explain the standpoints from which they study the Buddhist texts and show the reasons for the positions they take. Do they think that, with a strong view that heaven and gods do not and cannot exist, their understanding of the Buddhist scriptures written with the undisputed understanding that heaven and gods do exist, is giving them complete freedom in studying the scriptures without any preconceived bias or dogma? Is there any way how they can prove that the scientific hypotheses, those which they accept in contrast to those which they do not accept, are worth attachment at any cost? Would they, at least, reveal what are the scientific dogmas with which they study the sacred texts and what scientific dogmas they have rejected, and why? Why do they think that the dogmas which they attach to while studying the scriptures, have no impact on the resulting theses, papers, books, and lectures which these scholars then produce? Obviously, certain beliefs, upbringing, and conditionings will always play a role in assessing a text. The point is that the author's standpoint should be clearly mentioned before they reject an ancient scripture as worth studying. We can read in scholarly reviews various ideas about the historicity of certain texts, but the authors won't reveal their standpoint - such as that they don't believe in heaven etc. - because such information would disqualify the author among those who believe otherwise. In the field of comparative religion, we learn that studying religion as its follower as well as somebody outside, brings a lot of advantages and disadvantages. The attitude of Western scholars is widely varied, but rarely revealed to the reader. I believe that unlike in the Buddhist countries, where people are open to whatever the scriptures say, learn it, try to understand it, compare it, and make their utmost efforts to examine the wisdom found therein, in non-Buddhist countries, in the West, understanding the variable background of the author is essential for understanding their reviews and conclusions made based on their studies. It is easy to understand that a Christian scholar or a materialist-nihilist will reject Abhidhamma as the Buddha's word, because they don't believe in existence of a multitude of gods, and they don't believe that such gods would obediently listen to a human being. Unfortunately, scholars commonly do not reveal their beliefs and attitudes before they present their

43 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary conclusions, and with the variety of different theories the helplessly trusting public is subjected to confusion as to whose opinion is unbiased and whose is biased. 3. Critical Thinking or Faithful Memorizing – Which is More Important? When we compare the Western and Eastern styles of studying texts, we can see two extremes. In the East, likewise earlier in the West, the common way of studying was by memorizing. The teacher prescribed a number of texts to memorize, and the students then, during the examination, recited them by heart. With the advent of modern education, in the way the Czech Jan Amos Comenius and the Swiss Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi in 17th and 18th centuries suggested and explained, in the West the rote memorization method gradually decreased to minimum and was replaced by an emphasis on intellect, critical thinking, learning through one's own experience, and the promotion of creating new ideas shaped the education system we have now in the West. Unfortunately, the Western system, in my opinion, has gone too far in critical thinking at the expense of correct knowledge of source-information. When the requirement to memorize the basic texts was removed from the education system, the opportunity for nonsensical ideas, fallacies, and idiocy increased by simply disregarding details, or sometimes even important points from the source text. As a striking example we can mention the philosophy of "Flat Earth societies". Studying little, but thinking too much, these adult people concluded that the Earth is flat, and the experience of it being spherical is only an illusion. The Western downfall of the ability to retain information in its original form has resulted in unnecessary disputes, controversies, and conflicts. In the field of Comparative Religion, some Western scholars have caused a huge amount of misunderstanding and distortions – not intentionally - but just because they failed to memorize the source text and missed out details which were in fact important. The Asian system of education suffers from the opposite extreme. Rote memorization is a kind of learning that doesn't involve thinking, reflection, or analysis. Although a number of great monks in Myanmar, such as Ashin Mahā Raṭṭhasāra and Sayadaw U Janakābhivaṃsa suggested that critical thinking should be incorporated in the scriptural studies, most of the institutes of monastic education seem to disregard those suggestions. We could easily ask – how many students in Myanmar monastic education ask questions during the classes? How many hours every week are students encouraged to engage in debating the studied texts? The disadvantage of restricting studies to rote learning is that the memorized information is not easily connected to the real situation, and in case of insufficient explanation of the memorized text there is an opportunity for misunderstanding,

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary argument, and conflict. Understanding the memorized text and training in application of the memorized text to the real situation is essential in the fulfillment of the educational process. To answer the question whether critical thinking or faithful memorizing is better, I'd say that memorizing is the basis and critical thinking is the development of the base. One without the other will cause unnecessary conflict. Critical thinking without memorizing leads to nonsensical assumptions and loss of time and energy in applying them. Memorizing without critical thinking leads to knowledge through blind faith and the ironic situation when knowledge is present but without skill to apply it. 4. The Challenges Faced by Buddhist Universities As a graduate student of the Buddhist and Pali University of Sri Lanka, I will share with you results of my observations based on my experience in that university and other universities which I have visited and heared of in Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan Buddhist Universities try to match the standard of western university education - in the prestige of the awarded degrees, and consequently by the system and quality of the education. Studying at a Sri Lankan Buddhist University is very similar to studying a university in the West, especially with regards to the emphasis on critical thinking. The students who only memorize the teacher's words simply do not pass their examinations. That is because the examination paper requires the knowledge received from the teacher, its critical assessment, additional knowledge from other sources, and also one's own substantiated opinion. The students arrive at a two-hour lecture in which the teacher explains a topic from the curriculum. Sometimes the teacher writes notes on the whiteboard to help the students understand the main points of the topic. Students coming from traditional schools where they learned about Dhamma by rote memorizing, need those notes very much. They copy those notes from the whiteboard into their notebooks and with the help of relevant books they try to learn them, understand them, and create their own opinion. Copying notes from a whiteboard is the method of education in western primary schools, not universities. However, it is certainly a good step on the way from rote learning toward gathering notes from continuous speech. Those students studying at a higher, Masters level do not get the opportunity to copy from the whiteboard. They are led to follow the true western university style, where they simply write notes of what they've understood as worth noting, while the teacher is speaking. These notes are then further enriched by their knowledge of reading books, Internet search, and own conclusions. The exclusiveness of critical thinking in Buddhist universities has however brought about a lot of damage to the purity of the transmitted information. Because the

45 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary students are not led and required to memorize larger parts of the original text they are not able to distinguish what kind of ideas about the source-texts and the original philosophy are aligned with the sources - and which are fallacies - due to imperfect reading of a source. The information received from a wide variety of books and authors is then affecting their view about the source text, and without the ability to spot mistakes and misrepresentation of the authors the students themselves attach to fallacious ideas and spread them further. Excluding memorization from the educational process, the technique of critical thinking has led many graduate and post- graduate students to ill-conceived ideas, creating unnecessary dissent in the Buddhist community, conflicts, loss of the appropriate respect for the original texts, and disruption of peace and harmony. It would be much more successful if Buddhist universities all around the world apply both the requirement of memorizing as well as critical thinking. The degrees awarded to their students would then lead to multitude of excellent scholars, whose ideas support harmony and understanding, respect toward the texts and opportunity to attain true wisdom. 5. What Can Be Done? In the Buddha's Teachings there are three levels of wisdom – (1) Sutamayipaññā, which is the wisdom attained by listening to the knowledge shared by a teacher or a friend, or simply by studying and memorizing. (2) Cintāmayipaññā are the conclusions and realizations reached through thinking and pondering over the knowledge which was received by sutamayipaññā. (3) Bhāvanāmayipaññā, is then the wisdom attained by development of mental purity, observing the reality as it is, in line with and through the help of the sutamayipaññā and cintāmayipaññā.2 Studying and memorizing Tipiṭaka is the first of the three levels in wisdom, the sutamayipaññā. Critical thinking about the memorized text is cintāmayipaññā. Finally, applying the knowledge and understanding in one's meditation practice leads toward the attainment of the highest wisdom, bhāvanāmayapaññā. Nowadays the first two levels of gaining knowledge are aptly applied by a number of educational institutions around the world. It would be very helpful if the two are mindfully balanced, so that the students can successfully protect and promote the correct instructions and explanations which lead to the attainments of supernatural wisdom, equanimity, purity of mind, and genuine love toward all living beings.

2 Khuddaka Nikāya – Pāḷi – 7. Hārasampātabhūmi

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Monastic Training System of the Jogye Order of Ven. Prof. Dr. Park Cheonghwan (Chongdok), DPhil (Oxford) Professor, Dongguk University, Korea

Abstract Together with marrying monks and non-marrying monks, the Jogye Order was officially registered in 1962 with the Korean government’s Ministry of Culture and Public Information. It became the sole order to officially inherit the 1600-year-old tradition of Korean Buddhism. As such, we can understand that the Jogye Order’s practice and training system is the status of Korean Buddhism. Jogye Order’s training system can be broadly classified as: 1) Elementary Training, 2)Basic Training, 3) Specialized Training, 4) Extracurricular Training 5) Re- training. First is the postulant (hangja) training for a minimum of five months. Second is the four years of training for novices (Sami/Samini) undertaken at temple Sangha colleges, Dong-guk University’s College of Buddhism, Joong-Ang Sangha University, or elementary Seon meditation centers. These first two trainings must be completed by all Jogye Order monastics without exception. When the “elementary training” is completed, one can become a novice monastic (Sami/Samini). When the “basic training” is completed, one can take the full monastic vows, and attains the qualification and rights of being a Jogye Order monastic. Third and fourth are “specialized training” and “extracurricular training” where a monastic can pursuit specific training after receiving full monastic ordination. Fifth is the “re-training” for monastics who have been ordained 10, 20, and 25 years. This is not obligatory, but it is the training process necessary to carry out certain responsibilities as set out by the order, and to hold positions in the order, as well as train disciples. However, there has been the voices to get out of this traditional Confusion educational system, which is done in classical Chinese, modernize the Schools, which are the basic monastic training institutions, and make the graduate programs more diverse and specialized. One main reason for the reorganization is the change of circumstances. For example, there are dramatically fewer people interested in monastic life. The final goal for this reorganization movement of monastic education system is to put into practice what the monastics learned about compassion and respond to the need of Korean society and history.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Monastic Training System of the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism

I. History of Korean Buddhism Buddhism was adopted as the official in the Goguryeo, Silla and Baekje kingdoms during the Three Kingdoms Period (57 B.C.E. – 668 C.E.), and the Unified Silla kingdom(668-935) succeeded in applying Buddhism as the psychological force for the unification of the peninsula. From its inception on the peninsula, Buddhism was a principal force behind social and technological change in Korea. Along with Buddhism, Buddhist missionaries introduced to Korea a wide crosss- section of Sinitic culture and thought, including the Chinese writing system, calendrics, and architecture. Buddhist spiritual technologies were also considered to offer powers far superior to those of the indigenous religion of Shamanism. For all these reasons, Buddhism became an integral part of the religio-political nexus of Korea during the Unified Silla and Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392). Buddhism therefore provided the foundation for Korean national ideology for over a millenium.. During those two periods, Buddhism functioned as a virtual state religion. Buddhism received material and political support from the royal court and in exchange interceded with the buddhas and on behalf of the nation’s welfare. The Buddhist presence was ubiquitous throughout the country, exerting its hold over the nation with an extensive network of both mountain monasteries and city temples. During the Goryeo dynasty, for example, the head monasteries of both of the two major branches of the tradition-Kyo, or doctrinal study, and Son or meditation traning-were based in the capital of Gaesung, and thousands of monks pursued their vocations in urban enclaves. The financial power of the monasteries was so immense that it severely became the huge burden on the Goryeo economy, contributing to the demise of that kingdom and the rise of the Joseon dynasty. The foundation of the Joseon dynasty (1392-1910), with its pronounced Neo- Confucian sympathies, brought an end to Buddhism’s hegemony in Korean religion. Buddhism’s close affiliation with the vanquished Goryeo rulers led to centuries of persecution during this Confucian dynasty. The vast power that Buddhists had wielded during the Silla and Goryeo dynasties was now exerted by Confucians. Its lay adherents were more commonly the illiterate peasants of the countryside and women, rather than the educated male elite of the cities, as had been the case in ages past.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Buddhism had become ineffective in generating response to this Confucian challenge. Foreign pressures on the late Joseon court brought the first real break in this state of affairs. It was Japanese lobbying that forced the Kojong (r.1864-1907) government to remove restrictions on Buddhist activities in the capital. But Japanese support for Buddhism was hardly generous. Periodic attempts were made to force Korean Buddhism to merge with one or another Japanese sect.1 The most severe threat to traditional Korean Buddhism was the Japanese support for a married clergy during the Japanese colonial times (1910-1945). Since Korean Buddhists had traditionally observed celibacy, this step threatened the ethical basis of the religion and led to serious upheavals within the temple. The conflict between married and celibate factions intensified with liberation from Japan after World War II and especially, after the Korean War ended in 1953. The celibate monks sought to reassert what they perceived to be the indigenous lifeways of Korean Buddhism and to remove all traces of Japanese influence. So the celibates launched a vigorous campaign against the married monks who had dominated the high status in the monastries during the Japanese colonial period. The married monks presented themselves as devoted to teaching. Bhiksus, they claimed, were but ignorant meditators, unable to teach because they did not have the requisite knowledge of Buddhist doctrine. Simply because the bhiksus were celibate did not mean they were superior to the married monks. Government support for the celibate monks ultimately culminated in a series of litigation success. In 1961, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the celibate monks and formally awarded the celibates title to all of the major monasteries of Korea. The loss of most of its major monasteries was a major blow to the married monks.2 Since 1962, the Jogye Order by celibate monks became the sole order to officially inherit the 1600- year-old tradition of Korean Buddhism. II. The Need for the Reorganization of the Traditional Curriculum In the last 30 years or so the ‘traditional curriculum’ and temple Sangha college system have been under attack. Be it in internal Jogye Order seminars, Buddhist journal articles, or online blogs, prominent monastics have frequently criticized the system for being archaic, outdated, incomprehensible, intolerably lacking, and internally incoherent, and called for reforms. As early as 1995 Ven. Sŏran argued that the main problem with the education system was the backwardness of the curriculum. It reflected certain historical Buddhist trends specific to Korea, but had very little relevance to the world today, he claimed. Similarly, Ven. Hyŏnsŏk claimed

1 Robert Buswell, The zen monastic experience, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992, pp.22-24. 2 Ibid, pp.25-33.

49 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary that the curriculum reflected particular Chan meditation-focused 17th-century Korean mountain Buddhism and was thus not really representative of Buddhism in general. Others agreed that sticking to such an ancient curriculum in today’s modern information society makes Korean Buddhism seem archaic and irrelevant. The context underlying these critics seems to have been the changing conceptions regarding the fundamental objectives of monastic education. As self- perceptions of monastics in Korea gradually altered during the 20th-century from being mostly mountain Chan meditation practitioners to placing increasing weight on their roles as Dharma propagators, temple Sangha college education began to be viewed not simply as preparation for practice towards spiritual development, but also as preparation for Dharma propagation. Thus, beginning in the 1990’s, education critics argued that temple Sangha college curriculums should be more comprehensive in order to create monastics that will be able to better explain Buddhism to the general public. In other words, monastic leaders contended over and over again that temple Sangha college education should not focus on Chan meditation alone, but convey an overall knowledge of Buddhism in its historical context and its relations to modern social ethics so it could be used later in Dharma propagation and teaching to the laity. It is especially interesting to discover what it was exactly that many of these reformers viewed as the missing curricular components that would make a more general understanding of Buddhism possible. Following earlier 20th-century trends, contemporary monastic reformers generally believe this missing link to be the Theravāda texts of the Nikāyas, and (their counterpart) the Āgamas. A Seminary teacher from Paegyangsa, for example, argued in a 2000 seminar that although the principles of the Theravādin Āgamas are reflected in the Mahāyāna sutras, studying them separately would allow a better general understanding of Buddhism, and they must be added to the curriculum. The importance of learning the Nikāyas as a doctrinal basis for the purpose of understanding the supposedly later Mahāyāna texts was emphasized. The head of the Jogye Education Department himself, showing adopted orientalist tendencies, stated in 2010 that one of the greatest problems with the ‘traditional curriculum’ was that it was not “sticking to what the Buddha actually taught” (as written in the Pāli Canon). ‘Early Buddhism’ was not part of the historical curriculum due to lack of sources, he argued, but with the increasing availability of Korean translations, studying the Nikāyas would be beneficial for understanding Buddhism systematically.3

3 Uri Kaplan, Transforming Orthodoxies: Buddhist Curriculums and Educational Institutions in Contemporary South Korea, PhD thesis, Duke University, 2015, pp.113-116.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

The new Jogye curriculum is thus revolutionary in both form and content. It embodies focal shifts from canonical Chinese texts to vernacular Korean textbooks, from reading as practice to reading for knowledge, and perhaps most importantly, from a traditional textually-based--Chan curriculum, to a more universal ecumenical program that attempts to encapsulate Buddhism as a whole. Ironically, ever since the beginning of the 20th-century scholars of Korean Buddhism have often characterized the nation’s Buddhism as ‘syncretic’ and ‘all-encompassing’ (t’ongbulgyo, 通佛敎). The ‘traditional curriculum,’ however, was anything but all- encompassing. It reflected a very specific form of textually-based Kanhua Chan meditation. With the new curricular program, the Jogye Order has certainly become one of the most syncretic Buddhist institutions in the world today. Encompassing Indian Buddhism, various Chinese Mahāyāna schools as well as Chan and modern interpretations of Buddhism, the new curriculum makes Korean Buddhism truly t’ongbulgyo.4 III. Monastic Training System of the Jogye Order 1. The Organization and Assessment of the Buddhist Practice and Training System Jogye Order’s training system can be broadly classified as: 1) Elementary Tra ining, 2) Basic Training, 3) Specialized Training , 4) Extracurricular Training, 5 ) Re-training. First is the postulant (hangja) training for a minimum of five months . Second is the four years of training for novices (Sami/Samini) undertaken at temple Sangha colleges, Dong-guk University’s College of Buddhism, Joong-Ang Sangha Un iversity, or elementary Seon meditation centers. These first two trainings must be com pleted by all Jogye Order monastics without exception. When the “elementary training ” is completed, one can become a novice monastic (Sami/Samini). When the “basic tra ining” is completed, one can take the full monastic vows, and attains the qualification and rights of being a Jogye Order monastic. Third and fourth are “specialized training” and “extracurricular training” where a monastic can pursuit specific training after recei ving full monastic ordination. Fifth is the “re-training” for monastics who have been o rdained 10, 20, and 25 years. This is not obligatory, but it is the training process neces sary to carry out certain responsibilities as set out by the order, and to hold positions in the order, as well as train disciples.

2. Elementary Training -Postulant (Hangja) Registration The monastic prospects put aside their past lifestyle, to begin life as a renunciat

4 Ibid, pp.133-134.

51 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary e at a new and unfamiliar temple. There is a need for the elder monastics to show exce ptional interest, consideration, and guidance, so that the postulants acclimate well to te mple life and correctly pursuit the monastic path. The temple’s elder monks, while living together with the postulants, must obse rve whether they have what it takes to make future monastics by thoroughly examinin g the postulant’s resume, maturation process, past awards and reprimands, family situa tion, and health history. After closely observing the attitude and behavior of the postul ants to determine that they have the sincere motivation of a renunciate, only then are t hey allowed to stay as postulants. The postulant who has taken the first step, must choose a vocation master (Uns a ) that will lead them, and guide them properly as practitioners. Once the vocati on master is selected, the relationship cannot be cancelled without mutual agreement . Therefore, this selection should be done cautiously. The vocation master must have b een ordained for at least 10 years, is over 30 years old, passed the third level monastic examination, and must be of at least a Joong-deok or Jeong-deok monastic rank.

-Hair-cutting Ceremony and Postulant Robes Hair-cutting ceremony is meaningful because it officially confirms the postula nt as a member of the order. Therefore, this is a formal ceremony, which follows cere monial procedure with the monastic community in attendance. After this ceremony, th e male postulants wear the brown robes and the female postulants wear orange robes.

-Admission into the Postulant Training Course The postulant’s qualifications are: high school graduate, over 15 years old, and under 50. Once the postulant is trained at the home temple for at least five months, he/ she enters the group postulant training course. The main contents of the training cours e are: novice vows, the “Admonitions to beginners” text, life of Buddha, elementary d octrine, and Buddhist ceremonies. After the completion of the training course, by passi ng the fifth level monastic examination, the postulant takes the Shramanera/Shramaner ika (Sami/Samini) vows and becomes a novice. (3) Basic Training -Basic Training Summary Basic training is required training that can be considered the most important a mong all the training programs and contents. Here the novice cultivates the basic kno wledge that a fully ordained Bikkhu or Bikkhuni must possess. This four-year training takes place at the temple Sangha colleges, Dong-guk University’s College of Buddhis m, Joong-Ang Sangha University, and elementary Seon mediation centers. During this

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary time, Jogye Order tenets, the Vinaya, original scriptures, Mahayana scriptures, underst anding of training education, practice, propagation, among others are widely studied. There are 13 temple Sangha colleges for Shramaneras (male novices/Sami) and 6 temple Sangha colleges for Shramanerikas (female novices/Samini). Traditional tem ple life can be experienced at these colleges. In addition, it would not be an exaggerati on to say that the majority of the basic training takes place at these colleges. Joong-An g Sangha University is a modern monastic training center built in 1989 by the Jogye O rder. The elementary Seon meditation centers teach the basics necessary for Gan-hwa- seon ( training) practice. After the official registration of the Jogye Order with the Korean government’s Ministry of Culture and Public Information in 1962, the Dong-guk University ’s College of Buddhism was established with the goal of providi ng modern Buddhist education for monastics. The temple Sangha colleges are merely Jogye Order training institutions and not accredited universities. Joong-Ang Sangha U niversity and Dong-guk University are accredited universities. The curriculum among these various “basic training” facilities varies more or l ess, but the temple Sangha colleges’ curriculum are all the same. This was decided at t he 1984 Sangha College Teacher’s National Conference. This curriculum was devised to cultivate the basic understanding necessary for Gan-hwa-seon (Korean Seon trainin g) practice using traditional doctrinal education as the foundation. To supplement the Vinaya, Theravāda scriptures, and Mahayāna scriptures, and to better understand the d octrine from different ideological perspectives, Theravāda Buddhism, Abhidharma, M adhyamika, Yogācāra, , Tantric Buddhism, and a Buddhism Overview have been added to the curriculum. In order to see Buddhism from a historical perspective-- History of Buddhist Ideology, History of the Jogye Order, History of Indian Buddhism , History of , and History of Korean Buddhism have also been adde d. In addition, to strengthen an understanding of modern subjects--Humanities, Orienta l Ideology, Western Philosophy, Literature, and Foreign Language have been added. As a reference, the following is the Hainsa Temple Sangha College’s curriculu m: 1st Year: The Buddhist Person I, the Buddhist Person II, Vinaya, Early Buddhism, Abhidharma, History of Indian Buddhism, Understanding Western Philosophy II, Literature I, Literature II, English, Japanese 2nd Year: Understading the Sutra (, , Vimila-kirtinirdesa Sutra, 8000 Poems of the Prajnaparamita Sutra), Understanding Avatamska Sutra, Introduction to the Avatamsaka school, History of Chinese Buddhism, Understanding Western Philosophy II, Literature III, Literature IV 3rd Year: “Awakening faith in the Mahayana,” Shuramgama Sutra, ,

53 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

Nirvana Sutra, History of Korean Buddhism, Buddhism Overview I, Buddhism Overview II, Literature V, Buddhist Culture, Buddhist Ceremony 4th Year: Seon Texts (), Entrance to Sudden Enlightenment, Selected Letters of Master Dahui, Essence of Seon, History of Seon ideology, Buddhism Overview I, Buddhism Overview II, Graduation Thesis

When the “basic training” is completed, the novice can take the 4th level monastic examination. If the test is passed, the novice can receive full ordination of a or Bhikkhuni. (4) Specialized Training Jogye Order’s “specialized training” takes place in Seon meditation centers, the Sangha graduate college, Vinaya schools, specialized Sangha colleges, etc. Over 2000 Jogye Order monastics in more than 90 Seon meditation centers are keeping the practice tradition by practicing Seon meditation during the summer and winter retreat seasons. There is one Sangha graduate university at Eunhyesa Temple in Kyungbuk Province. Here the specialized and systematic pursuit of scriptures and studies takes place. Future professors and specialized abilities are cultivated at this university. Specialized Sangha colleges were created for the systematic education specialized scriptures or text that fits a temple’s tradition and character. Vinaya Schools provide systematic Vinaya education. Goal of the Vinaya Schools is to transmit correctly the monastic traditions and customs, and to prepare the monastics that will transmit the Vinaya. (5) Extracurricular Training The goals of “extracurricular training” are the cultivation of Buddhist arts such as Buddhist culture, Buddhist art, (modern and traditional), , and to strengthen the ability to propagate the Dharma. Another goal is to strengthen specialized training in the fields of Broadcast and Print Journalism that is necessary for Dharma propagation. In addition, there is a Schoolof Buddhist Ceremonial Song and Dance with a two-year specialized training and three years of additional training. (6) Re-training Once a Jogye Order monastic has been ordained 10, 20 or 25 years, the monastic must complete the education course that falls under “re-training.” Through this training, the monastic cultivates the character of a religious leader, is granted an opportunity to strengthen the bond with the other monastics participating in the education course, and

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary is supplied with diverse information to acclimate with the modern changing times. (7) Monastic Examination and Monastic Rank In the last several centuries it seems that monastic hierarchies in Korea were based mostly on seniority in the Sangha, number of Chan meditation retreats taken, and probably personal connections, rather than on exams. Nevertheless, these days the criteria for advancing in the monastic hierarchies in Jogye Order is undergoing a great shift. Education has taken a primary role in the structure, and a modern unified objective examination system has been set as the main standard for advancing in rank and holding higher positions within the Jogye Order today. So, now, according to the ordination age, the Jogye Order monastic must complete the corresponding training. After the training, the monastic takes the examination. After passing the examination, the monastic is bestowed with the corresponding monastic rank.5 (IV) Conclusion Despite the effort to modernize the education program by the Jogye Order, there has been the strong demand to get out of the traditional Confusion educational system, which is done in classical Chinese, modernize the Sutra Schools (Gangwon), which are the basic monastic training institutions, and make the graduate programs more diverse and specialized. One main reason for the reorganization is the change of circumstances. For example, there are dramatically fewer people interested in monastic life. There are slightly more than 100 postulants (hangjas) who finished the hangja training this year, compared to 528(male 297/female 231) in 2000, and 212(male 142/female 70) in 2016. In addition, only 50 to 60 monastics are enrolling at Joongang Sangha University compared to the standard of 120. Another concern is that new monastics who do not know classical Chinese must go through the current system, which is based on classical Chinese. Many monastics have shown interest in a modern curriculum. Another reason for the reorganization, is that there are plenty of qualified teachers for the modern curriculum including over 200 monastics who have PhDs or finished their doctoral courses.6 In these circumstances, a particular historical curricular model was authorized in the early 20th-century as the ‘traditional’ Buddhist educational program, then was gradually unified into a four-year sequence, and subsequently made mandatory by

5http://koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/board.php?bo_table=0010&wr_id=154&sfl=wr_subje ct&stx=training&sop=and 6http://koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/board.php?bo_table=0010&wr_id=486&sfl=wr_subje ct&stx=reorganization&sop=and

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Jogye Order law. Along with this curricular canon, the daily schedules, teaching qualifications, vacation dates, and other Sangha college regulations were also gradually systematized throughout the century. At the same time, additional subjects were added to the curriculum reflecting contemporary trends in Buddhist studies abroad. Independent female monastic Sangha colleges were established in the latter half of the century, and various higher educational institutions for monastics were opened both in the mountains and in Seoul. By the end of the 20th century a clear-cut distinction between ‘traditional’ education at the mountain monastic Sangha colleges and ‘modern’ education in Seoul’s Dongguk University and the Joong-Ang Sangha University was apparent. This clear-cut distinction soon became blurred with new 21st-century Sangha college reforms.

Bibliography Buswell, Robert, The zen monastic experience, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. Kaplan, Uri, Transforming Orthodoxies: Buddhist Curriculums and Educational Institutions in Contemporary South Korea, PhD thesis, Duke University, 2015. http://koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/board.php?bo_table=0010&wr_id=154&sfl=wr_subjec t&stx=training&sop=and

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Tree and Leaf the forms of canon and their cultural evolutions In Buddhist worlds

Ven. Beopjin, Ph.D Candidate (Dongguk University), Visiting Researcher, Institute of Thai Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand

Trees have special meaning for Buddhists. Aśoka tree, Jambu tree, , Sala tree etc. Those trees are of course real-life background of Buddha’s life but those trees have become symbols or metaphors now. The Aśoka tree is the birthplace of the Buddha, the Jambu tree is the site of the Buddha’s first meditation, the Bodhi is the tree of Enlightenment and the Sala is Nirvāṇa as we all know. While these are significant to Buddha’s life, there is something far more important than these symbols. That is, Tripiṭaka or Buddhist canon which is written on leaf or carved on the wood of trees. It’s true that weight should be put on Buddha himself, but record of the canon is an essential part of Buddhism. In fact the canon is first and Buddha is second; the tree and leaf in the history of recording canon are more meaningful than Buddha. The meaning of ‘Canon’ is actually ‘sūtra’, but the usage often includes Discipline (Vinaya) and Treatises (Abhidhamma/Abhidharma). So typically when we say ‘canon’ in English, we understand that is Tripitaka, and this word is most preferred by us. In NE Asia however, before 10th~13th century CE, they used the words ‘一切經 (yichijing, Sarva- sūtra=whole Buddhist texts)’ or ‘衆經 (jungjing, Saṃgiti of sūtra=collection of Buddhist texts)’ and ‘三藏(sanzhang, Tripitaka)’. ‘三藏 (Tripitaka)’ has continued and now is a universal word, but at present they generally prefer using the word ‘大藏經 (dazahngjing, great/huge-pitaka-sūtra)’ in NE Asia. The meaning is ‘the sūtra of huge [three] pitaka’. The meaning of ‘pitaka-sutra’ is a little strange, but ‘sūtra’ sometimes is thought of as every Buddhist text to NE Asian people. So to them, there is a difference between ‘sūtra-pitaka’ and ‘pitaka-sūtra’ so they can use the terms ‘Agama-sūtra’ and ‘Nikaya-sutta’. Nikāya or Āgama mean is “collection of sutra”, but in NE Asia, they using “collected sutra of sutra”. Nikāya or Āgama mean is “collection of sutra”, but in NE Asia, they using “collected sutra of sutra”. Sometimes canon were inscribed on the stone, sometimes scribed on golden plates, sometimes on a pice of tree, sometimes tree(brich)-bark or printed by typeset from early period. 1956, unearthed from underground in 石經山(Mountain of Stone Canon) near Bejing, are canon carved on stone. They number around 15,000 and date from early 7th century Sui (隋)

57 dynasty to 1094-produced continuously over a period of 480 years. The Chinese reburied the tablets to prevent corrosion by the sun, after copy rubbing the whole collection. Vajrachedika sutra was discovered inside of the casket. It is made of gold-pannel that was pressed by tool from the back. The is from the Goryeo dynasty but the age of this sutra is disputed as is its origin; Sila dynasty or Baekje dynasty. However, it definitely comes from before 10th century. To make palm leaf manuscripts, a new shoot of a large palm-leaf is split into thin strips and boiled with some other materials like leaves of mango and papaya etc. It is dried, scrubbed and cut to the same size. Then we inscribe with a metal stylus, spread ink there and polish up the leaves with flour. The ink is left in the letter grooves. Ornate covers were developed for the palm-leaf manuscripts. These were wooden cases or sticks with decoration. They were also for protecting the manuscripts. If lay people made donations, the covers would be more nicely adorned. Royal donations meant that they could be adorned in gold colour. This form of a sheet of leaves and sliver become Tibetan manuscript type and Chinese manuscript type too. In the case of modern manuscripts (from 18th century onwards), there are folder type also. These are written on paper, which is easy to read and easy for safekeeping. Manuscripts made in this way are a trend common to most other traditions. In NE Asia, from 11th century Song (宋) dynasty began the creation of wooden block tripitaka. The process is much bigger, so manufacture was never attempted at an individual level, only on a national policy scale. At the same time, the creation of wooden block is a measure of the strength of a nation because their creation requires a huge number of trees, sawing technology, high-quality human resources who those hand-writers, engravers, lacquerers and paper manufactures etc. The process took a long time, 16 years in Korea’s case At first, lumbered trees were put in the mud flat or sea water for about a year and sawed lengthways of the wood grain. A maximum of 6 blocks could be made from a tree. Next, paper manuscripts were written and these were pasted to the board upside down and, by tracing, carved into the wood. This was done on both sides. Finally the 81, 258 blocks were pressed on over 160,000 paper pages. At the present, the only perfect wooden block tripitaka in existence is the Korean edition (Koryeo Daezangkyoung, 高麗大藏經) in temple Kyoungsang province. Even though about 10 were created in China, there is only this edition left. The other one is “folder” type. This type can be easy to read and portable. Of course, there is a drawback in that they tend to break apart at the crease. However, this type is usually preferred. This way is similar to folding type of manuscripts used in Southeast Asia, even though they followed different making processes.

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Leaf manuscripts and wooden blocks from trees were totally different cultural developments in terms of writing and press. The leaf is for reading, while the wooden block is purely for press printing as a kind of early press machine, developed along with paper, which was not present in SE Asia. The evolution from manuscripts to printing systems took place very early due to the development of paper in China in the 2nd century. Paper was made by traditional methods using different technologies in Korea, China and Japan, which continue to the present. In the three countries of Northeast Asia (Korea, China, Japan) not only were canon scribed and manuscripts made on the papers but also papers were already being dyed in different colours. There was also a printing system invented in SE Asia. The Ariyaka script was invented by King Monkut (famous for his reform of Thai Buddhism). The inspiration for the King’s typeset came from missionaries of the West. He learned English from them and observed their technologies and decided he needed a modern printing system. It can be said he was never afraid of new things. Similarly, manuscripts were discovered inside ‘jars’ or ‘water-pots’ which had been buried by Northwest Indian Buddhists. Buddhist manuscripts were found inside of this pot in Gandhara in 1920. In Korea, there is another tradition. That is Yunzangdae 輪藏臺 a large turning case with canon inside. This is similar to a Tibetan style. The Japanese invented a very nice reading system in which paper is turned over so fast using folder type texts. Touching and worshipping canon is as important to them as reading texts. Of course the manuscripts are handled with care by scholars because of their significance. Sometimes however, a lot of manuscripts kept in old temples in SE Asia are in a poor state of preservation. On the left, the situation is comparatively not bad, but the collection on the right is in a poor condition. Fortunately restoration methods have been improved by technology. We have seen the rebirth of a lot of damaged manuscripts through new technology. In the case of LIRI in Nepal. There aren’t air conditioners in any room. There are however big air conditioners running in the archive hall, where there are books and manuscripts only, not people. Scholars work in other rooms without air conditioning. The archive room is very cool. As we know, in Nepal - especially the area - the electricity goes out three or five times a day. The windows of sutra buildings are made in different sizes. The upper windows are large and the lower windows are small but on the other side they are the opposite way. So we can control the wind coming in and out of the building. The building’s design not only controls wind but also can balance moisture. The floor of

59 the building consists of charcoals, sands, limes, clays and salts in layers. These materials keep the building at a fixed humidity, during dry weather or rain. Keeping the wooden blocks in this kind of environment is good for the preservation of canon, but there is more we can do. Sometimes they should be exposed to the sun too. So, once a year an event is held where lay people put the wood blocks on their head. Of course, this is done as a blessing ritual but the actual reason is to expose the wood blocks to the sun. Today it is most important that we preserve old manuscripts and more effort is needed, especially for the fragile palm-leaf type. Unfortunately we don’t have manuscripts from before 15th century, so existing manuscripts are our primary sources of Pāli. The form of canon scribed on leaf are the oldest records of Buddhist history. The majority of important manuscripts are housed in old temples. The study, cataloging, editing, translating and preservation of these manuscripts should be our concern.

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Master Yinshun (1906–2005) and His Method of Studying the Dharma with the Dharma

Venerable Prof. Bhiksuni Dr . Shi Zhiru, PhD (East Asian Studies, University of Arizona), Professor, Buddhism and East Asian Religions, Department of Religious Studies, Pomona College (liberal arts University in Southern California), U.S.A.

Abstract In the Chinese Buddhist tradition(s), Master Yinshun has the reputation of being one of the foremost scholar-monks in the modern era. A prolific writer, Buddhist commentator and intellectual historian, one of the attributes of Master Yinshun’s work that distinguishes him from other monk-scholars of the past is his use of the Western historical model to reconstruct Indian Buddhism. It is sometimes presumed that his serious engagement with the Western historical method and its presumed standards of objectivity is what makes Master Yinshun –– otherwise a scholar entrenched in Chinese learning with minimal direct contact with the West –– an important contributor to the making of Chinese Buddhist modernity. However, as this paper will show, Master Yinshun himself actually took the trouble to understand and explicate his use of the Western historical method through Buddhist lenses. In this vein, he wrote a self-reflective essay titled “Using the Dharma to Study the Dharma” that intentionally (re)frames the Western historical model in terms of the core Buddhist teaching, the Three Attributes of Existence (Pāli, tilakkhaṇa; Sanskrit, trilakṣaṇa). This paper examines Master Yinshun’s views of his own methodology, and its role in his theological quest for a rational and humanitarian Buddhism for his time and place. What implications can we draw from this exemplar of reading the Tripiṭaka in the modern era?

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Master Yinshun (1906–2005) and His Method of Studying the Dharma with the Dharma

(Draft, please do not cite without author’s permission)

I don’t know anything about methods of worldly research, nor have I ever undertaken training for them. For this reason, I don’t know how to advise students on ways to study. After I had given a few lectures and published a little, people began to ask me about my methods of research. Such questions really put me in a quandary. Truth be told, I am a dumb person with dumb methods! After studying for a long time, I had more or less understood the Buddha Dharma, so I gradually began to apply the principles of the Dharma to resolve issues concerning the Dharma.1

In the Chinese Buddhist tradition(s), Master Yinshun has the reputation of being one of, if not the foremost scholar-monk(s) in the modern era.2 A prolific writer, Buddhist commentator, and intellectual historian, one of the attributes of Master Yinshun’s work that distinguishes him from other monk-scholars of the past is his use of the modern Western historical research method to reconstruct Indian Buddhism. It is sometimes presumed that his serious engagement with the Western historical method and its presumed standards of critical objectivity is what makes Master Yinshun –– otherwise a scholar entrenched in Chinese learning with minimal direct contact with the West –– a major contributor to the making of Chinese Buddhist modernity. However, as this paper will show, Master Yinshun himself actually took the trouble to explicate his use of the Western historical method through Buddhist lenses. In this vein, he wrote a meta-statement, a sort of reflection essay on his own research methodology, which he titled “Using the Buddha Dharma to Study the Buddha Dharma.” The essay intentionally frames the Western historical method which he adopted in terms of the core Buddhist teaching, the Three Attributes of Existence (Pāli, tilakkhaṇa; Sanskrit, trilakṣaṇa). This paper examines Master Yinshun’s views of his own methodology, and its role in his theological quest for a rational and humanitarian Buddhism for his time and place. What implications for modern Buddhist monastic scholarship can be drawn from his long years of studying the Chinese Tripiṭaka?

1 Yinshun , Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher, 1985), 39. My quote above is a modified translation from Yinshun, A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage on the Ocean of Dharma, translated from Chinese to English by Yu-Jung L. Avis, Po-Hui Chang, and Maxwell E. Seigel (New Jersey: Noble Path, 2009), 71. 2 For his biography, see Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher 正聞出版社, 1971), 2nd rev. ed. 2005

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An Overview of Master Yinshun’s Historical Studies The most famous of Master Yinshun’s writings is the 24-volume set of books known as Wondrous Clouds Collection (Miaoyun ji 妙雲集), which contains anthological compilations of his essays as well as book-length scriptural exegeses on specific Mahāyāna sūtras. Some of the essays and even the scriptural commentaries are written records and compilations of oral lectures that Master Yinshun had delivered. As a book series, the Wondrous Clouds Collection was first compiled and published in ??? Today, the series is regarded by Chinese Buddhist intellectual circles as a mini Buddhist canon 小藏經, a modern succinct distillation of the Chinese Tripiṭaka that seems so forbiddingly voluminous that few have attempted to read in its entirety.3 Less known to the populace are Master Yinshun’s numerous academic writings, most of which are presented as historical reconstructions of Buddhist history, except for a book monograph on ancient Chinese mythology and folklore culture and his comparative editions of the Āgamas.4 Among his historical writings, the most important works are his book-length histories of Indian Buddhism. He first completed and published in 1942 a book titled Buddhism in India, a reprint edition of which appeared in 1985. This was followed in 1988 by History of Indian Buddhist Thought, an updated and more thorough study that shows the Master’s command of the subgenre of religious histories. In addition, the Master also authored several book- length monographs that closely analyze particular aspects of Indian Buddhist thought or history, ranging from the Āgamas and Abhidharma textual traditions to the rise of Mahāyāna and the different phases and concepts of Mahāyāna thought. He also authored a book on the history of , one of his few sustained studies of Chinese Buddhism.5 In his preface to Buddhism in India, he articulated a conviction that would become his life-long pursuit: I am deeply convinced that Buddhism, over its long course of development, necessarily experienced changes that cause the loss of its truths. [We thus have to] investigate what its core teachings were and elucidate the causes for the changes, and then we can distinguish, clarify, and distill the teachings.6 深信佛教於長期之發展中，必有以流變而失真者。探其宗本，明其流 變，抉擇而洗鍊之。 It was this recognition that led him to focus especially on the study of Indian Buddhist

3 It is said that Master Yinshun read the entire at a monastery in Putuo Island. He continued to study the Chinese Taishō canon when he finally settled down in Taiwan after fleeing civil war in mainland China. 4 For a complete listing of his publications, see the list on the website of the Yinshun Foundation, which was set up by his followers to translate and promote his work: http://yinshun-edu.org.tw/Master_yinshun/books 5 Zhongguo chan zong shi 中國禪宗歷史 (Taipei: Zhengwen chubanshe, 1994). 6 See his preface in Yinshun 印順, Yindu zhi fojiao 印度之佛教 (Taipei: Zhengwen chubanshe, 1995), 3. As mentioned above, the book was completed in 1942.

63 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary history, rather than Chinese Buddhist history, as he sought to clarify the spirit of Buddhist teachings over the course of its pluralistic developments in India. Master Yinshun explained: After eight years of study as a monk, I realized that Buddhism, though much distorted by Chinese culture, had actually begun to lose its original purity in India a long time before, and that the deterioration had gotten worse with time. Therefore, I could do nothing but devote my mind and energy to the investigation of Indian Buddhism. My writing and lecturing during this period thus focused on the exposition of individual texts so as to pin down the original meanings of the Indian scriptures and to trace their developments.7 From the array of the titles of his books, we see that he is deeply engaged in historical reconstruction with a special focus on the changes in Buddhist thought and practice in India. In hind sight, one must acknowledge that Master Yinshun was very much a product of the intellectual and religious trends of his times. Given his affiliation with the reformer monk Master Taixu and the years he spent in the modern Buddhist educational institutions that Master Taixu had established, Master Yinshun was certainly in an intellectual environment where he was in constant contact with the contemporary trends of Chinese Buddhist scholarship, but also from the steady trickling of Buddhist ideas and approaches coming from outside of China. He certainly had access to the ideas and translated works that resulted from the cross- cultural fermentation of Buddhist studies between Western and Japanese scholarship during the late nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century. An eminent example is the search for the historical Buddha and the accompanying quest for the “pristine” origins of Buddhist thought, which can be traced to trends in British scholarship, particularly in the studies of early Buddhism through the Pāli canonical texts by late nineteenth-century scholars of the Pāli Text Society in London in the likes of the Society’s founder, Thomas Rhys Davids (1843–1922) and his wife Caroline Rhys Davids (1857–1942). While Master Yinshun did not read Western languages, he most certainly glimpsed the trends in historical studies via modern Japanese scholarship (e.g., Takakusu Junjiro 1866–1945, Kimura Taiken 1881–1930, and Yuki Reimon 1902–1992) that trickled into the religious intellectual milieu into Chinese from the late nineteenth century.8 While he did not read Japanese language per se, he was able to make adequate sense of the contents by working his way through the long passages of kanji (which are basically Chinese) characters. The questions Master Yinshun raised and studied were always cast in historical terms: What ultimately does it mean to pursue the core principles of the Buddha Dharma? How did the Buddha Dharma evolve? What changes took place in India? When transmitted to China, why did the religion evolved to become its present manifestations? I use the meaning of these questions as the foundation

7 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 13; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 41. 8 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 9.

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for conducting my research.9 追求佛法的根本原理究竟是什麼？佛法如何發展？在印度有什麼演變？ 到中國來又為什麼發展成現在的現象？我是基於這個意義 來研究。 In other words, his study of Buddhist history was never for the changes themselves, but always directed at the ultimate purpose of understanding the so-called “core principles of the Buddha Dharma.” Master Yinshun’s self-characterization of his own work invokes the Western model of theological history, commonly defined as a branch of theology to investigate the socio-historical and cultural mechanisms that generate and shape theological ideas, statements, and systems. Theological historians study changes in the development and formation of core Christian thought, explicating the changes by contextualizing them within broader intellectual and socio-cultural changes. The goal, however, is almost always to grasp the core or essential doctrinal teachings that somehow had become embedded within, or diluted via the different articulations over time. In this way, historical theology is also frequently interpreted as the study of how Christians in varying historical periods have understood core theological subjects or topics (e.g., the nature of God, the nature of Jesus Christ, the nature and work of the Holy Spirit, the doctrine of salvation, etc.). On the surface, Master Yinshun’s use of the historical method seems to invoke the theological historical method in Western religious history. Even his expressed goal coincides with the stated agenda of theological history, that is, to extract the “essence” from the inevitable layers of cultural embedding. But examining his meta-statement on his own methodology, one quickly realizes that it is reductionist to simply explain Master Yinshun’s historical research as a Buddhist exemplar of theological history. Instead, in his meta-statements on his research methodology, it becomes particularly critical to tackle why Master Yinshun wanted his adoption of the modern historical textual method to be understood as an application of the Buddhist core doctrine of the Three Hallmarks of Existence (sanfayin 三法印). Three Seals of Existence At the end of 1953, Master Yinshun wrote an important short essay, “Using the Buddha Dharma to Study the Buddha Dharma” 以佛法研究佛法, in which he clarified his own research methodology.10 He revised this essay and published it under the title, “Using the Buddha Dharma as the Method of Learning” 治學以佛法為方法, as one of the essays in his intellectual biography A Sixty-year Voyage on the Sea of the Dharma 遊心法海六十年.11 Except for minimal rewording, the essay remains pretty much the same in contents. This methodological meta-statement is critical as he

9 Yinshun, “Yanjiu fofa de lichang yu fangfa 研究佛法的立場與方法,” in Yinshun, Huayu ji 華雨集 (Taipei: Zhengwen Chubanshe, 1993), vol. 5, 63.

10 Yinshun, “Yi fofa yanjiu fofa以佛法研究佛法,” 11 Yinshun, “Zhixue yi fofa wei fangfa,” in his Youxin fahai, 46; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 79.

65 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary explains his adoption of the modern historical research method through the Buddhist perennial doctrine of the three hallmarks of existence. The three seals are typically defined as: All formations are subject to change (anicca) 諸行無常 All phenomena lack substantial reality () 諸法無我 Nirvāṇa is quiescence涅槃寂靜12 For Master Yinshun, historical research and writing that critically investigates changes in Buddhist thought and practice is the method that aligns well with the first of the three seals which stipulates that “All formations are subject to change.” Within the Buddhist doctrinal framework, the of all phenomena is ascribed to the truth that all existences lack substantial reality and ultimately do not exist as intrinsic, everlasting, independent selves. Since modern historical research investigates changes and analyses the contextual relationships in which a phenomenon arises and subsides, historical research is thus an apt methodological conduit that aligns with and conveys the Buddhist philosophical tenet of impermanence. In his essay, Master Yinshun highlights three points to align his research methodology with the three attributes of existence. He first advocates that the researcher’s attitude should always conform with the Buddhist teaching of no-self: Being selfless means abandoning and cutting off the deranged view of ego-self (theistic-self); that is, one does not proceed from egocentric view to grasp after everything. Applied the study of the Buddha Dharma, it means not to be obdurately fixated on one’s own biased views but to undertake research without even a single (pre-determined) prejudice; this will allow the original meaning of the sūtras and śāstras to present itself. “Never act like you are so smart and presume a certain viewpoint, and don’t biasedly favor the more ancient expositions.”13 For Master Yinshun, the open objectivity of textual historical research functions as a critical methodology, a strategic safeguard against egotistical biases arising from personal dispositions or lineage affiliations. For an early twentieth-century Chinese thinker, he exhibited an unusual critical awareness of the self-conditionings that can creep into one’s thinking and writing, shaping the telling of history, which is in many senses quite modern. Elsewhere, in his intellectual biography, Master Yinshun reiterates his deep commitment not to impose pre-formed views on to the textual sources he analyzes: In my expositions, I never extrapolated a word or a line [from any text] to extend my own lofty views, nor did I merge or syncretize [texts or ideas]. What I said may not be accurate, but all I hoped to accomplish was to clearly

12 Master Yinshun used the threefold formula, but the earliest scriptural elaboration in the Chinese Āgamas gives a fourfold formula, adding all formations are suffering (duḥkha); see, for example, Zengyi ahan jing增壹阿含經T2 n125 640b; Foshuo faji mingshu jing 佛說法集 名數經, T17 n764 660 c22-23. 13 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 14; cf. A Sixty Year Spiritual Voyage, 42.

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explicate the original meanings of each scripture. In order to understand the discrepancies between the sutras and śāstras of the three phases [of Mahāyāna thought],14 I took a non-sectarian standpoint in my expositions rather than giving an interpretation based on my own views and opinions.15 Traditional East Asian Buddhist accounts of their own histories are often undertaken by members of the lineage who presumed the “truths” and “facts” of transmitted accounts within the lineage, including the doctrinal implications deriving from their lineage stance. The kind of non-sectarian perspective that Master Yinshun aspired toward was quite unheard of in traditional Buddhist scholarship. Just as traditional Chinese histories more or less assumed the validity of dynastic cycles and the authority of transmitted dynastic records, traditional Buddhist scholarship by and large accepted the transmitted accounts of lineage histories which visibly incorporated and reflected partisan religious interests of the lineage that the author belonged to. Even when it is the work of Buddhist historians like and Daoshi who recorded histories across lineage boundaries, and who quite often displayed a discerning eye for historical accuracy, history is still understood as external factual realities, and the sources for compiling and editing histories still rest on the received authority of traditional literary records. They did not try to contextualize the different conditioning factors to reveal the contextual interrelationships that shape religious phenomena and events. The modern historical method thus allowed Master Yinshun to break free from the shackles of transmitted perspectives on Buddhist history as well as the assumptions and biases inherent to these accounts. Through critical analysis of the historical contextual inter-relational causes that catalyzed and disrupted Buddhist ideas or practices, Master Yinshun was able to undermine the long dependence on the authority of transmitted histories to portray Buddhist developments. Second, for Master Yinshun, the methods employed in the study of Buddhism should be derived from the principles of “all formations are impermanent” and “all things are self-less.” First, all worldly phenomena are subject to constant change and therefore impermanent. In terms of Buddhist history, all of Buddhist thought, literature, monastic codes, rituals, artifacts, and others are all subject to this law of impermanence, and one can see the causes for the rise, fall, and even decline of Buddhism in accordance with the law of impermanence. As a research method, “all formations are impermanent” is to “observe that everything is no more than an incessant succession of moments arising and passing away, in which one instance is similar to the next in the process of birth and annihilation.”16 The second seal stipulates that “all phenomena are self-less.” There is no independent self in all worldly phenomena since everything is just the temporary existence of causes and conditions that will incessantly change. Hence, the researcher is to observe:

14 That is, the three philosophical phases of Mahāyāna Buddhist thought: Madhyamika, Yogācāra, and Tathāgatagarbha teachings. 15 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 14; cf. A Sixty Year Spiritual Voyage, 42. 16 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 46–47; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 80.

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… that everything is none other than a phenomenon of the assemblage and dispersal [of various conditions] that are transformingly connected, mutually dependent, and mutually productive.”17 Master Yinshun then proceeded to clarify that the integral linkages between the whole and the individuals: Since everything is but an assemblage of conditions, therefore within a seemingly whole entity that arises, there are diverse internal attributes and functionalities. … Thus, the many individual differences (among expressions of the Buddha Dharma) need to be understood from within the assemblage that is seemingly angular, and the Buddha Dharma, which has only one flavor, cannot be fathomed without going into its many varieties that are seemingly different. This is [a second characteristic of] self-less : the whole and the individuals are related.18 Translating the principle into research, he explained: Sing everything is dependent on causal conditions, the dependent conditionality means that change is inevitable. Therefore, researchers should have full grasp of the contemplation of impermanence, the dependently originated and absence of innate nature of all things.19 History, however, is not to be studied for its own sake which brings us to the third seal –– the researcher should regard “Nirvāṇa is quiescence” as one’s ultimate destination. Nirvāṇa is the mental state of being free from greed, hatred, and ignorance. In other words, the goal of research always should be to attain the sublime ideal of the Buddha Dharma, that is, the quiescence of nirvāṇa. In an essay titled “Buddhist Thought: Buddhist study versus Buddhist practice” 佛教思想–佛學與學佛, the Master pointed out that a Buddhist follower’s study of Buddhism should always be done for the understanding of the Buddha Dharma, and “the kind of study that is separated from one’s religious conviction – Buddhist studies conducted for the sake of Buddhist study, that is, purely academic research – is definitely not a blessing for Buddhism.”20 This dispute between Buddhist study and Buddhist practice was exacerbated by the infiltration of the textual historical methods from the West into Chinese studies of Buddhist canonical texts toward the close of the nineteenth century. It was (1837–1911), the so-called “Father of Modern Chinese Buddhism,” who brought the method of textual historical method from London into the fold of Chinese Buddhist learning, engineering the beginnings of what comes to be called in modern scholarship as “textual Buddhism.” This refers to the kind of methodical comparative research and analysis of texts that radically departed from the sūtra reading practices in the monasteries of that time that centered around the recitation of Buddhist texts for the accumulation of merits, which generated income

17 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 47; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 80. 18 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 47–48; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 81. 19 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 47; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 80. 20 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 31; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 61.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary for the monasteries.21 The kind of text critical and historical analyses, deriving from nineteenth-century textual studies, became the mode of study of philosophical and religious texts in the non-monastic contexts. The Buddhist learning institutions that Yang Wenhui established would make use of this textual approach. The renowned reformer monk Master Taixu (1890–1947) who studied at Yang Wenhui’s center for a while, subsequently incorporated the textual historical method into the various modern Buddhist seminaries that he went on to establish as part of the broader monastic educational reforms in Republican China. It was in these Buddhist seminaries that Master Yinshun came into contact with the textual historical method that he would adopt for his study of the Dharma.22 However, Master Yinshun made a sharp distinction between two approaches to the study of Buddhist texts –– research for research sake versus the study of Buddhist texts as steps on the path to “nirvāṇa is quiescence.” Master Yinshun summarized his research method in terms of the following three points: First, the subject to be studied is the Buddha Dharma; the researcher must value its religious nature. Second, those who take Buddhist Study as the study of a religious faith and engage in historical textual research should weigh the pursuit of factual truth highly. Third, historical textual research should aim at pursuing truth. In the research for truth, modern Buddhist studies should [recognize that this aim] has a practical meaning–-that is, to take examples from the past as a warning. (From the perspective of a follower of Buddhist teaching, the truth that one has researched should be applied as the guideline for one’s understanding and faith.)23 Historical scholarship is ultimately to learn from the mistakes of the past and use them as warnings. On the individual level, research can and should be applied to one’s spiritual progress, and can even strengthen one’s faith. This understanding is quite different from secular academic studies where the fostering of critical sensibility and scholarly rigor is seen as undermining faith, the latter regarded as “irrational” and the dialectical opposite to understanding. Faith, in the Buddhist tradition, is quite different, and can be built on understanding. Master Yinshun was quick to caution that it is, … when research and study follow the dharma principles of ‘all formations are impermanent’ and ‘all things are self-less,’ only then can the approach and outcome of the research not be a form of Buddhism that is corrupted and contravenes the principles of the Buddha Dharma.24

21 For example, see the various descriptions of chanting monks in Chen Hua, In Search of the Dharma: Memoirs of a Modern Chinese Buddhist Pilgrim (New York: State University of New York, 1992). 22 For details, see his intellectual biography Youxin fahai. 23 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 49; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 82–83. 24 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 49; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 81.

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In other words, research, correctly undertaken in the spirit of impermanence and selflessness, can productively helped shape the expression(s) of Buddhism so as to avert crippling developments that will weaken the religion. Here we see Master Yinshun assuming a theological moralism that would be problematic in secular academic studies. He acted here as a vanguard of the religion, who was concerned with the contemporary applications of the study of the past. Ultimately, the Master saw himself as a religious teacher, and his textual historical studies were intended to better grasp the “true” core of the dharma, and filter out the extraneous and putrefying elements. In hindsight, his views would be regarded in postmodern times as “essentialist” and his historical construction relatively naïve. But the “essentialism,” besides being a product of the times, is also indicative of his deep religious conviction. For him, the study of Buddhist texts was his method of study that was also his path of spiritual cultivation. The Courage to Embrace Changes Master Yinshun observed that “Those who study and pursue the Buddha Dharma should not only aim to take to their heart the actual meaning conveyed in the text, but also understand the impermanence and selflessness of the text itself and to realize cessation directly from the text.”25 The Master’s vision was hardly one of recovering or transmitting the old as typically found in Confucian teachings.26 Nor was he in favor of the then popular theory of evolution which flourished in secular studies. He pointed out that the theory of evolution presumes a linear progression that is unwavering for the better. However, as Master Yinshun observed: Though historical evidence studied and scrutinized, the real state of affairs of Buddhism in the past is fully revealed. Buddhist teachings (the thoughts and institutional systems) had indeed gone through changes and evolutions, but they are not necessarily always evolving for the better. By saying that evolution is always for the better, the researcher is already looking with one eye closed; in the propagation of the Buddha Dharma, there is also regressive evolution and corruptive evolution. (Might I ask) why else would the Buddha Dharma have ever undergone decline?27 Although he emphasized the study of Buddhism of the earliest period, he did not necessarily regard it as the most authoritative source for understanding the core of Buddhism. Instead, he valued greatly also the aspiration and ideal in Mahāyāna literature and thought, which he thought should be the stimulus for the form of Buddhism for the era of modernity. He would promote a form of rational Buddhism that fitted the inclinations of the era, which he surmised in a book of the title, the contents of cannot be discussed given the constraints of this paper.28 In short, Master

25 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 48; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 82. 26 Confucius saw himself as “merely” a transmitter of the traditions of antiquity. 27 Yinshun, Youxin fahai, 48; cf. A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage, 82. 28 Yinshun, Qili yu qiji zhi renjian fojiao 契理與契機之人間佛教 (Taipei: Zhengwen Chubanshe, 1991).

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Yinshun’s ultimate goal in his textual historical studies was to cull out the scriptural evidence and elaborate their implications for a form of humanitarian Buddhism for modern and contemporary Chinese societies. In short, his so-called (renjian fojiao 人間佛教) while pieced from the “essences” of Indian Buddhist developments is also not a one-to-one correspondence to any period of Buddhism. In this he shows the courage to embrace change that is pronounced in the law of impermanence. For him, only by the application of the three seals in one’s research can we arrive at a construction of Buddhist history that will yield a meaningful form of Buddhism for the times.

71 Master Yinshun (1906-2005) and Reading the Chinese Tripiṭaka In the Changing Times of Modern China

Venerable Bhiksuni Dr. Shi Zhihui, PhD (East Asian Studies, University of Arizona), Lecture, The Great Compassion Ashram, Taipai

Abstract

Born in a small village in Zhejiang province in Southeastern China, Master Yinshun was ordained in 1930 and subsequently enrolled at one of the modern Buddhist academies set up by Master Taixu, a leading figure among the progressive Buddhist reformers that appeared in the early twentieth century China. While Master Taixu was engaged in Buddhist reforms across various spheres, Master Yinshun explicitly focused on Buddhist scholarship and restricted his role to intellectual reform. Among his many intellectual accomplishments, one less known detail is the fact that he had read the entire Chinese Tripiṭaka a few times, and had authored a short article to discuss the role of the Chinese Tripiṭaka in World Buddhism. To address this gap in the study of Yinshun’s thought, this paper examines his attitude and method in the study of the Chinese Tripiṭaka, and how it contributes to his broader intellectual reforms of Buddhist thought. The paper will first introduce Master Yinshun as one of the eminent scholar-monks in modern Chinese Buddhist history, followed by a close look at his reading practices, including the years (1933- 1936) he spent perusing the Chinese Tripiṭaka at Huiji Monastery on Mount Putuo island. The paper will close with an analysis of his views on the role of the Chinese Tripiṭaka in World Buddhism.

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Master Yinshun (1906-2005) and Reading the Chinese Tripiṭaka In the Changing Times of Modern China

Draft (Please do not cite without the author’s permission)

Life and Background Master Yinshun (lay name was Zhang Luqin 張鹿芹) was born in a small village in Haining County 海寧縣, Zhejiang Province 浙江省 in Southeastern China. His family was not wealthy. He was born prematurely after his mother conceived for seven months. He fell in sick that almost caused him to die eleven days after he was born. Hence, he always looks pale and weak. His father worked in a provision shop besides farming. At the age of seven, he left his mother and followed his father to another town where his father having his business. He admitted a private elementary school. At the age of ten, he graduated from school and self-studied at home for half a year. Then he went further away from home to another town to study at an upper elementary school, where he had to stay for more than two years. During this period of time, he was living on his own and did not know how to take care of his daily life. A village boy, his clothing and daily items that were markedly inferior to his classmates, he naturally felt inferior and lonely. He had an introverted character. Among the subjects, his Chinese was the best in the class. After he graduated from school at the age of thirteen in 1918, his father sent him to a Chinese physician’s house to study medicine. The teacher, however, did not teach him and he learnt on his own some medical theories. But he was more interested in the arts of immortality. To distract his interest, the father sent him to teach in an elementary school in 1921. During the nine years of teaching, he continued reading books in topics varying from the ancient Chinese philosophy such as Laozi, Zhuangzi, to religions such as new and old testaments, and Buddhism. He also started reading more Buddhist texts and commentaries without any guidance. From 1928-1930, his mother, a relative and his father passed away simultaneously. Because of his learning the dharma in these recent years, he had thoughts of taking up the robes, but the problem was to find a place to be ordained.1 The temples in fifty miles proximity of his neighborhood were all focused on incense- burning and paid ritual services. From the Buddhist texts that he read he believed that Buddhism should not be like that. He also thought that relatives will be an interference to him were he to take up the robes too near his village. Later he read from an advertisement that a new Buddhist Institute in Beijing was recruiting students. He decided to attend the institute hoping that more opportunities would open for his ordination. During the summer of 1930, he left home for Shanghai and then on to Beijing

1 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher 正聞出 版社, 1971), 2nd rev. ed. 2005, p. 4.

73 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary by boat and train. But when he arrived at Beijing, he found out that the new Buddhist institute could not be established due to the ongoing warfare at that time. He then went to Mount Putuo Island, and settled down at a small site called Fuquan Temple where he was eventually tonsured by the elder monk Qingnian 清念老和尚.2 He was ordained in October and subsequently enrolled at one of the modern Buddhist academies (Minnan Buddhist Institute 閩南佛學院) set up by Master Taixu (1890– 1947), a leading figure among the progressive Buddhist reformers who appeared on the early twentieth-century Chinese religious landscape. Yinshun was to join in the second semester, but fell ill even before the summer examination was over. He was sent to Yongquan Buddhist Institute 湧泉佛學院 which was located on a mountain in Fujian 福建 to recuperate because the weather and air were better for him.3 From then on, he did not receive any formal studies at any Buddhist institute. He did not have a good foundation for either secular or Buddhist education.4 After he recovered from sickness, he went back to the Minnan Buddhist Institute but was invited to teach his classmates. He saw himself as their peer rather than their teacher. After teaching for a few months, he realized that although he only attended classes less than four months, he had already become a teacher, which he felt was not ideal. Hence, he decided to return to Mount Putuo. Between the summer of 1932 until the end of 1936, he spent his time reading the Tripiṭaka at the Tripiṭaka in Huiji Monastery 慧濟寺. In between, he went to Wuchang Buddhist Institute 武昌佛學院 where he studied exegeses of the three-treatise or Sanlun lineage 三論宗, and Minnan Buddhist Institute for half a year respectively, he was there for the full three years studying the Chinese Tripiṭaka. Although the self-study environment was poor, he cherished it as the most ideal time and place for his monastic life so far.5 On finishing the study of the Tripiṭaka, he travelled to Ningbo 寧波, Hangzhou 杭州, Shanghai and back to Putuo. He met Master Taixu twice during his travel. Master Taixu asked him to go to Wuchang Buddhist Institute to lead a few students to study the three treatises. Although he was reluctant to go, he still went to Wuchang in 1937. Five months later, he was hospitalized for more than ten days. His health was pretty weak and he became sleepless. For him, illness was a normal routine of his daily life, and he regarded death as an unfamiliar friend whom he did not welcome but

2 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, pp. 8-9. 3 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, p. 30. 4 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher 正聞出版社, 1985), p. 2. Translated into English by Yu-Jung L. Avis, et al, A Sixty-Year Spiritual Voyage on the Ocean of Dharma (New Jersey: Noble Path Buddhist Education Fellowship, 2009). 5 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, p. 12.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary toward whom, he also did not have any animosity.6 Due to the on-going warfare with Japan, Master Yinshun eventually left Beijing and Shanghai, and moved to the western region of Sichuan 四川. He stayed in Sichuan for eight years (1938-1946) which he regarded as the most meaningful time that had the most lasting impact on his thought.7 During that period, he continuously gave talks and was prolific in writings. His joy and vows in the Dharma supported him in overcoming his illness. From August 1938 to December 1939, he met Venerable Fazun 法尊法師 at the Tibetan Tripiṭaka College 漢藏教理 院; the latter had studied in Tibet and had contributed significantly to the translation of key Tibetan texts into Chinese. Many of the nights, they debated and discussed a variety of topics in Buddhist doctrines. Although they did not always arrive at some consensus, Fazun’s views on deeply influenced Master Yinshun who would incorporate them into his understanding of the Dharma. Besides the influence of Master Taixu’s writing, Master Yinshun considered Venerable Fazun to be a truly special causal condition in his learning of the Dharma.8 It was also this period that Yinshun met a few more spiritual companions like Venerable Yanpei 演培 and Venerable Xuming 續明, who also played important roles in his thought and life.9 In 1947, Master Yinshun went back to Shanghai and met Master Taixu who was seriously ill and passed away after a few days. Master Yinshun was appointed to be the main editor to edit and compile Taixu’s writings into a book series titled Complete Writings of the Great Master Taixu (Taixu dashi quanshu 太虛大師全書).10 From 1947 to 1948, he travelled back to Mount Putuo where many of the Buddhist places were ruined by war beyond recognition. When he went to Hangzhou, he and a few fellow monks tried to prepare and organize a library (Xihu fojiao tushuguan 西湖 佛教圖書館). Due to warfare, they moved to Xiamen and then to Hong Kong, where he was chosen to be the president of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association (Xianggang fojiao lianhehui 香港佛教聯合會). After a few invitation letters from Taiwan, he went to Taiwan in 1952, where he was invited to be one of the mentor-teachers 導師 at Monastery 善導寺. He was appointed to be one of the representatives to attend the Global Buddhist Friendship Meeting 世界佛教友誼會 in Japan, which some unfortunate misunderstanding by other monks who accused him of chasing the limelight.11 At the beginning of his stay in Taiwan from 1953-1954, he was entangled with Buddhist politics, and accused of communist tendencies in his Buddhist thought.12 Although the

6 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, pp. 30-31. 7 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, pp. 22-26. 8 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, p. 25. 9 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, pp. 25-26. 10 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, pp. 38-39. 11 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, pp. 56-58. 12 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, pp. 79-85. For example, he was

75 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary disputes were resolved, he felt that he must be lacking in religious martyrdom, and regarded this episode to be the most shameful thing in his monastic life. In 1956, he was invited to be the abbot of Shandao Monastery. He went on to build a few Buddhist sites, first of which is Fuyan , a Buddhist seminary in North Taiwan, and then Huiri Sermon Hall 慧日講堂 in Taipei, the latter he designated as a monastery that was solely for the function of preaching the dharma without the profit-making functions of sūtra chanting 經懺, selling vegetarian foods齋 食, or setting up ancestral memorial tablets that were most popular in the Buddhist monasteries and temple of the day13 Master Yinshun wanted the two sites he built would become places for self-cultivation and dharma propagation. From 1952 to 1964, besides illness, he continued preaching the dharma and writing. In the year 1956, he empathized with the nuns who did not have opportunities for learning the dharma, he and a few monks began delivering teachings to them and, in the following year, set up Xinzhu Buddhist Nuns Institute 新竹女眾佛學院at a monastery next to Fuyan Vihāra. In 1964, he moved to Miaoyun Aranya 妙雲蘭若 in Jiayi City 嘉義市, southern Taiwan, to have time for self-study and writing. After Master Yinshun resided in Taiwan, he travelled to countries in Southeast Asia such as Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and so forth to give Dharma talks. His writings including his own writings, Dharma talks or lectures recorded by attendant, commentaries, historical studies, and textual editions.14 Since he attended Minnan Buddhist Institute at the age of 26 years old (1931), he started writing articles and books on Buddhist doctrines until the age of 93 years old. He was an exceedingly prolific writer. He was motivated by “the aspiration to comprehend doctrines so as to be able to perform the function of clarifying Buddhist thought” 願意理解教理, 對佛 法思想 (界) 起一點澄清作用.15 Without any resource and institutions, he would always unexpectedly procure donation from fellow students, monk-friends, Buddhist institutes, monasteries, and devotees for printing his articles and books. Only until 1980, he set up “Right Hearing” Publisher 正聞出版社 in Taipei to print his writings. He was sickly for his entire life and was even seriously ill to the point that he had to undergo hospital operations a couple of times during his old age. He lamented his own protracted illness, which meant he outlived and went through the deaths of many of his monk peers. He humbly depicted himself as “only contributing to the Dharma while pursuing self-improvement through the Dharma” 都是在佛法中奉獻， 在佛法中求進修而已.16 In 1998, at the age of 93, he further added more writings and

accused of propounding Communist ideas through his explanation (in Fofa gailun佛 法概論) of the Uttarakuru, the northern of the four continents surrounding Sumeru. 13 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, p. 107. 14 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, p. 151. 15 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, p. 170. 16 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, p. 184.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary revised his biography entitled An Ordinary Life (Pingfan de yisheng平凡的一生) which he wrote in 1971 and revised in 1993. Two years later, his attendant passed the manuscript to “Right Hearing” Publisher and asked them to publish the manuscript on his death. In 2005, he was admitted into the hospital on 20th May due to the gradual deterioration of his bodily functions, and passed away peacefully two weeks later due to heart and respiratory failure. In his biography, Master Yinshun describes himself: “I’m like a leaf fallen on the water surface, drifting forward and flowing away, abruptly stagnating and abruptly swirling in circles. Sometimes it stirs up waves and is submerged by the waves, only to become tranquil again and still flows away in that way … everything that happens to oneself were all due to the shifts and movements of infinite complex causal conditions. Causal conditionality is so very true and so inconceivable!”17 Reading of the Chinese Tripiṭaka In his writings, Master Yinshun classified monastics into three categories: practitioner, thinkers, and cultivators of merits. He regarded himself as belonging to the category of monks who focus on intellectual work and explore dharma through the study of the Tripiṭaka.18 He had a strong . In pursuing the Dharma, he left his hometown to find a place to take up the robes so as to study and learn, and hence be able to propagate Buddha Dharma in the future. The following year after his ordination, he went to study at the modern Buddhist institutes set up by Master Taixu. During the first semester, he was involved in Buddhist doctrinal controversies such as the new and old translation of texts related to the Vijñānavada School 唯識宗, also known as Yogācara teachings.19 He felt that the problems besetting Chinese Buddhism in the real world was an ideological one. He was determined to have a thorough understanding of the Buddhist doctrines and to contribute to the clarifying of Buddhist thoughts. Besides, he was invited to assume the role of a Dharma teacher in the Minnan Buddhist institute after he pursued his study there for around four months. An expected turn of events alarmed him. He felt ashamed of himself and resolved to find ways to study on his own. Thus, he left Xiamen and returned to Putuo. From the summer of 1932 until the end of 1936, he stayed almost entirely at the Tripiṭaka Pagoda of Huiji Monastery, Buddha Head Mountain, at Putuo. In traditional Chinese monastic architecture, there are always a pair of in the compound, one of which is a Tripiṭaka Pagoda where the Chinese Buddhist canon and other Buddhist literary treasures are stored. At the Huiji Monastery, the Tripiṭaka Pagoda had living quarters for guest-monks who had come from afar to peruse the Tripiṭaka. Master Yinshun lived at the Tripiṭaka Pagoda for the length of three years spread in the period from 1932 to 1936. In between, he spent half a year at Wuchang Buddhist institute where he studied the exegeses of the three treatises, and another half

17 See Yinshun, Pingfan de yisheng 平凡的一生, pp. 1-2. 18 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, p. 1. 19 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, pp. 6-7.

77 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary year at Minnan Buddhist Institute, as well as spending time to take care of some odds and ends.20 In those days, it was exceedingly difficult to come upon a set of the Tripiṭaka, let alone read it. Hence, the guest-monks who aspired to read the Tripiṭaka were accorded special respect and treated with marked distinction. Not only were they exempted from participation in routine monastery duties and activities, their meals were brought to them at the Tripiṭaka Pagoda, so that they could peruse the canonical readings singularly.21 Thus, while Master Yinshun was at Huiji Monastery, there was minimal, almost no, interruptions at the Tripiṭaka Pagoda. Although Huiji Monastery was poor, he felt that the environment was the most ideal place that he would ever have in his entire life. He read the Tripiṭaka (the Qing Dynasty edition)22 in the daytime and continued to study Three-Treatise 三論 and Vijñāptimatra or Consciousness-Only 唯 識 teachings at night. He felt that three years of reading the Tripiṭaka was really not enough time to attain much. The Tripiṭaka contains more than 7,000 fascicles and he had to read seven or eight fascicles per day and each fascicle contains about 9,000 words. It was a quick browse-through without much contemplation or digestion of the doctrinal contents. Not possessing a strong memory, he felt lost in the vastness of what he read. Nevertheless, it was still beneficial in skimming through the Tripiṭaka. He discovered the vibrant variety of approaches to the Buddha dharma from his reading and deeply felt that the Tripiṭaka is a tremendous Buddhist treasure that is inexhaustible. Through his quick reading, he realized that there exists a vast array of approaches to the dharma, so that from then on, he could no longer confine himself only to the Three-Treatise and Consciousness-only teachings. Instead, he agreed with Master Taixu’s proposal about Mahāyāna Buddhism: Unlike the theory-laden śāstras, Mahāyāna sūtras inspire the reader to practice and cultivate the Bodhisattva path. Also, when he read the Āgamas and the various versions of the vinaya, he had a feeling of intimate familiarity with and the reality of the actual human world. They are different from certain Mahāyāna sūtras that are presented in terms of faith and ideals. This discovery significantly influenced his future quest for the Buddha Dharma. To him, reading the Tripiṭaka 閱藏 is not only for the merits of ritual chanting, but it is for the sake of understanding the dharma, for enhancing our faith, as well as inspiring our practice.23 The Qing-edition Tripiṭaka is about seven thousand fascicles, containing between eight and nine thousand words, whereas the Taishō Tripiṭaka is

20 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, p. 8 21 Information provided by Ven. Zhiru, oral communication, Oct. 2017. 22 See Yinshun, “Du ‘dazangjing’ zaji 讀「大藏經」雜記,” in Yinshun, Huayu ji 華 雨集 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher, 1993), vol. 3, p. 223. 23 See Yinshun, “Bianxiu zangjing de xianjue wenti 編修藏經的先決問題,” in Yinshun, Jiaozhijiaodian yu jiaoxue 教制教典與教學 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher, 1972), rev. ed. 1992, p. 112.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary about twelve thousand fascicles. Therefore, the voluminous Tripiṭaka will most likely turn away potential readers. When Master Yinshun started reading the Tripiṭaka, he began first with the Mahāprajñāpāramitā sutra 大般若經 which numbers about 750 fascicles.24 He read word by word in detail and spent four months completing its reading. Thus on an average, he was reading fifty to sixty thousand words a day, but he still felt that he could not really have profound comprehension of the sūtra. Due to his experience on reading the Chinese Tripiṭaka, he noticed that there are many texts that were either retranslated, synthesized, or are just similar. He suggested that it will save time and energy if there is a fine selection of the Tripiṭaka, and thus it will be more convenient for the scholars who wish to study further the Dharma.25 He acknowledged two factors which limited his achievements despite his resolution to study the dharma.26 First was the lack of scholastic training. In the field of modern Buddhist studies, those who want to delve into Buddhist studies but lack foreign language proficiency cannot quite make the grade. While he had opportunities to learn foreign languages at the Buddhist Institutes, he was unable to keep up with both English and Japanese classes, as he had to start in the intermediary classes. He also had a chance to study Tibetan language when he was in Sichuan but on account of frequent illness, he had to forfeit it. The second factor was that he had been constantly ill his entire life since the summer of 1931. Perspectives on the Chinese Tripiṭaka Given linguistic constraints, Master Yinshun’s study was primarily focused on the Chinese Tripiṭaka which he read (as previously mentioned) first in the Qing- Dynasty Edition. In his later years when he had settled down in county of Taizhong in Central Taiwan, he would have access both to the Taishō edition of the Chinese Tripiṭaka, as well as Chinese translations of the Pāli Canon which is refer to as the canon of the Southern Tradition.27 The Chinese Tripiṭaka was thus his life-long subject of study. In 1952, Master Yinshun published an essay titled “Status of the Chinese Buddhist Canon in World Buddhism” 華譯聖典在世界佛教中的地位, which serves

24 See Yinshun, “Bianxiu zangjing de xianjue wenti 編修藏經的先決問題,” p. 112. 25 See Yinshun, “Bianxiu zangjing de xianjue wenti 編修藏經的先決問題,” pp. 112- 113. 26 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, pp. 2-3. 27 In 1881, the Pāli Text Society was established in the United Kingdom, they romanized the Pāli canon and its commentaries, as well as published its English translation. The Pāli canon was later translated into Japanese from 1935-1941, titled Nanden daizōkyō 南伝大蔵経 [The Mahātripiṭaka of the Southern Tradition]. Venerable Pumiao 菩妙法師 (1921-2009), the abbot of Yuanheng Monastery 元亨寺 in Gaoxiong (southern Taiwan) felt that it was a great pity not to have a Chinese translation of the Pāli canon. Hence, he set up a translation and compilation committee to work on the project and spent 11 years to finish the Chinese translation of the Pāli canon, titled Hanyi nanchuan dazangjing 漢譯南傳大 藏經 [Chinese Translation of the Southern Tradition Tripiṭaka].

79 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary as his first discussion on the Chinese Tripiṭaka, specifically in connection with Buddhism in other parts of the world. Later in his life, he would revise this essay into “The Chinese Buddhist Canon and world Buddhist Research” 世界佛學與華譯聖典, which he appended to his intellectual biography A Sixty Year Spiritual Voyage on the Ocean of Dharma遊心法海六十年authored in 1984.28 In both essays, he situates the Chinese Tripiṭaka among the other major Buddhist canons, namely, the Pāli Tripiṭaka and the Tibetan Tripiṭaka, and linked them to the prevalent rubric classification of Indian Buddhist history. In this way, Master Yinshun saw the history of Indian Buddhism as comprising three phases of five hundred years each, divided into the consecutive periods of Buddhadharma or Early Buddhist teachings, Mahāyāna Buddhist Teachings, and Tantric Buddhist Teachings. The three phases of Indian thought in turn corresponds to the flourish of the three major canons: the Pāli canon for the initial period of the Buddhadharma, or Early Buddhism; the Chinese canon for the period of Mahāyāna teachings; and finally, the Tibetan canon for the period of Tantric Teachings.29 In hindsight, we now realize that his way of categorizing the history of Indian thought and literature is rather general and reductionist, since many of the rich historical nuances are overlooked in the formulaic rubric he employed. Contemporary historical research (in western scholarship) has problematized the sort of grand, universal narratives that assume a linear progressive evolution that was typical of historical studies in Master Yinshun’s times. Instead, contemporary historical research trends now recognize the pluralistic voices in the making of history (histories?) that might be better rendered through competing smaller, local narratives. But while we have to be wary of the tendencies toward historical generalizations, it is his views on the significance of the Chinese Tripiṭaka for Buddhist research that we are most concerned with here. Master Yinshun assessed the place of the Chinese Tripiṭaka among the other major Buddhist canons as follows: The sacred canonical texts in which are transmitted in China are of course not comparable to the original canonical texts recorded in Sanskrit or Pāli (which are both Indian languages). Nor is it as close to the original canonical texts as the Tibetan translations (as the Tibetan alphabet was derived from Sanskrit). Nonetheless, if one is conducting a historical investigation to understand the historical unfolding of changes of everything

28 See Yinshun, “Huayi shengdian zai shijie fojiao zhong de diwei 華譯聖典在世界佛 教中的地位,” inYinshun, Yi fofa yanjiu fofa 以佛法研究佛法 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher, 1972), rev. ed. 1992, pp. 261-269. 29 See Yinshun, Fofa gailun 佛法概論 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher, 1949), rev. ed. 1992, pp. 42-43; see his other article, “Zhonghua dazangjing xu 中華大藏經序,” in Yinshun, Huayu xiangyun 華雨香雲 (Taipei: Zhengwen Publisher, 1973), rev. ed. 1994, p. 207. This article was first written in 1963.

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about Buddhism that originated from India, the Chinese translations would have their unique values that cannot be overlooked –– values which the Pāli, Tibetan, and Sanskrit texts cannot compare to!30 He went on to explain that while the Chinese Tripiṭaka is the canon of the middle period, the thousand years of Buddhist development in India did make their way into the Chinese Buddhist translations. Furthermore, the Chinese Tripiṭaka also includes selected texts from the Tibetan and Pali Canons that were translated into Chinese from the thirteenth to seventeenth centuries (i.e., during the Yuan and Ming Dynasties). In other words, the Chinese Tripiṭaka really contains texts from all three periods of Indian Buddhist thought and history, and is particularly useful for amplifying the canons of the other two periods/phases of Buddhist history. Also, the Chinese Tripiṭaka quite often contains more than one version of translation for the same text. The existence of variant versions of different chronological periods would help one to clarify the translation history of Chinese Buddhism and the literary, philosophical, and religious changes over time as recorded in the different versions and recensions of the same text.31 For the study of the initial period of Buddhadharma, Yinshun believed that the Chinese canon is particularly important as it contains translations of various versions of the sūtras, vinaya, and abhidharma texts upheld by various schools of the sectarian period.32 The Tibetan Tripiṭaka contains relatively few sources for this phase of Buddhism. While admittedly the Chinese Tripiṭaka does not contain translations of the entire Pali Tripiṭaka, the large corpus of sectarian Indian Buddhist texts collected in the Chinese Tripiṭaka include translations from various schools of early Buddhism beyond the Theravada School. In other words, the contents of sectarian Buddhism in the Chinese Tripiṭaka is actually richer in certain respects than the Pali Tripiṭaka. The scope is particularly valuable for comparative studies of sectarian Buddhist thought and literature in India.33 In addition, as Master Yinshun pointed out, the Chinese translations of sectarian Buddhist literature contain critical clues that could elucidate the rise of Mahāyāna teachings, that is, the onset of the second phase of Indian Buddhist history as construed in the historical classification employed by scholars of his times. For the middle period of Indian Buddhist history, Master Yinshun declared that while both the Chinese and Tibetan Tripiṭakas contain extensive scriptural sources and philosophical treatises on Mahāyāna thought and practice, there are critical distinctions, both in terms of chronology and contents, between the sources found in the two canons. Translations into Tibetan only began in the seventh century, whereas the Chinese translations of Mahāyāna literature began as early as second century, so that technically speaking, the Tibetan textual transmission of Mahāyāna literature

30 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, p. 56. 31 See Yinshun, “Du ‘dazangjing’ zaji 讀「大藏經」雜記,” p. 231. 32 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, p. 57. 33 See Yinshun, Fofa gailun 佛法概論, p. 42.

81 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary really began at the time of what is, for Master Yinshun, the third phase of Indian Buddhism, that is, the period of Tantric teachings. He further clarified what this different chronology meant: The Chinese canon has, as a matter of principle, preserved the variations across the different translations of any text, unlike the texts of the Tibetan system, which were continuously revised in order to match the later texts. Therefore, by starting one’s research from Chinese canonical texts, one can understand the historical process by which major collections of Mahāyāna sūtras were progressively compiled. One can also discern every similarity and difference between an earlier and a later version of the original [text] from India or Central Asia. Thus studying the Chinese texts not only helps to avoid the bias of insisting on one particular view but also leads to an understanding of the progressive changes in the texts.34 In short, the Chinese Buddhist translations are critical not only for the early phase of Mahāyāna, but also for understanding Indian Mahāyāna developments through the centuries. For Master Yinshun, Chinese Buddhist Tripiṭaka, as the most representative of the middle period of Mahāyāna developments, thus connects the early and sectarian Buddhism on the one hand and Tantric Buddhism on the other hand. Master Yinshun argued for the urgency of studying the Chinese Buddhist canon within the context of what he referred to as “World Buddhism” (shijie fojiao 世 界佛教). While it is true that the global implication hearkens to the search for universals that is quite characteristic of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, I propose that Master Yinshun actually used the term with some nuance. By “World Buddhist research,” he meant the undertaking of Buddhist research that is not constrained by the boundaries of sectarian or lineage affiliations in which the production of Buddhist scholarship requires one to go beyond the Buddhist textual transmission and, by implication, the national cultural heritage that every canon is associated with. The Buddhist search for “truth” –– both spiritual and historical truths –– thus transcends the temporal, national, and cultural associations of the researcher. Ideally, the researcher should have some command of relevant canonical languages, to read the canons beyond one’s tradition. According to Master Yinshun, one has to acknowledge that any sect of Buddhism in the world is a branch of Buddhism. Therefore, it may not be unilaterally and arbitrarily disclaimed by any other sect as “not true Buddhism,” and no single sect can have the sole claim of “pristine Buddhism.” Neither should the Mahāyāna Schools be regarded as illegitimate nor should the Śrāvaka Schools be looked upon as “non- viable seeds.” Only when all Buddhists will study and practice together objectively in a friendly atmosphere with mutual trust and understanding can coordination and correlation of the different sects be possible.35

34 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, pp. 57–58. 35 See Yinshun, “Huayi shengdian zai shijie fojiao zhong de diwei 華譯聖典在世界佛

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Contemplative Reading Admittedly, the actual historical contents and findings which Master Yinshun came up with about the history of Indian Buddhism and the developments of the Buddhist Tripiṭaka are now dated, and have been surpassed by more current scholarship on the respective topics. What then can we learn from his journey in Tripiṭaka studies? I began this study with the Master’s life and in closing, I like to return once again to his personal intellectual journey. The attitude of his study –– the singularity in his devotion and commitment to Tripiṭaka studies is evident even from my brief account of his life. In Buddhist practices, be it the six recollections (anusṃṛti) in Theravada, or Pure Land’s Buddha recitation or Zen contemplation of kōan in Mahāyāna, they all require the practitioner to be singularly focused around some chosen object of cultivation as their constant practice. In Master Yinshun’s life, the Chinese Tripiṭaka serves as that kind of orienting pivot toward which his faith, aspiration, and practice are directed. His entire life practice is Tripiṭaka studies, and even when he undertook to construct Buddhist centers of learning and practice, and when he had to lecture or administer the center(s), he would always pass on the leadership and return again to his personal studies of the Tripiṭaka. In fact, in A Sixty- Year Spiritual Voyage, Master Yinshun explicitly presented his own study of Buddhist texts as a form of contemplation: Whether the Buddhist teaching is heard from a preacher or read in a sūtra or śāstra, one should always undertake proper contemplation 思惟. My memory is weak. Only through thinking and pondering can I deepen a mental impression, and I therefore contemplate frequently. At first the outcomes of learning always come in bits and pieces. If one just studiously commits to memory things but is not good at contemplating, it is merely mechanical reading and mechanical memorizing, and even if one overcomes the difficulties through assiduous application, one’s future writing becomes nothing but a scrapbook pieced together from other people’s works. But if it is through contemplation, the pieces of information will become linked together. Sometimes from among a heap of old knowledge, something suddenly gives rise to a new inspiration and one obtains a new insight that opens the door to other related concepts.36 In this passage, the Master employed the phrase siwei, or contemplation, which is precisely the term for the contemplating bodhisattva思惟菩薩, an icon popular in East Asian Buddhist art. The reading habits of a monk-scholar is presented here as a contemplative exercise, and a truly productive form of reading has to be contemplative; only then does the monastic scholar profoundly engage the text and internalize deep insights that endow one with an overall picture of the connections beyond the immediate concept, issue, or phenomenon.

教中的地位,” p. 262. 36 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, p. 42.

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The doctrine of no-self (anātman) is very much a running theme in the description of the humility with which the monk-scholar searches for the truth. Master Yinshun pointed out that his “realizations” or “understandings” often would undergo substantial revisions. He described the research (and writing?) processes: During the process of further studying (or perhaps seeing or hearing about the viewpoints of others), I might realize that my previous view or understanding was erroneous or imperfect; again through contemplation I would revise, supplement, or entirely alter my views. In sum, I don’t arbitrarily regard my view as absolutely correct. Only after revising and revising like this, then do I build progress is built on progress, and gradually my thought becomes solidified. Thus even if my understanding isn’t quite a complete grasp of the issue, at the very least, it gets at part of its meaning.37 We have here a picture of a humble monastic scholar whose daily ruminations on issues in the texts he read regularly serve as building blocks toward his understanding of Buddhism.

37 See Yinshun, Youxin fahai liushi nian 遊心法海六十年, pp. 42-43.

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Appendix Major Divisions of the Chinese Tripiṭaka

Master Yinshun classifies the major divisions of the Chinese Tripiṭaka as follows:38 1. Āgamas: All four Āgamas belong to the division. The Madhyamāgama 中阿含 and Samyuktāgama 雜阿含 were translated from the texts of the Sarvāstivada School while the Dīrghāgama 長阿含 and Ekottarikāgama 增一阿含 were translated from those of the Vibhajyavāda School 分別說部 or Mahāsāṅghikā School 大眾部. It does not contain a complete set of sūtras of any single school as in the case of the Pāli Tripiṭaka (The Tibetan Tripiṭaka does not contain any sūtra from the Āgamas). 2. : The Chinese vinaya includes Mahāsāṅghikāḥ vinaya 摩訶僧祇律 of the Mahāsāṅghikāḥ School, Mahīśāsaka Vinaya 五分律, Dharmagupta vinaya 四分津, the Prātimokṣa 戒本 of Mahākāśyapīyā, and Sudarsana Vinaya 善見律論. All these are monastic rules of the Vibhajyavādaḥ School. Also Mūlasarvāstivādā vinaya 十誦律 and Sarvāstivada vinaya 根 本說一切有部毘奈耶which are from Sarvāstivada School. The Twenty two points of Elucidation Śāstra 二十二明了論 from Vātsīputrīyā School. The rich scope of materials from different sources highly facilitates comparative studies of sectarian Buddhism. 3. Abhidharmas: This is common to the Vibhajyavāda School, Sarvāstivada School and Vātsīputrīyā School, three main schools of Theravada Buddhism. The Chinese Tripiṭaka possesses large collection of the work of Sarvāstivada School, also has the Abhidharma work of all schools. There are śāstras in some schools greatly influenced the Chinese Buddhism, such as Satyasiddhi śāstra 成實論. It can thus be seen that although the mainstream of Chinese Buddhism did not give full respect to the Tripiṭaka, its rich information provides solid reference for anyone who is interested in tracing the division of the Śrāvaka Schools and the development of the Bodhisattva ideal from the Śrāvaka Schools. Hence, these Chinese scriptures can play the role to coordinate and communicate with the world Buddhism. 4. Mahāyāna scriptures on emptiness and eternal-reality are very complete in the Chinese Tripiṭaka. It is similar with that in the Tibetan Tripiṭaka. There are voluminous sections on 般若, Avataṃsaka 華嚴, Mahāsaṃghata 大集, Nirvāṇa涅槃, and Mahāratnakūta寳積 literature. Unlike Tibetan sūtras, the different translations of the Chinese sūtras were

38 See Yinshun, “Huayi shengdian zai shijie fojiao zhong de diwei 華譯聖典在世界佛 教中的地位,” pp. 264-268.

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preserved as they were without amendation. Therefore, from the study of Chinese sūtras and their variant versions from different time periods can help one to understand the sequential compilation of the voluminous sections and the changes in original Indian texts from different eras. Besides, the Chinese Mahāyāna scriptures that were translated before 220 A.D. are particularly related to the Western Regions such as Kashmir, Tocharian, Gandhara, Khotan and so forth. The scriptures in these area formed a strong core of Buddhist thought. 5. The Madhyamika scriptures of the Chinese Tripiṭaka are quite different from the Tibetan texts. The Chinese collection consists works of earlier stage, particularly the Mahāprajñāpāramitā-śāstra大智度論 and Daśabhūmivibhāsā śāstra 十住毘婆沙論, attributed to Nāgārjuna that present the profound Madhyamika philosophy and also demonstrated the actions of the Bodhisattva. The Madhyamika writings by Nāgārjuna’s students from a later period indicate the philosophical changes from Madhyamika to Yogācārya. 6. Yogācārya-Vijñānavada philosophy is a very complete collection in the Chinese Tripiṭaka that includes the three main scriptures such as Daśabhūmika śāstra 十地論, Mahāyāna-saṃparigraha śāstra 攝大乘論, and Vijnaptimatrāṣiddhi śāstra 成唯識論. For the Vijñānavada School, the Tibetan system was mainly founded on the teachings of which are more akin to the Mahāyāna-saṃparigraha School of the Chinese system, whereas the orthodox Vijñānavāda School was founded on the teachings of Dharmapala. The Vijnaptimatrāṣiddhi śāstra is a gem of the Chinese Tripiṭaka. Compared to the Tibetan Tripiṭaka, the Hetuvidya which is closely connected with Vijñānavada is not fully translated in the Chinese Tripiṭaka. This indicates that the Chinese people did not attach importance to logic and verbal debates. This is the reason why the views of the śāstra masters in Chinese Buddhism did not become mainstream. 7. There are Chinese translations on esoteric yoga of Tantric School in the Chinese Tripiṭaka, such as the sūtra大日經of the practical division and the Sūtra on the Diamond Peak 金剛頂經 of the yoga division. The only absent esoteric scriptures are those of the supreme yoga division on account of the sexual arts method (known in Tibetan as yabyum) that is unacceptable to the Chinese intellectuals when it arrived in China. However, the Tibetan canon is replete with the esoteric yoga sūtras.

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Traditional and Contemporary studies of Tipitaka in Nepal

Ven. Bhikshu Nigrodha, M.A in Sociology and Anthropology, Vice Chairman, Lumbini Development Trust, Lecturer in Buddhist Studies, Patan Multiple Campus (Tribhuvan University) & Theravada Buddhist Academy, Nepal

ABSTRACT Nepal is proudly known as the birthplace of the Lord Buddha. It is unfortunate however that Nepal had an unpleasant history with regard to Theravada Buddhism. Currently, Nepal has three forms of Buddhism: Theravada Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism, and (a form of Vajrayana Buddhism; the term "Newar" is an umbrella term that covers various clans including the Shakyans, hence their close affinity with Buddhism). According to official statistics, only 10% of Nepalese people are Buddhists. Most of them follow Tibetan Buddhism and only few of them are Theravadins. From 14th century to till 20th century Theravada Buddhism virtually ceased to exist in Nepal due to a division of society according to Hindu caste system – a law enforced by the government; whereby monks were forced to disrobe and consequently giving rise to Newar Buddhism. Tibetan Buddhism survived solely due to its geographical advantage as its followers lived in mountainous regions where politics had little to no influence. Few attempts on resurrection of the Theravada Buddhism was met with the banishment of monks thrice from the birthplace of the lord Buddha no less by the tyrant government in the 20th century –first in 1926 and then in 1936 and finally in 1944. When the tyrannical Rana regime was dismantled and replaced by democracy in 1951, Theravada Buddhism could finally take a sigh of relief. Since then they have worked tirelessly for its revival in Nepal without any governmental repression. In order to revitalize Theravada , our founding forefathers established training centers for monastics, translated and published canonical texts into native languages, actively participated in social and religious activities. Regrettably, there is not enough manpower to continue their legacy and vision to propagate Theravada Buddhism in Nepal. With less than 300 monastics residing in Nepal, their schedule is overwhelmed with daily religious activities of communal chanting, Dhamma discourses, participation in lunch offerings, and occasional classes on Buddhism. Furthermore, genuine way to obtain higher studies in Theravada Buddhism is

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary to go either to Sri Lanka, Myanmar, or Thailand. All of our forefathers and even current generation of prominent monks went to these countries to study Buddhism and since their arrival to Nepal they have been active in the promotion and development of Buddhism in both religious and academic aspects. Even now, number of novices and nuns have gone to these countries to acquire their higher studies in Buddhism. Since the modern history of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal is only about 80 years old, as of now, we are compelled to send our students abroad for their Tipitaka studies. Nonetheless, second generations of such students have now almost completed translating the whole Tipitaka into our mother tongue and we are hopeful that in the near future we can establish a strong and independent learning centers and create a suitable environment for any enthusiasts –monastics or lay to undertake their Tipitaka studies in Nepal.

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Traditional and Contemporary studies of Tipitaka in Nepal

A Brief History of Buddhism in Nepal Nepal is famous for two things: for its panoramic pearly mountains and as the birthplace of the lord Buddha. Thus, Nepal is blessed with the light of wisdom and the heights of majestic mountains. Moreover, sacred Buddhist sites such as Lumbini (in Kapilavatthu): the birthplace of prince Siddhartha, : only stupa that still contains the relics of the Buddha, Devadaha: Mayadevi's (the mother of prince Siddhartha) city of birth are located in Nepal. Moreover the first Bhikshuni Prajapati Gautami, First novice Rahual and the first five disciples1,of the Buddha were also from Nepal. Mention of such places in the canon even occasionally makes us proud of our nation. Earlier in the history, Buddhism flourished under the reigns of Kirat and Licchavi kingdoms. However, the decline of Buddhism began when Hinduism started to gain footing towards the end of reign; ensuing a complete disappearance of Theravada Buddhism from Nepal. This process was facilitated by king Jayasthiti Malla (around 1382 CE) who imposed caste system according to Hindu texts and banned Buddhist culture and tradition, monks were forced to disrobe and marry. This marked the origin of Newar Buddhism (an offshoot of Vajrayana Buddhism) which continued surviving Buddhist legacy through lay tradition but the Theravada Buddhism in general remained silent until 20th century. 1.1. Revival of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal Influenced by the works of prominent leader of Buddhist Revivalist Movement – , Dharmaditya Dharmacharya –a newar Buddhist, in order to resurrect Buddhism from its repression started to translate and write books about Buddhism in Newari Language; established Buddhist associations and also initiated a tradition to celebrate Vesakh day despite the prospects of legal troubles. Eventually, he was arrested and jailed for three months. Around the same period, in 1926, six Tibetan monks, who were previously Hindu, on account of religious conversion from the state religion and accusation regarding proselytism in Kathmandu were exiled to India. At Kushinara, impressed by

1 Kondañña, Vappa, Bhaddiya, Mahānāma, Assajī

89 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary the venerable U. Chandramani (Burmese monk) Mahapragya (an exiled monk) and Pragyananda, they took higher ordination from him in 1928 and became the first ordained monks from Nepal after almost 600 years. Since Venerable Pragyananda was not banished he was able to come to Nepal and conduct his missionary works. He ordained novices and nuns, published books and gave public Dhamma talks. Thus, Theravada Buddhism started to flourish slowly, but in 30th July 1944, tyrant government at that time summoned eight monastics and ordered them to sign a pledge to stop their religious activities, but they refused. The government then gave them two choices: either to return to lay life or face banishment. These eight monastics choose the latter and went to India. Some of them remained there and some went to various other countries. Ever so kind and helpful venerable U. Chandramani, yet again helped these exiled monks to formed "Dharmodaya Sabha" –a Buddhist association for Nepal. As its secretary, Venerable Amritananda tirelessly sought support from various countries and Buddhist organizations for their cause. Finally, in Sri Lanka (where he did his studies) he succeeded in bringing a goodwill mission to Nepal in 1946 under the leadership of well-known scholar Ven. Narada Mahasthero. This group consisted of Ven. Narada, Ven. Amritananda, Ven. Piyadassi, Dr. Ratna Surya and Prof. Aryapal. They were able to meet the newly appointed prime minister Padma Shumsher R. Rana and requested his Excellency to give permission for the exiled monks to return to Nepal. Prime Minister accepted their request and permitted the exiled monks to return. Venerable Narada Mahathero came to Nepal three more times. He constructed a Sinhalese , brought a branch of Bodhi tree and the Buddha's relic, and also established the first Uposathāgāra. Since then, Theravada Buddhism gained ground in Nepalese society and made progress. Thus, the Theravada Buddhism started to flourish and major Buddhist countries (Burma, Sri Lanka, and Thailand) lend their support in its revival by graciously accepting Nepalese students to study in their respective countries. And this still is the mainstream trend where small novices and nuns go to major Buddhist countries to study Buddhism since early age and return as a teacher to propagate Dhamma in our native land. Present Situation History of modern Theravada Buddhism in Nepal is relatively short –about 80 years old. It is not developed and firmly established as Tibetan Buddhism. This circumstance can be accredited to cunning and fierce proselytizing movement of Hinduism to include all surviving religious sects under one family to rule as a sole religious authority in India, religions such as Buddhism, Jainism, and other religious sects that we hear in the have been to a certain extent successfully

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary merged under what is now called "Hinduism" over the course of history.2 For instance, in 2005, Court of India in a judgment stated that Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists are subsects or "special faiths" of Hinduism, and are governed under the ambit of Hindu laws.3 Moreover, the Brahmanical authors of the Viṣṇu Purāṇa stated the Buddha as the ninth re-incarnation of the Lord Viṣṇu who came into existence "to seduce and delude the demons of devils,"4 thus making the Buddha subordinate to the Lord Viṣṇu. If you go to Nepal, India, Bangladesh or just ask any Hindu what they know about the Buddha, they will definitely answer he is the ninth reincarnation of the Lord Viṣṇu and Buddhism is a small part of Hinduism. Since this fabricated truth is written in school textbooks it will be difficult to remove that stereotype anytime soon. Therefore, in Nepal it is difficult to distinguish a Buddhist from Hindu and most of the places of worships are also shared by both sects. Thus, Nepal –a country which was constitutionally declared a "Hindu nation" until about twelve years ago, people do not see the need to study Buddhism while Hinduism is prevalent and they have set aside Buddhism to a corner. For such reasons, people hardly know about Theravada Buddhism and even fewer people come to get ordained. According to latest statistics below I have provided some information about our number of monastics in Nepal:5

Monks Novices Nuns Total In Nepal 100 98 130 328 Abroad 70 231 16 318 Total 170 329 147 646

The total number would be much higher had the ordained ones stayed in robes but due to various reasons and lack of prospect in Theravada Buddhism many disrobe. Though the belief and practice of Buddhism in Nepal dates back to the time of the Buddha, but the revival of Buddhism in Nepal is still in the preliminary stage. 2.1. Buddhist Education Though Lumbini is the holiest and pious land of Buddhism, we do not have any formal Buddhist Educational institution even for the beginners. Arousal and spread of Buddhist education has been far beyond imagination for the Nepalese until

2 See for Bronkhorst, J. (1946). Buddhism in the shadow of Brahmanism. Leiden, The Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill NV on his discussion in this topic. 3 Supreme court of india, in the judgement of Bal Patil vs union of India, Dec 2005. 4 tataḥ kalau saṃpravaṛtte sammohāya suradviṣām Buddho nāmanā'janasutaḥ kīkaṭeṣu bhaviṣyati.–Bhāgavata Purāṇa, 1.3.24, Josi, 2008, p. 5 5 Bodhijnana, 2015, p. 4

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Tribhuvan University started Buddhist studies in the year 2001. So how can we think of able Buddhist human resources for propagating Buddhism in the land of Buddha? This has been a big question in the history of Buddhism in Nepal. The monks and nuns in the temples have been the only source of light for Buddhism. For this reason, at the initial period of the revivals of the Buddhism, we had to send our resources out of the country for education. But in the recent years, slowly and gradually we are having able and skilled human resources for imparting the knowledge that they had received from foreign nations. These resources are now providing necessary aide for generating young Buddhist human resources to work for Buddhism. 2.2. Vishwa Shanti Vihara One of the milestone achieved by Theravada Buddhism in Nepal is the establishment of Vishwa Shanti Vihara (The World Peace Temple) by Venerable Jnanapunnika Mahathero in 1984, who was again a Nepalese monks trained in Burmese tradition. There are many monks like him who having studied in foreign countries come to Nepal and dedicate their life to the development and propagation Theravada Buddhism. 2.2.1. Buddhist school and training center In 1997, world peace temple was renovated again to house a "World Peace Buddhist School" to produce educated and capable Buddhist monks and nuns. Unlike in major Buddhist countries where monastic education is different from formal education yet recognized by the government, in Nepal that is not the case. Nepalese government does not recognize religious certificate. Therefore, in order to secure the future of novices should they decide to disrobe we provide them both formal and Buddhist education. It is the only training institute for novices and nuns with such facilities in Nepal. 2.2.2. Theravada Buddhist Academy The Theravada Buddhist Academy was established in August 18, 2012 under the auspicious leadership of the most Venerable Dr. Bhikshu Jnanapunnika which is an independent entity incorporated under the umbrella of the Vishwa Shanti Vihar. Theravada Buddhist Academy champions in systematic promotion and preservation of Theravada Buddhism, its culture and heritage through education, research and various other activities like workshops, conference, meditation courses etc. Currently the Academy offers Masters in Theravada Buddhist Studies in affiliation with the Lumbini Buddhist University. Here are some contents of the course:

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Course Title 1 Theravada Buddhism 2 Buddhism of Nepal 3 Pāḷi Language 4 Buddhist Literature 5 Buddhist Philosophy 6 Buddhist Ethics 7 Buddhist Art and Architecture 8 Buddhism and Society 9 Buddhist Psychology 10 Meditation

Under this modern method of Tipitaka studies we include studies of selected portion from sutta,vinaya and abidhamma, pali language, analysis and scrutiny of pali canon in respect to ethics, psychology, anthropology, philosophy, arts and many more along with practical aspect of meditation. Similarly, there are various universities and institutes that offer degree in Buddhist studies, but due to lack of students it is not a popular field of study in Nepal. 2.3. Pariyatti Education Pariyatti education is akin to a Dhamma school which starts from rudimentary level up to grade X; and it is the most successful among our endeavors to educate people on Buddhism with primary focus on the youth. With the help of our devotees who have connections in schools, we now have more than 90 pariyatti centers in various parts of Nepal, where we teach school kids about Buddhism and we have students in excess of one thousand taking exams each year. First few grades serve as an introduction to Buddhism and as the level increases we include the study of Dhammapada, Jātaka, Sutta studies, pāli language, Abhidhamma, and Buddhist literature. 2.4. Abroad Study Contribution of Nepalese monks to the revival of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal who studied in major Buddhist countries is unparalleled. Since then it has become customary to send our young students to those countries to further their Buddhist education. Moreover, due to lack of dedicated institution for Buddhist studies in Nepal it still is the mainstream practice. This is chiefly owing to lack of support from the government to Buddhist education and to the promotion and preservation of Buddhism in general. Thus, traditional and modern way of Tipitaka

93 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary studies in Nepal largely depends on the country that our students have studied. Here I have provided a number of monastics who are currently studying abroad.6

Country Number Sri Lanka 134 Thailand 153 Myanmar 31 Total 299

As you can see half of our monks, novices, and nuns are still studying abroad thus leaving us with only around 300 monastics in Nepal. Since devotees are thousands in number one can probably imagine how busy a monk's life must be in Nepal attending to various religious activities. Therefore, the best option for novices and nuns is to go abroad where they can focus on their studies. Once they return to their motherland they have been actively involved in the promotion and propagation of Buddhism in various ways. Many of them are engaged in social and religious activities, some teach meditation, some publish Buddhist magazines, write books, and some are in the process of translating the whole Tipitaka. Since Nepalese peoples' knowledge on Buddhism is negligible our primary focus is to educate them on introductory topics. Therefore, most of the classes we take are to introduce and make people understand about the basics of Buddhism. Only occasionally or during pariyatti classes we delve into deeper topics of Buddhism. Monastic Education to Produce Leaders Young monastics are the future of Theravada Buddhism. However, one of the biggest problems we are facing currently in every major Buddhist country is that monks and nuns have been returning to lay life, and thus jeopardizing the future of this Sāsana. One major contributing factor to this problem can be attributed to the rapid development of technology. The world is not same as it was three decades ago as most kids these days cannot imagine how their parents used to live without technological devices thinking they would probably be bored to death. While every other teenager is stuck on their technological screen it seems a bit unfair to deprive our students of that privilege. Confiscating their devices will only aggravate the situation. It seems harsh to kick them out of the temple or disrobe them on the account of carrying phones. Such actions can be damaging to the future of Buddhism itself and in the interest of young monastics because not many children wish to get ordained nowadays. Therefore, we have to look for a solution where our

6 Bodhijnana, 2015, pp. 30-42

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary students are not bored in their monastic life and also interested in their religious education. 3.1. Integration of Technology to Monastic Education As of right now, the easiest way to access Tipitaka is through internet due to paucity of printed versions of Tipitaka in English language. Various softwares have made it easier to access, search, read, compare, and do our research not only on Pāḷi canon but also on the canons of other traditions. Moreover, technology has played an integral role in the organization of this conference starting with the invitations sent to scholars from different countries and so on. Technology is our strongest tool moving forward. For instance, many monks and nuns or lay Buddhist teachers around the world run social media accounts such as Facebook and Youtube to share Buddhist teachings and their audience is thousands in number reaching worldwide. This way of teaching is less costly and more accessible than writing a book or preaching a sermon to few hundred people. Therefore, it is only best if we can, as teachers, instead of being afraid, we turn it into our advantage and train our students in this regard so that they can propagate Dhamma easily and freely through internet. Another important point to consider is that the educated mind is not same as religious mind. Educated mind seeks for empirical and pragmatic teachings that shows results in this very lifetime. If Buddhism were to teach things same as other religions based on rebirth, punishments and rewards, heaven and hell, then people would not see the difference, it would not give them the impetus to take a closer look at Buddhism. Rather it would come with a stigma that other popular religions carry of hatred and bigotry as history has shown. Therefore, there is a need to offer something unique and relevant to people just as the Buddha did in his time by fearlessly speaking against both Brahmanic and Sramanic teachings that were morally derogatory. If we look at "early Buddhist teachings" we rarely see elements of religion but the teachings are practical, rational, and grounded in this present life. This is what we want to offer as the original teachings of the Buddha and the best method to obtain that objective is through academic education. 3.2. Academic Education If we were to investigate to find out about the pioneers who translated, introduced, propagated, and rejuvenated interest in the study of Buddhism to the western world then all the credits go to western scholars like Rhys Davids, Oldenberg, Norman, Harvey, and many more. What is disappointing to see is the lack of Buddhist monks or nuns in this list except few like and Narada Mahathero. Sri Lanka has succeeded somewhat in this regard. Nonetheless, this shows the lack of competency in our traditional way of education that focuses on memorization rather than on analysis and critical investigation. We need to expand our visions outside of

95 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary our native lands and traditional way of teachings simply won't cut it. 3.2.1. Academic Education in Early Buddhism Towards that end, we can go back to our roots of education as mentioned in early Buddhist sutta-s where we can see the Buddha's love for academic way of learning. Most famously, the Kālāmasutta7 cites ten grounds for the unsatisfactory sources of knowledge. It states that Traditions and Authority are not be trusted simply because they are traditions or seem reliable and not to go with one's own preference simply because they seem logical or resonate with one's feelings. Instead, any view or belief must be tested by the results it yields when put into practice; and –to guard against the possibility of any bias or limitations in one's understanding of those results –they must further be checked against the experience of people who are wise.8 In the Saṅāravasutta,9 there is mention of three types of religious teachers: i. Traditionalists (anussavikā) ii. Teachings based on mere belief alone (kevalaṃ saddhāmattakena) such as the Reasoners (takkī) and Metaphysicians (vīmaṃsī) iii. Those who profess the basis of a religion after finding a final and ultimate insight in this life by gaining a higher knowledge personally (sāmaṃ yeva) of a doctrine (dhamma) among doctrines not traditionally heard of before. Now... I am one of those who profess the basis of a religion after finding a final and ultimate insight in this

7 AN 3.65 8 etha tumhe, kālāmā, mā anussavena, mā paramparāya, mā itikirāya, mā piṭakasampadānena, mā takkahetu, mā nayahetu, mā ākāraparivitakkena, mā diṭṭhinijjhānakkhantiyā, mā bhabbarūpatāya, mā samaṇo no garūti. yadā tumhe, kālāmā, attanāva jāneyyātha — ‘ime dhammā kusalā, ime dhammā anavajjā, ime dhammā viññuppasatthā, ime dhammā samattā samādinnā hitāya sukhāya saṃvattantī’ti, atha tumhe, kālāmā, upasampajja vihareyyātha. (Now, Kalamas, don't go by reports, by legends, by traditions, by scriptures, by logical conjecture, by inference, by analogies, by agreement through pondering views, by probability, or by the thought, 'This contemplative is our teacher.' When you know for yourselves that, 'These qualities are skilful; these qualities are blameless; these qualities are praised by the wise; these qualities, when adopted & carried out, lead to welfare & to happiness' –then you should enter & remain in them.) –Thanissaro, 1994 https://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/an/an03/an03.065.than.html 9 MN 100

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life by gaining a higher knowledge personally of a doctrine among doctrines not traditionally heard of before.'10 Thus, the Buddha claims himself to be an Experientialist who became enlightened on his own with his personal examination, investigation, and practice. Moreover, should anyone have doubt about the veracity of the Buddha's enlightenment he encourages them to make a thorough enquiry and even instructs them on the method of that examination in the Vīmaṃsakasutta.11 When a monk thus makes a critical examination, evaluation and personal verification with regard to the Buddha or even his teachings thus, a rational faith (ākāravatī saddha) is said to arise in him. Such faith is said to be rooted in insight, firm and irremovable by recluse or , god, Māra or Brahmā or anyone in the world.12 This kind of faith is contrasted with a baseless faith (amūlikā saddhā)13 which is said to be possessed by followers of the Vedas who think that their scriptures and traditions possess incontrovertible truths and the Buddha calls such circumstances as blind tradition (andhaveṇi paramparā). Furthermore, in the Mahātaṇhāsaṅkayasutta14 the Buddha makes it clear that his disciples accept his teachings only after having seen, known, and understood for themselves and not merely because the Buddha is their teacher and said so.15

10 Jayatilleke, 1963, p. 171 (santi, bhāradvāja, eke samaṇabrāhmaṇā anussavikā. te anussavena diṭṭhadhammābhiññāvosānapāramippattā, ādibrahmacariyaṃ paṭijānanti; seyyathāpi brāhmaṇā tevijjā. santi pana, bhāradvāja, eke samaṇabrāhmaṇā kevalaṃ saddhāmattakena diṭṭhadhammābhiññāvosānapāramippattā, ādibrahmacariyaṃ paṭijānanti; seyyathāpi takkī vīmaṃsī. santi, bhāradvāja, eke samaṇabrāhmaṇā pubbe ananussutesu dhammesu sāmaṃyeva dhammaṃ abhiññāya diṭṭhadhammābhiññāvosānapāramippattā, ādibrahmacariyaṃ paṭijānanti. tatra, bhāradvāja, ye te samaṇabrāhmaṇā pubbe ananussutesu dhammesu sāmaṃyeva dhammaṃ abhiññāya diṭṭhadhammābhiññāvosānapāramippattā, ādibrahmacariyaṃ paṭijānanti, tesāhamasmi. tadamināpetaṃ, bhāradvāja, pariyāyena veditabbaṃ, yathā ye te samaṇabrāhmaṇā pubbe ananussutesu dhammesu sāmaṃyeva dhammaṃ abhiññāya diṭṭhadhammābhiññāvosānapāramippattā, ādibrahmacariyaṃ paṭijānanti, tesāhamasmi.) 11 MN 47 12 yassa kassaci, bhikkhave, imehi ākārehi imehi padehi imehi byañjanehi tathāgate saddhā niviṭṭhā hoti mūlajātā patiṭṭhitā, ayaṃ vuccati, bhikkhave, ākāravatī saddhā dassanamūlikā, daḷhā; asaṃhāriyā samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā brahmunā vā kenaci vā lokasmiṃ. –ibid., 13 in the Caṅkīsutta MN 95 14 MN 38 15 "api nu tumhe, bhikkhave, evaṃ jānantā evaṃ passantā evaṃ vadeyyātha — satthā no garu, satthugāravena ca mayaṃ evaṃ vademā”ti? “no hetaṃ, ”. –ibid.,

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Thus, the objective, empirical, investigative, analytical and critical method of learning and enquiry is evident through these few sutta-s in the Theravada Buddhism. Since this method of learning is appreciated and applied in academic studies, I do recommend that we also go to our roots of education system; and we need to invite and establish these kinds of free thinking and constructive criticism with respect to Tipitaka studies in monastic education. For Buddhist countries, Buddhism is in their culture and tradition, people have faith and will probably continue to support Buddhism in future too. However, if we want Buddhist teachings to be influential in the western world and to educated minds then faith alone is not enough. Now more than ever people are educated and trained to think rationally and logically before accepting anything. Therefore, we should not take the faith of our people to Buddhism as granted and before it's too late we should train our present and future generations of monastics accordingly so that they won't fall behind. One of the reasons for bringing out this issue is to say something about our traditional ways of teaching in major Buddhist countries. We follow rote system of learning and frankly spoken it can be boring at times. According to Nepalese students and my own experience here in Myanmar, it is a common complain that exams are extremely difficult to pass and students are not allowed the opportunity to ask questions in class. And if they do they are told to just memorize for now and ask questions later. Last year, few of our students refused to sit in exams knowing that they will not pass. In every classroom there are few students who are extremely talented who do not need much guidance, and there are few students who are slow in learning. But it’s the other eighty percept that we need to give our attention. With all due respect, I do think that it is discouraging for students not to see the fruits of their hard work and still continue to study like a parrot while not understanding the content of their learning. It could cause students to lose interest in their studies and I can only speculate that it could be one of the leading factors causing young monks and nuns to disrobe. As a solution to this problem, I would again like to emphasize on the integration and utilization of technology in Buddhist education. Since the technology has advanced so far we can literally have voluminous pali Tipitaka with its commentaries and translations in our mobile devices and chances of them being lost or destroyed as it has happened in history is virtually impossible. Thus, if some monastics want to pursue their career in memorization of Tipitaka we should encourage them but at the same time I would also like to point out that rote system of learning is slowly becoming redundant and obsolete in this modern world. Memorization of sutta-s to chant and saṅgha kamma is entirely another matter. Therefore, I would like to share and recommend that instead of making exams difficult and focusing on memorization,

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary we should train them in Pāḷi and English languages; educate them on the proper usage of technology; teach them through the academic way of learning; encourage them to question and think critically; teach them to become a better orator; train them on life- skills and soft skills in order to produce a competent, able, and intellectual global scholars and leaders whether in Buddhist studies or meditation who can keep up with advancing time and thought to create a moral and peaceful society through the teachings of Buddhism. Conclusion In conclusion, although the Buddha was born in Lumbini support from the government to Buddhism is limited only to the preservation and development of religious sites so that tourism may flourish. Attempts on the resurrection of Theravada Buddhism by monks around 60 years ago was met with banishment from the country. Manipulation and oppression of Buddhism by Hinduism throughout the history is a major hindrance towards the prosperity of Buddhism in its motherland. Notwithstanding the pitiful history of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal, undying devotion, dedication, and support from both monastics and laity is helping in the restoration of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal. It must be stated that Nepalese Sangha is eternally grateful to major Buddhist countries for their exceptional support in this cause. With only few hundred novices and even fewer teachers, where one monk has to look after hundreds of devotees it is rather easier, economic and better for their future to send our students to Buddhist countries for their studies. Therefore, as stated previously both traditional and modern way of Tipitaka studies in Nepal is largely dependent on the countries that our students study. That is to say, Tipitaka studies in Nepal is a mixture of Burmese, Thai, and Sri Lankan traditional and modern way of teaching. Since Community members in Nepal are few when students return from their studies they immediately have to engage in social and religious activities. Teaching is limited to taking Pariyatti and degree classes, occasional introductory courses on Buddhism, and Abhidhamma classes per requests of students and so on. What is evident here is that there is a lack of support for Buddhism from the government and lack of devotees who understand Buddhism. However, situation in major Buddhist countries is opposite. Therefore, I wanted to take this opportunity to suggest some modifications on our traditional and modern way of Tipitaka studies. To implement what I have suggested with regard to Buddhist education in Nepal is next to impossible without the support from the government and faithful followers. Nonetheless, with a proper support from the government and enough enthusiastic and faithful students, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar can take the initiative to make few changes to their Buddhist education system to produce scholars and leaders in this modern world. Future of

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Theravada Buddhism lies in the hands of teachers who train future generations. We should teach and train them in a way whereby they become global leaders so that the Buddha's teachings is not restricted only within Myanmar, Thailand, and Sri Lanka. And if we want to assimilate and propagate Buddhism with a modern thinking then it is imperative that we adopt and train our young monastics in technology and academic way of education to produce able and competent future leaders.

References All pāḷi sources from: Digitalpalireader software based on Chaṭṭhasaṅgāyana All English translations from: accesstoinsight.org Bodhijnana, B. (2015). Theravada Buddhist directory –Nepal. Kathandu, Nepal. Jayatilleke. K.N. (1963). Early Buddhist theory of knowledge [eBook]. Retrieved from: ahandfulofleaves.org/library Joshi, L.M. (2008). Brahmanism, : An essay on their origins and interactions. Kandy, Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society.

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Buddhist Cannon Preserved in the Vajrayana Buddhism

Venerable Yonten Gyeltshen, MA (Peradeniya), Lecturer, Central Monastic Body of Bhutan

Abstract In this presentation I would like to draw attention on Buddhist cannon that preserved in the Vajrayana Buddhism. The history of the Tibetan Tripitaka can be traced back to the time when Buddhism was popularized in Tibet. After being introduced into Tibet from India in the middle of the 7th century, Buddhism started the undertaking of translation in order to consolidate its ideological base and expand its influence amid a long-term fight against the indigenous Bon Religion in Tibet. The Tibetan Tripitaka consisting of two parts, Kanjur and Tanjur. Kanjur contains Vinaya, Prajnaparamita, Avatamsaka, Ratnakuta, Sutras and . collects decipherment of Buddhist sutras and doctrines by disciples of Sakyamuni. Prajnaparamita Commentaries, Madhyamika Treatises, Yogacara Treatises, Abhidharma, Miscellaneous Texts, Vinaya Commentaries, Tales and Dramas and Technical Treatises. The majority of Bhutan's Buddhists are adherents of the Drukpa subsect of the Kargyupa (literally, oral transmission) school, one of the four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism, which is itself a combination of the Theravada (monastic), Mahayana (messianic), and Tantrayana (apocalyptic) forms of Buddhism. Tibetan Buddhism holds that salvation can be achieved through the intercession of compassionate bodhisattvas (enlightened ones) who have delayed their own entry into a state of nibbana, or nirvana, enlightenment and selfless bliss, to save others. Emphasis is put on the doctrine of the cosmic Buddha, of whom the historical Buddha--Siddhartha Gautama was only one of many manifestations. The Kargyupa school was introduced into Tibet from India and into Bhutan from Tibet in the eleventh century. The central teaching of the Kargyupa school is meditation on (Sanskrit for great seal), a concept tying the realization of emptiness to freedom from reincarnation. Also central to the Kargyupa school are the dharma (laws of nature, all that exists, real or imaginary), which consist of six Tantric meditative practices teaching bodily self-control so as to achieve nirvana. One of the key aspects of the Kargyupa school is the direct transmission of the tenets of the faith from teacher to disciple. The Drukpa Kargyupa sects, was the preeminent religious belief in Bhutan.

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In the monastery both monks and nuns are spent their time to study on tantric and practising secret meditation as well as performance rituals honouring various bodhisattvas, praying for the dead, and seeking divine intercession on behalf of the ill. Some of their prayers involved chants and singing accompanied by conch shell trumpets, thighbone trumpets. On the other hand, in the college, monks and nuns are dedicating their full time on studying for nine years to complete Tripitaka. In this paper I will analyse how the Tripitaka methods studies in Bhutanese monks and nuns during they are in Buddhist university and also lay people study at modern university.

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Buddhist cannon that preserved in the Vajrayana Buddhism

Introduction Bhutan is regarded as one of the Buddhist countries where Buddhism flourishes uninterrupted. Buddhism plays a very important role in the ways of life of Bhutanese people from birth to death. Its culture, customs, history and landscape bear the most venerable traces of the influence of this noble religion. Historically, Buddhism was first spread to Bhutan in the 7th century A.D., but until 9th century Buddhism made relatively little impact on the lives of the Bhutanese people. From 10th century up to the beginning of the 17th century, it was thriving period of . Numerous scholar-saints of different sects of Tibetan Buddhism appeared and established many monasteries and temples throughout the country. It brought profound influences both on the people’s way of life and on the growth of the country’s religio-cultural and traditional customs. Although numerous scholar-saints appeared between 10th to 17th centruery, none of them could establish formal monk community (i.e. Sangha) in Bhutan. It was Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel (1594-1651) the founder of the Bhutanese Nationhood, who for the first time instituted the Sangha in Bhutan in the 17th century. History of Buddhism according to Tibetan Buddhism The first Turning Wheel of the Dharma According to popular legend following his full enlightenment the Buddha remained silent and did not give any teachings for forty-nine days. The first public teaching he gave was to the five ascetics who had been his colleagues when he was leading the life of a mendicant. Having realized that asceticism does not lead to freedom from suffering, the Buddha—then called Siddhartha Gautama—had given up his penances and parted company with his fellows. His five colleagues had resented what they saw as a betrayal and vowed never to associate with him. For them, this change in Siddhartha had indicated a failure to sustain his commitment to the life of asceticism. However, when they met him after his enlightenment, they felt spontaneously drawn toward him. It was to these five former colleagues that the Buddha gave his first public teaching at Deer Park in Sarnath. In this discourse, which became known as the first turning of the wheel of Dharma, the Buddha taught the principles of the Four Noble Truths. These Four Truths are the truth of suffering, the truth of the origin of suffering, the truth of the cessation of suffering, and the truth of the path leading to this cessation. According to the sutra concerning the first turning, when the Buddha taught the Four Noble Truths, he taught

103 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary them within the context of three factors: the nature of the truths themselves, their specific functions, and their effects, or complete attainment. The first factor describes the nature of the individual truths. The second explains the importance of comprehending the specific significance of each for the practitioner: namely, suffering must be recognized, and its origin, eliminated; and the cessation of suffering must be actualized, and the path to cessation, realized. In the context of the third factor, the Buddha explained the ultimate result, or complete attainment, of the Four Noble Truths—that is, the completed recognition of suffering, the completed abandonment of the origin of suffering, the completed realization of the cessation of suffering, and the completed actualization of the path to cessation. These teaching lay down the blueprint for the entire body of Buddhist thought and practice, thus setting up the basic framework of an individual’s path to enlightenment. The thirty-seven aspects of the path to enlightenment The general structure of the Buddhist path is outlined in the first turning of the wheel of Dharma in terms of the thirty-seven aspects of the path to enlightenment. They are divided into seven categories. First are the four , referring to mindfulness of body, feelings, mind, and phenomena. Mindfulness here refers to contemplative practices that focus on the fundamentally unsatisfactory nature of samsara and on the transitoriness of this conditioned existence, the perpetual cycles of our habitual patterns of thought and behavior. It is by means of such reflections that the practitioner develops a true determination to become free from the cycle of conditioned existence. Next are the four complete abandonments. These are so named because as practitioners develop a heart-felt determination to be free through their practice of the four mindfulness, they engage in a way of life in which they abandon the causes of future suffering and cultivate the causes of future happiness. Hence, the four abandonments are: (1) abandonment of unwholesome thoughts and actions already generated; (2) non-generation of unwholesome thoughts and actions not yet generated; (3) enhancement of wholesome thoughts and actions already generated; and (4) generation of wholesome thoughts and actions not yet generated. Since you can overcome negative actions and their motivating afflictive emotions and increase the positive factors in your mind—technically called the class of pure phenomena—it is only when your mind is very concentrated that there follow what are known as the four factors of miraculous powers. These four factors are related to the practice of developing one’s faculty of single-pointedness. These four are the miraculous powers of aspiration, effort, intention and analysis. The fourth category consists of the five faculties, and the fifth category, of the

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary five powers. In both categories, the list is identical: confidence, joyous effort, mindfulness, single-pointedness, and intelligence. In the present context, the distinction between a faculty and a power depends upon the practitioner’s level of fluency in that particular skill; at a sufficiently advanced stage of fluency, a faculty becomes a power. Next come the seven branches of the path to enlightenment: perfect mindfulness, perfect analysis, perfect effort, perfect joy, perfect pliancy, perfect meditative stabilization, and perfect equanimity. The seventh and final category is the : right view, right intention, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness, and right meditative stabilization. This, then, is the general structure of the Buddhist path as put forth in the first turning of the wheel of Dharma by the Buddha. Buddhism as practiced in the Tibetan tradition completely incorporates all these features of the Buddhist doctrine. The second turning: The Doctrine of Emptiness In the second turning of the wheel of Dharma at Vultures’ Peak, the Buddha taught the wisdom sutras—the collection of sutras known as perfection of wisdom. These sutras focus known as primarily on the topics of emptiness and the transcendent states associated with the experience of emptiness. The second turning should be seen as expanding upon the topics that the Buddha taught in the first turning of the wheel. In the first turning, the Buddha taught the importance of recognizing the basic unsatisfactory nature of our own existence and the suffering and pains that are integral to such a conditioned existence. However, in the second turning, there is a major shift in emphasis. Here, the practitioner is encouraged to expand the scope of his or her contemplation on the nature of suffering so as to encompass all other sentient beings. The second turning is, therefore, much more extensive in its scope and vision. Why is the presentation of the Four Noble Truths found in the second turning more profound than that found in the first? It is not merely because of the presence of some features that are taught in the wisdom sutras but are not found in the sutras of the first turning. This cannot be the reason. The point is this: the wisdom sutras not only discuss certain aspects of the Four Truths not covered in the first turning, but they also elaborate and develop the broader ramifications of the principle of causality that underlies the Four Truths, thus continuing the discussion at a more profound level. Moreover, this further developed of the doctrine of the Four Truths takes place within the basic structure of the path as laid down in the first turning. It is on these grounds that the explanation found in the wisdom sutras pertaining to the doctrine of the Four Truths is more profound and comprehensive. Because of its extensive treatment of the topic of emptiness—the lack of intrinsic reality or intrinsic identify of all phenomena— the second turning of the wheel is known as “the wheel of Dharma pertaining to the

105 Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary absence of intrinsic characteristics.” The Third Turning: Buddha-Nature The third turning of the wheel of Dharma contains many different sutras, the most important being the Tathagata Essence Sutra, which describes the innate potential for enlightenment that lies within us: our essence of , or Buddha-nature. This sutra is actually the source for Nagarjuna’s collection of hymns and also ’s treatise, The Sublime Continuum of the Great Vehicle. In this sutra, the Buddha further explores the main topics he touched upon in the second turning, namely the doctrine of emptiness and the transcendent experiences associated with its realization within the context of an individual’s path to enlightenment. However, since the nature of emptiness itself—the emptiness of inherent existence of all phenomena—was already fully explained at its most subtle and profound level in the wisdom sutras, there is no subtler doctrine of emptiness expounded in the third turning. What is unique about the third turning is its presentation of particular meditative techniques aimed at enhancing the wisdom realizing emptiness and its discussion, from a subjective perspective, of the various subtle factors involved in a person’s experience of that wisdom. There is another category of sutras belonging to the third turning of the wheel of Dharma. The main sutra in this category is the Sutra Unravelling the Thought of the Buddha. In this sutra, the Buddha reconciles an apparent contradiction between certain statements in the first turning that ascribe intrinsic identity to phenomena and his explicit denial of intrinsic identity in the second turning. The Buddha does this by clarifying the doctrine of emptiness, or identitylessness, and showing how it must, in fact, be applied differently to different categories of phenomena. According to the view, existence is to be understood in terms of three classes: imputed phenomena, depended phenomena, and thoroughly established, or ultimate, phenomena. Imputed phenomena refer to other entities possessing a more autonomous reality. They include abstract entities, such as universals, relations, negative phenomena (such as the mere absence of something), and so on. Dependent phenomena refer to all things and events that come into being as the result of causes and conditions. The third category, thoroughly established phenomena, refers to the ultimate mode of being of all phenomena: emptiness. This way of understanding the doctrine of identitylessness, as presented in the third turning, although at variance with the spirit of the wisdom sutras as expounded in the second turning, can be seen as exceptional skilful means on the part of the Buddha. In the second turning, the principle of identitylessness was described as a universal doctrine explicitly stated in terms of the emptiness of inherent existence of all phenomena. However, this view of emptiness may appear to be too extreme to many

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary practitioners and thus remain belong their scope of understanding. For these people, saying that phenomena lack inherent existence seems equivalent to saying that phenomena do not exist at all. In their minds, absence of inherent existence might equal non-existence. Hence, we can see that the Buddha taught the sutras of the third turning, such as the Sutra Unravelling the Thoughts, specifically in order to suit the mental faculties and dispositions of a particular type of practitioner. Based, respectively, on these two distinct systems of interpreting the doctrine or emptiness set forth in the wisdom sutras. There emerged in India the two major Mahayana schools of Buddhism: , or Madhyamaka and Mind Only or Cittamatra. These all teachings are preserved in and Tengyur in Tibetan Buddhism. Kangyur and Tengyur The meaning of “Kangyur” is “the translated words (of the Buddha)”. It is the entire collection of texts regarded as buddhavacana or “Buddha-word”, translated into Tibetan. The texts considered to be “Buddha-word” are the records not only of the Buddha’s own discourses, but also of teachings and explanations given by others––often by his close disciples with his approval, or by other enlightened beings. Also included are systematic compilations of the Buddha’s pronouncements on particular topics, e.g. the rules of monastic discipline in the Vinaya texts. The categories of texts contained within the Kangyur include: . Vinaya (dealing mainly with monastic discipline) . Prajñaparamita (the texts on the “transcendent perfection of wisdom”) . Avatansaka (the “Flower-Ornament” collection of related sutras) . Ratnakuna (the “Heap of Jewels” class of sutras) . Other sutras . (the texts of the Vajrayana or “adamantine vehicle”) . Tantra (the tantras brought to Tibet in the early translation period) . (short texts based on formulae for recitation) . Kalacakra (tantras belonging to the “Wheel of Time” class)

The meaning of “Tengyur” is “the translated treatises”. It is comprised of the Tibetan translations of works written by Indian Buddhist masters, explaining and elaborating on the words of the Buddha. The categories of texts contained within the Tengyur include: . Praises . Tantra (Vajrayankkkka treatises) . Prajñaparamita (treatises on the “transcendent perfection of wisdom”) . Madhyamaka (treatises based on Nagarjuna’s “middle way” philosophy)

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. Sutra-commentary (general treatises on sutra topics) . Cittamatra (treatises related to the “mind-only” views or to some of Asa?ga’s works) . Abhidharma (summaries and systematic compilations of doctrine) . Vinaya (treatises dealing mainly with monastic discipline) . Jataka (the stories of the Buddha’s previous lives as a bodhisattva) . Epistles . Logic . Language . Medicine . Crafts . Mundane Treatises

Summary of the Teaching of the Buddha. Those teaching of the Buddha’s are studying at Shedra in Bhutan. Shedra is "place of teaching" but specifically refers to the educational program in Buddhist monasteries and nunneries. It is usually attended by monks and nuns between their early teen years and early twenties. Not all young monastics enter a shedra; some study ritual practices instead. Shedra is variously described as a university, monastic college, or philosophy school. The age range of students typically corresponds to both secondary school and college. After completing a shedra, some monks continue with further scholastic training toward a or degree, and other monks pursue training in ritual practices. Curriculum in Shedra The curriculum varies with the lineage and monastery but most cover the main foundational texts in the , such as the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (The Fundamental Verses on the Middle Way) by Nagarjuna and the Madhyamakāvatāra (Entering the Middle Way) by Candrakīrti. Some non-Buddhist courses, such as grammar, poetry, history, and arts may be included. The initial years focus on the Buddhist sutras and the remaining years on tantras. Care is taken to introduce foundational topics first, building key concepts and vocabulary for later study. Compared to western educational systems, the shedra places much greater emphasis on memorization by students. Some traditions require monks memorize complete texts before studying them. They may be required to recite in class the new sections they've memorized each day. In some lineages, debate becomes a major focus and practice for refining one's understanding. In those lineages students may spend a major portion of the day in debate with each other. In Bhutan, the earliest shedra were opened in the beginning of the 20th century

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary at Phajoding in Thimphu and Tharpaling in Bumthang. Emulating the shedra education structures in Tibet, the shedra in Bhutan used the zhungchen chusum (ག筴ང་ཆེན་བ᝴་ག魴མ་) or the thirteen great treatises of classical India as their core curriculum. They comprise the four classics on Madhyamaka (དབུ་མ་) or Middle Way, the five works of Maitreya (བྱམས་ཆོས་སེ་辔་), two works on abidharma (མངོན་པ་གོང་འོག་) phenomenology and philosophy by the two brothers Asaṅga and Vasubandhu, and the two treatises on vinaya (འ䝴ལ་བ་) or monastic discipline. To these are also added classical treatises on Buddhist logic and epistemology (ཚད་མ་), language and grammar, history and poetry, and tantric philosophy and practice. Conclusion: Buddhist Education toward World Peace There are diverse benefits that can be derived from the Buddhist education. The Buddhist education is for the development of inward attitude and outward character of human being. The very important human qualities like love, compassion, sympathetic joy, equanimity, kindness, to abide in faith, loyalty, dedication and cooperation, understanding and positive attitude can only be blossomed with the Buddhist education. All these are based on the well-being, progress, freedom and happiness of all living beings. They form a solid value system on which a Buddhist can build his or her spiritual life. The effort to practice these values should first come from single individual and this individual effort is then extended to members of the family, the community, the nation and finally the world itself. For the rightly educated Buddhist, there remains no place for remorse. He is balanced, virtuous, mindful, ardent and modest. With the Buddhist education, it becomes easier for him to handle and solve any day to day problems. He develops as a perfect social being, capable of generating social harmony, spiritual calm and mutual understanding; thereby bringing goodwill, peace and harmony to society. He is in possession of the capacity to mound himself as he likes by directing his activities in the right direction. Thus Buddhist education is not only an indispensable aspect of the path to the Buddhist highest spiritual goal but also a way to live harmony with the world.

References:

1. White, David Gordon (ed.) (2000). Tantra in Practice. Princeton University Press. p. 21. ISBN 0-691-05779-6.

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2. Powers, John (2007). Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism (Rev. ed.). Ithaca, New York: Snow Lion Publications. pp. 392–3, 415. ISBN 978-1-55939-282- 2. 3. Lopez, Donald S. Jr. (1999). Prisoners of Shangri-La: Tibetan Buddhism and the West. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 6, 19f. ISBN 0-226- 49311-3. 4. Snellgrove, David (1987). Indo-Tibetan Buddhism. Indian Buddhists & Their Tibetan Successors, Vol.2. Boston: Shambala Publications. ISBN 0-87773- 379-1. 5. Berzin, Alexander, A Survey of Tibetan History 6. Beckwith, C.I.: The revolt of 755 in Tibet, in: The History of Tibet, ed. Alex McKay, Vol. 1, London 2003, p. 273-285 (discusses the political background and the motives of the ruler). 7. Berzin. Alexander (2000). How Did Tibetan Buddhism Develop?: StudyBuddhism.com 8. Jump up ^ Conze, 1993, 106 9. Jump up ^ Berzin, Alexander (2000). How Did Tibetan Buddhism Develop?; Berzin, Alexander (1996). The Spread of Buddhism in Asia 10. Yamaguchi, Zuihō (undated). The Core Elements of Indian Buddhism Introduced into Tibet: A Contrast with Japanese Buddhism. Source: Thezensite.com (accessed: October 20, 2007) 11. Macmillan Encyclopedia of Buddhism (Volume One), page 70 12. Berzin, Alexander. The Four Traditions of Tibetan Buddhism: Personal Experience, History, and Comparisons 13. Samuel, Geoffrey; Tantric Revisionings: New Understandings of Tibetan Buddhism and Indian Religion, page 303 - 304 14. , Patrul (July 12, 2010). Words of My Perfect Teacher: A Complete Translation of a Classic Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism with Dalai Forward - Padmakara Translation Group Forward (Revised ed.). Yale University Press. p. xxxi. ISBN 978-0300165326.

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Tipiṭaka Studies in Cambodia: A Historical Perspective

Venerable Hor Hong, PhD Candidate (Kelaniya), Cambodia Abstract After gaining an independence from French in 1953, King became popular as Cambodia’s father of independence and he worked full-time to modernize the country by choosing to lead Cambodia to a modernized country. He styled as great righteous king, implying his role as protector of the Buddhist monastic order. So the national motto of Cambodia became “Nation Religion King” promulgated by the Cambodian constitution. He was the Buddhist education reformer from the bottom level to the top and the founder of Buddhist University. But unfortunately the future did not turn out like the Cambodian people had expected because King Sihanouk was overthrown in a coup by Lon Nol in 1970. Then the country met the revolutionary war led by Pol Pot, the leader of the from 1975-1979. The whole country was damaged by civil war and as a result, Buddhism, considered as reactionary religion, was completely destroyed. After the fall of the genocidal regime of Democratic Kampuchear, Buddhist Saṅgha was reestablished in 1979. Then the Buddhist community had started to reorganize its Buddhist educational institutions. As a result, Buddhist educations were constantly and remarkably developed. Academically, Buddhist educational systems are divided into four levels: Buddhist Primary Education, Buddhist Secondary Education, Buddhist Upper Secondary Education and Buddhist Higher Education. The Tipitaka studies were put into the curriculums of Buddhist studies from the bottom levels to the top. Beside these, some pagodas called Āsramas or the strict rule pagodas are focusing only Tipiṭakas studies. Although the Pali Tipaṭaka translations into Khmer had been completed, most of commentaries (Aṭṭakathā), sub-commentaries and other Pali texts like exegesis (Yojanā) still remain in Pali till now. Some individuals have translated some Aṭṭakathās such as Samantappāsādikā, Aṭṭasālinī, and so on, but the translations have never been officially accepted and authorized for the study at formal Pali schools. Today Buddhism is struggling to re-establish itself although the lack of Buddhist scholars and leaders and the continuing political instability is making the task difficult Keywords: Reactionary Religion, Buddhist scholars, Āsrama and Tipiṭaka Studies.

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Tipiṭaka Studies in Cambodia: A Historical Perspective

Historical Background of Buddhism and Tipiṭaka Studies in Cambodia Ninety-six percent of Cambodian people are following Buddhism. Buddhist beliefs govern much of the culture, behavior and attitudes of the Cambodian people.1 Although the figure shows really high with the vast majority of the population, both Cambodian people and monks are still meeting the problems of studying, understanding and practicing Buddhism, especially Tipiṭaka studies. Buddhism under King Norodom Sihanouk After King Monivong’s death in April 1941, King Norodom Sihanouk ascended the throne under close French Protectorate.2 French thought that an 18-year old prince would be bendable and subservient to their interests.3 King Sihanouk saw the radicalized Buddhist Saṅghas who were the vital figures were influencing in the development of Cambodian anti-French colonialism. Then in 1942 the Umbrella war arose because of the movement of the Buddhist reformist high educated monks. The conflict between the Saṅgha and the colonial state staged in by peaceful protest with more than one thousand monks named “Umbrella War”. Hem Cheav, highly revered Pali teacher, was arrested for anti-French sermons. Other protesters came from reformist movement led by two extraordinarily talented monks, Choun Nath (1883-1969) and Hout Tath (1891-1975?) with an estimated five hundred monks.4 Because of his great effort in trying to gain full independence from French in 1953, he became popular as Cambodia’s father of independence and he worked full- time to modernize the country. The brand he chose to lead Cambodia to a modernized country was Buddhist socialism.5 King Norodom Sahanouk saw that Buddhism have been taken deepest root in Cambodian, so he quickly established his own political movement called “The Sangkum Rastr Niyum (People’s Socialist Community). Because his political movement was based on his establishment of Buddhist-oriented Community (Sangkum Niyum Preah Puthsasana), he won all the seats in the 1955

1 North Peter, culture Shock: Cambodia A survival Guide to Customs and Etiquette, Marshall Cavendish Editions, Singapore, 2005, p. 54. 2 Harris, Ian, Buddhism Under Pol Pot, Documentation Center of Cambodia, Phnom Penh, 2007, p. 23. 3 Strangio, Sebastian, ’s Cambodia, University of Yale University Press, 2014, p. 5. 4. Marston. Jonh and Elizabeth. Guthrie., History, Buddhism, and New Religious Movements In Cambodia, 2004, p. 64. 5. Chandler, David P., (1991), The Land and People of Cambodia, Harper Collins Publisher, 10 East 53rd Street, New York, USA, pp.120-121.

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National Assembly Elections.6 In the constitution of May 1947, King Sihanouk was styled as great righteous king (Dhammika mahārāja), implying his role as protector of the Buddhist monastic order.7 He also quoted with approval from the edicts of Asoka, an ancient Indian ruler generally regarded as the prototypical Buddhist monarch. King Sihanouk is particularly taken by Asoka’s insistence on the need for religious tolerance; therefore Buddhism was established as the state religion for the first time.8 So the national motto of Cambodia became “Nation Religion King”. Religion here is referred only to Buddhism promulgated by the Cambodian constitution article 8 of Chapter 2.9 King Sihanouk was the Buddhist education reformer from the bottom level to the top and the founder of Preah Sihaknouk Rāja Buddhist University. But unfortunately the future did not turn out like the Cambodian people had expected because King Sihanouk was overthrown in a coup by Lon Nol in 1970. The Coup King Norodom Sihanouk was overthrown in a coup by Lon Nol on March 18th, 1970.10 From 1970 to 1975 Cambodia came under Republic of Kampuchea led by Lon Nol, the formerly Sihanouk’s Prime Minister. Because Vietnam troops invaded Cambodia, the civil war against Pol Pot’s regime and the war against the invasion of Vietnam troops were started. This led Lon Nol openly declared that “the current war in Cambodia is a religious war”.11 Pol Pot’s Regime In 1975 when the communist Khmer Rouge took control of Cambodia, The Khmer Rouge also began to implement their radical Maoist and Marxist-Leninist transformation program at this time. They wanted to transform Cambodia into a rural, classless society in which there were no rich people, no poor people, and no exploitation. To achieve this, they tried to abolish money, free markets, normal schooling, private property, foreign clothing styles, religious practices, and traditional Khmer culture. Public schools, pagodas, mosques, churches, universities, shops and government buildings were closed or turned into prisons, stables, reeducation camps and granaries.12 What we should note is that Most of the senior communist leaders

6 Harris, Buddhism Under Pol Pot, Documentation Center of Cambodia, Phnom Penh, 2007, pp. 23-26. 7. Harris, Cambodian Buddhism, 2010, p.146. 8. Ibid., pp. 143-148. 9. Sung Siv, , Yāyatā Publishing Library, Cambodia, 1972, p.37. 10 Mtsliwiec, Eva, Punishing the Poor: The International Isolation of Kampuchea, Tekprint Limited, Swindon, 1988. p.vii. 11 Harris Ian, Buddhism in a Dark Age: Cambodian Monks under Pol Pot, Integrated Book Technology, Inc., USA, 2013, p. 17. 12 http://www.cambodiatribunal.org/history/cambodian-history/khmer-rouge-history/ 113

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary were from monks and became murderers, especially Pol Pot, Ta Mok etc.13 They considered that “religion is a blood-sucking leech”.14 Well before the outbreak of civil war that ended the short-lived Khmer Republic (1970-1975), the communists were directing to the economic burden that so many unproductive monks placed on the country. They are “leeches” upon society, and what’s more, they promoted the reactionary doctrine of , a notion that strengthened belief in the “natural inequality” of person.15 From this point on, the campaign against Buddhism continued more cautiously. An undated Lon Nol government report, for example, described the Khmer Rouge’s indoctrination of a group of youths who were “taught to hate Buddhism”. The youths also told that Buddhism would be eliminated but that they must not communicate this fact to the people.16 So they considered Buddhism as “Reactionary Religion”.17 With the overthrow of Pol Pot and the establishment of relative security under the People’s Republic of Kampuchear (PRK) attempts were made, both in Cambodia and abroad, to calculate the damage to institutional Buddhism. These efforts culminated in a PRK-period estimate of 25,168 Buddhist monk deaths and 1968 pagodas destroyed or used for alternative purpose.18 What the Cambodian and the whole world feel too much pity on Cambodian Buddhist is the loss of Buddhist erudite scholars and Buddhist sacred texts during Khmer Rouge regime.

Buddhist Restoration After the fall of the genocidal regime of Democratic Kampuchear (Khmer Rouge), Buddhist Saṅgha was re-restored in Cambodia by a delegation under the Theravādin monks from South Vietnam headed by Thic Bou Chon, an adviser to the Central Commission of Vietnamese Theravada Buddhism in 1979; therefore, the seven “carefully chosen” former monks were re-ordained with the government approval at Unnalom.19 Shortly after this, Ven. was appointed as the head of a unified Cambodian Saṅgha, the Voice-President of the Khmer National Assembly, and Voice-President of the Central Committee of the Khmer United Front for the Salvation of Cambodia.20 Then Buddhist community had started to grow in number and strength quickly leading to reorganize its Buddhist education institutions. By 1981 there were

13 Harris Ian, Buddhism in a Dark Age: Cambodian Monks under Pol Pot, Integrated Book Technology, Inc., USA, 2013, pp. 35-42. 14 Ibid., pp. 35-42. 15 Ibid., pp. 44-45. 16 Harris Ian, Buddhism in a Dark Age: Cambodian Monks under Pol Pot, 2013, p. 59. 17 Ibid., p. 50. 18 Ibid., p. 128. 19 Harris, Cambodian Buddhism, p. 192. 20 Kent, Allexandra, and Chandler, David, People of Virtue: Reconfiguring Religion, Power and Moral Order in Cambodia Today, Nias Publishing, NIAS Press, 2008, p. 8.

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3,000 monks in Cambodia; in 1987, 6,700 monks and by 1990, 10,000 monks. From 1979 to 1988 there were still some restrictions on the freedom of . For example, only men over age 50 could be ordained.21 Only four monks were allowed to live in a wat. Since 1988 Buddhism was fully restored. In July 1988, Radio Phnom Penh began broadcasting Buddhist prayers and ceremonies after an absence of 13 years. Then in 1989, Prime Minister Hun Sen officially apologized for his governments past “mistakes” during a ceremony in Kampot Province, where he prostrated before the head monk and asked forgiveness. In April 1990, the National Assembly officially amended the constitution to reestablish Theravada Buddhism as the state religion and the government declared that “devout Buddhist followers can be ordained as Buddhist monks as they wish.”22 In this new atmosphere monk number grew rapidly; pagoda reconstruction received a massive boost, particularly since funds for large-scale merit-making activities were now flowing into the country from an extensive Cambodian diaspora; taxes on pagodas were abolished; and Buddhist education, including Pali schools, began to reemerge.23 Based on the 2015 statistic of monasteries, monks and Buddhist centers from Ministry of Cults and Religion, it shows that there are 4,755 monasteries, 59,516 monks and 135 Buddhist centers.24 The Reemerge of Buddhist Education After the Buddhism was re-restored, Buddhist education institutions were constantly created. The first Buddhist Primary school called Buddhikapaṭhamasiksāmaṇiratanārāma was re-established at Tuol Tum Puong monastery in 1989.25 In late 1991, King Norodom Sihanouk returned from the exiled country, China and North Norea. In 1993 he became the king again and he resumed his role as a supreme patron of the Saṅgha, reinstalling supreme patriarchs for the two previously existing monastic order. Ven. Tep Vong became supreme patriarch of Mahānikāya sect, the larger sect and Ven. Bour Kry for the smaller Dhammayutt sect.26 But from 1979 to 1991 there was only one sect of monks and all Buddhist monks belonged to the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation.27 Around

21 Kent, Allexandra, and Chandler, David, People of Virtue: Reconfiguring Religion, Power and Moral Order in Cambodia Today, 2008, p. 258. 22 http://www.cambodianview.com/buddhist-history2.htm 23 Harris Ian, Buddhism in a Dark Age: Cambodian Monks under Pol Pot, 2013, p. 166. 24 Khy Sovanratana, Contours of the Reconstruction of Buddhist Education in Cambodia after the fall of Khmer Rouge, unpublished Dissertation, 2016, p. 190. 25 Research Committee of Buddhist Institute, A History of Buddhika Siksā, Buddhist Institute Printing House, Phnom Penh, 2006, p. 57. 26 Kent, Allexandra, and Chandler, David, People of Virtue: Reconfiguring Religion, Power and Moral Order in Cambodia Today, 2008, p. 9. 27 Ibid., p. 258. 115

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary this time the government laid down eight conditions for the proper regulation of the Saṅgha: 1. To learn the significance of the political line 2. To educate the laity with regard to party ideas 3. To model themselves on the Buddha and fight the enemy 4. To preserve and cultivate the patriotic and revolutionary spirit exemplifies by monks like Ven. Hem Chieu and Achar Mean 5. To preserve cultural heritage 6. To promote and improve production among the people so that their living standards may be enhanced 7. To assist in building social service establishments

To carry out all of the above to achieve victory.28 Full restoration of both ecclesiastical hierarchies followed in February 1992. The Ministry of Cults and Religions was also reestablished at this time. Its initial goals were to reform the ecclesiastical structures that existed before 1970, to develop monk education, and to reestablish the Buddhist institute, a center research and higher learning that was originally founded by the French.29 Later in 1993 the Buddhist Secondary school, Preah Surāmrith Buddhist high School, was re-opened in Phnom Penh.30 Afterward the first Buddhist Upper secondary school was re-opened in 1996 in the same vein with Preah Surāmrith Buddhist High School.31 Preah Sihanouk Rāja Buddhist University was then re- opened in 1997, but on 23rd January 2006, it was upgraded to be a full-fledged university by a sub-degree of the Royal Government of Cambodia with five faculties: Faculty of humanity and Language, Faculty of Mathematics and Sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, Faculty of Philosophy and Religions, and Faculty of Pāli-Sanskrit and Foreign Langauge.32 In 2003 Preah Sihamonirājā Buddhist Universities was found by supreme patriarch Bour Kry in Phnom Penh. And then Hun Sen Buddhist Univerisy was established in 2013 in Kompong Cham.33 As have above-mentioned, the system of Buddhist education is divided into four levels, but the Buddhist higher education at postgraduate for the Faculty of Pāli-

28 Ibid., p. 159. 29 Harris Ian, Buddhism in a Dark Age: Cambodian Monks under Pol Pot, 2013, p. 166. 30 Ibid., p. 58. 31 Harris Ian, Buddhism in a Dark Age: Cambodian Monks under Pol Pot, 2013, p. 58. 32 Ibid., pp.68-69. 33 Khy Sovanratana, Contours of the Reconstruction of Buddhist Education in Cambodia after the fall of Khmer Rouge, 2016, p. 213.

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Sanskrit has not opened yet because Cambodian Saṅgha communities are lacking of Pāli-oriented lecturers and professors. Although Buddhist education institutions have rapidly and remarkably progressed, those are still facing the challenges of the lack of schools, textbooks, documents for use in teaching, teachers, professors, and academic and administrative staff.34 Tipiṭka Studies Buddhist education institutions are proud to be at the heart of its Buddhism. Buddhism can truly be upheld through the preservation of the Buddha's Teachings. To preserve the Buddha’s teachings, Tipiṭaka studies play an important role. There are two kinds of Tipiṭaka studies in Cambodia: formal and informal. For the formal studies, Tipiṭaka studies are put into the curriculums of Buddhist studies from primary schools to Buddhist universities. In Buddhist primary schools (Sālā Buddhikapaṭhamasiksā), Buddhist lower secondary schools (Sālā Buddhikapaṭhamasiksādutiyabhūmi), and Buddhist upper secondary schools (Sālā Buddhikamadhyamasiksādutiyabhūmi), the textbooks selected by teachers to teach at classes are quoted from the Tipiṭakas by the compilers who were the most scholars and some members of Tipiṭaka commission staff. At Buddhist Universities, Buddhist subjects are required Buddhist monks and secular students to study Tipiṭakas. Based on the program of Preah Sihanouk Rāja Buddhist University, the selected articles from Tipiṭakas are chosen to teach at the classes.35 We have another newly-established institute came under the control of Paññasāstra University of Cambodia called Vidyāsṭhāna Buddhikasakyaputta Antarajāti (Buddhist Sakyaputta International-BSI). This institute adopted Tipiṭaka- oriented studies in its educational system.36 For informal Tipiṭaka studies, Tipiṭakas are studied by the Cambodian scholar monks, some researchers in the fields of Buddhism, and in some pagodas and some Buddhist centers (called Āsrama). Cambodian scholar monks have been conducting their studies in Tipiṭakas for the better understanding the Buddha’s teachings in the term of preservation, protection, and propagation. Some Cambodian Buddhist researchers are now paying their attentions on Buddhist studies for depth understanding of Buddhism. At present time, Buddhist centers are playing an important role in dissemination of Buddha’s teachings. Most of those centers are controlling by Buddhist scholars and those scholars are paying too much attention on Tipiṭaka-oriented studies in their Buddhist centers like Āsrama Khantī, etc. In some

34 Kent, Alle1xandra, and Chandler, David, People of Virtue: Reconfiguring Religion, Power and Moral Order in Cambodia Today, Nias Publishing, NIAS Press, 2008, pp. 266-267 35 Preah Sihanouk Rāja Buddhist University, Post graduate program, SBU publication, 2013, p.15 36 http://www.bsi.puc.edu.kh 117

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary pagodas like Wat Nigrodhavana Kultating, Wat Visuddhimagga and Andoeuk, the main subjects for the monks in their pagodas are focusing only religious subject, Tipiṭaka-oriented studies. Most of Aṭṭhakathā like Samantappāsādikā, Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, ect. are translated by those Buddhist centers. What we should make note in those pagodas and Buddhist Centers is that their Tipiṭaka-oriented studies and their Aṭṭhakathās are not recognized by Ministry of Cults and Religion as official studies. Conclusion Buddhism was also considered as the golden era in the modern time in the reign of King Norodom Sihanouk. He was considered as Buddhist reformer and the founder Buddhist University. As the result, under the King’s leadership, many Buddhist scholars had been grown. Because of the instability of the nation, the country turned into the civil war leading to arise of Khmer Rouge led by Pol Pot. Pol Pot’s regime considered Buddhism as reactionary religion and Buddhist monks as leeches sucking people’s blood. Unfortunately, Buddhist scholar monks, especially Tipiṭaka commission staff, and other monks were killed and forcibly disrobed and Buddhism was completely destroyed. It is a tragedy in the history of Cambodian Buddhism. After the fall of genocidal regime, Buddhism was started to reestablish. With the strong efforts of Royal Government of Cambodian and minister of Ministry of Cults and Religion, Buddhism gradually moves to the prosperity and development. The Buddhist education institutions are reformed. Tipiṭaka studies that are considered as the foundation pillars of Buddhism are studying both formal and informal. Although there are some encouraging signs of new growth, well-known and well-educated young monks are thin on the ground in which there are no Vinayadharo, Suttadharo and Abhidhammadharo in the whole country. Because the institution of the Saṅgha now operated beneath and within the realm of central power of the Royal government, we strongly believe that the Royal government of Cambodian cooperating with Ministry of Cults and Religion will take action to set up Khmer Tipiṭaka commission or other commissions again to translate the remaining Pali texts into Khmer and to produce scholarly works in Cambodia in the near future.

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References 1. North Peter, culture Shock: Cambodia A survival Guide to Customs and Etiquette, Marshall Cavendish Editions, Singapore, 2005.

2. Harris, Ian, Buddhism Under Pol Pot, Documettaion Center of Cambodia, Phnom Penh, 2007. 3. Strangio, Sebastian, Hun Sen’s Cambodia, University of Yale University Press, 2014. 4. Marston. Jonh and Elizabeth. Guthrie., History, Buddhism, and New Religious Movements In Cambodia, 2004. 5. Chandler, David P., (1991), The Land and People of Cambodia, Harper Collins Publisher, 10 East 53rd Street, New York, USA. 6. Harris, Buddhism Under Pol Pot, Documentation Center of Cambodia, Phnom Penh, 2007. Harris, Cambodian Buddhism, 2010. 7. Sung Siv, Buddhism and Science, Yāyatā Publishing Library, Cambodia, 1972. 8. Mtsliwiec, Eva, Punishing the Poor: The International Isolation of Kampuchea, Tekprint Limited, Swindon,1988. 9. Harris Ian, Buddhism in a Dark Age: Cambodian Monks under Pol Pot, Integrated Book Technology, Inc., USA, 2013, p. 17. 10. http://www.cambodiatribunal.org/history/cambodian-history/khmer-rouge- history/

11. Kent, Allexandra, and Chandler, David, People of Virtue: Reconfiguring Religion, Power and Moral Order in Cambodia Today, Nias Publishing, NIAS Press, 2008, p. 8. 12. 1 Khy Sovanratana, Contours of the Reconstruction of Buddhist Education in Cambodia after the fall of Khmer Rouge, unpublished Dissertation, 2016. 13. Research Committee of Buddhist Institute, A History of Buddhika Siksā, Buddhist Institute Printing House, Phnom Penh, 2006. 14. Preah Sihanouk Rāja Buddhist University, Post graduate program, SBU publication, 2013, p.15. 15. http://www.bsi.puc.edu.kh

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Tipitaka Studies in Cambodia from Past to French Colonization

Venerable Sem Chhunly (Sobhito), PhD Candidate (Kelaniya), Cambodian Buddhist Centre, Sri Lanka

Abstract Theravada Buddhism has been present in Cambodia for many centuries. According to the historical document, it clarifies that there were many Buddhist monks who had high knowledge of Tipitaka in the past. However, there is insufficient evidence to clarify when the Tipitaka was brought to Cambodia, and how it was studied in ancient times. Therefore, this paper has two objectives: 1) to show the spread of Theravada Buddhism and history of Tipitaka and 2) to coherently analyze the way of Tipitaka studies from the past to French Colonization. In fact, in pre-Angkorian period (1st-8th century CE), it states that “Buddhist monasticeducation was developed. There were many Buddhist monks who gained deep knowledge of the Tripiṭaka. Among of those, Sanghapalatthera or Sanghavarman was the highest qualified one, who understood the Teachings of Buddha and knew other languages such as Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese and so forth. In 5th century CE, he was sent to China by King Kauṇdīnya Jayavarman at the request of the Chinese emperor to translate the Tripiṭaka and into Chinese language. As for, in the Angkorian period (9th-15the Century CE), it also clarifies that there were two Buddhist Universities located in Preah Khan temple (Vat Cheysrey) and Taprom temple (Rāja Vihāra) under the administration of Indradevī, the queen of King Jayavarman VII. There were 18 individuals with doctoral degrees (cultural and religious intellectuals) and 2740 university teachers to transform the Khmer elite to enhance the national human resource capital of the country. At that time, temples had a significant role to play in promoting educational, cultural, and innovative activities. But after the fall of the Empire, the power and policy, including the Buddhist Monastic Educational field in Cambodia were collapsed because of wars and invasions of the neighboring countries. Although Cambodia was in such situation, the Buddhist education was not stopped. Still, It continued as usual from time to time, but it was just not interesting like the early times. Before the time of French Protectorate, education depended entirely on Buddhist monasteries (Wat). There was no certain form of studies.

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From 1909 onwards, the system of Buddhist monastic education, namely, primary school, secondary school and high school were created and developed gradually. Therefore, Tipitaka and commentaries were included in the main subjects of study.

Keywords: the spread of Theravada Buddhism, source of Tipitaka, Buddhist education, and how to study Tipitaka from the past to French Colonization

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Tipitaka Studies in Cambodia from Past to French Colonization

Introduction The Buddha passed away, but the sublime Teachings which He expounded during His enlightenment and unreservedly bequeathed his Dhammas to all humanity to practice in their daily lives still exists in its pristine purity. Although the Master left no written records of His Teachings, His disciples preserved them, by committing to memory and transmitting them orally from generation to generation (Mukhapaṭha). Three months after the demise of the Buddha, Arahants concerned with maintaining the purity of the Doctrines, so the first council was held. Two other Councils of Arahants were held 100 and 234 years later respectively, again to rehearse the Word of the Buddha because attempts were being made to pollute the pure Teaching. In fact, in the first and second councils, the teachings of Buddha were just called only Dhammavinaya. Actually, it is said that it had only in the , which Buddhavacanas were divided into three baskets (Tipiṭaka) namely the Basket of Discipline (Vinaya Piṭaka), the Basket of Discourses (Suttanta Piṭaka) and the Basket of Ultimate Doctrine (Abhidhamma Piṭaka). Looking into the future, the Thera Moggaliputta-tissa had beheld the firm establishment of Buddhism in adjacent countries (Paccantappadesa). Then, Buddhism was propagated to other places, including the main land of Southeast Asia (Suvaṇṇabhūmi). With the mission of Buddhism, it was believed that Buddhism and Tipiṭaka were probably introduced to Cambodia during the third century B.C. However, there is unsatisfactory historical evidence to clarify. In order to understand the presence of Buddhism and Tipiṭaka studies in Cambodia, it is needed to know about the history of Buddhism spreading to this country, especially the form of Buddhist education from time to time. Therefore, this research will study on some main points such as the arrival of Theravada Buddhism, the sources of Tipiṭaka, the trace of the traditional Tipiṭaka studies in ancient times and the development of Tipitaka studies under French rule. 1. The Arrival of Theravada Buddhism Brahmanism and Buddhism have existed in Cambodia from the early century CE. Sometimes Brahmanism was strongly effective, but sometimes Buddhism was

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary practiced by king and Khmer people. Therefore, the present levels of knowledge make it impossible to be certain about when Buddhism first arrived and how it flourished in the ancient times. Although there is insufficient historical evidence, it was believed that Soṇatthera and Uttaratthera were the two Buddhist monks from Indian who introduced Buddhism to Cambodia during the time of Emperor Asoka (3rd century B.C).1 According to Chinese sources and the oldest Buddhist inscription (Vo Canh), Buddhism was probably brought to this country during the first century CE in the earliest Kingdom of Nokor Phnom or (1st-6th centuries CE).”2 On the other hand, the evidence is at best sketchy, but around forty carved Buddha images from the Mekong Delta region and from areas of Thailand associated with Funan have been found in a variety of materials, including stone, wood, glass, clay, bone and mental. Their iconography is varied. Given the concentration of finds around Wat Romlok, near Phnom Da, this area has been regarded as a focus of Buddhist cult activity, although both Angkor Borei and Tra Vinh Province in Vietnam must also have been important.3 Dating must remain tentative, but other significant discoveries include a fine standing Buddha in Varamudrā, probably dating from the seventh century, discovered at Tuol Tahoy, Kampong Speu Province; two images of Buddhas in Parinirvāna, dating from the fifth-sixth centuries, one from Oc Eo and the other from Angkor Borei; and a roughly contemporary image of the Buddha seated under a multiheaded Nāga, also from Angkor Borei. According Boisselier (1967), the Tuol Tahoy Buddha shows many similarities to Dvāravatī statues, a fact that could be used to support the generally accepted thesis that Cambodian Theravāda Buddhism was originally influenced by Mon culture. However, the most characteristic element of Dvāravatī art, the wheel of the law (Dhammacakra), is not attested in ancient Cambodia. This need not imply that there were no links between Funan and Dvāravatī, but the evidence is slender. Nevertheless, a few pieces imported from India and China have been found, indicating Funan’s position as the hub of complex trading connections. Of particular note is a Gandhāra- style Buddha head of probable Indian origin, dated to the fifth-sixth centuries and discovered at Wat Kompong Luong, Angkor Borei.4 Moreover, scattered Chinese sources illuminate the scene a little further. A fifth-century account given by an individual name Che suggests that “two hundred Fo

1 Hammalawa Saddhātissa , “Pāli Literature of Southeast Asia”, Buddhist Cultural Center, Colombo, Sri Lanka, 2004, p. 70. 2 Pang Khat, “History of Buddhism in Cambodia” (in Khmer), 1st ed., Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 1961, p. 28. 3 Bhattacarya, “Les religions brahmaniques dans l’ancien Cambo-dge d’après l’épigraphie et l’iconographie”, Paris 1961, p. 18 4 Mechael Tranet, “Les premiès représentations de Bouddha au Cambodge ancient”, 1998, p. 439.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary du (probably Buddhists)…from India” were living in Tuen siun, a vassal state of Funan.5 History of the Southern Qi Dynasty (Nan Qi shu), written between 479 and 502 CE, preserves a poetical account of the religion of Funan by a Buddhist monk Nāgasena. It seems that in 484 he had been sent as envoy to the Chinese emperor by a king of Funan, perhaps called Kauṇḍīnya Jayavarman, in an unsuccessful attempt to induce the Chinese to provide military aid. Nāgasena is reported to have told his hosts that Brahmanism and Buddhism both flourished in Kingdom of Funan. Furthermore, he emphasizes that “the custom of this county was to worship the god Maheśvara (Śiva),” he uses a number of technical terms when speaking of Buddhism, such as “Pāramitā” and Bhūmi,” which strongly suggest a Mahayana presence.6 In the 5th century CE, another two Buddhist monks from Funan, named Saṅghapāla-varman and Mandrasena, were sent to China by the King of Funan (Kauṇḍῑnya Jayavarman) at Chinese emperor’s request to translate Buddhist texts into Chinese language7, and these two Theras arrived at the court of Liang in Nanjing in 506 and 503, respectively. Of the two, Saṅghapāla is the monk, who has the greatest Knowledge or has been the more able scholar, yet both tended to work on Mahayana sources. They translated several Buddhist Sūtras from Sanskrit into Chinese language.8 Among this text is: the Mahāyāna Mahāprajñāpāramitā and Mañjuśrīparivarta Sūtra. This text was separately translated by both monks. The bodhisattva Mañjusrī is a prominent figure in this text. This is not sufficient proof to conclude that Saṅghapāla and Mandrasena were Mahayanists or Theravada Buddhist monks, however. Saṅghapala’s biography tells us that the majority of his works concerned Mahayana doctrine, although he was absolutely fascinated by Abhidhamma. Of all the Buddhist texts, he brought one of the texts from the Kingdom of Funan and subsequently rendered, even though we remain extremely difficult to make sure that what original Language of this text “Vimuttimagga” is? A work probably wrote by a certain Bhikkhu Upatissa in the second century CE in northern India. This composition is especially interesting to us when we start to examine the much latter features of traditional of Theravada Buddhism in Cambodia. The presence of the Vimuttamagga might suggest the existence of both Mahayana and Śrāvajayāna styles of Buddhism in the Kingdom of Funan.

5 Pelliot, “Le fou-nan”, BEFEO 3 (2): 248-303,1903, p. 279 6 G. Coedès, “The Indianized States of Southeast Asia”. Trans. Sue Brown Cowing. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1968, pp. 58-59 7 Committee of Buddhist Institute, “History of Buddhist Education in Cambodia” (in Khmer), 1st ed., Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 2006, P. 9 8 T'oung Pao: “International Journal of Chinese Studies”, 1958. p. 185

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Based on above information, it seems to show that the Mahāyāna form of Buddhism influenced the country before the advent of the Theravāda. However, according to a Sanskrit inscription at Ta Prohm of Bati [K.40], it was probably before the middle of the sixth century. It mentions both Jayavarmam and Rudravarman and begins with an invocation addressed to the Buddha. This inscription tells us about holy relics of our Lord Buddha and the Buddhist Triple Gems (Prah Ratanatrai), and shows us that there is a Brahmin court official who became a Buddhist lay-disciple (Upāsaka). Owing to this inscription, Coedés states that the Theravada Buddhism used Sanskrit language has been alive in Cambodia since third century CE, but it just strongly flourished in 5th-6th centuries under the reign of King Jayavarman and Rudravarman.9 Furthermore, a dual Sanskrit/Khmer inscription [K.49] from Wat Prei Vie, Kompong Trabek, Prey Veng Province, dated 664 CE10, stats that two monks (bhikkhus), Ratnabhānu and Ratnasiṃha, are named and described as brothers. In the Sanskrit portion we discover that they have donated slaves, animals, and land toward the foundation of a religious property. In addition, King Jayavarman will guarantee that a certain Śubhakīrti is to have hereditary rights over the establishment. The Khmer portion of the text ascribes the title “Pu caḥ añ” (Sthavira), or “elder,” to both monks. Bhattacharya (1961, 16) has suggested that this means they must have belonged to the Theravāda. This is possible, but the term, although monastic, really implies monastic seniority and is not convincing evidence of sectarian affiliation. Of rather more significance as evidence of possible Theravāda presence in Cambodia is a portion of Pāli text [K. 820] engraved on the back of a seventh-century Buddha figure from Toul Preah Theat, Prey Veng province. Pāli is, of course, the canonical language of the Theravāda. In order to confirm the strongest evidence of a Theravada presence at this period of time, we also have the oldest Pāli stone inscription [Ka 110]11 that was composed by a Khmer Buddhist monk known as Buddhasiri in 761 CE. It contains three Pāli stanzas in homage to the triple jewel that appear to come from the Telakaṭāha-gāthā, a poetical text believed to have its origin in Sri Lanka. This inscription is not only the document to demonstrate the proof of practicing Theravada Buddhism, but also to show the presence of Pāli literature in Cambodia in past times, especially to correct the misconceptions of some French researchers who created confusion by saying that Cambodia got influence of Theravada Buddhism from Mon or Siam in the thirteenth century CE.

9 G. Coedès, “Historire ancienne des Etats hindouisés d’Extréme Orient”, p. 74. 10 Pang Khat, 1961, p. 60. 11 Kambuja Suriyā Journal, No. 3, 2002, pp. 66-67.

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As stated above historical evidence, the form of basic Sanskrit-Theravada Buddhism has existed in Cambodia since at least the 3rd century CE, but it was just not strongly effective. It started to flourish during 5th to 6th centuries under the reign of King Jayavarman and Rudravarman. Although there is sufficient historical evidence, it clarified that the Mahayana form of Buddhism strongly influenced Cambodia under the reign of King Jayavarman VII during 12th and early 13th century CE. It doesn’t mean that Theravada Buddhism was declined or disappeared from the country. It’s still practiced by Khmer Buddhists. Therefore, after 13th century CE onwards, Theravada Buddhism became the state religion of Cambodia, and it also firmly established in Khmer society. The kings, ministers and people started to abandon the Brahmanic and Mahayana Buddhist religious traditions and practice only Theravada Buddhism in their way of life. 2. The Sources of Tipitaka and Commentaries The Tipitaka of Cambodia may have come from and have been influenced by two main sources, namely, India and Sri Lanka. In fact, if we depend on the Commentary of Vinaya Piṭaka (Samantappāsādikā) and the Great Chronicle of Ceylon (Mahāvaṃsa), Buddhism was propagated to Suvaṇṇabhūmi, recently known as the region of Southeast Asia, starting around 247 BCE. Based on this reason, it was believed that two Indian monks, Soṇa and Uttara probably introduced Buddhism and Tripitaka to Cambodia during that time, because Cambodia is also a part of this land. However, Indian provided Cambodia with a writing system, a pantheon, meters for poetry, a language (Sanskrit) to write it in, a vocabulary of social hierarchies, Buddhism, the idea of universal kingship, and new ways of looking at politic, sociology, architecture, iconography, astronomy and aesthetics during the first five hundred years of the Christian era.12 Consequently, the word ‘Tipiṭaka or Tripitaka’ was just found in the period of the first Kingdom of Cambodia, Nokor Phnom or Funan. According to historical record, it states that there were many novices (Sāmaṇera) and high ordained monks (Bhikkhu) who were highly educated and well understood the Tipiṭaka during that era.13 Scattered Chinese sources further illuminate that “two hundred Buddhists from India were living in Funan Era”.14 The Buddhist monks were considered as the well-known scholars at that time such as Nāgasena, Saṅghapāla or Saṅghavarman, Mantrasena, Subhuti, Paramārtha,etc. Owing to the second volume of Biography of Eminent Monks, “the Thera Paramārtha was a native of Ujjain in western India but spent a period of time in Funan. Then, he was sent to

12 David Chandler, “A History of Cambodia”, 2nd ed., Printing House, Bangkok, Thailand, 1998, p. 12. 13 Committee of Buddhist Institute, 2006, p. 9. 14 Ian Harris, “Cambodian Buddhism”, 1st ed., New Delhi, India, 2010, p. 5.

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China with 240 bundles of texts in 546 CE”.15 It is unclear whether the texts were brought to China were Tipitaka, or only Buddhist scripture. Nevertheless, we examine that the presence of Buddhist texts and eminent teachers of the Buddhist Dharma have existed in Cambodia since the Funan period, and among of those monks are original natives of India. Therefore, it can be assumed that the source of Tipiṭaka which was first brought to Cambodia may come from India. However, there is emerging epigraphical and sculptural evidence, that Buddhism of both the Mahavihara and Abhayagiri of Sri Lanka had made a strong early impact on the development of Theravada Buddhism in South East Asia when a good part of this region was dominated from about the 5th-6th century A.C. by the Mon Khmer culture, and later became part of the Khmer empire.16 The movement of Buddhist monks and teachers from Sri Lanka to the region was facilitated by advances in navigation technology during the period of the fourth- fifth centuries. This helped the spread of the Pali language, the lingua franca of Theravada through Pali texts written in Sri Lanka. According to the text of Dr. Hema Goonatilake, it is clarified that “the earliest Buddhist relations between Cambodia and Sri Lanka have started since Funan period. As it provides assurance that the Vimuttimagga translated into Chinese by the Thera Saṅghapāla in 503 CE, is a Pali text of the Abhayagiri school of Sri Lanka, composed by Upatissa in the 2nd century CE”.17 So, the Pali language and the Abhayagiri tradition of Theravada, it can be concluded, were known in Cambodia during this time. Additional evidence for the presence of Pali Language in Cambodia, we also have a statue of the Buddha with an inscription with the formula in the Pali language “Ye dhammā hetuprabhavā tesaṃ hetuṃ tathāgato ...” was found near Toul Preah in the Prey Veng province in Southern Cambodia.18 The whole inscription is in Pali with only the word ‘hetuprabhavā’ in Sanskrit. On the basis of the script, Bhattacharya has dated this inscription to the 7th century. The presence of the Pali language in the 7th century in the Southern part of Cambodia indicates that Theravada Buddhism was found there at the time. What’s more, the Pali Gāthā composed by Khmer monk named Buddhasiri in 761 CE, is believed to have its origin in Sri Lanka. Indeed, the word ‘Pali’ is a language of the Tripiṭaka, the sacred scriptures or the Buddhist canon

15 Ibid, p.7 16 Hema Goonatilake , “Sri Lanka-Cambodia Relations with Special Reference to the Period 14th - 20th Centuries”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka, New Series, Volume XLVIII, Special Number, Issued on July 21, 2003 to commemorate the 250th Anniversary of Upasampada in Sri Lanka. 17 Hema Goonatilake , “Sri Lanka-Cambodia Relations with Special Reference to the Period 14th - 20th Centuries” 18 Inscriptions du Cambodge (IC), Vol. I, p. 297.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary of Southern Buddhism.”19 With reference to these confirmations, the Pali Tipiṭaka from Sri Lanka was probably introduced to Cambodia in the period of that time. In addition to the fact that it, in the Royal Chronicle of Cambodia, was believe that “during the reign of Padum Suriyavaṅs a junk loaded with copies of the Tripitaka and an Emerald Buddha given to the Laotian king by the king of Ceylon ran aground in a storm near the great city (Mahā Nakor). Becoming aware of Padum Suriyavaṅs' kingly virtues, monks offered him the junk's contents, and he installed the Emerald Buddha and the sacred writings in . Copies of the Tripitaka were then made and distributed to all the monasteries of the land. In due course the Lao king recovered the original copy of the Tripitaka, but the Emerald Buddha stayed in Cambodia until it was forcibly recovered following a serious flood at Angkor”.20 However, in the Chronicle of the Emerald Buddha (Ratanabimbavaṃsa), we hear that a vessel dispatched to the king (1044-1077 CE) of Pagan from his counterpart in Ceylon, carrying both the Emerald Buddha statue and the Tripitaka, ran aground at before continuing to its rightful destination.21 According to both Chronicles, although there is insufficient historical evidence, it was assumed that the Tripitaka and commentaries were brought to Cambodia and probably written down on palm leaves under the reign of King Suriyavarman I (r.1002-1049 CE).22 Still, the Sri Lanka chronicle, Culavaṃsa records that Cambodia and Sri Lanka had close political and cultural contacts in the 12th century CE. After ’s purification of the Saṅgha, Sri Lanka once again became an important international center of Buddhism; in fact, the country became the most important of all for Theravada Buddhism. According to the Burmese record, it states that “Tāmalinda, a son of Jayavarman VII, went to Sri Lanka and received ordination and education at Mahāvihāra monastery. After having studied Tripiṭaka in Sri Lanka for about ten years and earning the title “ Mahāthera”, he went to help establish and spread Sīhaḷa Buddhism in Pagan (Myanmar) with other four monks, namely, Chapaṭa of Talaing (Mon), Sivali of Tāmalitthi, Ananda, a South Indian from Kañchipura, and Rahula, a Sinhalese monk”.23 Unfortunately, we have no certain evidence of his activities with regard to the spread of Theravada Buddhism in Cambodia. Yet Pang Khat, a well- known Buddhist scholar, is of the opinion that “after having studied Tripiṭaka at Mahāvihāra, Anurādhapura, Tāmalinda Mahāthera returned to Cambodia and helped

19 Kanai Lal Hazra, “Pāli Language and Literature”, Vol. I, 1st ed., New Delhi, India, 1998, p. 1. 20 Mak Phoeun, “Chroniques royales du Cambodge”, 1984, pp. 79-8o, 114-115. 21 Notton, Camille, “The Chronicle of the Emerald Buddha”, Bangkok, Thailand, 1933, pp. 24-25. 22 Las Lay, “A History of Buddhism after Buddha Parinibbāna” (in Khmer), Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 2508 B.E, pp. 41-43. 23 Kanai La Hazra, “History of Theravāda Buddhism in South-East Asia”, 2nd ed., New Delhi, India.2002, p. 94.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary consolidate Theravada Buddhism in Cambodia at the end of 12th century”.24 In addition, ChouTa-Kuan, a Chinese mission, arrived in Cambodia in the reign of King Indravarman II (1220-1295). He gave an account of the social, political and religious conditions of Cambodia during this period. He said, “there are many novices and high ordained monks, who shave their heads, wear yellow lower garments, uncover the right shoulder, fasten a skirt of material around the lower part of the body, go barefoot, eat food a time per day, and recite Buddhist manuscript written on palm leaves”.25 Based on the verification, it was assumed that Lankavaṃsa Theravada Buddhism including Tipiṭaka and Commentaries has been alive in Cambodia till these days. Its original source is from Sri Lanka. 3. The Trace of the Traditional Tipiṭaka Studies in Ancient Times Theravada Buddhism was introduced to Cambodia since the Kingdom of Nokor Phnom period. So, it has firmly established for a long time. Certainly, with the introduction of Buddhism, the Tipiṭaka and commentaries were also brought to this country at that time, so we can say that Buddhist texts were probably studied by Khmer Buddhists and Kings as well. In order to follow the path of Buddhism rightly, they were required to study the teachings of Buddha. In fact, according to the history of Cambodia, it is clarified that education was developed in the Funan Era. The novices (Sāmaṇera) and ordained monks (Bhikkhu) were highly educated. At that time, “there were many Buddhist monks who gained deep knowledge of the Tripiṭaka, including the other languages such as Pāli, Sanskrit, Chinese and so forth.”26 As witnessed, the first King of Cambodia, Koṇḍañña had become an ardent follower of Buddhism and he had dispatched a monk called Nāgasena to Vo Ti, Emperor of China, in 484, to propagate Buddhism there.27 This monk was highly educated and on being inquired by the Emperor he explained in great detail the life and religious practices of Funanese. On the other hand, among of those, Sanghapalatthera or Sanghavarman was the highest qualified one, who precisely understood the Teachings of Buddha. In 503 CE, he was also sent to China by King Kauṇdīnya Jayavarman at the request of the Chinese emperor to translate the Tripiṭaka and Vimuttimagga into Chinese language.28 All the Buddhist texts that he had translated into Chinese were excellent works, and no one can assume that these are the works of Khmer. In fact, all the work that he had done was kept in the Buddhist

24 Pang Khat, 1961, p. 108. 25 Ibid., p.109. 26 Yang, Thy and San Samnang, “History of Education in Cambodia” (in Khmer), Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 1999, p. 1. 27 Hammalawa Saddhātissa, 2004, p. 71. 28 Committee of Buddhist Institute, 2006, p. 9.

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Library of China until the present day. The texts that translated by him are Saptasatikā, Prañjāpāramitā, Mañjuśrīparipṛkkhāsūtra, Boddhisattvapaṭikasūtra, Daśadharmaka, Sarvabuddhavisayā-vitāra, Dharmadhātu Prakṛtyasamabheda nirdeśa, Mañjuśrībhuddhakṣetra, Guṇavyūha, Ratna meghasūtra, Vimuktimārga, etc. After having done a great service to Buddhist, Saṅghapālatthera passed away in China at the age of 65. In 506, being satisfied with the work of Saṅghapāla, the Chinese Emperor invited another Funanese scholar, Mantrasena, to join Saṅghapāla in translating Sanskrit Buddhist texts into Chinese. Moreover, in 546, again upon request from Chinese Emperor, King Kauṇḍinya Jayavarman sent a great Buddhist scholar, Paramārtha, to the court of China with 240 bundles of Buddhist texts. This event is recorded in the second volume of Biography of Eminent Monks (Xu gaoseng zhuan), composed in the late seventh century.29 Furthermore, in the book of the History of Cambodia written by Misel Trane, it is explained that “the Khmer Buddhists started to write the texts in Pāli by themselves in the Kingdom of Chenla30 (6th-9th century CE), whereas the Pāli texts, in the Kingdom of Funan, were just extracted from Tipiṭaka or other Pāli scriptures: ‘Ye dhammā hetuprabhavā tesaṃ hetuṃ…”31 Although Cambodian people didn’t know how to compose Pāli texts by themselves in the Funan era, it can be taken as a clarifying fact that Khmer people understood Pāli and could quote the short verses from Tipiṭaka to write down on the back of Buddha statues or on stone. Based on this indication, during Funan period, there were many Buddhist monks and scholars who were highly cultured and competent in translating profound Buddhist texts. This is the sufficient evidence to show that there were activities of studies of Buddhist scriptures at that time. From the end of the 8th century, the influence of Buddhism spread over the whole country. Specially, many inscriptions both Sanskrit and Pali were composed to describe the event of social, political, and religious activities. For example, in an inscription at Wat Srei Santhor, it is written that “a Buddhist minister, Kīrtipaṇḍita, has engraved the rapid progress of Buddhism and zeal in restoring Buddhist studies during the reign of King Jayavarman V (968-1001). He brought a large number of books on philosophy and treatises like the commentary on the Tattvasaṅgraha from foreign lands so that their studies might spread.”32

29 Ian Harris, 2010, pp. 6-7. 30 Chenla is called by the Chinese, and it is the second Kingdom of Cambodia in past time. 31 Michael Tranet, “History of Cambodia”, Khmer Empire from 9th-13th Century CE. (in Khmer), Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 2006, p. 276. 32 Émile Senart, “Une inscription bouddhique du Cambodge”, Paris, 1883, pp. 182-192.

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Another evidence, we also have Khmer inscription from Prachinburi province, Thailand, dated 761 CE, and is not listed by Vickery, because it was discovered fairly recently. This inscription is regarded as the oldest Pali stone inscription in Cambodia, composed by Khmer Buddhist monk, named Buddhasiri. It contains three Pāli stanzas in homage to the triple jewels that appear to come from the Telakaṭāha-gāthā, a poetical text believed to have its origin in Sri Lanka. Based on this inscription, it demonstrates that Theravada Buddhism and Pāli study flourished in Cambodia since ancient times. On the other hand, if we analyze the meaning of this Gāthā, we can find that it is full of profound meaning and can convince the people to worship the Lord Buddha, Dhamma and Saṅgha. Thus, we can clarify that Cambodians had certain Buddhist scriptures and enough documents such as Śabdaśāstra, Nighanḍuśāstra, Chandasaśāstra, and Alaṅkāraśāstra to study Pariyittidhamma and to compose Pāli texts. What’s more, this inscription is regarded as the basis of Pāli and Khmer literature, and what some researchers always thought that the ancient Khmer didn’t recognize and use the Pāli language in pre-Angkorian period is not true. It is confused. As already explained, this is clear evidence that Pāli learning in Cambodia is not only in the present time, but it has been also studied since the pre-Angkorian period. During the Angkorian period (9th-15the Century CE), the Buddhist educational sector had development, and the higher education was provided to monks, nuns and lay students. Particularly in the reign of the King Jayavarman VII, it clarifies that the first higher educational institution was established in the country. During this glorious period, “Cambodia had two main universities located in Preah Khan temple (Vat Cheysrey) and Taprom temple (Rāja Vihāra) under the administration of Indradevī.”33 Leang Hab An (1967), also mentioned that “Indradevī, the queen of King Jayavarman VII, was the great Buddhist patroness, and she promoted national culture and Khmer literature in 12th and 13th century CE, and she created especially the Higher School of Pāli as well.”34 In accordance with the inscription at Ta Prom temple, it is clarified that “there were 18 individuals with doctoral degrees (cultural and religious intellectuals) and 2740 university teachers to transform the Khmer elite to enhance the national human resource capital of the country.”35 Furthermore, the event related to Buddhist education that we cannot forget is that “King Jayavarman VII sent his beloved son Tamilinda to Sri Lanka to study Theravada Buddhism according to the Pāli scriptural traditions, and then he became a Buddhist monk at Mahāvihāra temple in 1190 with

33 Yang, Thy and San Samnang, 1999, p. 2. 34 Leang Hab An, “History of Khmer Literature” (in Khmer), Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 1967, pp. 104- 105. 35 Pang Khat, 1961, p. 85.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary other four Mon monks.”36 After his return to Cambodia, he had worked so hard to reform and promote Buddhist traditions according to the Theravada training. In addition, he had received, galvanizing and energizing the long standing Theravada presence that had existed throughout the Angkor Empire for centuries.37 Therefore, at that time, activity of Tipitaka studies and Pāli literature strongly advanced, and many Buddhist scholars who deeply understood the Buddhavacana, emerged in the country. After the decline of the Khmer Empire, from 15th to 18th century CE, the power and policy, including the Buddhist Monastic Educational sector in Cambodia, was changed and collapsed because of wars and invasions from the neighboring countries, including Thailand and Vietnam. Of course, when they invaded Cambodia, they always killed the scholars and destroyed everything such as temples, Buddhist texts, various documents, and so on. Although Cambodia was in such situation, the Buddhist education was not stopped. Still, it continued as usual from time to time, but it was just not interesting like the early times. However, during the reign of King Ang Duong (1840-1859)38, Buddhist education revived. The King Prah Hariraksa Rāmā Issarādhipatī, generally known as a King Ang Duong, was regarded as a great poet, doctor, and professor of Buddhism. He taught Khmer literature, the art of poetry, Pālī literature, Dhamma, and Buddhist philosophy. And also, he ordered the collection of documents relating to Buddhism and the books of the Tipiṭaka. Under his patronage, he established many Pali schools around the Udung palace, and he was also a Pāli teacher and taught this language. At that time, this school was called normally ‘Sālā Rien Preah Traibeidak (School of Tipiṭa Study)’. The purpose of the studies was to promote and maintain the solidarity of Buddhist practice, especially to correctly interpret the Dhammavinaya of the Lord Buddha. In fact, there was no schooling system for ordained monks and novices who studied Pāli or Tipiṭaka. The teaching was only in the Buddhist monasteries. The instructors taught Pāli to the students in their own abbeys (Kuṭi), with no tables for teachers and no chairs for students. The students sat directly on the floor. For the method of learning, it required them to put the Sāstrās (manuscripts) on wooden book support (Ādhāra) and learned by rote on the order of teachers. Firstly, the students had to learn the Sutras of Mūlakaccāyana. Then, instructors taught them the translation of the commentary of Dhammapada into Khmer. If they finished the translation of Dhammapadaṭṭhakathā, the instructors would continue to teach the translation of Maṅgalatthadīpanī, Sāratthasaṅgaha, Visuddhimagga and other Pāli scriptures.39 The

36 Huot Tath, “Brief History of Buddhism in Cambodia” (in Khmer), 2nd ed., Phnom Penh, 1970, p. 18. 37 Pang Khat, 1961, p. 108 38 Treng Ngea, “History of Khmer” (in Khmer), Vol. I-II, Phnom Penh, 1973, p. 247. 39 Punleu Buddhacak Journal, No 2, 1961, p. 15.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary way of teaching was verbal. It means that the teachers had to translate the Pāli vocabularies into Khmer word by word, and then one student repeats what the teacher translated, while other students listen carefully and read later. Therefore, there were no teaching methods of instruction, school curriculum, timetable and the limiting time of studies. It was due to the wish of the student monks and novices. Occasionally, by request of the Sanghanāyaka, the state examination called “Denh Prayog” was organized under the presidency of the king. For example, the candidates sat in front of the committees that were selected from senior monks (Mahātheras) and lay instructor who well understood Pāli and the Tipiṭaka. The method of examination required the candidates to orally translate the Pāli sentences that were extracted from various Pāli scriptures such as Dhammapadaṭṭhakathā, Maṅgalatthadīpanī, and Vussuddhimagga etc. In order to receive the title of Mahā Bei Prayog (Three Sentences), the candidates had to translate three sentences that come from the commentary of Dhammapada.40 The committees provided one hour to translate. If they could translate all of the Pāli sentences into without any mistakes, they would pass an examination. After that, the candidates who had enough ability could continue their examination. Moreover, anyone who could translate the four Pāli sentences that were extracted from Maṅgalatthadīpanī, the commentary of Maṅgalasutta would receive the title of Mahā Four Sentences.41 Another Level was held in the same manner, but the levels of the tests were different. Likewise, the Pāli sentences for the Mahā Five Sentences upgraded to the Mahā Nine Sentences were taken from Vissuddhimagga and other Pāli scriptures. The candidates would get the title due to the level of examination. Although the monastery schools had neither formal curriculum nor proper teaching methods, they were still the institutions which contributed to develop human resources and promote the practice of Buddhist doctrine in Cambodia in that period. 4. The Development of Tipitaka Studies under French Rule (1863-1953) Before the French colonization, schooling had depended on Wat (Buddhist monastery). The parents always sent their sons to the local pagodas for a few years. So as to make it easy in learning, it sometimes required them to become a novice. There, Buddhist monks (Bhikkhusaṅgha) would teach them to read Buddhist manuscript written on palm leaves; also, they played an important role in educating the people to understand the Buddhist doctrines and contribute enormously to resolve problems in society. Only boys were allowed to study in temples. The subjects taught by those monks were reading, writing, basic arithmetic, woodwork, masonry, blacksmithing

40 Punleu Buddhacak Journal, No 2, 1961, p.19 41 Ibid.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary and basketry. In the previous times, there was not schooling system for studying Pāli or Tipitaka. Moreover, there were no any books for teaching and learning in ancient times, and there were only some Buddhist scriptures written on palm leaves (Sāstrā). Owing to this reason, the Buddhist students encountered difficulties and couldn’t continue their studies until completely finished. Therefore, any monks who well understood Pāli and Tipiṭaka and could translate Pāli into Khmer would be considered as Buddhist scholars or intellectuals; not only that they were worthy and respected in the whole society. At that time, the Western style of education was slowly introduced in Cambodia. For this reason, the field of Buddhist education was also adapted to the changes of modern society. It required reforms of the traditional education that had no quality of education, schooling systems, basic curriculums, textbooks and the methods of the teaching-learning. Therefore, under the French Protectorate from 1909 up to 1953, Khmer Administrations, especially Buddhist leaders, tried to establish and reform the Pāli schools to be a modern Monastic Education system. In fact, Cambodia was meeting the controversy of writing and using her own language and vocabularies that were borrowed from Pāli and Sanskrit. There also was disagreement of Buddhist practice in society. There was a total lack of Buddhist and linguistic scholars in the country. The majority of both Buddhist monks and laymen were illiterate and lacked education because there were no systems of education, so they didn’t precisely understand their own literature, grammatical rules and the Buddhist doctrines. If they wanted to acquire higher knowledge, they had to go to Siam to continue their studies because Siam, at that time, possessed higher standards of education than Cambodia. Therefore, to strengthen human resources and the field of Buddhist education in Cambodia, it required the Khmer and French administration to create schools. In 1909, the King and Saṅgharāja discussed the development of Buddhism, and people enjoyed peace and happiness because of the power of Tipiṭaka or Pāli learners.42 Therefore, Khmer Administrators and French Protectorate had meetings and agreed to run Pāli school for ordained monks and novices to study Pāli Tipitaka and other subjects. The first modern Pāli School known as ‘Paramabuddhavacana Pariyattipāsāda’ (Supreme Buddha’s word Study Palace) was established for young monks at Angkor Wat in Siem Reap province, northwestern Cambodia on 13 August, 1909.43 In the same year, King Sisowath (1904-1927) appointed venerable Preah

42 Committee of Buddhist Institute, 2006, p. 17. 43 Ibid, p.17.

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Buddhavaṅsa Ing Debmei as director of the Pāli school.44 Later on, it was abolished on 6th June, 1911 because the location was so far from the city and students had difficulty in travelling.45 Although the first Pāli school was collapsed, Khmer and French colonial administration tried to create another Pāli School named ‘Paramabuddhavacana Pariyatti Mandīra’ (Supreme Buddha’s Words Study Department) in Phnom Penh in 1914.46 On 25 July 1915, it was officially inaugurated by King Sisowath and a representative of the French Administration.47 On that occasion, Venerable Preah Mahāvimaladhamma Thaong was appointed as director of this school. He was a Buddhist scholar, who had wide knowledge of the Dhamma-Vinaya and the Pāli language. Moreover, he liked studying the scriptures of the Tripitaka. When the school was transferred to the capital of Phnom Penh, we found that there were some organization for school supplies such as tables, chairs and so on for teachers and students, but its curriculum contained of only Pāli without including any other general subjects. The school offered courses in Pāli grammar (Mūlakaccāyana) in conjunction with the art of translating, together with a study of such commentarial works as the Dhammapa-daṭṭhakathā (commentary of the Dhammapada), Maṅgalatthadīpanī (commentary of Maṅga-lasutta), Paṭhamasamantappāsādikā (commentary of Vinayapiṭaka), Vissuddhimagga (Path of Purification) and Abhidhammasaṅgaha. The Pāli School comprised three grades: the first grade consisted of one year studies, second grade two years, and third grade three years of studies. Successfully completing these six years of studies, the students were graduated and awarded ‘Pāli Degree’ which were the highest at that time. However, to improve the schooling system and expand its curriculum, the school was transferred from Emerald Temple to a new building located in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs close to the Royal Palace. Then, it was upgraded and renamed as l’Ecole Supérieure de Pāli (Pāli High School) in 1922.48 Now the School was modified to comprise four grades of a four-year study, but the annual intake of students was left unchanged, i.e. 20 per annum. After having completed a four-year study and successfully getting through the examinations, the students were awarded a ‘Degree of Pāli High School’ which was the highest of Pāli studies in the country those days.49 Though the duration of studies was four years, monks had to study Pāli several years

44 Ibid. 45 BEFEO, xi, 4, p. 74. 46 BEFEO, xix, 1914, p. 95. 47 Committee of Buddhist Institute, 2006, p. 19. 48 Punleu Buddhacak Journal, No 2, April, 1961, p. 22. 49 , “Buddhika Sākal Vidyālaya Preah Sihanouk Reach”, 1955, p. 18.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary by themselves or by private tuitions. At least from a 3-5 year study, before they applied for the entrance examination. The Pāli High School, unlike its predecessor the Pāli School, was exclusively focused on Pāli studies. It provided the monk students with the curriculum in advanced Pāli Grammar, Pāli Composition, methods of Pāli Translation and together with the study of translating of commentaries into Khmer such as Maṅgalatthadīpanī (Commentary of Maṅgalasutta), Visuddhimagga (Path of Purification), Samantappāsādikā (Commentary of Vinayapitaka), and Atthasālinī (Commentary on the Dhammasaṅgaṇī). Therefore, the monk students who graduated from the Pāli High School and well understood the Tipiṭaka became Pāli scholars and were greatly esteemed by the public. Nevertheless, the formal Pāli Primary School for study of the Buddhist monks, in the early 1930s, was not formally generated in Cambodia. In 1933, King sisowath Monivong (r.1927-1941) issued a Royal Decree authorizing the establishment of Pāli Primary School called ‘Sālā Pāli Rong’.50 The school was different from the Pāli School founded in 1909 and 1914. It was open to all students who wished to study and there were no entrance examinations to select students. Its course syllabus offered the students both Buddhist subjects (Pāli, Vinaya, History of the Buddha, Buddhist Doctrines) and general subjects (Khmer Literature, Mathematics, Cambodian history, Geography, Practical Science).51 Likewise, it consisted of three levels of a three-year study. After finishing a three-year study, the students could sit examinations to receive a ‘Certificate of Pāli Primary School’ and consequently obtain the title ‘Mahā’ or ‘Mahā Pariyatti Paṭhamavijjā’ which was sometimes shortened to ‘Mahāpaṭhamavijjā’.52 If the learners wished to further their Pāli studies, they could take the entrance examinations to study at the Pāli High School, which was, at the time, only one in Phnom Penh. From then onwards, the rights and privileges to taking entrance examination to the Pāli High School were exclusively bestowed upon those candidates who had obtained the ‘Certificate of Pāli Primary School’; the self-study candidates were no longer allowed. Since the official establishment of Pāli Primary School, the Pāli High School had grown rapidly in strength. Indeed, when the Pāli Primary schools were established in 1933, the Pāli High School was also changed to Buddhist Secondary School (Buddhikamadhyamasiksā), and at the end it was renamed the Preah Suramarit Buddhist Lycée (Buddhikavidyālaya) in 1954.”53 In order to encourage the students to learn Buddhist

50 Yang, Thy and San Samnang, 1999, p. 60. 51 Punleu Buddhacak Journal, No. 2, April, 1961, pp.23-24. 52 Chuon Nath, 1955, p. 22. 53 Yang, Thy and San Samnang, 1999, p. 65.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary doctrine and other knowledge, the School expanded its curriculum to include Sanskrit, French, mathematics, and geography, etc. On the completion of four years’ study, an examination was held and the successful candidate was awarded the title, ‘Mahā Pariyatti Uttamavijjā’.54 After the school reformed its systems, the growing number of schools and applicants were developed and increased from year to year. Based on this situation, we can consider that this is a great event if we compare to the Buddhist education in early times. Cambodia didn’t have any system of Buddhist education for educating the monks and laymen. It just depended on Buddhist temples, and it didn’t have the main course of studies. Most of them travelled to study in neighboring countries. This progress was the basis that made Cambodian society to reach the goal of development of Buddhist practice and independency of culture, custom and tradition. Some Buddhist students won the certificate of Pāli High School or Pāli Primary School after graduating, and then they could become professors and teachers at those schools. The others who had changed from monkhood became ministers and civil servants of various ministries or institutions. At that time, the number of scholars, intellectuals, authors and poets increased in the country. Because of this, many books, magazines, newspapers and other documents were published and sold in the markets throughout the country. Dhamma books were particularly collected and compiled by the Buddhist monks who knew Pāli and translated from Pāli into Khmer for the public interests and contributed to develop the human resources in the country. Moreover, the Buddhist Institute (Buddhasāsana Paṇḍitya) was established in 1930 as a direct result of the Royal Library which had been created in 1925 by King Sisowath Monivong. The institute was organized for cultural activities and the study of Theravada Buddhism; also, it was a place for the conservation of ancient documents, research in Buddhist history and publication of Pāli works. Furthermore, on 14th December 1929, King Sisowath signed a Royal ordinance for setting up the Tipiṭaka Commission for Translating and editing original Pāli Tipiṭaka written down on palm leaves retyping on the papers and translating into its national language. It spent 29 years on the herculean task of rendering. In 1957 it, however, was completely done in 110 volumes, one page in Pāli and one page in Khmer. All the members of Tipiṭaka Commission were selected only eminent monks and laymen who completely graduated from the Pāli High School. We can therefore conclude that the study of Tipiṭaka is just a main subject in the system of Buddhist education in Cambodia. There is no level or grade of study like

54 Hemmalawa Saddhātissa, 2004, p. 77.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary another country. Also, there is no certain evidence to clarify about its formal study in Cambodia although it was believed that there were many scholar monks who clearly understood the Tipiṭaka in ancient times. Some document states that the teaching was only in the Buddhist monasteries. The instructors taught Pāli and Tipiṭaka to the students in their own abbeys without tables for teachers and no chairs for students. The students sat directly on the floor. For the method of learning, it required them to put the Sāstrās (manuscripts) on wooden book support and learned by heart. Therefore, we find that the tradition of such study continues from time to time. The system of Buddhist education was officially established under French Administration, and it had developed gradually although it faced some issues such as shortage of buildings, lack of teachers and text books. However, the schooling system consisted of only Buddhist primary school and Pāli High School, but it was still the institutions which contributed to develop human resources and promoted the practice of Buddhist doctrines in Cambodia. It especially educated Khmer ordained monks and novices to become Buddhist scholars, intellectuals, professors, instructors, authors, poets and so on. Furthermore, it paved the first way for the Buddhist educational field of the next generation.

References 1. Bhattacarya, Kamaleswar.1961. “Les religions brahmaniques dans l’ancien Cambodge d’après l’épigraphie et l’iconographie”, Paris: EFEO 2. Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient: BEFEO, xi, 4. 3. Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient: BEFEO, xix, 1914 4. Chuon, Nath. 1955. “Buddhika Sākal Vidyālaya Preah Sihanouk Reach” (Preah Sihanoukraj Buddhist University), Phnom Penh, Hang Vy Printing House. 5. Committee of Buddhist Institute, 2006. “History of Buddhist Education in Cambodia” (in Khmer), 1st ed., Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 6. David Chandler, 1998. “A History of Cambodia”, 2nd ed., Printing House, Bangkok. 7. Hema, Goonatilake. “Sri Lanka-Cambodia Relations with Special Reference to the Period 14th - 20th Centuries”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka, New Series, Volume XLVIII, Special Number, Issued on July 21, 2003 to commemorate the 250th Anniversary of Upasampada in Sri Lanka. 8. Émile, Senart. 1883. “Une inscription bouddhique du Cambodge”, Paris. 9. G. Coedès. “Historire ancienne des Etats hindouisés d’Extréme Orient”

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10. G. Coedès. 1968. “The Indianized States of Southeast Asia”. Trans. Sue Brown Cowing. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. 11. Hammalawa, Saddhātissa. 2004. “Pāli Literature of Southeast Asia”, Colombo, Buddhist Cultural Center. 12. Huot Tath, 1070. “Brief History of Buddhism in Cambodia” (in Khmer), 2nd ed., Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 13. Ian, Harris. 2010. “Cambodian Buddhism”, 1st ed., New Delhi, India. 14. Inscriptions du Cambodge (IC), Vol. I, 15. Kambuja Suriyā Journal, No. 3, 2002, pp. 66-67. ( Text of M. Tranet) 16. Hazra, Kanai La. 2002. “History of Theravāda Buddhism in South-East Asia”, 2nd ed., New Delhi, India. 17. Hazra, Kanai Lal. 1998. “Pāli Language and Literature”, Vol. I, 1st ed., New Delhi, India. 18. Leang, Hab An. 1967. “History of Khmer Literature” (in Khmer), Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 19. Mak, Phoeun. 1984. “Chroniques royales du Cambodge” 20. Mechael, Tranet. 1998. “Les premiès représentations de Bouddha au Cambodge ancient” 21. Michael, Tranet. 2006. “History of Cambodia”, Khmer Empire from 9th-13th Century CE. (in Khmer), Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 22. Notton, Camille. 1933. “The Chronicle of the Emerald Buddha”, Bangkok, Thailand. 23. Pang, Khat. 1961. “History of Buddhism in Cambodia” (in Khmer), 1st ed., Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 24. Pelliot, Paul.1903. “Le fou-nan.” BEFEO 3 (2): 248-303. 25. Punleu Buddhacak Journal, No 2, April, 1961 26. Las, Lay. 2508 B.E. “A History of Buddhism after Buddha Parinibbāna” (in Khmer), Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 27. T'oung, Pao. 1958. “International Journal of Chinese Studies”. 28. Treng, Ngea. 1973. “History of Khmer” (in Khmer), Vol. I-II, Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 29. Yang, Thy and Samnang San. 1999. “History of Education in Cambodia” (in Khmer), Printed in Phnom Penh, Cambodia.

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The Structure of The Tipitaka : Grouping and Relation

Prof. Dr. Banjob Bannaruji Professor, Peace Studies, MCU, Thailand

ABSTRACT The Tipitaka’s structure is divided into the main structure and the sub-structure. Of those, the main structure is of five nikayas comprising dighanikaya, majjhimanikaya, sanyuttanikaya, anguttaranikaya, khuddakanikaya; whereas the sub- structure is vagga and nipata, available in the Pitaka. This paper will present only the main structure, focusing on grouping and relation between the five nikayas, the ideas of which are interesting and worthy of study. In Thailand, my country, the Tipitaka Studies, now even though held in universities, including the two Buddhist universities of Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalaya and Mahamakutarajavidyalaya, cannot be confirmed ‘absolutely successful.’

Key Words : Tipitaka, Structure, Grouping, Relation

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The Structure of The Tipitaka : Grouping and Relation

Introduction The Tipitaka means the three baskets for the Buddha’s teachings or the Buddhist teachings, divided into 3 groups; the group of the monastic rules are called the Vinaya Pitaka, the group of the Buddha’s sermons – the Suttanta Pitaka, and the group of the Dharma topics picked up from the Suttanta and deeply and profoundly detailed – the Abhidhamma Pitaka. In selecting and grouping the teachings in the Tipitaka, the term “Nikaya” played significant roles for containing the teachings. Dighanikaya or the Collection of Long Sermons contains 34 sutras. Remarkably, the first two sutras - Brahmajala sutra and Samannaphala sutra are of disciplined rules. Majjhimanikaya or the Collection of Middle-long Sermons contains 150 sutras. Remarkably, described was the content of the practice of the Great Ascetic Gotama , who was in the beginning the Bodhisattva and later became the Buddha (the Enlightened One). Sanyuttanikaya or the Collection of Connected Sermons contains sutras grouped in series. Remarkably, from volme 16 to volume 19, contains the content to be used as the path to Anguttaranikaya or The Collection of Groups of the sutras, set for groups with running numbers such as Groups of Two, Group of Three ect. Khuddakanikaya or the Collection of 15 Minor Texts that are believed to be collected after the first council held by the elder monk MahaKassapa three months after the Buddha passed away. Remarkably, the whole of Vinaya and Abhidhamma Pitakas are included in that.

Criteria for Grouping into the Tipitaka – the Three Baskets It is more questioned about a main criteria for grouping into the Tipitaka. What is it ? My research finds that the Tisikkha or the was possibly used for the criteria of grouping; that is; Morality for the Vinaya Pitaka, Concentration for the Suttanta Pitaka, and Wisdom for the Abhidamma

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Pitaka. My finding relied on the investigation into the main contents in each Tipitaka.

Vinaya Pitaka The term Vinaya in Pali and Sanskrit when translated into English refers to several English words – discipline, rule, the rules of discipline, the Vinaya rule, the monestic rule, the law of Vinaya. So the meaning of the Vinaya Pitaka was described by Bimala Churn Law as below ; “The Vinaya Pitaka really means a basket containing manuscripts of Vinaya or the rules of discipline. It contains rules and regulations for the managements of the Buddhist Sangha, and for the conduct of the daily life of monks and nuns. Rules for reception into the Order, for the periodical confession of sins, for life for the rainy season, for housing, clothing, medicinal remedies, and legal procedures in case of schism, are also included in it. These rules are supposed to be laid down by the Buddha himself as occasion necessitated their promulgation.” (Law: 1932:44-45) Among the English words, the term “rule” was used much. I seek a reason and find that the Vinaya resembles the ruler for keeping in the order. Personally, I prefer the monastic rule. These rules, in case of violation by any monk, who was later given punishment and its title by the Buddha in line with his offence, are called the “Sikkhapada” or the “Way of Training.” These rules are at last known in a collective noun of Morality. Moreover, in the Vinaya Pitaka, we find another key word “Vatta” that means the regulations laid down by the Buddha to support the monastic rules. The regulations might be developed into a Sikkhãpada (a way of training), laid down by the Buddha in case that any of those was violated by any monk and after the investigation by the Buddha himself, he confessed, was denounced and punished by giving an offence title in the middle of the monks’ assembly. The format of the Sikkhapada mostly resembles ; it begins with the words “yo pana bhikkhu – one who….”, is followed by describing his wrong doing and finally ends in proclaiming an offence (guilt) title suitable to his wrong doing. The Vinaya Pitaka consists of 8 volumes, divided into 2 volumes in the form of the Mahavibhanga or Bhikkhuvibhanga, 1 volume in the form of the Bhikkhunivibhanga, 2 volumes in the form of the Mahavagga, another 2 volumes in the form of the Cullavagga, and 1 volume in the form of the Parivara as the last.

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In short, the Vinaya Pitaka has shown the superiority of the Brahmacariya or the Supreme Way of Religious Life in Buddhism over that of contemporary religions such the religions of six Great Teachers, etc. What is the Supreme Way of Religious Life ? This question draws us to the Four Akaraniyas or the Four Prohibitions, comprising the prohibitions of killing, stealing, sexual intercourse, and telling lie on superior values unfound in oneself. The term Akaraniya means the prohibited actions for “ascetics” in ancient Indian society. Before and after the Buddha’s time, all of these are called the or the Supreme Way of Life for the ascetics of different sects Indian society, too. Moreover, their living remains limited to the four necessities of Pansukulacivara (Cloth picked up from the dust-heap), Pindiyalopa (Food collected from going on foot), Rukkhamula (Residence near a tree), Mutta (Medicine of myrobalan in urine). Such a poor living has shown much shortage, because it is without money and jobs for making money; without collecting assets and properties; it requires the ascetics to leave their lives in others’ hands; they have to rely on their legs, walking to collect food village and community. For good return, it forces them to behave well and establish in morality to make themselves worthy of offering food. In conclusion, the Vinaya Pitaka has shown the value of the Way of Religious Life – without family life, jobs for making income, with a meal per day. Consequently, in grouping contents, 227 Sikkhapadas or monastic rules were placed prior in the form of Mahavibhanga or Bhikkhuvibhanga; 331 Sikkhapadas or monastic rules for female monks were placed later in the form of Bhikkhunivibhanga; the last 4 volumes were used for containing vattas or regulations related to the Bhikkhusangha or Monks’ Assembly.

Suttanta Pitaka Actually, the use of the Tisikkha – Morality, Concentraton and Wisdom for the criteria of the arrangement of the suttas and the contents is explained the elder monk Buddhaghosa. I agree with him and try to make it clear. However, we cannot absolutely fix Morality for the Vinaya Pitaka, Concentration for the Suttanta Pitaka, and Wisdom for the Abhidhamma Pitaka, because the whole Tisikkha prevails in every Tipitaka. First of all, let us know, the Samadhi or the Concentration was used for the criteria of the grouping the suttas.

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The term Suttanta or Sutta derives from the root Su and has many meanings. One is compared to a thread, which functions to tie and keep in order different flowers into a long line or a beautiful garland. By this, we can see the reality when we read a sutta, each of which respectively reveals a story of situation, persons, and time. The format of the sutta is similar to that of a novel or a play, rendered by the elder monk Ananda and supervised by his colleague with the elder monk Mahakassapa as the head. That is all in my short brief. For a main point, I would like to present the idea for arranging the suttas. Let us go back to the main contents of the Vinaya Pitaka, full of the Way of Religious Life, all included in the term Morality, a way of training, believe by me to be used for the criteria of the grouping of the Vinaya Tipitaka. I believe more, this is aimed at showing the Ideal of the Theravada school. So for smooth connection of the Vinaya Pitaka and the Suttanta Pitaka, Brahmajala Sutta and Samaññaphala Sutta were presented firstly and secondly in the first Nikaya – Dighanikaya of the Suttanta Pitaka. Both have revealed the levels of morality of the Buddha; the first level is in the form of Culla Sila, the second - Majjhma Sila, and the third - Maha Sila. Why do I conclude these as the Morality of the Buddha ? I focus on the persons mentioned in the contents; there are only two - the Buddha (Samana Gotama) and some samanabrahmanas (Ascetics and ) of other schools. The contents show the absolutely opposite behaviors; for an example, when some ascetics and Brahmins of different schools still enjoyed killing beings and receiving money, the Buddha had completely refrained from those. By this, I concluded so, and may further concluding that the content of Morality is very significant in the two suttas of the Dighanikaya, too; therefore focusing both as the first and the second suttas in the first Nikaya is aimed at connecting with the Vinaya Pitaka, but the Smadhi or the Concentration seems to be the main criteria for arranging the contents of the suttas. This criteria is confirmed by the Majjhima Nikaya, in which Bhodirajakumara Sutta and Mahasihanada Sutta describe the mind training of the Buddha before attaining the Supreme Enlightenment. His mind training took side with the extreme of self-mortifications such as nakedness, sitting under the sun at noon, eating his on chit, holding back breaths and denying food. In the beginning, that might support him to occupy concentration, but later too much self-mortification is possible to make him lose concentration.

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Trying to seek another reason to support this idea, I found that chanting was then a method of learning and remembering the Buddha’s teachings. The style of the suttas was convenient for chanting. So learning and remembering by chanting was used in the traditionally educational system of ancient India, even at the Buddha’s time. By the system, teachers and students sat closer to each other; knowledge was transferred from the eacher’s mouth to the student’s ears. On the other hand, chanting the suttas was easy to cultivate and develop concentration. Moreover, when chanting, many monks won so deep concentration and deep wisdom that they attained different levels of enlightenments. By this reason, not only Concentration was the criteria of arranging the suttas, but the chanting for the Concentration is, too. The reason opens the way to explain the Suttanta Pitaka covers the contents of Morality, Concentration, and Wisdom. To support the reason, kindly let us investigate the Sanyutta Nikaya of Volume 16- Nidanavagga, Volume 17 – Khandhavaravagga, Volume 18 – Salayatanavagga, and Volume 19 – Mahavaravagga; All of these were described by the elder monk Buddhaghosa as the texts of the Vipassana Wisdom. Additionally, the Buddhist scholars have confirmed some passages of each text as the original style of the Abhidhamma Pitaka. Also, the format and style of the Patisambhidamagga, the elder monk Sariputta’s masterpiece, was believed to be the origin of the Abhidhamma Pitaka.

The Abhidhamma Pitaka The term Abhidhamma has a lot of meanings. Of those, one in that the Dhamma (teaching) as extending and explaining the topics picked up from the suttas for clear understanding is very meaningful. So, a way to have clear understanding here is a process of the Wisdom possible to be used as the criteria for the Abhidhamma Pitaka, and it has convinced us to call it the “Text of Wisdom.” In my view, the Abhidhamma Pitaka as whole is a big set of the Commentaries, completely grouped in the Tipitaka after the Third council held in 236 B.E. under the joint leadership of the elder monk Moggaliputta Tissa and King Asoka. Incredibly, the clue of the Anguttara Nikaya is found in the Dhammasangani, Volume 1 of the Abhidhamma Pitaka. It reflects the connection between them. In the Anguttara Nikaya, the Dhamma was divided into Groups such as the Groups of Two, the Groups of Three, etc., but the Dhammasangani has the classification of the Dhammas like the division into

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary the Groups. Possibly, the style of grouping in the Anguttara Nikaya had partly influenced over that of the Dhammasangani or the classification of the Dhammas. Both are a little bit different in that the former shows the numerating collection of discourses , the latter shows the analytical classification in the form of the Abhidhamma ; namely ; extending and explaining the contents deliberately. Volume 2 the Vibhanga shows in various forms the analysis and synthesis of the Dhammas such as the Paticcasamuppada, the Four Noble truths and the Eightfold Path etc. Dealing with deeper and profounder wisdom, the last five volumes of the plays an important role and are difficult to understand. It has confirmed the existence of the Buddha’s Supernatural Wisdom used to investigate, analyze and criticize the twenty four factors (Paccayas) of the Paticcasamuppada; it is said that the Buddha used it to do that when enjoying the Emancipation Bliss of the first week after winning the Supreme Enlightenment.

Conclusion That is a sample of the structure of grouping the Tipitaka in relation. The structure of the Tipitaka gives birth to different knowledge, especially the management of knowledge in the ancient India’s educational system The management was believed to run under the contents. The relation of contents was emphasized in the management. Possibly, the grouping of the Tipitaka was managed so. Furthermore, the names of Suttas and Vaggas deserve to be studied.

The Tipitaka Study in Thailand Today As a Buddhist country, Thailand has managed the study of the Tipitaka since the introduction of Buddhism into this land. King Lithai, the fifth king of the Sukhodaya Period (B.E. 1800), devoted himself to so study the Tipitaka and its commentaries and subcommentaries that he composed the Dhamma book entitled the “Tebhumikakatha,” describing the three planes of human life and non-human life trapped in a endless cycle of birth and death as well as the liberation from those by the absolute destruction of defilements, which is called the “Nibbãna.” This book is now ranked as the first Thai literature of the United Kingdom of Thailand. In the Ayutthaya Period, (B.E.1990 - 2310), the Buddhist scholars, both monks and lay persons, had continued managing the Tipitaka for the study. It reveals that the Buddhist study of the period used the Tipitaka as the textbook,

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary dividing the three levels of the study - the beginning studied the Vinaya Pitaka; the middle, the Suttanta Pitaka; the highest, the Abhidhamma Pitaka. Later, in the Ratanakosin Period (B.E. 2310 – Present), within the first 100 years, the Tipitaka Study had followed the Ayutthaya Period. After that, it has been managed in different forms in line with a modern educational system, which influences over the Thai Sangha and Thai society. For Thai Sangha, in the beginning, the Tipitaka Study is in forms of Nak Tham (a basic Buddhist study for monks to understand the Buddha’s teachings) and of Pali ( a Pali study supporting the monks to deeply and rightly understand the Buddha’s teachings). To uphold Buddhism as the state religion, King Rama V had Two Buddhist universities established for the sects of Dharmayutika and Mahanikaya. At the present, both of those have been developed as the state universities, welcoming monks and lay persons to have the co-study. B.A., M.A. and Ph.D. are set for students, local and foreign. The Tipitaka is required to study. Remarkably, it is very popular among lay persons, but not among monks.

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References Bapat, P.V. Prof., General Editor. 2500 YEARS OF Buddhism. Delhi : S. N. Mehta At Mehta Art Press, 1892. Malalasekera, G.P. The Pali Literature Of Ceylon. Sri Lanka : Buddhist Publication Society, 1973.

Churn Law, Bimala. A History Of Pali Litrature. : Indological Book House, 19933.

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary 8/ usrf;BuD;ayguf oif,ljcif;tydkif;ü pmar;yGJrsm;ray:rDESifhay:NyD;umv acwf tqufqufwkdYü rdrdwkdYESpfouf tm;oef&musrf;wkdYudk oif,lMuykHudk azmfjyxm;yg onf/ 9/ oD;jcm;toif;pmar;yGJrsm;tydkif;ü jrefrmEkdifiH xD;okOf;eef;okOf;umvrSpí omoem a&;twGuf toif;rsm; wnfaxmifvsuf pmcsq&mawmfrsm; arG;xkwfykH? axmufyHhykH wkdYudk azmfjyxm;ygonf/ 10/ tem*wftwGuf wifjycsufESifhed*kH;tydkif;ü ESpfaygif;wpfaxmifausmf atmifjrif pGm jzpfay:cJhaomoifenf;udk tm*kHtajccHoifenf;rS avhvmoif,laomoifenf;odkY ul;ajymif;oifhaMumifh wifjyxm;ygonf/

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ed'gef; jrefrmEkdifiH yk*HjynfokdY ax&0g'Ak'¨omoemawmfESifhyd#upmay tjynfhtpkH a&mufvmonfrS tpjyKí acwftqufqufü jrefrmbkef;awmfBuD;ausmif;wkdYonf Ak'¨pmay ponfwkdYudk oifMum;&mXmersm; jzpfMuonf/ pmayoif,lcgp uav; oli,fESifh&SifomraPwkdYtm; jrefrmoifykef;BuD;? r*FvokwfygVdteuf? eruúm&? y&dwfBuD;ponfwkdYudk oifay;Muonf/ &SifomraPwkdYtm; vdifq,fyg; 'Pfq,fyg; aocd,paom omraPwkdYusifhtyfaom w&m;wkdYudkvnf; oifay;Muonf/ xkdYaemuf ZmwfBuD;q,fbGJYedos? o'´g oN*ØK[fwkdYudk oifay;onf/ ¤if;udk oif&kd; [kac:onf/ oifMum;&jcif;\y"me&nf&G,fcsufrSm omoemawmf wkd;wufpnfyif a&;jzpfygonf/ xkdodkYjzpfatmif ygVdbmomudk rjzpfrae wwfajrmuf&rnfjzpfojzifh ygVdpmayudk txl;oifMum;onf[k ,lqEkdifonf/ þodkY oif&kd;pmaywkdY pwifjzpf ay:&mtcgudk avhvmaomtcg bk&m;&Sifa[mMum;tyfaom yd#uokH;ykHüvmaom r*Fvokwf aocd, y&dwfBuD; ponfwkdY\pwifjzpf&mtcgudkvnf;aumif;? oD[kdVfrS a&mufvmaom o'´g usrf;paomusrf;wkdY\pwifjzpf&m tcgudkvnf;aumif;? od&Sd&ef rvdktyfaomfvnf; jrefrmoifykef;BuD;? o'´gi,fusrf; ponfwkdYtwGufrSmrl pwifjzpf ay:vmaomtcgudk od&Sd&ef vkdtyfygonf/ xkdusrf;wkdY\pwifjzpfay:&m tcgukd odrSomvQif xkdusrf;pm rsm;udk rnfonfhumvrS píoifaeaMumif; odEkdifrnfjzpfygonf/ odkYjzpfí xkdxkd usrf;wkdY pwifjzpfay:&mtcgudk omoemvuFm&pmwrf;ponfwkdYrS &SmazGí wifjyyg rnf/ yk*HNrdKU avmuxdyfyef paombk&m;*leH&HwkdYü ZmwmykHrsm; a&;om;xm;onf awGY&onf/ yk*Hü eH&Ha&;Zmwmaygif; 58-apmif awGY&aMumif; ]]jrefrmZmwmpmtkyf? ESm-10}}ü azmfjyxm;onf/ xkdodkY awGY&ojzifh yk*Hacwfü aA'ifvm *Pdwenf; (ocsFmtwGuftcsufudk jyaomenf;) ponfwkdYudkvnf; oifay;aeonf[krSwf,lEkdif onf/ odkYaomf yk*Hacwfü a&;om;aom aA'ifusrf;wkdYukdrl rawGY&bJ tif;0acwf odkYa&mufrS awGY&Sd&ygonf/ yk*Hacwfü iSufypfawmif &Sifa*g"m0&onf ygVdbmomjzifh pD&ifaomr[m&mZ0ifygXf? ykPÖm;pD&ifaom &mZ0ifusrf;pm&if;udk yd#uwfawmforkdif;ü azmfjyxm;ojzifh &mZ0ifusrf;wkdYudk avhvmaeaMumif; od&onf/ odkYaomfvnf; þpmwrf;ü xkdbmom&yfwkdYudk rwifjyawmhyg/ þpmwrf;wGif xdkxkdacwfü pwifay:vmaom usrf;wkdYudk axmufí xkdxkd pmtkyf pmaywkdYvm ygVdbmom-jrefrmbmomwkdYudk oiftHavhvmaeMuaMumif;udk odEkdifap&ef xkdxkdpmtkyfwkdYESifhwuG a&;om;jyKpk&mumvudkwifjyxm;ygonf/ xGuf

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary ay:vmcJhaom pmaywkdYudk avhvmaomtm;jzifh oifenf;pepfudk avhvmjcif;[kqkdEkdif ygonf/ tif;0acwf c&pfESpf 1638 umvcefYü yXrjyefpmar;yGJusif;yaMumif; orkdif; wkdYü azmfjyojzifh xkdacwfrSpí usif;yaom pmar;yGJwkdYudk pkpnf;azmfjyxm;ygonf/ þpmwrf;ü jyqkdxm;aom ouú&mZfrSm c&pfESpf jzpfonf/ þpmwrf;ukd yd#uwfawmforkdif;? tar;awmfykHtajz? jrefrmhpG,fpkHusrf;ponf wkdYudk avhvmí- 1/ yk*Hacwf 2/ jrifpdkif;? yif;,? ppfudkif;? yxrtif;0acwf 3/ jrefrmrif;wkdYvufxuf yXrjyefpmar;yGJ 4/ udkvkdeDacwfESifhrsufarSmufumv yXrjyefpmar;yGJrsm; 5/ avhvmoif,ltyfaom usrf;rsm; 6/ yckuúLpmoifenf; 7/ edum,fpmar;yGJrsm; 8/ usrf;BuD;aygufoif,ljcif; 9/ oD;jcm;toif;pmar;yGJrsm; 10/ tem*wftwGuf wifjycsufESifhed*kH;-[lí (10)ydkif;cGJum wifjyygrnf/ (1) yk*Hacwf yk*Hacwfü rnfodkYrnfykH pmayoifMum;onf qkdonfhpmayoifMum;enf;udk twdtus rawGY&aomfvnf; xkdacwfü xGufay:vmaomusrf;wkdYudk axmufaomf wwfajrmufatmif pmayoifMum;enf;pepf &Sdaeonfudk odEkdifygonf/ pmayoif,l olwkdYonf tajccHjzpfaom o'´g o*F[wkdYudk oif,lNyD;aomtcg rdrdwkdYESpfouf&m o'´gusrf;ç tbd"r®musrf;ç yd#uusrf;*efwkdYudk qufvuf avhvmoif,laMumif; usrf;jyKq&mwkdY\ xkdxkdbmomtvkduf tm;omrI&Sdonfudk axmufí odEkdifygonf/ Oyrm - tif;0acwf 1822-ckESpfzGm; cifBuD;azsmf trnfwGifaom &SifÓP0&onf &mZ*k&kbGJY &NyD;rS oD;vkH;NrdKU a&ikHq&mawmfxH oGm;a&mufí o'´goif,laMumif;az: jyxm;aom jrefrmhpG,fpkHusrf;vm pum;t& od&onf/ (jrefrmhpG,fpkHusrf;? cifBuD; aysmf) yk*HjynfBuD;wGif at'D 1017-ckESpfcefYu eef;pHaom taemf&xmrif;vufxuf ü at'D 1047-cefYrSpí xGef;um;vmaom ax&0g'Ak'¨omoemonf ,aeYumv wkdifatmif xGef;um;aeqJ jzpfonf/ yd#uwfawmforkdif;pmtkyft& yk*HxGef;um;pOf umv jyKpkaomusrf;wkdYwGif tOD;qkH;awGYaomusrf;rSm 1064-ckESpf eef;wufaom usefppfom;rif;vuf tmeE´mbk&m;teD; eE´mausmif;wkdufae &Sif"r®aoemywd jyKpk aom *gxm(568)ck&Sd ]]um&dumusrf;}}ESifhxkdusrf;\tzGifh ]]um&dum#Dumusrf;}}wkdYjzpf

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary onf/ xkdusrf;ukd Esmo? ed&kwådrOÆLom? &lyod'¨d? tw¬Asmcsmef paom o'´gusrf;rsm;? ygVdawmfrsm;? t|uxmusrf;rsm;udk rSDí a&;om;aMumif; jyqkdxm;onf/ [kwfrSefEkdif onf/ xkdusrf;ü upönf;usrf;vm *gxmtcsKdUESifhupönf;okwfpOf ta&twGufrsm;udk azmfjyxm;onfhtjyif &lyod'¨dusrf;vm *gxmtcsKdUwkdYudkvnf; awGY&ygonf/ odkYjzpfí xkdacwfumvrSmyif yk*Hü upönf;o'´gBuD;usrf;ESifh&lyod'¨dusrf;? Esmousrf;wkdYudk oiftHavhvmaeNyD[k odEkdifygonf/ yk*Hacwfü jyKpkaom usrf;wkdYrSm- -Esmoo'´gusrf;udkyif *gxmjzifh zGJYpDxm;aom rkcrwåom&o'´gusrf;? -1174-ckESpf eef;wufaom e&ywdpnfolrif;vufxuf oHysiftrwf jyKpkaom oH ysif#Dumo'´gusrf;(xkdusrf;ü ]]yxrH ua& y'apä'H? ormom'ð wawm ua&? ormoma'g uaw ypäm? tw¬H ed,smx y@dawm=[k pmMunfhenf; MuHenf;wkdYudk jyxm;onfudk awGY&onf/ a&S;OD;pGm yk'fwkdYudk cGJjcm;ykdif;jzwf&rnf? xkdYaemif ormofyk'f w'¨dwfyk'f ponf cGJjcm;&rnf? xkdYaemuf teufudk odatmif BudK;pm;& rnf/) -e&ywdpnfolrif;\ orD;awmf a&;om;aom 0dbwsw¬o'´gi,fusrf;? -aygifavmif&Sifuóy jyKpkaom o[ó&HoD [kac:aom r[maAm"d0if#Dumusrf;? ck'´odu©mt|uxm 0denf;edosusrf; ponfwkdY jzpfonf/ xkdusrf;wkdYudk axmufqí yk*HacwfwGif rif;orD;rsm;onfyif pmayoiftHaeaMumif;? ygVdwpfyk'fudk jrefrmt euf jyefqkdjcif;[laom edos=teufay;enf;wkdYudkvnf; oifay;aeaMumif;od&onf/ 1234-ckESpfü eef;wufaom uspGmrif;BuD;onf ygVd t|uxmudk tBudrf Budrftcgcg oif,lum tkyfcsKyfa&;udpöudk om;jzpfolOZemrif;om;tm; vTJtyfvsuf wl&Gif;awmifajcü a&uefukd qnfum rif;wJaqmufvsuf &[ef;oHCmwkdYudkvnf; wpfaeY(7)Budrf pmayoifMum;ay;onf[k yd#uwfawmforkdif;(ESm-147)ü vmonf/ eef;wGif;ol armif;rwkdY oif,lEkdif&ef y&rw¬AdE´K tbd"r®musrf;? o'´AdE´Ko'´gusrf; wkdYudkvnf; a&;om;cJhonf/ uspGmrif;\orD;awmfonfvnf; &[ef;awmfrsm;udk pm ayoifMum;ay;onf/ okdYjzpfí yk*Hacwfü o'´gusrf; tbd"r®w¬o*F[usrf; 0denf;usrf;wkdYudk pepf wus oifay;aeMuonf[kodEkdifonf/ yk*Hacwfüyif ykodrfNrdKU qy'&Gmom; qy'rax&f[ktrnfwGifaom &Sifo'¨r® aZmwdygvonf oD[kdVfodkY

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary -1282-ckESpfü eef;wufaom tocF,mapm,Gef;vufxuf &Sifr[m0dZdwm0Da&;om; aom 0gpaumya'ousrf;(o'´gusrf;) -&Sifo'¨r®ygv a&;om;aom o'´0kwåd(o'´gusrf;) -&Sife00drvAk'¨d a&;om;aom 0kawåm',#Duma[mif;rnfaom qef;usrf;? -apmrGefepfvufxuf 1325-ckESpfü &Sif*kP0#Houa&;om;aom okwfokH;usrf;ygVd awmfedosESifhoDvu©eft|uxmedos? okwfr[m0gt|uxmeos? okwfygax,st| uxmedos (okwåefusrf;rsm;) -yk*H a&SUjyifaxmufrSL;ysHcsDrif;om;onf "r®owf 15 apmifrSDí pD&ifa&;om;aom ysHcsD"r®owfusrf; ponfwkdY jzpfonf/ yk*HrSwpfyg; tjcm;a'owkdYüvnf; oDwif;okH;aom q&mawmfrsm; a&;om; xm;onfhusrf;pmrsm;udk awGY&ojzifh yk*Hacwfaemufydkif;rSpí jrifpdkif;? ppfudkif;? yif;, tp&Sdaom a'orsm;pGmwkdYüvnf; pmayydkYcs oifMum;aeaMumif; odEdkifonf/ -1351-ckESpf eef;wufaom oD[olrif;vufxuf ql;wGif;ypfq&mawmf &Sifem*dw a&;aom o'´om&w¬ZmvdeDusrf;? (xkdq&mawmfonf 0dyóem"k& yGm;aomtcg wynfhwpfaxmif&Sdonf[k rSwfwrf;awGY&ojzifh w&m;bm0em yGm;rsm;Muaom&[ef; awmfrsm;onf yk*Hacwfuyif pwif&SdaeNyD[kod&onf/) -xkdrif;vufxuf pwk&*FAv trwfBuD;a&;om;aom tbd"mef#Dusrf;(xkdusrf;udk ygVdbmom avhvmvdkufpm;aom EdkifiHtm;vkH;u av;pm;&onf/) -xkdtrwfBuD;a&;aom vu©Pmawmfi,f&Spfq,fudk *gxmpDxm;aomusrf;? -108 uGufpufvu©Pmudkvnf; *gxmpDxm;aomusrf;? -[dawmya'oudk *gxmpDxm;aomusrf;? -1442-ckESpf tif;0NrdKU eef;pHaom e&ywdrif;eef;pH(6)ESpfü &Sifr[mt&d,0Ho a&; om;aom rPdom&rOÆL#Dumtbd"r®musrf;? -xkdq&mawmf a&;om;aom *E¦mb&Prnfaom o'´gusrf;? -rPd'Dyac: tbd"r®musrf;? -ppfudkif;&Sifo'¨r®udwåd jyKpkaom {uu©&aumousrf;(tbd"mefusrf;[kqkdEdkifonf/) -OD;ukvm; pD&ifaom r[m&mZ0ifBuD;? -1443-ckESpfwGif armifa&TndKac: &SifoDv0Ho jyKpkaom aewådedosusrf;? -yif;,NrdKU qifjzLav;pD;&Sif oD[olrif;vufxufü a&;om;tyfaom t|omvdeD a,mZem? oar®m[0daem'eDa,mZem? "mwkuxmtEk0PÖem#Dum(tbd"r®mtzGifh usrf;) -1468-ckESpf jynfpkefrif;vufxuf &Sift&d,0Ho a&;om;aom tEk#Dumedos?

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary -xkdrif;vufxuf &Sifr[moDv0Ho? &Sifr[m&|om& ponfwkdY a&;om;aom jref rmbmomysKdUvuFmusrf;rsm;? -[Hom0wDqifjzLrsm;&Sifvufxuf a&;om;aom r"k#Dumusrf;(tbd"r®mtzGifhusrf;)? -1526-ckESpf okd[efbGm;vufxuf a&;om;aom 0Zd&om&w¬o*F[usrf;ESifhxkdusrf; \tzGifh#Dumusrf;? -1550-ckESpf [Hom0wDqifjzL&Sif\orD;awmf awmif;yefí trnfrodax&f pD&if aom tbd"r®w¬o*F[edosusrf;? -upöm,e0PÖemusrf;? awmifzDvmq&mawmf a&;om;aom 0Dowd0PÖemusrf;? 0d e,mvuFm&#Dumusrf;? -a&TOrifq&mawmf a&;om;aom 0denf;t|uxmedosrsm;? -&wemyl& yxreef;wnf owkd;rif;zsm;vufxuf ywl;BuD;oCF&mZm a&;om;aom avmu'DyeDusrf;? Moumo'DyeDusrf;? -"r®owfvuFm - jrifpkdif;rif;vufxuf &Sifo'¨r®ygv? -1395-ckESpf rif;BuD;pGmapmfuJonf waumif;odkY azmifjzifh qefpOf azmifcwfolwkdY qkdMuaom azmifiifcsif;ac: tefcsif;rsm;? -1442-ckESpf xlyg&kH'g,um e&ywdrif;vufxufrSpí jzpfay:vmaom &Sifr[m oDv0Ho? &Sifr[m&|om& ponfwkdY a&;om;aom ysKdUvuFmrsm;? ponfjzifh ygVdusrf;? edosusrf;? jrefrmpum;ajyusrf;? ysKdUvuFmusrf;rsm;pGmwkdYudk awGY&ojzifhvnf;aumif;? awmifzDvmq&mawmf? &Sifr[m&|om& ponfwkdYudk jynf? awmifilokdY yifhoGm;onfudk axmufojzifhvnf;aumif; jynf? awmifil? [Hom0wDodkY wkdifatmif pmayoifMum; aeonfudk odEkdifonf/ 1609-ckESpfü &SifawaZm'Dyonf y&dwåt|uxm[k usrf;q&mtrnfay; aom(y&dwå#Dum)udk jyKpka&;om;onf/ bk&m;a[mygVdawmfwkdYü y&dwåtrnfjzifh oD; oefYa[mxm;aom ygVdawmfr&Sdyg/ t|uxmwkdYüum; okwfygVdawmftcsKdUudk y&dwå [ktrnfay;xm;onf/ xkdokdYtrnfay;xm;aomokwfrsm;ESifhtjcm;okwftcsKdUudk ]]y&d- wå}}[ktrnfrSnfhí zGifhqkdxm;aom #Dumusrf; jzpfonf/ xkdusrf;udk axmufaomf xkdusrf;q&mwkdY acwfrwkdifrDuyif okwfygVdawmftcsKdUudk y&dwåtrnfjzifh oiftH &Gwfzwfaeonf[kodEkdifonf/ &mZdE´&mZemrmbda",s'DyeDusrf;onf omvGefrif;trnfudk aewådenf; qef; enf; tvuFmenf; 0d'*fenf; '@Denf; o'´genf;rsm;jzifh t&aumufjyaomusrf; jzpfonf/ awmifzDvmq&mawmf a&;om;jyKpkaom &mZdE´&mZemrmbda",s0daom"eD usrf;onfvnf; xkdokdYjyaom usrf;jzpfonf/ &mZm"d&mZemrw¬yumoeDusrf;udk 1733-ckESpf eef;wufaom [Hom0wDa&muf rif;w&m;vufxufü yxrausmfatmif jrifaom ausmfatmifpHxm;q&mawmfonf r[meda'´oenf; aewådenf; qef;enf;

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary tvuFmenf; 0d'*fenf; '@Denf; As*Fenf; o'´genf;rsm;jzifh a&;om;cJhonf/ þ odkYenf;trsKd;rsKd;wkdYudk awGY&ojzifh oifenf;trsKd;rsKd; &SdaMumif; odEkdifonf/ 1629-ckESpftif;0acwf omvGefrif;vufxuf a&TOrifq&mawmfonf 0denf; ig;usrf;ygVdawmfedos? t|uxmedoswkdYudk a&;cJhonf/ awmifzDvmq&mawmf? eef; ausmif;q&mawmf? awmifbDvl;q&mawmfwkdYonf rmwdumt&aumuf? "mwkuxm edosac: t&aumuf? ,rkduf 10 usrf;edosac: t&aumuf? y|mef;edosac:t& aumufusrf;wkdYudk a&;cJhonf/ xkdrif;vufxufüyif &Sif'gXmem*&mZm*k&konf ed&k- wådrOÆLom#Dumo'´gusrf;udk a&;cJhonf/ rmwdumt&aumuf paom t&aumufusrf;wkdYonf jrefrmEdkifiHüom ydkYcs oifMum;aeaom usrf;rsm;jzpfMuonf/ omoemawmf ESpfaygif;rsm;pGm xGef;um;vm aom oD[kdVfEkdifiHüyif tbd"r®mudk þodkY o&kyfaumufjyaom t&aumufusrf;rsm; ray:cJhyg/ t&aumufenf;jzifh ydkYcsaompepf r&SdcJhyg/ jrefrmEdkifiHüom xkdoifenf; pepfopf jzpfay:onf[krSwf,l&ygonf/ xkdYaMumifh jrefrmEkdifiH q&mawmfrsm;onf tbd"r®mudk tvGefEkdifeif;aomq&mawmfrsm;[kqkdEkdifonf/ rmwdumrSm "r®o*FPD tbd"r®musrf;\rmwdum jzpfonf/ "mwkuxmygVdawmf? ,rkdufygVdawmf? y|mef; ygVdawmfwkdYonf t&aumufpepfjzifh oif,l&aom tbd"r®musrf;rsm; jzpfonf/ xkd ygVdawmfwkdY\tzGifhjzpfaom t|uxmrsm;pGm #Dumrsm;pGm &Sdygonf/ t&aumuf usrf;wkdYonf xkdusrf;tm;vkH;ESifhqufET,fygonf/ tbd"r®musrf;wkdYonf wpfusrf; ESifhwpfusrf; qufET,faeaom usrf;rsm; jzpfMuonf/ wpfusrf;NyD;rSwpfusrf; wpf qifhcsif; wpfqifhcsif; oif,l&aomusrf;rsm; jzpfonf/ xkdusrf;tm;vkH;wGif a&SU aemuf rnDaomç uGJvGJaomoabmw&m;ç o&kyfw&m;wkdYr&Sdyg/ þokdY rsm;jym;euf eJ&IyfaxG; cufcJaom tbd"r®m tjynfhtpkHoif&aomtcg þodkYaom w&m;awmfudk bk&m;&SifrS wpfyg; rnfolrS þodkYa&SUaemuftm;vkH; trSeftuef tqufrdrd a[mEkdifrnf r[kwf[k bk&m;a[musrf;tjzpf tvGef,kHMunfpdwf jzpfay:vmEkdifygonf/ rSefyg onf/ trSeftwkdif;&Sdaom y&rw¬w&m;wkdYudk trSef&Sdonfhtwkdif; a[mawmfrlxm; aomaMumifh tb,frSm a&SUaemuf rnDrnTwf tcsdwftqufrrd [kdae&mwpfrsKd; 'D ae&mwpfrsKd; jzpfaeaom uGJvGJcsuf[lonf &Sdygawmhrnfenf;/ tif;0acwf ponfü a&;om;aomusrf;wkdYudk odom&kHrQ qufvufazmfjyyg rnf/ -yk*HacwfOD; 792-ckESpf jyLrif;xD;vufxufü a&;onf[kqkdaom rEkom&D"r®owf usrf;udk 1541-ckESpf [Hom0wDqifrsm;&Sifvufxuf tdrfa&SUrif; awmif;yefí &Sif Ak'¨aCmo xyfrHpD&ifa&;om;onf/ -rEk"r®owfvuFm-yk*Ha'o om&rGefzsm;rif;vufxuf &SifAk'¨aCmo pyfqkdcJhonf/

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary -1060-t0NrdKU paerif;vufxufü rif;w&m;\avQmufxm;csuft& ygVd? t|u xm? #Dumusrf;ESifhtjcm;ygVdbmomjzifh &Sdaom usrf;rsm;pGmwdkYudk edosa&;cJhMuonf/ -1076-tif;0 we*FaEGrif;vufxufwGif ae&if;q&mawmfonf okwfygVdawmfokH; usrf; t|uxmokH;usrf;wkdYudk a&;cJhonf/ -pdwftpOfjzpfykHukd jyqkdaom 0Dxdvuf&kd;usrf;udk ppfudkif;NrdKUwnfrif;vufxuf awmifwGif;q&mawmf cifBuD;azsmf[kausmfapmaom &SifÓPmvuFm& a&;onf/ xkd q&mawmfyif ygVdyk'ftoD;oD;ü y&rw¬w&m;ponfudk xkwfazmfjyaom Óofaumuf udkvnf; a&;om;cJhonf/ xkdusrf;wkdYudk ,aeYwkdif oif,lavhvmae&qJ jzpfonf/ xkdusrf;wkdYvm enf;twkdif; wwfajrmufvQif tbd"r®mteufoabmudk o'´genf; jzifhvnf;aumif;? o'´genf;jzifh tbd"r®mteufoabmukdvnf;aumif; tcsdwft qufrdrd odEkdifonf[kqkd&ygrnf/ þoifenf;wkdYonf jrefrmEkdifiHüomvQif ay: aygufaom oifenf;rsm; jzpfMuonf/ Oyrm - Aka'¨g[laom udwfyk'fudk Ak"-"mwf? w-ypönf;[k "mwfypönf; a0 zef&onf/ w-ypönf;t& uwåm;yk*¾Kdvf\]]odjrifwwf}}[laomowådudkaumuf&onf/ odkYjzpfvQif Aka'¨g-yk'ft& odjrifwwfaom ÓPfom&vdrfhrnf/ odkYjzpfí ÓPfom Ak'¨- rnf\ ponfjzifh ,lzG,f&Sdaeonf/ xkdYaMumifh qufvufí Óofenf;jzifh od jrifzkdYvkdonf/ Óofenf;jzifh Munhfaomtcg xkdÓPfESifh,SOfwGJjzpfaeaomw&m;rsm;? xkdÓPf\a&SUaemufwkdYü jzpfaom w&m;rsm;? xkdÓPf\wnf&myk*¾Kdvf ponfwkdY vnf; Ak'¨-rnfaMumif; odvm&onf/ ]]ur®}}yk'fudk u&-"mwf? &r®-ypönf;[k "mwfypönf; a0zef&onf/ &r®- ypönf;t& trIudpö\]]jyKtyf}} [laomowådudk aumuf&onf/ jyKwwfol &SdygrS jyKtyfaomtrI &SdEkdifojzifh ]]jyKwwf}}[laom uwåKowåd-t&ESifh ]]jyKtyf}} [laomur®- owådwdkYt&udk aumuf,lNyD; ,if;ESpfckwkdY\tbd"r®menf;jzifh qufET,fykHudk em; vnfatmif avhvm&onf/ þodkY tao;pdwfavhvmNyD;ygrS ur®-yk'fonf ]]trI udpö}}udk a[maMumif; ykdifEdkifpGm rdrdÓPfjzifh qkH;jzwfonf/ þodkY yk'ftm;vkH;ukd Óofenf;jzifh aumuf,lqkH;jzwf&onf/ þodkY qkH;jzwf&mü o'´gç tbd"r®mwkdYukd em;vnfwwfajrmufrS qkH;jzwfEkdifonf/ þodkY od&SdqkH;jzwfEkdifaomaMumifh ]]ÓPf om Ak'¨-rnf\? udk,fum; Ak'¨-rrnf? tkwfykH ausmufwkH;awGum; Ak'¨-rrnf}} paom t,lrSm;wkdYudk ajz&Sif;Ekdifonf/ þodkYaom Óofenf; ponfwkdY\tajccHrSm o'´gi,fusrf;rsm; jzpfojzifh o'´gi,fusrf;wkdY ay:pOfuwnf;uyif Óofenf;rsm;onfvnf; ay:aeNyD[k cefYrSef; Ekdifonf/ tbd"r®mt&aumufusrf;wkdY\tajccHrSm t|uxmç #Dum paomtzGifh usrf;rsm; jzpfojzifh tbd"r®mudk us,fus,fjyefYjyefY ydkYcsaeaom uspGmrif;vufxuf cefYrSpí tbd"r®mt&aumufrsm;udk oif,lydkYcsaeonf[k rSef;qodEkdifonf/

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary omvGefrif;vufxufü pmayydkYcsaeaom q&mawmfrsm;u pmayydkYcspOf a&; om;tyfaom usrf;rsm;udk qufvufazmfjyygrnf/ -o'´g&SpfapmifedoswkdYudk awmifzDvmq&mawmf\OD;&D; &SifOygvd? xkdYaemuf aumif; rIawmfbk&m;\awmifbufausmif;ü oDwif;okH;aom 'u©dP0efq&mawmf? xkdYaemuf eef;ausmif;q&mawmf paom q&mawmfrsm;pGm jzpfpkcJhonf/ -&maZm0g'0w¬K - paerif;vufxuf ppfudkif;awm&aeq&mawmf? -'Gg'o&moD"mwfusrf;? uGefjcm"mwfusrf; ponfudk awmifzDvmq&mawmf? (3) jrefrmrif;wkdYvufxuf yXrjyefpmar;yGJ xkdodkY yk*HacwfrSpí pmayoifay;aeonfudk awGY&aomfvnf; pmar;yGJrsm; usif;yaomrSwfwrf;udk rawGY&ao;yg/ omvGefrif;vufxufodkY a&mufaomtcg 1638-ckESpfü yXrjyefpmar;yGJrsm; usif;yaMumif; rSwfwrf;awGY&onf/ 1738-ckESpf eef;wufaom [Hom0wDa&muf rif;vufxufü yXrausmf&SifÓP0&udk ausmif; wifvSLaMumif;rSwfwrf;awGY&ojzifh yXrjyefpmar;yGJESifhatmifjrifolrsm; tqufrjywf &SdaMumif; od&onf/ (1937-ckESpfxkwf yXrjyefpmar;yGJ pkHprf;a&;tzGJY]]vlaumfrwDwkdY \tpD&ifcHpm}}ed'gef;) 1766-ckESpfzGm; rkHa&G;aZw0efq&mawmfonf ausmif;om;b0 (7)ESpft&G,f uyif oifykef;BuD;? r*FvokwfygVdteuf? y&dwfBuD;? eruúm&bk&m;&Sdckd;? ZmwfBuD; q,fbGJYudk oif,lcJhaMumif;? (7)ESpft&G,fü &SifomraP0wfí ynmoifNyD; (9)ESpf t&G,fuyif pmayykdYcsaMumif; pG,fpkHausmfxifusrf; ed'gef;üvmonf/ 1791-ckESpfü tr&yl&NrdKUawmf taemufajrmufaxmifh ok"r®mZ&yfü yXrjyef awmfwkdYtwGuf pmar;yGJrsm;? yif;rif;orD;aumif;rIjzpfaom y|mef;Z&yfü (10)0g&NyD; aom &[ef;awmfrsm;twGuf Obawm0dbif;usrf;(yg&mZduPfygVdawmf? ygpdwfygVd awmf 2-tkyf) tm*kHjyefqkdyGJrsm; usif;yay;aMumif; tar;awmftajzusrf;(ESm-443- 444)ü vmonf/ (10)0g& &[ef;awmfonf xkdusrf;wkdYudk tm*kHaqmifEkdifygrS OyZösm,fq&m? edó,nf;q&m vkyfcGifh&onf/ wynfharG;jrL xdef;odrf;Ekdifonf/ rif;wkef;rif;vufxuf 1873-ckESpfü yd#uwfokH;ykH jyefqkdEkdifonfh&Sifavmif; yOöif;avmif;wkdYay:atmif tm;xkwfawmfrlyg[k avQmufxm;onfudk awGY&í yd#u okH;ykH tm*kHjyefqkdyGJ jzpfay:cJhaMumif; od&onf/ xkdYtjyif oDaygrif;om;onf yXr pmawmfjyefyGJudk okH;Budrfwkdifwkdif ajzqkdatmifjrifonfudk awGY&ojzifh yXrpmawmf jyefyGJudkvnf; usif;yaMumif; odEkdifonf/ oDaygrif;vufxuf 1883-ckESpfwGif yXrjyefqkd&rnfhusrf;pmrsm;udk azmfjy xm;&m o'´g&Spfapmifteuf? &kyf? tbd"r®w¬o*F[? qef;? tvuFm? tbd"mefygXf teuf? ab'pdEÅm? upöm,eom&? 0pö0gpu? 0dbwsw¬? a'Grmwdum? rmwdum?

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary "mwkuxm ,rkduf y|mef;usrf;rsm; jzpfonf/ xkdusrf;wkdYudk tm*kH jyefqkd&onf/ xkdYtjyif #Dumausmf? oacFy0PÖem? rPdom&rOÆL? rPd'Dy? t|omvdeD? rlv#Dum usrf;wkdYudk MunfhrSwfpmtjzpf jyef|mef;onf/ a&;ajzudk okH;&ufusif;yay;onf/ (1937-ckESpfxkwf yXrjyefpmar;yGJpkHprf;a&;tzGJY ]]vlaumfrwDwkdY\tpD&ifcHpm}}) (4) ukdvkdeDacwfESifhrsufarSmufumv yXrjyefpmar;yGJrsm; t*Fvdyftpkd;&onf 1285-ckü yXrjyefpmar;yGJaumfrwDudk zGJYpnf;í 1896- ckESpf ZGefvü yXrjyefpmar;yGJudk yXri,fwef;ç yXrvwfwef;twGuf usif;yay; onf/ 1897-ckESpfwGif yXri,fwef;ü o'´g? o*F[? rmwdum? "mwkuxm/ 4- bmom/ yXrvwfwef;ü ,ru-wkd;í 5-bmom/ yXrBuD;wef;ü qef;tvuFm tbd"mefbmom-wkd;í 6-bmom/ yXrausmfwef;ü y|mef;wkd;í 7-bmom jy|mef; cJhonf/ 1897-ckESpfü yXrausmfwef;[k oD;jcm;twef; rxm;awmhyJ yXrBuD;wef;ajz olrsm;onf aemufxyfwpf&uf y|mef;bmom&yf ajzqkdvQif yXrausmfwef; ajzqkd NyD;jzpfonf/ 1898-ckrSpí yXrBuD;wef;ü yXr-&oludk ]]yXrausmfbGJY}}ay;onfudk awGY& onf/

1909-ckü jy|mef;aom Education Code, Burma jrefrmEkdifiHynma&;Oya'}}ü ygVd pmayoifMum;a&;twGuf þodkYazmfjyxm;onf/ tcPf;(6)ü yk'fr 156-rSpí azmfjyykHrSm- ]]EkdifiH&if;bmompmoifausmif;rsm;udk ynma&;Xmeu jy|mef;xm;onfhoif&kd; wkdYudk vkdufemoifMum;onfh]]u}}ausmif;? rjy|mef;onfwkdYudk oifMum;onfh ]]c}} ausmif;[k ESpfrsKd;cGJxm;aMumif;? ]]u}}ausmif;twGuf (yk'fr 171? 172)wkdYü jy|mef; xm;&mü- oli,fwef;rSowårwef;xd rkcsajzqkd&ef ynm&yfwkdYwGif ]]&[ef;ausmif;rsm;ü yx0D0iftwGufjzpfap? 0w¬Kypönf;oifcPf;pmtwGufjzpfap? ygVdbmomukd oif,l Ekdifonf}}[kvnf;aumif;? t|rwef;ç e0rwef;twGuf rkcsajzqkd&ef ynm&yfwkdYwGif ]]&[ef;ausmif;rsm;ü a&S;OD;oif avmu"mwfynmtwGufjzpfap? yx0D0iftwGufjzpf ap? ygVdbmomudk oif,lEkdifonf}}[kvnf;aumif; yg&Sdonf/ q&m* a&;pD&ifonfh ygVdo'´gpmtkyfrsm;? avmueDwdpmtkyfwkdYudk jy|mef;xm;onfudk awGY&onf/ xkdYtjyif tcPf;(8) ]]txl;vlrsKd;rsm; ynmoifMum;jcif;taMumif;}}udk azmfjy xm;&m yk'fr 306 rS 317 txdwkdYü ]]ygVdbmom yXrjyefpmar;yGJudk rEÅav;? ppfawG? armfvNrdKif? &efukefNrdKUwkdYü e,kefvqef;(8)&ufaeYESifh0gqkdvqef;(8)&ufaeY twGif; ESpfpOfusif;yrnfhtaMumif;? &[ef;&Sifvl rnfolrqkd 0ifa&mufjyefqkdEkdifaMumif;

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary 1/ yXri,fwef;ü (u)o'´g&Spfapmif ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f &kyf/ (c)oN*ØK[fudk;ykdif;(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (*)rmwdum (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (C)"mwkuxm (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) 2/ yXrvwfwef;ü (u)o'´g&Spfapmif ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f &kyf/ (c)oN*ØK[fudk;ykdif; (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (*)rmwdum(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (C)"mwkuxm(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (i),rkdufig;usrf; (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) 3/ yXrBuD;wef;ü (u)o'´g&Spfapmif ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f &kyf/ (c)oN*ØK[fudk;ydkif; (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (*)rmwdum(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (C)"mwkuxm(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (i),rkdufig;usrf; (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (p)qef; (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (q)tvuFm(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (Z)tbd"mef(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) 4/ yXrausmfwef;ü (u)o'´g&Spfapmif ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f &kyf/ (c)oN*ØK[fudk;ykdif; (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (*)rmwdum(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (C)"mwkuxm(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (i),rkdufig;usrf; (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (p)qef; (ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (q)tvuFm(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (Z)tbd"mef(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f) (ps)y|mef;ukovwdwf(ygXf teuf t"dyÜg,f)wkdYudk jy|mef; xm;onf/ o'´? o*F[? rmwdum? "mwkuxm ar;cGef;wkdYudk twef;(4)wef;vkH;twGuf wpfckwnf;om xkwfí ykpämta&twGuf (10)ckyg&Sdonf/ yXri,fwef;onf yxr (6)ykpämvkH; ajz&onf/ yXrvwfwef;onf (8)ykpämajz&onf/ yXrBuD; yXrausmf wef;wkdYonf (11)ykpämvkH; ajzqkd&onf/ ,ruykpämü ykpämta&twGuf (11)ckyg&Sdonf/ yXrvwfwef;onf a&S;(8)ck udk ajz&onf/ yXrBuD; yXrausmfwef;wkdYonf (11)ykpämvkH; ajzqdk&onf/

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary tbd"mef qef; tvuFm y|mef; ykpämvTmwkdYü (11)ykpäm yg&Sdonf/ twef;toD;oD;twGuf ygVdrSjrefrm jyefap&ef? jrefrmrSygVd jyefap&ef ykpäm wkdYudkvnf; jy|mef;xm;onf/ xdkYtjyif vwf BuD; ausmfwkdYtwGuf EIwfajzar;cGef;rsm;udkvnf; ajzqkd& aMumif;? odkYaomf trSwf ra&wGufaMumif;? atmifvufrSwfüom EIwfajzatmif aMumif; a&;om;onfudk awGY&onf/ 1909 ckrSpí ygVdbmomjzifh ajzqkdcGifhjyKonf/ 1913 ckESpfü twef;tm; vkH;wGif ygVdbmom a&;wwfap&ef Zmwfbmom ponf wpfckwkd;í jy|mef;cJhaomf vnf; 1919 ckESpfü xkdZmwfbmom ponfudk y,fzsufcJhonf/ 1937 ckESpf(1299-ckESpf)wGif q&mawmfrsm;ESifhvlyk*¾KdvfwkdY yg0ifaom yXr jyefpkHprf;a&;]]vlaumfrwDtpD&ifcHpm}} ay:vmonf/ yXrjyefpmar;yGJ jy|mef;usrf;pm wkdYvnf; ay:vmonf/ yXri,fwef;ü 1/bdu©Kygwdarmuf 2/upönf;o'´g&Spfapmif 3/tbd"r®w¬o*F[ 4/rmwdum? "mwkuxm 5/bmomjyef/ yXrvwfwef;ü 1/a'Grmwdum 2/upönf;o'´g&Spfapmif 3/tbd"r®w¬o*F[ 4/rmwdum? "mwkuxm 5/atmuf,rkdufig;usrf; 6/bmomjyef/ yXrBuD;wef;ü 1/a'Grmwdum 2/upönf;o'´g&Spfapmif 3/tbd"r®w¬o*F[ 4/rmwdum? "mwkuxm 5/txuf,rkdufig;usrf; 6/y|mef; 7/bmomjyef/ twef;wkdif;ü tzGifhusrf;jzpfaom ucFg? &lyod'¨d? #DumausmfwkdYudk cGJjcm; owfrSwfí jy|mef;xm;onf/ bmomjyefbmomtwGuf Zmwft|uxm? "r®y't| uxmwkdYudk jy|mef;xm;onf/ xkdYtjyif pmcswef;udkvnf; jy|mef;cJhonf/ 1/yg&mZduPft|uxm/ 2/oDvu©eft|uxm/ 3/t|omvdeDt|uxm [laom usrf;&if;(3)usrf; atmifvQif "r®mp&d,bGJY uyfí ygpdwsm'dt|uxm? r[m0*¾g'dt|uxm paom *kPfxl;(6)usrf;udkvnf; jy|mef;xm;onf/ ar;cGef;ar;&ef tpOftvmrysuf ydkYcsaomenf;wkdYukdyif jy|mef; xm;onf/ xkdjy|mef;csufwkdYudkyif tenf;i,fEIwfy,fjcif;? jznfhpGufjcif; ponfjyKí ,aeYumvwkdifatmif yXrjyefESifh"r®mp&d,pmar;yGJwkdYudk usif;yay;aeygonf/ (5) avhvmoif,ltyfaom usrf;rsm;

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary jy|mef;usrf;pmwkdYü rygaomfvnf; rjzpfrae avhvmMunfh&I usufrSwftyf aom usrf;rsm; &Sdygonf/ xkdusrf;wkdYrSm a,mZemusrf;? *P²dusrf;? ed,Husrf; ponfwkdY jzpfygonf/ a,mZemusrf;wkdY pwifjzpfay:vmykHudk azmfjycJhygNyD/ *P²d usrf;tcsKdUudk azmfjyygrnf/ -1540 ckESpfü &Sifom&'óD a&;om;aom oDvu©efygVdawmf*P²d/ -1541 ckESpfü oufyef;twGif;0ef &mZAvausmfxif a&;aom oDvu©eft|uxm *P²d/ -1354 ckESpfü qkHxm;q&mawmf a&;om;aom okwfr[m0gt|uxm*P²d? okwfyg ax,st|uxm*P²d/ -1355 ckESpfü qifwJq&mawmf a&;om;aom 0denf;ig;usrf;t|uxm*P²d ponf jzifh rsm;pGm &Sdygonf/(yd#uwfawmforkdif;) ed,Husrf;wkdYrSm- -1859 ckESpf rEÅav;bk&m;BuD;q&mawmf a&;om;aom bk&m;BuD;ed,H/ -1897 ckESpfwGif t&Siftm'dpö&HoD pHausmif;q&mawmf a&;om;NyD;pD;aom pHausmif; ed,Hac: a&Ta&;aqmifed,H ponfjzifh rsm;pGm&Sdygonf/ xkded,Husrf;wkdY[lonf usrf; jyKq&mawmfrsm;onf pmayydkYcspOf 0gusa&;&m o'´ga&;&m t&aumufa&;&mponf wkdYudk &Sif;vif;jyaomtcg rarhraysmuf tNrJrjywf aqmifxm;pDukH;xm;aom uAsm vuFmrsm; jzpfMuonf/ ,aeYacwfwkdifatmif pmcswef; pmayydkYcsaom pmcsq&m awmfrsm;onf xdked,HwkdYudk tm;udk;tm;xm;jyKí ydkYcsaeMuqJ jzpfonfhtjyif rdrdwkdY ukd,fwkdifvnf; ed,HuAsmwkdYudk a&;pDí ay;wwfMuygonf/ xdked,HwkdYudk tokH;jyKí pmcswef;ü ydkYcsjcif;? oif,ljcif;? ajzqkdjcif;wkdYudk jyKMuygonf/ (6) yckuúLpmoifenf; yckuúLpmoifenf;qkdonfrSm o'´g&kyfNyD;ç oN*ØK[fo&kyfuGJ oif,lNyD;aomtcg ygVdawmfudk t|uxm #DumwkdYESifhwkdufqkdifí teufay;jcif;? qkH;jzwfjcif;ponfjzifh ygVd t|uxm #DumwkdYudk Munfh&IavhvmrSwfom;atmif oifenf;jzpfonf/ þ enf;jzifh oif,lrS bk&m;ESifhawGY&onf[kcsD;rTrf;cH&aom oifenf;jzpfonf/ xdkenf; udk oJtif;omoemykdifq&mawmf ewf&Jawmifomoemydkifq&mawmfwkdY\wynfhjzpf aom a&pBudKZmwdq&mawmf OD;*E¦om&onf q&mawmfrsm;enf;udk,lum ydkYcsaom enf;jzpfonf/ odkYjzpfí q&mpOfquf ydkYcsay;aom oifenf;yif jzpfonf/ xl;onf rSm xkdenf;jzifh ygVd t|uxm #DumwkdYudk ydkYcsjcif;yif/ a&S;,cifq&mawmfrsm;onf o'´g oN*ØK[f oif&kd;usrf;wkdYudk wwfajrmuf aomtcg o'´gusrf;udk txl;bmomtaejzifh Esmopaomo'´gusrf;? ab'pdEÅm paom o'´gi,fusrf;wkdYudkjzpfap? tbd"r®mt&aumufusrf;wkdYudkjzpfap? t|uxm

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary wGuf oif,lNyD;om; yd#uwfusrf;pmrsm;rSmvnf; uRrf;usifykdifEkdifrI r&SdMuojzifh t vG,fwulyif arhaysmufysufpD;Edkifonfhtjzpfrsm;udk arQmfjrifawmfrlMuum yd#uwfokH; ykHvkH;udk tydkif;rsm;cGJí tydkif;vkduf wm0eftoD;oD; txl;ay;um aqmif&Gufawmfrl Mu&m 'DCedum,fusrf;rsm;udk t&SiftmeE´mrax&fjrwfu wynfhtqufqufodkY t xl;ydkYcsvufqifhurf;&ef? rZösdredum,fusrf;rsm;udk t&Sifom&dykwå&m\wynfhtquf qufrS vufqifhurf; oif,lydkYcsMu&ef? oH,kwåedum,fusrf;pmrsm;udk t&Sifr[m uóyESifhwynfhtqufqufwkdYu vufqifhurf; wm0ef,laqmif&GufMu&ef? t*kFwå &edum,fusrf;pmrsm;udk t&SiftEk&k'¨gESifhwynfhtqufqufwkdYu txl;jyKum vuf qifhurf; oif,lydkYcsaqmif&GufMu&ef? tbd"r®m(7)usrf;udk ynmtxl;cRefqkH; t&Sif om&dykwå? ¤if;\wynfht&Sifb'´Zd? ¤if;\wynfht&Sifaombdw paom wynfh t qufqufwkdYuvnf;aumif;? 0denf;(5)usrf;udkrl 0de,"&{w'*fbGJY& t&SifOygvdESifh wynfhtqufqufwkdYuvnf;aumif; vufqifhurf; oif,lydkYcs aqmif&Guf&ef wm 0eftoD;oD; cGJa0awmfrlcJhMuygonf/ odkYaomfvnf; yd#uwfokH;ykHvkH;udk aqmifEkdifpGrf;&SdMuonfh&[EÅmrax&fjrwf BuD;rsm;um; yd#uwfokH;ykHvkH;udk EIwfwkduftm*kH aqmifawmfrlcJhMuygonf/ t&SiftmeE´mtygt0if ax&ft&Sifjrwfrsm;pGmwkdY yd#uwfokH;ykH EIwfikHaqmifcJh MuonfhtwGuf bk&m;&Sif y&dedAÁmefpHNyD;ESpfwGif usif;yjyKvkyfcJhonfh]]yxro*Fg,em}} yGJü wdyd#u"&&[EÅmjrwf rax&f(500)udk tvG,fwul a&G;cs,fEkdifcJhMuum t"r® 0g' rxGef;um;atmifESifhyd#uwfokH;ykHwnf;[laom "r®0g'xGef;um;atmif wnfwHh atmif tpOfwus pDpOfxnfhoGif;um o*Fg,emwifawmfrlcJhMuygonf/ bk&m;&Sif y&dedAÁmefpHNyD;aemufydkif;umvrsm;üvnf; yd#uwfokH;ykHaqmifyk*¾Kdvf rsm; trsm;tjym; &SdcJhonfhtwGuf ]]'kwd,o*Fg,emyGJ}}ü wdyd#u"&t&Sifjrwftyg; (700)ESifh]]wwd,o*Fg,emyGJ}}ü wdyd#u"&t&Sifjrwftyg;(1000)udk tvG,fwul a&G;cs,fEdkifcJhNyD; Ak'¨omoemESpf(450)rSm ]]pwkw¬o*Fg,em}}wifonfhtcsdefrSmvnf; wdyd#u"&yk*¾Kdvfrsm; txift&Sm; &SdMuqJyif jzpfygonf/ odkYaomfvnf; xkdpwkw¬ o*Fg,emyGJtwGuf yd#uwfokH;ykHaqmif wdyd#u"&rax&fjrwf(500)udkum; cufcuf cJcJ a&G;cs,fcJh&jcif; jzpf[ef&Sdygonf/ tb,faMumifhqkdaomf pwkw¬o*Fg,emwifyGJ rwkdifrDtcsdefu oD[kdVfuRef;ü (12)ESpfwdkifwkdif rkd;acgifa&&Sm;jzpfjcif;? ckd;om;"m;jy ESdyfpufjcif;rsm;aMumifh 'kAÇdu©EÅ&uyf[kac:aom tpma&pm iwfrGwfacgif;yg;jcif;uyf ab; qkdufa&mufcJhygonf/ &[ef;oHCmawmfrsm; 0rf;a&;twGuf tcuftcJ jzpfvmMuygonf/ xkdtcsdef umvtxd bk&m;a[m yd#uwfrsm;rSm pmaytu©&musrf;pmtjzpfodkY ra&muf&Sdao; yJ EIwfikHyJaqmifvmMu&m EIwfikHaqmifxm;aom yd#uwfpmayrsm; rarhraysmufap &ef &ufowåywf wpfywfwpfBudrf ESpfywfwpfBudrf ponfjzifh tNrJrjywf tvSnfh us

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary jyefvSef&Gwfqkdo&Zösm,fMu&ygonf/ tu,fí jyefvSef&GwfqkdrI rjyKjzpfygu wpfvkH;p ESpfvkH;p wpfyk'fp ESpfyk'fp wpf0gus ESpf0gus ponfjzifh arhavsmhaysmuf ysufoGm;wwfygonf/ xkdYaMumifh tm*kHaqmifyk*¾Kdvfrsm;onf &NyD;om;pmrsm; rarh raysmufap&ef toufcE¨mNrJaeorQ umvywfvkH; aeYpOf0wå&m;rysuf EIwfrSwwGwf wGwf &Gwfqkdae&ygonf/ oD[kdVfuRef;ü (12)ESpfwkdifatmif xkduJhodkYaom 'kAÇdu©EÅ&uyf qkdufa&muf&m &[EÅmrax&fjrwfBuD;rsm; opf&Gufpdrf; opf&GufJjyKyf&nfjzihfom rQwMu&ygonf/ opf&Gufpdrf; opf&GufjyKyf&nfudkrQ r&&SdMuygu a&qGrf;jzifhom NyD;pD;Mu&ygonf/ a&qGrf;udkom bkOf;ay;MuNyD; yd#uwfawmfrsm;udk &GwfqkdMu&mü 0rf;Akdufyl avmifvmMu&m xkd0rf;AkdufylavmifrI oufomap&ef oJtpdkudk 0rf;Akdufay: wifí vnf;aumif;? oJykHtpkday:ü 0rf;AkdufarSmufívnf;aumif;? yd#uwfawmfrsm;raysmuf ysufatmif xdef;odrf;apmifha&SmufawmfrlcJhMuygonf/ ,if;(12)ESpfumv ausmfNyD;aemuf uyfab;BuD;vnf; csKyfaysmufí Nidrf;csrf; jcif;odkYa&muf&mtcg &[EÅmrax&fjrwfBuD;rsm;onf aESmif;acwfvlom;rsm; owdç 0D&d,ç ÓPfynmrsm; avsmhyg;tm;enf;vmMurnfudk od&SdawmfrlMuojzifh 0¥*grPd rif;udk ypönf;av;yg;'g,um jyKum taomuvkdPf*ltwGif;ü yd#uwfokH;ykHudk ay xuftu©&m pwifum ]]pwkw¬o*Fg,em}}wifawmfrlcJhMuygonf/ pwkw¬o*Fg,emyGJ onf yd#uwfokH;ykH usrf;pmrsm;udk ay&Gufrsm;ay: ul;,la&;om;í yxrqkH;tu©&m wifonfho*Fg,emyGJ jzpfygonf/ ]]wdyd#u"& uG,faysmufcsdef}} pwkw¬o*Fg,emacwfumvaemufydkif;rSm yd#uokH;ykHaqmif &[EÅmrax&fjrwf BuD;rsm; enf;yg;vmjcif;? owdç 0D&d,ç ÓPfynmrsm; tm;enf;vmjcif;ç yd#uwf okH;ykHaypmrsm; &Sdvmjcif;rsm;aMumifh ]]tm*kHaqmifzkdY odyfrvkdawmh}}[krSwfxifvmMu&m ]]yd#uwfokH;ykHaqmifyk*¾Kdvfrsm; wjznf;jznf; enf;yg;vmNyD; wpfpwpfp aysmufuG,f oGm;Muygonf}}[k,lqEkdifygonf/ Ak'¨a'oemawmfrsm;t& okH;oyf&rnfqkdygu vlYurÇm vlYavmuBuD;onf wufuyfESifhqkwfuyf[k ESpfrsKd;ESpfpm; &Sd&m wufuyfumvwGif vlom;rsm; tusifh oDvç o'¨gç qE´ç 0D&d,ç owd ponfholawmfaumif;w&m;rsm; jynfhpkHMuojzifh t ouf&Snfjcif;? usef;rma&;aumif;jcif;? cGeftm;Avaumif;jcif;rsm;ESifhjynfhpkHMuNyD; pdwf "mwfwnfMunfckdifrmMuojzifh rSwfÓPfvnf; tvGefaumif;rGefMuum tvGwfusuf rSwfrIpGrf;&nf tm*kHaqmifEdkifrIpGrf;&nfrsm; xufjrufMujcif; jzpfygonf/ qkwfuyfumvürI vlom;rsm; tusifhoDvç o'¨gç qE´ç 0D&d,ç owdpaom olawmfaumif;w&m;rsm; ysufjym;qkwf,kwfvmMuojzifh toufwkdjcif;ç a&m*gtrsKd; rsKd; cHpm;&jcif;ç cGeftm;Av qkwf,kwfjcif;rsm; cHpm;&NyD; tm&kHig;yg;umr*kPfw&m; 171

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary vkdufpm;rIrsm; vGefuJvmMuojzifhvnf; pdwfrNidrfrouf a,muf,ufcwfum rSwf ÓPfpGrf;&nfrsm; avsmhenf;ojzifh tvGwfusufrSwfrI? tm*kHaqmifEdkifrIrsm; wjznf; jznf; tm;enf;um aysmufuG,fvmjcif;vnf; jzpfygonf/ tcsKdUynm&Sifrsm;u omoemESpf(500)aemufydkif;rSpum yd#uwfokH;ykHaqmif wdyd#u"&t&Sifjrwfrsm; wpfpwpfp uG,faysmufoGm;onf[k,lqMuNyD; wcsKdUynm &Sifrsm;uawmh omoemESpf(2100)ausmf jrefrmouú&mZf(940)ausmf 'kwd,jrefrmEdkif iHawmfacwfwGif ]]yd#uwfokH;ykHaqmif wdyd#u"&t&Sifjrwfrsm; vkH;0aysmufuG,foGm; cJhonf}}[k,lqMuygonf/ xkdtcdsefumvü awmifzDvmq&mawmf? rum&avmytausmfcifBuD;azsmfq&m awmf? Am;u&mq&mawmf? anmifuefq&mawmfOD;Ak"f? Ak'¨pmayyg&*lv,fwDq&m awmf? refvnfq&mawmfpaom yd#uwfpmayESHYpyfuRrf;usifawmfrlMuonfhusrf;jyKtausmf q&mawmfrsm; ay:xGufcJhaomfvnf; ]]wdyd#u"&yk*¾Kdvfrsm;}} r[kwfMuyg/ wcsKdUwcsKdUaom q&mawmfrsm;um; rdrdwkdYpGrf;Ekdifoavmuf yd#uwfwpfykHç wpfpdwf ponf tm*kH aqmifEdkifcJhMuaomfvnf; yd#uwfokH;ykH tjynfhtpkHudkawmh raqmifEkdifcJhMuyg/ ]]&wemykHacwf}} a&S;a[mif;omoem0ifpmwrf;rsm;t& yOöro*Fg,emwif b0&Sifrif;wkef;rif; w&m;BuD;onf (1235)ESpfü a&TNrdKUawmf av;jyifav;&yf&Sd wHqdyfawmf&q&mawmf rsm;tm; a&Teef;awmfodkY yifhaqmifqGrf;uyfNyD;vQif ]]'umawmfonf yd#uwfokH;ykH aqmif yk*¾Kdvfudk zl;arQmfvkdygojzifh yd#uwfokH;ykHudk jyefqkdEdkifonfhyxr&Sifavmif;ç yOöif;avmif;awmfrsm;udk &atmif tm;xkwfay;awmfrlMuyg}}[kavQmufxm;zl;aMumif; ESifhq&mawmfrsm;uvnf; oabmwlvufcHaMumif;? yd#uwfokH;ykHpmawmfjyefyGJrsm;udk usif;ycJhaMumif;? xkdpmawmfjyefyGJrsm;rS... (1)tbd"r®m(7)usrf;tm*kHjyefatmif t&SifrOÆLax&f (2)uxm0w¬Kusrf;tm*kHjyefatmif t&SifÓPfax&f paom q&mawmfrsm;ESifhjrefrmEkdif iH\aemufqkH;rif;jzpfaom oDaygrif;vufxufüvnf; 0denf;(5)usrf;tm*kHjyefatmif t&SifuvsmPrax&fpaom yd#uwfwpfykHç wpfpdwfaqmifyk*¾Kdvfrsm; ay:xGufcJh aMumif;om awGY&Sd&NyD; yd#uwfokH;ykHaqmif ]]wdyd#u"&}}yk*¾Kdvfrsm; ay:xGufonf[l íum; rawGY&Sd&ay/ ]]vGwfvyfa&;acwf}} xkduJhodkY jrwfAk'¨omoemawmfwGif &mpkESpfaygif;rsm;pGm wdrfjr§KyfaysmufuG,f oGm;cJhonfhyd#uwfokH;ykHaqmif ]]wdyd#u"&}}yk*¾Kdvfrsm;udk jyefvnfazmfxkwfay;onfh

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary wdyd#u"&a&G;cs,fa&; pmar;yGJBuD;udk Ak'¨omoemawmf vGefpGmMunfndKav;pm;Mu onfhEkdifiHawmftpkd;&ESifhAk'¨omoemtzGJY Ak'¨omoemEk*¾[tzGJYBuD;rsm;u omoem awmfESpf(2492)ESpf? jrefrmouú&mZf(1310)ckESpf wydkYwGJvqef;(6)&ufaeYwGif pwif usif;y jyKvkyfcJhMuygonf/ aus;Zl;awmf&Sif rif;uGef;wdyd#u"& q&mawmfbk&m;BuD;u þ]]wdyd#u"& a&G;cs,fa&;pmar;yGJBuD;}}udk ]]vGwfvyfa&;\zGm;zufawmfpmar;yGJBuD;}}[k *kPf,lpGmrSnfh ac:cJhygonf/ tb,faMumifhqkdaomf jynfaxmifpkor®wjrefrmEdkifiHawmfBuD;onf (1309)ck ESpf jymokdvqkwf(9)&uf? we*FaEGaeYü vGwfvyfa&;&&Sdum tcsKyftjcmtmPmydkif EdkifiHtjzpf urÇmhtv,f wifhw,fpGm ay:xGufvmNyD;aemuf wpfESpfcefYtMum(1310) ckESpfwGif þwdyd#u"&pmar;yGJBuD;udk usif;yEkdifcJhjcif;aMumifhyif jzpfygonf/ ]]pmar;yGJBuD; usif;y&jcif;\&nf&G,fcsufrsm;}} wdyd#u"&a&G;cs,fa&; pmar;yGJBuD;udk jzpfajrmufatmif pwiftm;xkwfMu onfhwdyd#u"&a&G;cs,fa&;tzGJYBuD;\&nf&G,fcsufrSm (3)rsKd;&Sdygonf/ (1) Ak'¨omoemawmfü bkef;uHyg&rDxl; ÓPfynmxl;ESifhjynfhpkHaom yk*¾Kdvfxl;wkdYudk azmfxkwfa&;/ (2) y&d,wådomoemawmfudk tm;ay;csD;ajr§muf&mwGif txufwef;tusqkH;csD;ajr§muf a&;/ (3) omoemawmfü "r®apwDxdkufaom yd#uwfEIwfikHaqmif yk*¾Kdvfxl;wkdYudk azmf xkwfylaZmfa&; [laom &nf&G,fcsufBuD;(3)&yfjzifh wdyd#u"&a&G;cs,fa&; pmar;yGJBuD;udk pwifBudK; yrf;í usif;ycJhjcif; jzpfygonf/

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180

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

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181

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

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182

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

pmar;yGJBuD;Muyfa&;yk*¾KdvfwkdY\wm0efaus^raus? t*wdvdkuf^rvkduf ponf rsm;udk avhvmMunfh&I&efvnf; vQKdU0SufpGm xm;&Sdygonf/ ]]pmaxmufpmrESifhpmaxmufpmrSwfrsm;\wm0ef0wå&m;rsm;}} pmaxmufpmrçq&mawmfrsm;ESifhvlpmaxmufpmrSwfq&mrsm;onf atmufyg wm0efrsm;udk aqmif&GufMu&ygonf/ (u)tm*kHjyefZ,m;udk a&;oGif;&mwGif tm*kHjyefqkdyGJpnf;urf;ü azmfjyxm;aom (axmuf? &? r? us? 0dod|)[laom tcsuftvufrsm;udk txl;*&kjyKí a&;oGif; Mu&ygonf/ (c) wpfaeYwmtm*kHjyefqdkNyD;í rSwfcsufjyKa&;om;xm;aom Z,m;rsm;udk Ouú|q&mawmftm; vufrSwfa&;xdk;&ef qufuyf&ygonf/ (*) Ouú|q&mawmfu vdktyfovdk ar;pDppfEdkif&ef Ouú|q&mawmfxHodkY pmaxmufpmrq&mawmfESifhpmaxmufpmrSwf vlyk*d¾Kvf(2)OD;vkH; oGm;a&mufNyD;? cGifhjyKrS Ouú|q&mawmf\tyg;rS xGufcGmoGm;&ygonf/ (C) pmaxmufpmrwm0ef xrf;aqmifaomolrsm;onf vufudkifzkef; tp &Sdaom tDvufxa&mepfypönf;rsm; pmajzyv’ifteD;odkY ,laqmiftokH;jyKjcif;rjyK&yg/ ]]tm*kHjyef trSwfaygif; ykHpHZ,m;rsm; xdef;odrf;jcif;ESifh oabma&;ajzcGifh aMunmjcif;}} wdyd#u"& wdyd#uaum0d' Mo0g'gp&d,tzGJUOuú|(Ouú| r&SdvQif 'k-Ouú|? tusKd;awmfaqmif)u pmaxmufpmr q&mawmfrsm;? pmaxmufpmrSwf q&mrsm;u vufrSwfa&;xdk;í ay;tyfaom trSwfaygif; ykHpHZ,m;ay:wGif xyfqifhvufrSwf a&;xdk;&ygonf/ aeYpOftm*kHtrSwfaygif; Z,m;rsm;udk pmtdwfrsm;wGif usrf;pmtvdkuf xnfh oGif;NyD; csdwfydwfvsuf Ouú|xHwGif odrf;qnf;xm;&ygonf/ ydkif;jcm;xm;aom usrf;t& tm*kHjyefatmifrSom oabma&;ajzcGifh &Sdygonf/ wdyd#u"& wdyd#uaum0d' Mo0g'gp&d,tzGJUonf tm*kHjyefqdkyGJNyD;vQif oabma&;ajzyGJ rusif;yrD oabma&;ajzcGifh &Sd^r&Sd tjrefaMunmay;&ygonf/ ]]oabma&;ajzyGJ pnf;urf;rsm;}} tm*kHjyefqdkyGJNyD;vQif xdktm*kHjyefqdkxm;aom tydkif;ESifhoufqdkif&mtydkif;\ oabma&;ajzyGJudk qufvuf ajzqdk&ygonf/ 0denf;ig;usrf; tm*kHjyefqdk atmifjrifNyD;aomt&Sifrsm;onf oabma&;ajzyGJ udk ESpfydkif;cGJí wpfESpfpD ajzqdkvdku ajzqdkcGifh &Sdygonf/ 183

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

oabma&;ajzyGJudk aeYpOf (12)em&DcGJrS nae (4)em&DcGJtxd wpfaeYvQif wpfBudrfom ajzqdk&ygonf/ oabma&;ajzyGJudk atmufygtwdkif; usrf;pmrsm; cGJjcm;í ajzqdk&ygonf/ (u) 0denf;(5)usrf; oabma&;ajzyGJwGif... (1) 0denf;yd#u yxrydkif;(Obawm0db*F)ü wpfusrf;vQif wpf&ufpD (2)&uftpOf twdkif; ajzqdk&ygonf/ (2) 0denf;yd#u 'kwd,ydkif;(cE¨u y&d0g&)ü wpfusrf;vQif wpf&ufpD (3)&uftpOf twdkif; ajzqdk&ygonf/ (>cif;csuf)pGrf;Edkifaomt&Sifjrwfrsm;twGuf a&S;rltwdkif; wpfESpfwnf;jzifh wpfusrf;vQif wpf&ufpD (5)&uf tpOftwdkif; ajzqdkEdkifygonf/ (c) tbd"r®m (7)usrf; oabma&;ajzyGJwGif... (1) tbd"r®yd#uyxrydkif; oabma&;ajzyGJü wpfusrf;vQif wpf&ufpD aygif; 5-&uf tpOftwkdif; ajzqdk&ygonf/ (2) tbd"r®myd#u 'kwd,ydkif; oabma&;ajzyGJü ,rdkuf (2)&uf? y|mef;(2)&uf aygif; 4-&uf ajzqdk&ygonf/ (rSwfcsuf) ,rkdufusrf;rsm;twGuf... (u)yxr&uf atmuf,rkdufig;usrf; ygVdawmf t|uxm #Dumrsm; t&aumuf usrf;rsm;/ (c)'kwd,&uf txuf,rkdufig;usrf; ygVdawmf t|uxm #Dumrsm; t&aumuf usrf;rsm;/ y|mef;usrf;rsm;twGuf... (u)yxr&uf y|mef; ygVdawmf t|uxmESifh#Dumrsm;? t&aumufusrf;rsm; tprS pí ukovwduf orÜ,kwå0g&tqkH;xd ajzqkd&ygonf/ (c)'kwd,&uf y|mef;ygVdawmf t|uxm #Dumrsm;? ukovwdufyO§m0g&rSpí y|mef;ygVdawmf t|uxmESifh#Dumrsm;? t&aumufusrf;rsm;tqkH;xd ajzqkd&ygonf/ (*)'DCedum,f 3-usrf;? oabma&;ajzyGJü 1-usrf;vQif wpf&uf? aygif;(3)&uf ajzqkd&ygonf/ (C)rZösdredum,f 3-usrf; oabma&;ajzyGJü 1-usrf;vQif wpf&ufpD? aygif;(3) &uf ajzqkd&ygonf/ (i)oH,kwåedum,f 5-usrf; oabma&;ajzyGJü 1-tkyfvQif wpf&ufpD? aygif;(3) &uf ajzqkd&ygonf/

184

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

(p)t*kFwå&edum,f 11-usrf; oabma&;ajzyGJü 1-tkyfvQif wpf&ufpD? aygif;(3) &uf ajzqkd&ygonf/ (q)ck'´uedum,fusrf; 20 oabma&;ajzyGJwGif... (1)ck'´uedum,f yxrykdif;oabma&;ajzyGJü ck'´uygX? "r®y'? O'ge wpf&uf/ £wd0kwåu? okwåedygw? rdvdE´yO§mwpf&uf aygif;(2)&uf ajzqkd&ygonf/ (2)ck'´uedum,f 'kwd,ykdif; oabma&;ajzyGJü 1-tkyfvQif wpf&ufpD? aygif;(3) &uf ajzqkd&ygonf/ (3)ck'´edum,f wwd,ykdif; oabma&;ajzyGJü 1-tkyfvQif wpf&ufpD? aygif;(2)&uf ajzqkd&ygonf/ (4)ck'´uedum,f pwkw¬ykdif; oabma&;ajzyGJü 1-tkyfvQif wpf&ufpD? aygif;(4) &uf ajzqkd&ygonf/ ]]avhvmMunfh&I&onfhusrf;pmrsm;}} ,aeYacwf pmajzoHCmawmfrsm;onf ]]oif&kd;yd#uwfokH;ykH}} [kac:qkdaom ]]0denf;ig;usrf;ç 'DCedum,fokwfokH;usrf;ç tbd"r®mckepfusrf;}}udkom ajzqkdMuyg onf/ xdk]]oif&kd;yd#uwfokH;ykH}}wGif 0denf;yd#uwfudk ajzqkdrnfhyk*¾Kdvfonf ygVdawmf (5)tkyfç t|uxm(5)tkyfç #Dum(5)tkyfESifhedó,ç *P²dpaom pyfqkdif&musrf;rsm; udk avhvmusufrSwf&NyD; (5)&ufajzqkd&ygonf/ ,if;0denf;yd#uwfonf ESpfaygif; (2500)ausmftwGif; jzwfoef;vmcJh&aom omoemorkdif;wpfavQmuf jzwfxkH;rsm;ç qkH;jzwfcsufrsm; yg0ifí us,f0ef;eufeJvSygonf/ okwfokH;usrf; ajzqkdrnfhyk*¾Kdvfonf ygVdawmf(3)tkyf? t|uxm(3)tkyf? #D um(3)tkyfESifhpyfqkdif&m edó,ç jrefrmbmom#Dumusrf;rsm;udk usufrSwfavhvm& NyD; 3-&ufajzqkd&ygonf/ ,if;okwfokH;usrf;rSmvnf; (62)yg;aomrdpäm'd|d t,l0g' rsm; ponfjzifh t"dyÜg,f us,f0ef;eufeJ cufcJvSygonf/ tbd"r®myd#uwfudk ajzqkdrnfhyk*¾Kdvfonf ygVdawmf(12)tkyfç t|uxm(5) tkyfç #Dum(5)tkyfESifhedó,ç *P²dç t&aumuf qkd&kd;usrf;rsm;udk avhvmusuf rSwfMu&NyD; (9)&ufwkdif ajzqkd&ygonf/ ,if;tbd"r®myd#uwfonf pmrsufESm trsm;qkH; jzpfonfhtjyif oabmt"dyÜg,frSmvnf; tcufcJqkH; teufeJqkH;yif jzpf ygonf/ xkdwGif y|mef;usrf;awmfBuD;um; todrfarGYqkH;ç tcufcJqkH;ESifhteufeJqkH; usrf;BuD;ygay/ xkdodkY usrf;pmtkyfa& rsm;jym;jcif;ESifhoabm t"dyÜg,frsm;cufcJeuf eJjcif;wdkYtjyif atmifvufrSwf,l&mrSmvnf; tvGefjrifhrm;vSojzifh atmifjrif&ef tvGefcufcJvSygonf/

185

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

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186

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

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188

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

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189

Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

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191

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary ykHwkdywfprsm;ç Oyrmrsm;jzifh qkH;ravh&SdawmfrlMuygonf/ aigufjcif;? qljcif;? qJa&; jcif; jyKawmfrrlMuyg/ pmqkdyk*¾Kdvfonf a&SUu *P0gpuudkom tav;jyK&onf r[kwfyg/ aemuf pmvkdufrsm;uvnf; rMum;wMum; Mobmay;avh&Sdí aemufudkvnf; aMumuf&yg onf/ baEÅ? r[m&mZ? jA[®P? Oygou paom tmvkyfyk'frsm;ü oufqkdif&m yk*¾Kdvfj'yfudk okH;oyfí ay:vGifatmif teufa,mZemonf/ ]]baEÅ=jrwfpGmbk&m;}}[k a'ouyk*¾Kdvfç "r® y#d*¾g[uyk*¾KdvfwkdY\trnfrsm;udkazmfxkwfí a,mZemygonf/ xkdodkY a,mZemjcif;udk taMumif;jyKí yckuúLpmcsenf;udk oabmusaom t&Sifjrwf rsm;u ]]yckuúLa&mufrS bk&m;ESifhawGY&onf}}[k csD;usL;awmfrlMuygonf/ xdkYaMumifh yckuúLpmcsenf;onf tcsdefwkdwkdjzifh yd#uwfawmfrsm;udk aygufa&mufatmif wpfenf; tm;jzihf pmi,frsm;jzifh tcsdefrukefbJ bk&m;&SifESifh tjrefawGY&ef ydkYcsaom enf;pepf jzpfygonf/ yckuúLpmcsenf;onf wcsKdUyk*¾Kdvfrsm; uJh&JUovkd &IHUcsoifhaom pmcsenf; r[kwfyg/ ydkYcsykHpepfonf bk&m;&Sifw&m;awmf\t&omudk cHpm;Ekdifatmif csD;rTrf; zG,faumif;aom pmcsenf;jzpfonfudk o'¨g-ynmjynfh0awmfrlonfhyk*¾Kdvfrsm;twGuf tvGefaus;Zl;rsm;aom pmcsenf; jzpfonfudk vufawGY aus;Zl;jyKEkdifaom jynfhpkH aom pmcsenf;wpfrsKd; jzpfaMumif; azmfjy&if; ed*kH;csKyfvkdufygonf/

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

(u) {urEÅH = {uH = wpfckaom tEÅH = ( aum|moH) = t&yftzkdYtpk/ {urEÅH = (u) wpfckaomt&yftpGef;usatmif (c) wpfckaomt&yftpGef;ü(0g) a0;çeD;çavnmç jrifharmuf&mESifha½SUrSmwl½ª aemuf uG,f[lonfh aeolypäm vGwfavmuf&mnTef; wpfckaomt&yftpGef; (usatmif)ü = a0;çeD;çavnmçjrifhvGef;&meSifh a½SUrSmpl;pl;ç aemuf&yfxl;[k ajcmufOD;npf aMu; aejypfab;wkdY uif;a0;wkHvwf cqnf;uyfzkdY oifhavsmfavsmufywf (atmif) wpfckaomt&yfü/ = tjypfuif;vwf oifhavsmfavQmufywfatmif/ 2/ 0da0uZEÅd {w¬ 0d0dwåda0aum? eD0&P0d*armwd taw¬m/ 0d0dawåmwd 0g 0da0aum/ eD0&P0d0dawåm psmeorÜ,kwå"r® &moDwd taw¬m/ wo®m 0da0aum wo®ð 0da0au zmwEÅd 0da0uZH/ (0d?|?1/115) 0da0uZH = eD0&wkdYrS uif;qdwfjcif;aMumifhjzpfaom 0g=eD0&PwkdYrS uif;qdwfaom psmefESifh,SOfaom orÜ,kwfw&m;tpküjzpfaom/ 3/ orm"dZEÅd yXrZÑmeorm"dawmçorÜ,kwå orm"dawm 0g ZmwEÅdtaw¬m/ (0d?|?1/119/) orm"dZH = yXrpsmeform"daMumifhjzpfaom/ = 0g= orÜ,kwform"daMumifhjzpfaom/ 4/ yDwd,m p 0d&m*gwd {w¬ ... (u) 0d&ma*gwd wóm Zd*kpäeH 0g orwduúarm 0g/ p-oa'´g orÜd@eaw¬m? aom [d 0lyorH 0g orÜda@wd 0dwuú0dpm&0lyorH 0g ... 0d&ma*g Zd*kpäeaw¬m/ wo®m yDwd,m Zd*kpäem p 0lyrmpmwd t,raw¬m '|aAÁm/ (c),'g ye 0dwuú0dpm&0lyorH 0g orÜda@wd/ ... 0d&ma*g orwduúreaw¬m a[mwd? wo®m yDwda,m p orwduúrm 0dwuú0dpm&meOö 0lyormwd t,oraw¬m '|aAÁm/ (u) yDwd,m = yDwd\ 0g= yDwdukd 0d&*g p = pufqkyf&GHrkef;jcif;aMumifhvnf;aumif;

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

0lyorm p = jidrf;at;jcif;aMumifhvnf;aumif;/ (c) yDwd,m = yDwdukd/ 0d&m*g p = vGefajrmufjcif;aMumifhvnf;aumif;/ 0dwduú0dpm&meH = 0dwuf0dpm&wkdY\/ 0lyorm p = jidrf;at;jcif;aMumifhvnf;aumif;/ 5/ (u)[Daewd arm[edóEé,kwåwåm [DemeH Zmwdukvabm*g'DeH0aoe [DVdaw Mo[DVdaw Onmaw t0nmaw/ (0d?|?1/133/) [Dae = ,kwfnHhukefaom/ 0g =arm[\taiGYtouftusKd;quf ESifh,SOfonftjzpfaMumifh,kwfnHhaomtrsKd;tEG,füjzpf ukefaom/ 0g=atmufwef;pm;jzpfukefaom/ oawå-owå0g wkdYukd vnf;aumif;/ (c) yPDawwd tarm[edóEé,kwåwåm wAÁdy&Daw/ (0d?|?1/133/) yPDaw = rGefjrwfukefaom/ 0g-tarm[\ taiGYtouf tusKd;qufESifh ,SOfonftjzpfaMumifh jrifhjrwfaom trsKd;tEG,f jzpfukefaom/ 0g= txufwef;pm; jzpfukefaom oawå=owå0gwkdYukdvnf;aumif;/ (*) ok0aPÖwd = ta'goedóEé,kwåwåm £|uEÅremy 0PÖ,kawå/ (0d?|?1/133/) ok0aPÖwd= aumif;aomtqif;&Sdukefaom/ 0g=tqif;vS ukefaom/ 0g= ta'go\ taiGYtouf tusKd; qufESifh ,SOftjzpf aMumifh tvGeftqif;vS ukefaom/ oawå= owå0gwkdYukdvnf;aumif;/ (C) 'kAÁaPÖwd a'goedóEé,kwåwåm tued|muEÅ tremy0PÖ,kawå/ tbd½lay 0d½laywd taw¬m/ (0d?|?1/133/) 'kAÁaPÖ =raumif;aomtqif;½Sdukefaom/ 0g=tqif;rvSukefaom/ 0g=a'go\ taiGYtouftusKd;qufESifh ,SOfonftjzpf aMumifh t½kyfqkd; tMunfhwefukefaom/ oawå= owå0g wkdYukdvnf;aumif;/ (i) ok*awwd ok*wd*aw tavmbedóEé,kwåwåm 0g t¹k r['¨ae/ ok*aw = aumif;aomvm;&m&Sdukefaom/ 0g=ok*wdb0okdYvm; a&mufukefaom/ 0g= tavmb\ taiGYtouftusKd; qufESifh,SOfonftjzpfaMumifh

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary 2/ pmajzyk*¾Kdvfonf jy|mef;usrf;pm(10)tkyfpkteufrS rdrdESpfouf&m tkyfpkwpfckckudk tkyfpkygusrf;pm tpOftwkdif; ajzqkdcGifhjyKygonf/ tkyfpkwpfckckudk tkyfpkygusrf;pmt pOftwkdif;ajzqkdcGifhjyKygonf/ tkyfpkwpfckvkH; NyD;qkH;ygu bGJYwHqdyfESifhvufrSwfquf uyfygrnf/ atmifjrifonfhusrf;udk usrf;pGJtodtrSwfjyK atmifvufrSwf qufuyf ygrnf/

ykpämESifhatmifrSwf owfrSwfcsuf 1/ wpfusrf;vQif yxraeYü ygVdawmftm*kHa&;ajz? 'kwd,aeYü teuft"dyÜg,f oabma&;ajz ppfaq;ar;jref;ygonf/ 2/ yxraeY ygVdtm*kH(10)ykpäm ajzqkd&ygrnf? atmifrSwf(75%)&mckdifEIef; owfrSwf ygrnf/ 3/ 'kwd,aeY teuf(4)ykpäm t"dyÜg,f(6)ykpäm ajzqkd&ygrnf? atmifrSwf(65%)&m ckdifEIef; owfrSwfygonf/ 4/ ESpf&ufpvkH; atmifrSwfjynhf&rSom atmifvufrSwf qufuyfygrnf/ rSwfcsuf 1/ edum,yaZÆmwupmar;yGJü atmifjrifNyD;aomusrf;pmwkdYudk xyfrHajzqkdcGifhrjyKyg/ 2/ edum,yaZÆmwupmar;yGJ 0ifcGifhykHpHudk ewfawmfvuG,faeYtxd aemufqkH;xm;í vufcHNyD; wykdYwGJvqef;(7)&ufaeYrS pwifajzqkdMu&ygrnf/

jy|mef;aomusrf;pmrsm;(q|rl) edum,fig;&yf yd#uwfokH;ykH ygVdç t|uxmtukef jzpfonf/ þpmar;yGJonfvnf; &efukefedum,fpmar;yGJtwlyif ygVdawmftm*kHESifhteuf t"dyÜg,f oabma&;ajz ppfaq;ar;jref;aom pmar;yGJjzpfí wdyd#upmar;yGJBuD;t wGuf taxmuftyHhay;aom pmar;yGJBuD; jzpfonf/

(6) EkdifiHawmftpdk;& edum,fig;&yf yd#uwfokH;ykHpmar;yGJ EkdifiHawmftpkd;& omoema&;OD;pD;XmerS 1354 ckESpfwGif edum,fpmar;yGJudk p wifusif;yay;cJhonf/ edum,fpmar;yGJ usif;yay;jcif;\&nf&G,fcsufrSm (u)&[ef;omraPrsm;omru vlyk*¾Kdvfrsm;yg jrwfpGmbk&m; a[mMum;awmfrltyf aom w&m;awmfrsm;udk avhvmcGifh &&SdEkdifMuap&ef/ (c)o'¨gç 0D&d,ç ynmpGrf;tm;rsm; wkd;yGm;vmapEkdif&ef/ (*)rSefuefaom todÓPfrsm; &&Sdí todtvdr®m wkd;yGm;Ekdifap&ef/ (C)avmuDBuD;yGm;csrf;omaMumif;rsm;udk tjypfuif;aomenf;wkdYjzifh aqmif&GufEkdifap &ef/

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary (i)tusifhoDv jynfh0aom olawmfaumif;rsm; xGef;um;vmapEkdif&ef/ (p)Ak'¨a'oemawmf\txGwftxdyf &nfrSef;csufjzpfaom edAÁmefwkdifa&mufaygufap aom enf;eme, tjynfht0 &&SdMuap&ef/ (q)ax&0g'qkdif&m Ak'¨yd#uwfawmfrsm;udk oif,lNyD; a[mEkdifajymEkdifaom pGrf;&nf jynfh0onfh&[ef;&Sifvlrsm; jzpfxGef;vmap&ef/ (Z)ay:aygufvmaom olwpfyg;wkdY\t,l0g'wkdYudk aumif;pGm ESdrfeif;NyD; tHhzG,f&Sd aom rdrdwkdY\Ak'¨0g'w&m;awmfudk a[majymEkdifMuap&efwkdY jzpfonf/ xkdYjyif tpdk;&edum,fpmar;yGJ usif;yay;&mü tajccHrlrsm;rSm (u) tpkd;&edum,fpmar;yGJrsm;onf ypöu©acwfumv omoema&;vkdtyfcsuftajct aeudk jznfhqnf;ay;Ekdif&rnf/ (c) tpkd;&edum,fpmar;yGJrsm;onf ay;tyfaomwHqdyf? atmifvufrSwfwkdYudk wwf ajrmufaomt&nftcsif;ESifhudkufnDrI &Sdatmif pDpOfay;&rnf/ (*) tpkd;&edum,fpmar;yGJ atmifjrifolrsm;onf &[ef;avmuüjzpfap? vlYavmuü jzpfap? t&nftcsif;&Sdolrsm; jzpfap&rnf/ (C) Ak'¨bmomESifhywfoufí A[kokw

þpmar;yGJonfvnf; (1) edum,fig;&yfyd#uwfokH;ykHygVdawmfudk teufjrefrmjyefqkdapjcif; o&kyft"dyÜg,f ar;jref;jcif; ponfjzifhvnf;aumif;? (2) t|uxmudk teufjrefrmjyefç usrf;wuf tmabmfoH0PÖem o'´genf; tbd "r®menf;usrf;&if;t"dyÜg,f pkHvifatmif ar;jref;jcif;jzifhvnf;aumif; yckuúLpmoif enf; rEÅav;pmoifenf;wkdYtwkdif; em;vnfwwfajrmufapaompmar;yGJBuD;jzpfonf/

(7) a'gufwmcifcif&D y&d,wådazmifa';&Sif; yd#uwfokH;ykHygVdawmfjrefrmjyefpmar;yGJ

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary jrefrmEdkifiHü q|o*Fg,emwifrlt& ygVdbmomjzifh wnf&Sdaeaom yd#uwf okH;ykH edum,fig;&yf ygVdawmftm;vkH;udk jrefrmpmaywwfodolrsm; em;vnfEkdif&ef twGuf jynfaxmifpkjrefrmEkdifiH Ak'¨bmomtzGJYBuD;u- 1/ ygVdawmf\oabmt"dyÜg,fudk xda&mufapjcif;? 2/ jrefrmpmoGm;jzifh eD;uyfEkdiforQ eD;uyfapjcif;? 3/ a0g[m&usOf;í t"dyÜg,fay:vGifapjcif;? 4/ pum;tokH;tEIef; xnf0gcHhnm;apjcif;[laom tcsufav;csufudk av;av;euf euf t"duxm;í jyefqkdokwfoif tqifhqifhjyifqifcJhMuNyD;vQif- (1)todvG,fjcif; (2)toifhavsmfqkH;jzpfjcif; [laom rSwfausmufokH;ckwkdYjzifh aphaphikik Munfh&Iwnf;jzwfí azmfjyyg edum,fig; &yfygVdawmf jrefrmjyefusrf;rsm;udk ykHESdyfxkwfa0cJhay&m ,cktcg ygVdawmfjrefrmjyef tkyfa&(31)tkyfrQ NyD;pD;jzefYcsdEdkifcJhNyD; jzpfayonf/ 1/ a&S;u ygVdbmomudk aumif;pGmwwfuRrf;onfhyk*¾Kdvfrsm;omvQif yd#uwfokH;ykH 52 usrf;vkH;udk zwf&Iem;vnfEkdifcGifh&SdcJhonf/ 2/ ygVdwwfuRrf;onfhyk*¾Kdvfrsm;teufvnf; yd#uwfokH;ykH 52 usrf;vkH;udkarTaESmuf NyD;vQif zwf&IwwfuRrf;onfhyk*¾Kdvfrsm;um; wu,fhtmZmenfoHCmawmfq&mawmf rsm;om jzpfMuonf/ 3/ ,cktcgüum; ygVdbmomjzihf wnf&Sdaeaom Ak'¨a[mMum;w&m;awmf(52)usrf; vkH;udk jrefrmbmomjzifh jyefqkda&;om;xm;NyD;jzpfojzifh jrefrmpmukd zwfwwf&kHrQjzifh yif yd#uwfokH;oG,f edum,fig;&yfudk wwfodem;vnfEkdifygNyD/ 4/ xkdYaMumifh ,cifu ygVdynm&Sifrsm;om od&SdcGifh &cJhaom yd#uwf(52)usrf;vkH; udk ,cktcg jrefrmEkdifiHom; &[ef;ç &Sifvltm;vkH; zwf&IEkdifcGifh &ygNyD/ 5/ jrefrmjyefyd#uwfrsm;udk zwf&Ijcif;tm;jzifh (u)ay:vGif xif&Sm;pGm jrefrmbmom jyefqkdxm;ojzifh jrefrmpm ta&;tom; A[kokw

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary (C)urÇmhvlrsKd;vlwef;pm;tm;vkH;\vlYavmu vlYtpnf;t&kH; vlY&dyfjrHKBuD;udk om ,mMunfEl;zG,f&m avmuedAÁmefjzpfatmif jrwfAk'¨&Sifawmfbk&m;\a'oem awmfonf rcRwfr,Gif; zefwD;Ekdifrnf[laom ,kHMunfrI ckdifNrJvmjcif;/ (i)vlYobm0p&kdufqkd;rsm; yaysmufapí vlYobm0 p&kdufaumif;rsm;udk azmf aqmifEkdifjcif;/ (p)obm0tbd"r®mA[kokwrsm;udk &Sif;vif;wduspGm em;vnfEkdifjcif;/ (q)rsufarSmufavmutajctaeESifhvkdufavsmpGm usifhokH;Ekdifonfht&nftcsif; ESifhjynfhpkHapjcif;/ (Z)taxGaxGA[kokwtrsKd;rsKd;udk &&SdEkdifjcif;ponfhtusKd;xl;rsm;udk cHpm;&rnfh tjyif avmukwå&mtusKd;xl;rsm;udkvnf; &&SdcHpm;Mu&rnfrSm {uefrvGJ jzpfygonf/

jrwfpGmbk&m; a[mMum;awmfrlcJhaom w&m;a'oemawmfrsm;udk trsKd;tpm;(5) rsKd;ydkif;jcm;í xm;cJhaomedum,fig;&yfwkdYrSm atmufygtwkdif; jzpfonf/

1/ 'DCedum,-&Snfaomokwfrsm;udk pkaygif;xm;jcif;[k t"dyÜg,f&onf/ xkd'DC edum,fwGif oDvu©E¨0*f 13 okwf? r[m0*f 11 okwf? ygxdu0*f 11 okwftm; jzifh okwfaygif; 35 okwf&Sdavonf/ usrf;pmtkyftm;jzifh 3 tkyf&Sdonf/ 2/ rZösdredum,f-r&Snfrwkd tv,ftvwfokwfwkdYudk pkaygif;xm;jcif;[kt"dyÜg,f& onf/ xkdrZösdredum,fwGif rlvyPÖmo(a&S;OD;tpjzpfonfhokwfig;q,fygaomusrf;) rZösdryPÖmo(tv,fjzpfonfhokwfig;q,fygaomusrf;) Oy&dyPÖmo(aemufqkH;okwf 52 okwfygaomusrf;)tm;jzifh okwfaygif; 152 okwf&Sdavonf/ usrf;pmtkyftm; jzifh 3 tkyf&Sdonf/ 3/ oH,kwåedum,-w&m;oabmjzifhvnf;aumif;? a[mMum;csuftm;jzifhvnf; aumif; wlonfjzpfí ,SOfwGJoifhonfudk ,SOfwGJí pkaygif;xm;jcif;[kt"dyÜg,f& onf/ xkdoH,kwåedum,fwGif o*gxm0*¾oH,kwf ed'ge0*¾oH,kwf cE¨0*¾oH,kwf oVm,weoH,kwf r[m0*¾oH,kwftm;jzifh usrf;pmtkyftm;jzifh 5 tkyf&Sdonf/ okwftm;jzifh okwfaygif; 7762 okwf&Sdavonf/ 4/ t*kFwå&edum,-wpfyg; ESpfyg; okH;yg; ponfjzifh 11 rsKd;txd w&m;oabm t*Fg&yfrsm;udk wkd;íwkd;í ausmfvGefydkrkdjyqkdtyfaom okwftoD;oD;wkdYudk pkaygif; xm;jcif;[k t"dyÜg,f&onf/ (Ak'¨bmomqkdif&m a&S;acwfpG,fpkHusrf;[kvnf;ac:Ekdif onf) xkdt*kFwå&edum,fwGif {uuedygwfrS pwkuúedygwftxd av;usrf; wpftkyf? yOöurS owåutxd okH;usrf; wpftkyf? t|uedygwfrS {um'oredygwftxd av; usrf; wpftkyftm;jzifh usrf;pmtkyftm;jzifh 3 tkyf&Sdonf/ okwftm;jzifh okwfaygif; 9557 okwf&Sdavonf/

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary 5/ ck'´uedum,-twkdif;t&SnfyrmPtm;jzifh wkdaomokwfrsm;udk pkaygif;xm;jcif; [k t"dyÜg,f&onf/ xkdck'´uedum,fwGif oif&kd;yd#uokH;ykHteuf 0de,yd#uESifh tbd"r®myd#u[laom oif&kd;yd#u 2 ykH yg0ifavonf/ (¤if;yd#u 2 ykHwGif 'DC edum,f 3 usrf;[laom okwåEÅyd#uudkxnfhí oif&kd;yd#uwfokH;ykH[k ac:avh&SdMu onf/ ck'´uedum,fudkyif trSwfvG,fap&ef (u)0de,yd#u? (c)tbd"r®yd#u? (*) okwåEÅyd#u [lí 3-rsKd;cGJEkdifayao;onf/ ck'´uedum,f 0de,yd#uü 0denf;ig;usrf;[lí usrf;pmtkyftm;jzifh 5-tkyf&Sd avonf/ ck'´uedum,f tbd"r®yd#uü "r®o*FPDpaom usrf;tm;jzifh tbd"r®m 7usrf;? usrf;pmtkyftm;jzifh 12 tkyf&Sdavonf/ ck'´uedum,f okwåEÅyd#uü ck'´uygXf-paom usrf;tm;jzifh 18 usrf;? usrf; pmtkyftm;jzifh 11 tkyf&Sdavonf/ txufygedum,fig;&yf yd#uwfokH;ykH ygVdawmfjrefrmjyefrsm;udk zwf&Iavhvm em;vnfod&SdusifhokH;Ekdif&ef &nfoefvsuf pdef&wemq&mawmf OD;aqmifNyD; "r®apw reftzGJYu 1374 ckESpfwGif yd#uwfokH;ykH ygVdawmfjrefrmjyefpmar;yGJudk ESpfpOfe,kef vwGif usif;yygonf/

1/ pmar;yGJtrnf þpmar;yGJudk "r®apwreftzGJY\]]yd#uokH;ykHygVdawmfjrefrmjyefpmar;yGJ}}[kac:wGif ap&rnf/

2/ pmar;yGJusif;y&mXme "r®apwreftzGJYu owfrSwfxm;aom ae&mrsm;ü usif;y&rnf/ (yd#uwfokH;ykH ygVdawmfjrefrmjyefpmar;yGJudk ajzqkd&ef pm&if;oGif;ol tenf;qkH;(25)OD;&Sdaom NrdKU e,frsm;ü pmajzXme zGifhvSpfcGifh&Sdonf/

3/ pmar;yGJusif;y&mtcdsefumv yd#uokH;ykHygygVdawmfjrefrmjyefpmar;yGJudk ESpfpOfESpfwkdif; tpkd;&edum,fpmar;yGJ rusif;yrD (10)&ufcefYwifBudKí oifhavsmfonfhaeYrsm;ü usif;y&rnf/ tkyfpktoD; oD;&Sdusrf;pmrsm;tvkduf (3)&uf? (4)&uf? (5)&uf usif;y&rnf/

4/ pmar;yGJusif;y&jcif;\&nf&G,fcsuf ygVdawmfrsm;udk Munfh&IavhvmajzqkdMujcif;jzifh 1/ jrefrmpmayta&;tom; A[kokw

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary 2/ Ak'¨a'oemawmfvm avmutaMumif;? "r®taMumif;rsm;udk tcdsefwdkwkdjzifh od&Sd Edkifjcif;paom tusKd;w&m;rsm; &&Sdapjcif; 3/ odu©mokH;&yftusifhjrwf jznhfusifhykHenf;vrf;rsm; tjynfhtpkHyg&Sdaom bk&m;a[m edum,f? yd#uwfusrf;pmrsm;udk oif,lavhvmygu &[ef;? omraP? oDv&Sif? vl yk*¾Kdvf rnfolrqkd Ak'¨tvkdus odu©mokH;&yf tusifhjrwfudk od&SdvkdufemusifhokH;Ekdifo jzifh vdr®m,Ofaus;jcif; 4/ ypöKyÜef oHo&m ESpfjzmBuD;yGm;wkd;wufjcif; 5/ oHo&m0#f'ku©rSvGwfajrmufjcif; paom tusKd;w&m;rsm;udk &&SdEkdifap&ef &nf &G,fí yd#uwfokH;ykHygVdawmfjrefrmjyefpmar;yGJudk usif;yonf/

5/ jy|mef;usrf;pmrsm;(q|rl) ZmwuESifh,rkdufç y|mef;rSwyg; jrefrmjyefusrf;tm;vkH; jzpfonf/

6/ pmar;yGJ ajzqkdcGifh&Sdolrsm; &[ef;omraP oDv&Sif vlyk*¾Kdvf rnfolrqkd ajzqkdcGifh&Sdonf/

7/ pmar;yGJ 0ifa&mufajzqkd&ef owfrSwfcsuf (u)tkyfpk 9-pkwGif rdrdwkdYBudKufESpfouf&m tkyfpkrSpí useftm;vkH;udkjzpfap? ESpf ouf&m wpfusrf;csif; ESpfusrf;csif; ponfwkdYudkjzpfap pwifajzqkdEdkifonf/ (c)tkyfpk wpftkyfpk&Sd yd#uusrf;pm wpfusrf;? ESpfusrf; ponfajzqkdatmifjrifNyD;yg u tjcm;tkyfpk&Sd usrf;pmrsm;udk ajzqkdcGifh&Sdonf/ (*)jrefrmpmar;yGJ jzpfonfhtm;avsmfpGm jrefrmbmomjzifhom ajzqkdcGifh&Sdonf/

8/ ajzqkdcGifhjyKcsdef ar;cGef;vTmwkdif;udk rGef;vGJ(1)em&DrS nae(5)em&Dtxd (4)em&DajzqkdcGifhjyKonf/

9/ ar;cGef;ta&twGuf owfrSwfjcif; (u) usrf;wpfusrf;twGuf ar;cGef;wpfckvQif (10)rSwfwefar;cGef; (10)ckyg (100) rSwfzkd; ar;cGef;vTmwpfckudkom ar;jref;&rnf/ (c)xkdodkYar;jref;&mü okwfwpfokwf\tESpfcsKyft"dyÜg,far;cGef;ESpfck (*)o&kyfta&twGuftm;jzifh t"dyÜg,far;cGef;ajcmufck (C)trSm;^trSef ponf prf;oyfar;cGef;ESpfck ar;jref;&rnf/

10/ ar;cGef;xkwfpnf;rsOf;

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary (u)ar;cGef;rsm;onf owfrSwfxm;onfhwpfusrf;vkH;udk ESHYpyfatmifar;onfhar;cGef; rsm; (c)ajzqkdcGifhjyKxm;onfhtcsdefESifhoifhavsmfatmif ar;cGef;rsm;udk tvG,ftcuf csdefq ar;&rnf/ (*)jrefrmbmomjzifh ajzqkdEkdifaomar;cGef; jzpf&rnf/ (C)rvG,fvGef; rcufvGef; tv,ftvwfar;cGef;udkom ar;&rnf/

11/ atmifrSwfowfrSwfjcif; (u)pmajzyk*¾Kdvfonf ajzqkdonfhusrf;twkdif; tenf;qkH;(50)&mcdkifEIef; &&SdrSom &kd; &kd;atmifjrifonf[kowfrSwf&rnf/ (c)ajzqkdonfhusrf;tvkduf ar;cGef;vTmwpfcktwGuf trSwf(75)&mcdkifEIef;? (75)&m ckdifEIef;txuf &&SdvQif *kPfxl;atmiftjzpf owfrSwf&rnf/

þpmar;yGJonf omoema&;OD;pD;Xmeu jyefqkdxm;aom jrefrmjyefpmtkyfrsm; udk avhvmoif,lNyD; ajzqkd&aom pmar;yGJjzpfí Ak'¨a'oemvm avmutaMumif; "r®taMumif;rsm;udk tcsdefwkdwkdjzifh od&SdEkdifjcif; paomtusKd;w&m;rsm;udk &Ekdifonf/ edum,fig;&yf yd#uwfokH;ykHvm odu©mokH;&yf tusifhjrwfjznfhusifhykH enf;vrf;rsm; udk bk&m;a[mrl&if;twkdif; avhvmoif,l&ojzifh Ak'¨omoem\tESpfom&rsm;ukd wkduf&dkufodcGifh&onf/ Ak'¨acwf vlYtzGJYtoD;oD;\vlrIa&;ç bmoma&;ç EkdifiHa&;ç pD;yGm;a&;paom qufET,f&m tajctaersm;udkyg avhvmod&SdcGifh &onf/ odkYjzpfí þpmar;yGJonfvnf; edum,fig;&yf yd#uwfokH;ykH bk&m;a[mw&m; xGef;um;jyefY yGm;a&;twGuf aus;Zl;rsm;aompmar;yGJ jzpfonf/

8/ &SifomraP"r®Adrmef omoemh0efaqmiftzGJY\edum,fig;&yf yd#uwfjrefrmjyef w&m;awmfrsm; "r®mp&d,OD;at;Edkif OD;aqmifaom ynm&Sifrsm;\BudK;pm;tm;xkwfrIaMumifh ed um,fig;&yf yd#uwfjrefrmjyefw&m;pmtkyfrsm; ay:xGufvmonf/ omoema&;OD;pD; Xmeu jyefqkdxm;aom jrefrmjyefrsm;ESifhygVdawmf t|uxmpmtkyfrsm;udk tajcwnf NyD; atmufygrltwkdif; tkyfpkcGJum jrefrmjyefqkdxm;onf/ jrefrmjyefa&;om;jyKpka&;rl(11)csuf 1/ ygVd*wd enf;EkdiforQ enf;&rnf/ 2/ ygVdawmf\qkdvkd&if;teuft"dyÜg,f rusefap&ef owdjyK&rnf/

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Tipitaka Studies: Traditional and Contemporary usifaom vlq&mrsm;u oifwef;zGifhí oifMum;ydkYcsay;onf/ pmar;yGJpepfjzifh ppf aq;jcif;um; r&Sdyg/ þoifwef;onfvnf; edum,fyd#uwf jyefYyGm;xGef;um;&ef tifrwefaus;Zl; rsm;onfhtwGuf wpfEkdifiHvkH; twkdif;twmjzifhyif oifMum;ydkYcsoif,loifhygonf/ txufü azmfjycJhaom edum,fig;&yf yd#uwfokH;ykH pmar;yGJrsm;ü tcsKdUpmoif om;rsm;onf oifMum;ydkYcsrIr&bJ rdrdbmomavhvmjcif;jzifh ajzqkd&onfhtwGuf tcuftcJrsm;pGm &Sdonf/ oxkHESifhtpdk;&edum,fpaom pmar;yGJrsm;onf oifjyydkYcs ol&Sdygu ydkí xda&mufaom tusKd;w&m; &Ekdifygonf/ pmar;yGJpepfjzifh yd#uwfusrf;*efESHYpyfa&;udk OD;pm;ay;xm;aomfvnf; oifMum; ydkYcsolr&SdbJ pmtkyfpmayukdom q&mvkyfí ajzqkdMu&ojzifh oHo,rsm;pGm jzpfMu &onf/ a&S;,cifu wGifus,fcJhaom yckuúLpmoifenf;üum; q&mbkef;BuD;xHenf; cHoif,lMu&ojzifh oHo,uif; &Jwif;pGm qkH;jzwfEkdifMuonf/ þae&mü yckuúL pmoifenf;udk tenf;i,f azmfjyygrnf/

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