SDC 9: the Frontispiece of De Re Anatomica

Reifler. Milestones in OPRS: Discovery of LPS & Subsequent History Supplemental Digital Content (SDC 9) SDC 9: The frontispiece of De re anatomica Reflecting the vibrant art of the times in mid-sixteenth century Italy, a book’s frontispiece would often summarize the content of a book with striking graphics and inspiring allegories. As with other examples of the commercial graphic arts throughout history, a frontispiece served to establish a brand and promote sales. The block for the frontispiece of De re anatomica, now in the possession of the Princeton Library, was carved on pearwood (291 x 205 mm), with a cartouche cut-out at the top for the title type inset.a In the style of other Renaissance scientific books, the frontispiece of Colombo’s De re anatomica was designed to illustrate narratives with allegorical imagery. Though modeled after the famous frontispiece(s) of the Fabrica, Colombo’s frontispiece contained distinctly different and important ideas. Like the Fabrica, Colombo depicts himself simultaneously lecturing at the center of the scene while beginning the dissection of the cadaver with an incision into the abdomen (lower venting). The dangling right arm of the cadaver and the arrangement of the students emulate The Miracle of the Miser’s Heart, a gilt bronze bas-relief sculpted by Donatello (1385–1466) that references Scripture (Luke 12:34) and Padua, home of Colombo’s medical school and his first positions as an anatomist. Among Donatello’s last works, The Miracle of the Miser’s Heart was a featured element of the altar at the Basilica di Sant’Antonio, cast in Venice after Donatello’s death, and installed at the Basilica di Sant’Antonio in Padua where it remained in its original form until dismantled in 1578.b Vesalius and Colombo differ in the arrangements of venue and audience in their respective frontispieces. Instead of a tiered theater, Colombo depicts his audience gathered about a simple dissecting table. In place of Vesalius’ three Ancients—presumed to be Aristotle, Galen, and Herophilos, each dressed in ancient garments while attending the resuscitation of their practice—Colombo places a small child in antique dress below the cadaver, holding the hand of an old man nearest the ventral incision. The child, is probably a representation of the soul of the corpse that was a very familiar convention since classical times.c In Colombo’s frontispiece, the old man holding the hand of the child has his opposite right hand on his left shoulder, apparently in the act of making the sign of the cross and recognizing the Trinitarian formula. 1 Reifler. Milestones in OPRS: Discovery of LPS & Subsequent History Supplemental Digital Content (SDC 9) Prominently placed at the forefront of the tableau, the allegorical images of the child and the old man, Colombo or his publisher Bevilacqua, might have explained the allegory in further detail to the Church’s censor, perhaps Inquisitor Felice Peretti or his counterpart in Venice.d,e It is not known if the images and their explanations represent Colombo’s deep-seated philosophy or a calculated strategy to achieve approval by of his book by inquisitors who would serve as censors for the book. The humanist-classical revival that ushered in the Renaissance had performed an intricate dance with the Church. While denying the infallibility of Galen, Vesalius and Colombo continued to draw guidance and inspiration from classical philosophy. However, the philosophical denial of the immortal human soul was a subtle (and sometimes, not so subtle) anti-Christian, subversive theme of among Renaissance Italian philosophers. A notable example was the Aristotelian philosopher, Marcantonio de’ Passeri, first ordinary professor of natural philosophy at Padua.f Padua, of course was the seat of modern anatomy where Vesalius produced his Fabrica and Colombo had first taught philosophy, studied medicine under Vesalius, and then succeeded him to the professorship there. Opinions vary regarding the identity of the artist who designed the frontispiece of De re anatomica; many candidates have been proposed. The two leading candidates were both involved in the producing frontispiece woodcuts for the dominating Venice book trade at that time. The leading candidate is Paolo Veronese (1528–1588),g born as Paolo Spezapreda (after his father’s occupation as a stonecutter) and also later known as Paolo Caliari (after his noble, maternal grandfather who had illegitimately sired his mother). The arc of Veronese’s ascendant career in Venice and quality of his paintings are consistent with a commission from Colombo’s publisher in Venice. A second candidate-artist for the frontispiece is Giuseppe Porta Salviati (1520–75), mentioned by the aforementioned Princeton Library which relied upon an annotated catalogue of sixteenth century Italian books held in the Harvard Library.h That source also listed Titian [Tiziano Vecelli] (1488–1576), the most important member of the sixteenth century Venetian School which would imply consignment to his engraver, Martino Rota (1520–83) who was also active in Venice at that time. The last candidate is Colombo’s friend, Ascanio Condivi, though he may have only provided a preliminary design or layout. After the publication of the Vita, 2 Reifler. Milestones in OPRS: Discovery of LPS & Subsequent History Supplemental Digital Content (SDC 9) Condivi is known to have returned to his native Ripatransone, where he undertook civic duties, married, and devoted himself to painting religious subjects.i Because so much of the allegorical imagery of the frontispiece could only have been produced with Colombo’s participation, it is possible that Condivi or one of his contemporaries in Rome had assisted with one or more preliminary drawings or cartoons. The faithful rendering of Colombo at its center suggests an in-person sitting at some point. A portrait of Colombo is on display in the Hall of Medicine at the University of Padua,j though the dates in the upper corners of the painting—AB ANNO 1544 (left) and AD ANNO 1547 (right)—refer to his tenure at Pisa. In a letter to Cosimo I de’ Medici dated 17 April 1548 (not “1543” as appears in a figure legend for a reproduction), Colombo describes his employment of young artists to attend his dissections.k In the frontispiece, a young artist—perhaps Condivi himself—is depicted sitting and drawing to the left and below the dissecting table as Colombo, the central figure, performs the dissection. Most authorities on art and medical illustration believe that the frontispiece of De re anatomica displays a lower level of artistry rendering it “inconsistent” with it being the work of Michelangelo. (See also SDC 5: The relationship between Colombo and Michelangelo.) It should be noted that, by the time Colombo was nearing the publication of his book, Michelangelo was in his early eighties. His last paintings had been produced during his early seventies and were monumental frescoes made for the Pauline Chapel, The Conversion of Saul and The Crucifixion of St. Peter (1542–49). These latter works display differences in composition and execution when compared to his earlier, more famous masterpieces in the nearby the Sistine Chapel.l With less regard for grace, beauty, and aesthetic effect, the Pauline Chapel frescoes are more concerned with illustrating the narrative.m As mentioned in the accompanying article, it seems plausible that Capparoni’s implication of a quid pro quo was realized in the form of a drawing by Michelangelo.n Choulant was among those who attributed such a sketch to Michelangelo—a drawing purportedly of a cadaver with a dangling right arm and being opened, etc.—commenting that it is “sketched boldly and is rather gloomy and appalling to look at.”o After its donation to the Ashmolean Museum in 1848 as an original work of Michelangelo, the print was at first reattributed to Bartolomeo Passarotti (1529–92) who was Michelangelo’s apprentice in Rome 3 Reifler. Milestones in OPRS: Discovery of LPS & Subsequent History Supplemental Digital Content (SDC 9) during the critical period of 1550 to 1555 before he returned to his native Bologna. That print, however, is now attributed to the Baroque artist Bernardino Capitelli (1589–1639).p References / SDC 9 a Mellby JL. 1559 Frontispiece woodblock: Exhibitions, acquisitions, and other highlights from the graphic arts collection, Princeton University Library. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University, posted March 7, 2011. https://www.princeton.edu/~graphicarts/2011/03/1559_woodblock.html. Accessed June 25, 2020. b Victoria and Albert Museum Collections. The Miracle of the Miser’s Heart. https://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O127820/the-miracle-of-the-misers-plaster-cast-donatello/. Accessed June 25, 2020. c Cunningham A. The Anatomical Renaissance: The Resurrection of the Anatomical Projects of the Ancients. [Chapter 5. The revival of Alexandrian anatomy.] Kindle Edition. New York: Routledge/Taylor and Francis, 2016; locations 2871–3282 of 6079. d Hübner A. The Life and Times of Sixtus the Fifth. Jerningham HEH, trans. Vol. I. London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1872 [Reprinted and digitized, Miami: HardPress Publishing, n.d.; Chapter 4. The causes and results of the Renaissance.]; 40–71. e Davidson NS. Rome and the Venetian Inquisition in the sixteenth century. Journal of Ecclesiastical History 1988;39(1);16–36. f Grendler PF. The Universities of the Italian Renaissance. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002; 294. g Moes RJ, O’Malley CD. Realdo Colombo: “On those things rarely found in anatomy.” An annotated translation from the De re anatomica. Bull Hist Med 1960;34(6):508–28. h Mortimer R. Catalogue of Books and Manuscripts. Part II. Italian Sixteenth Century Books. Vol 1. Cambridge: Belknap Press/Harvard University, 1974; 182–3 [No. 129]. i Chilvers I, ed. The Oxford Dictionary of Art and Artists. 4th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009; 139.

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