MAP A.1 Multidimensional Poverty
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The Impact of the New Right on the Reagan Administration
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE IMPACT OF THE NEW RIGHT ON THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: KIRKPATRICK & UNESCO AS. A TEST CASE BY Isaac Izy Kfir LONDON 1998 UMI Number: U148638 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U148638 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by ‘New Right’ ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives. -
"All Politics Is Local": How Local Context Explains Radical Right Voting
"All Politics is Local": How Local Context Explains Radical Right Voting Diane Bolet London School of Economics and Political Science A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2020 2 Statement of Originality I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. Chapter three has been published at the European Journal of Polit- ical Research. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 53,292 words. 3 Acknowledgements Embarking on a PhD journey is not an individual experience. I am greatly indebted to the many people who have helped me over the last few years. This adventure would have not been so enriching and inspir- ing without the incredible mentorship I received from my two super- visors, Sara Hobolt and Simon Hix. Sara’s sharp analytical feedback, meticulous scrutiny and insightful guidance have greatly improved the quality of this thesis. Her pragmatism and timely suggestions have helped me to stay on track with my PhD. Simon’s impressive flow of ideas was always combined with astute advice and method- ological rigour. His encouragement and optimism have been major driving forces throughout the development of my thesis. This PhD has benefitted immensely from their supervision and I am infinitely grateful for having taken part of their stimulating and passionate intellectual exchanges. -
Navy Force Structure and Shipbuilding Plans: Background and Issues for Congress
Navy Force Structure and Shipbuilding Plans: Background and Issues for Congress September 16, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32665 Navy Force Structure and Shipbuilding Plans: Background and Issues for Congress Summary The current and planned size and composition of the Navy, the annual rate of Navy ship procurement, the prospective affordability of the Navy’s shipbuilding plans, and the capacity of the U.S. shipbuilding industry to execute the Navy’s shipbuilding plans have been oversight matters for the congressional defense committees for many years. In December 2016, the Navy released a force-structure goal that calls for achieving and maintaining a fleet of 355 ships of certain types and numbers. The 355-ship goal was made U.S. policy by Section 1025 of the FY2018 National Defense Authorization Act (H.R. 2810/P.L. 115- 91 of December 12, 2017). The Navy and the Department of Defense (DOD) have been working since 2019 to develop a successor for the 355-ship force-level goal. The new goal is expected to introduce a new, more distributed fleet architecture featuring a smaller proportion of larger ships, a larger proportion of smaller ships, and a new third tier of large unmanned vehicles (UVs). On June 17, 2021, the Navy released a long-range Navy shipbuilding document that presents the Biden Administration’s emerging successor to the 355-ship force-level goal. The document calls for a Navy with a more distributed fleet architecture, including 321 to 372 manned ships and 77 to 140 large UVs. A September 2021 Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report estimates that the fleet envisioned in the document would cost an average of between $25.3 billion and $32.7 billion per year in constant FY2021 dollars to procure. -
Redalyc.THE IMPACT of NATO on the SPANISH AIR FORCE
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Yaniz Velasco, Federico THE IMPACT OF NATO ON THE SPANISH AIR FORCE: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND FUTURE PROSPECTS UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 22, enero, 2010, pp. 224-244 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76712438014 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 22 (January / Enero 2010) ISSN 1696-2206 THE IMPACT OF NATO ON THE SPANISH AIR FORCE: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW AND FUTURE PROSPECTS Federico Yaniz Velasco 1 Brigadier General, Spanish Air Force (Retired) Abstract: The Spanish Air Force is one of the oldest independent Air Forces in the world and the youngest service of the Spanish Armed Forces. Since the early 50’s of the last century it was very much involved in exercises and training with the United States Air Force following the Agreements that Spain signed with the United States in 1953. That is why when Spain joined NATO in 1982 the Spanish Air Force was already somewhat familiar with NATO doctrine and procedures. In the following years, cooperation with NATO was increased dramatically through exercises and, when necessary, in operations. The Spanish Air Force is now ready and well prepared to contribute to the common defence of NATO nations and to participate in NATO led operations whenever the Spanish government decides to do so. -
Vox: a New Far Right in Spain?
VOX: A NEW FAR RIGHT IN SPAIN? By Vicente Rubio-Pueyo Table of Contents Confronting the Far Right.................................................................................................................1 VOX: A New Far Right in Spain? By Vicente Rubio-Pueyo....................................................................................................................2 A Politico-Cultural Genealogy...................................................................................................3 The Neocon Shift and (Spanish) Constitutional Patriotism...................................................4 New Methods, New Media........................................................................................................5 The Catalonian Crisis..................................................................................................................6 Organizational Trajectories within the Spanish Right............................................................7 International Connections.........................................................................................................8 VOX, PP and Ciudadanos: Effects within the Right’s Political Field....................................9 Populist or Neoliberal Far Right? VOX’s Platform...................................................................9 The “Living Spain”: VOX’s Discourse and Its Enemies............................................................11 “Make Spain Great Again”: VOX Historical Vision...................................................................13 -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
Volume XIV, Issue 6 December 2020
ISSN 2334-3745 Volume XIV, Issue 6 December 2020 Special Issue Restraint in Terrorist Groups and Radical Milieus Guest Editors Joel Busher and Tore Bjørgo PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 14, Issue 6 Table of Contents Welcome from the Editors...............................................................................................................................1 Articles Restraint in Terrorist Groups and Radical Milieus: Towards a Research Agenda.........................................2 by Joel Busher and Tore Bjørgo Non-Involvement in Terrorist Violence: Understanding the Most Common Outcome of Radicalization Processes........................................................................................................................................................14 by Bart Schuurman Learning from the Lack of Political Violence: Conceptual Issues and Research Designs...........................27 by Leena Malkki Why the Nordic Resistance Movement Restrains Its Use of Violence..........................................................37 by Tore Bjørgo and Jacob Aasland Ravndal The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation within the British Extreme Right in the 1990s........................49 by Graham Macklin On the Permissibility of Homicidal Violence: Perspectives from Former US White Supremacists...........65 by Steven Windisch, Pete Simi, Kathleen M. Blee, and Matthew DeMichele Internal Debates, Doubts and Discussions on the Scope of Jihadi Violence: The Case of the Turnup Terror Squad..................................................................................................................................................77 -
Monitoring Offensive and Discriminatory Signs in European Football
www.farenet.org Monitoring offensive and discriminatory signs in European football www.farenet.org 1 www.farenet.org Introduction Contents Football should be a game that can be enjoyed by everyone, without the fear of abuse and discrimination. Unfortunately at many matches and stadiums across Europe, this is not always the case and fans and players can face abuse because of the colour of their skin or their religion, or can feel victimised because they are gay or have a disability. The FARE Network is working with photographs of banners in football 4 Commonly displayed far right partners across the game, including stadiums. As well as signs and signs and symbols European football’s governing symbols common across the whole body, UEFA and NGO’s such as the of Europe, there are is also specific 13 Letter and number codes Never Again Association to try to sections that relate to different make the game a welcoming and European countries. 15 Clothing brands and prints safe environment for all football fans and to ensure that the use of It is hoped that this guide will help 17 Country specific symbols racist and homophobic language encourage everyone involved with and the displaying of offensive the game to make a stand against 22 Other racist flags and images banners is eradicated from all racism and discrimination and to football stadiums. help make football a welcoming 23 Other areas of discrimination and safe environment for fans and The aim of this booklet is to help players across the whole of Europe. football fans identify racist, neo- Nazi, homophobic and abusive images towards disabled people, in an easy to carry pocket size guide. -
European Policy Briefs Produced by the Federal Trust
TTHEHE FEDERALFEDERAL TRUSTTRUST TTHEHE FEDERALFEDERALfor education TRUSTTRUST & research enlightening the debate on good governance EuropeanPolicyBrief Mar 2006 • Issue 25 • The Federal Trust, 7 Graphite Square, Vauxhall Walk, London SE11 5EE • www.fedtrust.co.uk To leave or not to leave? The Conservatives and the European People's Party in the European Parliament David Cameron, the new leader of the Conservative Party, has been accused by his critics of favouring style over substance, and yet on one issue his position has been very clear: he wants to see the Conservatives leave their current political group in the European Parliament (EP). This party group, known as the European People's Party-European Democrats (EPP-ED), is currently the largest in the EP, with 264 seats, of which British Conservatives hold 27.1 David Cameron believes that the views and aims of the group are fundamentally at odds with Conservative beliefs. In particular, he argues that the Conservatives do not share the EPP-ED's pro-integrationist ambitions. He has also claimed that on free trade and the transatlantic partnership the group does not have the same views as the Conservatives. An objective assessment of the choices facing the Conservatives shows that a decision to leave the EPP-ED will have mixed consequences. The legislative influence of the Party in the European Parliament would probably be reduced, while the organisational benefits are not entirely clear. In addition, the areas of disagreement with the EPP are not the matters the Parliament concerns itself with most. On the economic issues, which dominate the agenda of the European Parliament, the Conservatives are probably closest to the EPP out of all the existing party groups. -
Anton Shekhovtsov
RUSSIAN CONNECTIONS TO THE FAR RIGHT IN EUROPE Anton Shekhovtsov Contents Executive summary Nothing New under the Sun Post-Soviet period and early Putin era European far-right politicians and pro-Kremlin fake election observation Russian media and the European far right Political cooperation between Russian stakeholders and the European far right – Austria – France – Germany – Italy Moscow’s objectives of engaging with the European far right Policy recommendations Executive summary • Today’s relations between the European far right and various Russian pro-Kremlin actors reflect a historical reality: Soviet state actors were prepared to cooperate with European right-wing extremists to entrench the international position of the Soviet Union and to inflict damage to the capitalist West, while some European right-wing extremists sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union as an ally in their struggle against Western capitalism and imperialism. • After the Second World War, Soviet authorities provided financial support to West German and Austrian right-wing extremists as a way to influence politics and political debates in those countries; in particular, Soviet funding was used to cover publishing costs of far-right newspapers and information bulletins. • After the collapse of the Soviet Union, European far-right activists and politicians revived their interest in cooperating with Russian actors, but they could only reach out to Russian ultranationalists who opposed the democratising Russian authorities that aspired to become part of the liberal-democratic West, not undermine it. • The first area of institutionalised cooperation between the European far right and Russian pro-Kremlin actors was politically biased (fake) international election observation, a form of political activity performed by international actors and aimed at advancing interests of politicians and political forces by imitating credible election monitoring during electoral processes. -
5 the Analysis of Far-Right Identities in Italy...2
MEA06 Tutor: Bo Bjurulf Characters: 88,574 Department of Political Science Far-Right Identities in Italy An analysis of contemporary Italian Far-Right Parties Michele Conte Abstract The (re)appearance of different Far-Right parties in Italy during the last decades brought me to the decision to write my Master’s thesis about this topic. Due to the fact that in this country, together with a long tradition of support for Far-Right ideologies, more than one tipology of Far-Right party exists, an interesting scenario is open for the analysis. I will study the cases of Lega Nord and Forza Nuova-Alternativa Sociale. As a first step, I will explain the differences that exist between different ideologies in order to classify these political groups, representing the two cases of analysis in the Italian Far-Right spectrum. I will then build a theory for the formation of Far-Right identities departing from a social constructivist approach. This theory will be tested in the empirical analysis applied to the two study cases. Finally, I will concentrate on the symbolic resources and the discursive strategies that these political actors use in order to construct shared collective identities and to persuade their audience. The results that I will obtain show that while Lega Nord is a Neo-Populist party, Forza Nuova-Alternativa Sociale can be considered as Neo-Fascist. Both the two study cases confirm the theory used to describe the process of Far-Right identity formation in Italy. Regarding the symbolic resources and the discursive strategies of the two political actors, the interesting result is that Lega Nord has shown the tendency to modify its rhetoric, as well as the way it communicates its political messages in order to take advantage of the political situation and increase consensus. -
Performance Eleitoral Dos Partidos De Extrema-Direita Na Europa Entre 1990 E 2018
Departamento de Ciência Política e Políticas Públicas Performance Eleitoral dos Partidos de Extrema-Direita na Europa entre 1990 e 2018 Diogo Alexandre Pedroso Matadinho Dissertação submetida como requisito parcial para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política Orientadora: Doutora Ana Maria Belchior, Professora Auxiliar com Agregação, ISCTE-IUL – Instituto Universitário de Lisboa Setembro, 2019 Agradecimentos Foram cinco especiais com altos e baixos, conquistas e derrotas mas que tornaram este percurso memorável. Em primeiro lugar quero dedicar esta dissertação a duas pessoas que hoje não se encontram comigo mas que me deram a fé necessária para atingir os meus objetivos. Isto foi por vocês e é para vocês: bisavô António e avó Vizilda. Agradecer aos meus pais pela educação, valores e esforços que fizeram, à minha irmã por toda a nossa cumplicidade que fazem a nossa ligação única, e ainda ao Kiko por ser o meu fiel companheiro. Mostrar gratidão aos meus avós José, Maria e João por todas as vivências e ensinamentos que me transmitiram. Deixar um abraço especial ao meu avô José por tudo o que significa para mim, por seu um lutador e acima de tudo o meu exemplo. Uma palavra de agradecimento ao meu Padrinho Luís por todo o apoio que me deu. Quem diria que aquela criança irrequieta e que não queria saber da escola conseguia chegar aqui…nem eu sei como foi possível. Agradecer também à minha tia Patrícia pela sua alegria contagiante e aos meus primos Tomás e Afonso. Agradecer ao meu núcleo duro com quem tenho a sorte de partilhar duas décadas de amizade: David, Fernandes, Vieira e Vera.