ANARCHY IN THE ‘BURBS

2020 WRITINGS COMPILATION

how-to’s, practice, critiques, original pieces on building autonomy in the Inland Empire, & more In Memory of Santos Anthony Villegas

Vengeance for all those taken too soon by the murderous police and state violence. ANARCHY IN THE BURBS ANARCHY IN THE BURBS ANARCHY IN THE BURBS

ANARCHYINTHEBURBS.NOBLOGS.ORG PART II. 4 Preface Practice

8 23 The Spirit of Rebellion Takes Four Frameworks for the Streets of the California Organizing in the Inland Inland Empire: A Summer Empire: Multiplicity, 2020 Reportback from Initiative, Affinity, Anarchy in the Burbs Conflictuality

28 Postscript 1— The Politics of PART I. the Streets: A Clarification Info-Hub on the Four Frameworks 31 18 Postscript 2— Beyond Anarchy in the Burbs Info. the Protest: Cultivating Movement Infrastructure 20 IE Initiatives & Local 37 Projects Info. Affinity Groups 101 21 42 Autonomous, Abolitionist Moving at the Speed of Trust: Resources & Readings Autonomous Community Agreements CONTENTS PART III. Critique PART IV. 48 Towards Autonomous Know-How Solidarity: Beyond Leftism, Ideology, & Rigid Political 94 Labels Security Culture

53 95 For Material Disruption Digital Self-Defense & Subversion, Against Performance & Symbolism 96 Know Your Rights! 63 Enabling Community 97 Self-Liberation, Refusing Street Etiquette Representation 98 78 DIY: Building a Short-Term Burn Your Ballot! Political Emergency Bag Theatre Does Not Represent Us 99 Further Resources on 85 Learning Essential Skills In Question of the “Peaceful Protest” (& in Defense of “Violence”) Preface

Dear Readers, from our hometowns taking the streets in opposition to the We are excited to present to the police and white supremacy. world our very first zine! But The fire and fervor also revealed before we tell you about how that there are many people in this zine came about and its the IE who all envision a world contents, we want to share a bit beyond exploitation, prisons, about ourselves and our aspira- borders, or oppression. In recent tions for resistance in the region years, our communities in the IE known as the Inland Empire. are starting to confront anoth- er huge problem. Poverty has Anarchy in the Burbs began as plagued this region for decades a project aiming to become a and has become a direct gateway source of collaborative informa- to the logistics beast that’s taken tion and resources, by and for IE root in our community. Me- locals. We initially got the ball ga-companies such as Amazon rolling with i.e.uprising as an and other logistics companies informal news source providing feed off of our people by tak- information on - you guessed it - ing advantage of our economic the IE uprisings. We also wanted desperation and precarity. The to provide some political educa- lack of opportunity in the IE is tion from a radical, autonomous no accident; we are only want- angle and encourage our com- ed as cheap, disposable labor munity to cultivate agency over for the wealthy’s profits. We all our living conditions. We seek to know that the warehouses and share knowledge and resources logistics sector have forcibly im- for people interested in building posed themselves onto the lives a strong base for future liberato- of every resident of the Inland ry movements in the occupied Empire, but it is much more Inland Empire region. than that: we are confronting a system that is organized in such A Call To Action: a way that it literally deprives us The Inland Empire Will Breathe of our ability to breathe clean By Any Means Necessary! air. We all live within this system that is designed to suffocate life, Summer 2020 saw hella people not nourish it. 4 Preface environmental racism and mass Racial capitalism in the Inland exploitation that we are experi- Empire is suffocating us all. encing in the IE. The encroachment of logistics development is transforming In the face of systemic suffoca- these indigenous lands into tion, we now have to collectively large warehouses, changing our re-assess the meaning of life communities into diesel death and move away from the violent zones where residents struggle system that continues to cause between life and death. San rampant death and the suffo- Bernardino County residents cation of our communities. We suffer from a range of illnesses, cannot wait for the good will of all of which have been linked to our leaders: why would we wait poor air quality caused by the for their good will when we are warehouses and the logistics running out of air to breathe? sector (for sources on specif- The time has come for us to be- ic stats related to this claim, come self-determining commu- check out this article by Grist). nities. We all deserve better and Breathlessness is a fundamental we must believe in our ability to feature of this white suprema- reorganize our society in ways cist, settler-colonial system that that nurture life, not suffocate it. constantly imposes harm and vi- We do not need to have all the olence upon Black, indigenous, answers right now in order to Latinx, and non-white commu- recognize the urgent importance nities. The Black struggle against of abolishing the existence of the police brutality and institutional warehouses and logistics sector racism has been teaching every- that poison our communities. one about this system’s violent As we can clearly see, life cannot mechanisms, and it is summed continue this way, and breathing up by the Black Lives Matter will become impossible unless movement with one phrase: “I capitalism and its warehouses can’t breathe.” Racial capitalism’s are abolished as a whole. Let’s link to the state continues to navigate the unknown together primarily oppress Black peo- and put our minds together to ple, and the anti-Blackness that create a better reality than the these systems are built on have one that has been imposed on constructed the blueprint for all us. As the Zapatista Army of other experiences of systemic National Liberation (Ejército suffocation, which includes the Zapatista de Liberación Nacion- Preface 5 al, EZLN) movement once said, who were beginning to take the we learn by walking, and by streets and organize for the first walking we will learn. time in their lives. We central- ized information for actions Ultimately, we cannot be hesi- until street demos died down, at tant any longer: we must begin a which point we decided to focus collective departure away from on providing an informal and this present civilization of death introductory political education. and its mechanisms of suffoca- We broke down what we felt tion. Let the IE show the world were useful organizing concepts that we can throw down hard. and theory as well as addressed Let’s combat breathlessness with common questions and con- the fresh air produced by revolt. cerns in an effort to welcome In the closeness of our bodies folks new to this scene, analyz- and minds in struggle, let us ing with an IE lens so that any- find ways to pass the air that we body could use these findings in have left to more of our commu- a local (or similar) setting when nities and to other generations. the time comes. Simply: there We must attack the foundations isn’t enough writing on subur- and institutions that deprive ban-based and small city auton- us of the sacred air we breathe omous organizing (especially for and construct a new reality that new folks coming into it), so we does not commodify and exploit tried to remedy that. the planet and our people. We just want to breathe: this is not Of course, for COVID and a demand but a threat. We will non-COVID reasons, there were not ask for permission anymore. limits to organizing (especially We will breathe by any means social media organizing), but the necessary. webpages have been a starting point for many faceless readers Let’s Hit The Streets Now: as well as for the working rela- How this zine came about tionships we’ve made since then. Although organizing in the In the wake of the George Floyd IE has obviously existed prior uprisings as well as move- to summer 2020, there was a ment organizing in the time of palpable invigoration of interest COVID-19, we tried to con- and mutual aid following the solidate useful, consumable uprisings in memory of George information for the IE locals Floyd, and we’re grateful for the 6 Preface projects and communities borne zine and discuss it together in of or multiplied by it. Our con- community, only by collectively tribution is small but hopefully discussing and seeing each other significant to somebody, and will we figure out the ways to set so we’ve compiled this zine in our communities free at last. memory of the wildfire George Floyd produced and the ensuing Part I. Info Hub history made in the Inland Em- An informal directory of Inland pire. We hope that the lessons Empire projects and groups that and advice offered in this zine readers can plug into. This sec- can help push movement orga- tion also contains further read- nizing in the IE to new, unseen ings and resources on abolition levels in the future. and autonomy.

Get Up To Speed: Part II. Practice What you will find in this zine Introductory (but crucial) con- cepts and practical information A lot of our thought processes for folks interested in autono- and writing interventions center mous organizing. around addressing common obstacles that get in the way Part III. Critique of increasing our autonomous Various critiques of common capabilities. Our writings ad- obstacles seen in left organizing dress these issues by attempting spaces, including criticisms of to unpack - and thus, remove 1. rigid ideology and political - those obstacles that get in the labeling, 2. symbolic protest, 3. way of increasing our collec- representation, 4. non-violence, tive power, removing them one and 5. electoral politics. by one. Below is an outline of some of the information we have Part IV. Know-How compiled, practical advice, and Some brief resources and guides critiques of common organizing on essential skills, from the logics that we felt were import- digital to the streets to general ant to address and unpack. We survival. hope that y’all find some of these arguments relevant and timely, We hope y’all make the best of and that they lend to making our first zine, comrades! Peace. our movements stronger. We hope that you can share this Preface 7 The Spirit of Rebellion Takes the Streets of the California Inland Empire: A Summer 2020 Reportback

8 Reportback From Anarchy in taken the streets. Some of us the Burbs had yet to find the language to describe the days and nights of The rebellions have arrived in uprisings in the IE as we pro- the occupied Native lands now cessed our experiences, feelings, known as the Inland Empire, and thoughts. For those of us a largely forgotten region that that joyfully participated in the encompasses San Bernardino uprisings, common feelings and Riverside counties in South- and affinities had become clear ern California. This text is a between strangers in the streets. report-back from autonomous Drawn together by a passion for individuals who were on the Black liberation and abolition, ground during summer 2020. new communities were taking This report-back remained in hold in the Inland Empire. our drafts since June 2020, and so it is a combination of our Even so, we want to push back initial reactions to the uprisings, on the tendency to come up as well as our reflections on the with some grand narrative or mobilizations (as we complete final word on the events of this writing in January 2021). summer 2020, with respect to the IE. We tell only one story Reports of manifestations had — among many others’ stories been found in almost all cities — and do not believe ours is the of the region, a phenomenon most “legitimate” narrative or without precedent in this ar- assessment of the uprisings. It ea’s history. Documentation is a white supremacist, colonial of demonstrations in the IE tendency to cut up historical occurred in the following plac- moments into objective “peri- es: San Bernardino, Rancho ods” or to pretend to provide the Cucamonga, Fontana, Rialto, “official account” without paying Yucaipa, Redlands, Riverside, attention to power dynamics or Moreno Valley, Highland, Up- erasure. We tell only a partial, land, Chino, Chino Hills, Mont- unfinished story of the revolu- clair, and others. tionary possibilities of the place The legibility of these manifesta- known as the Inland Empire, tions had yet to become clear to and hope that you find some of both people within and outside what we have to share as inspir- of the Inland Empire. For many, ing as we feel about it. this was the first time they had Reportback 9 all had enough of living in com- placent silence.

Inland Empire residents live with the burden of unique prob- lems, such as the emergence of the racial-logistics sector and its ensuing warehouse gentrifica- tion, among many other issues. With a working-class burdened Setting the Stage: by debt, the high costs of living, On the Significance of low-paid labor, and racist state the IE Uprisings violence, the boiling point has arrived and we aren’t taking this Speaking truthfully, some of system’s shit anymore. The more us thought that the scale of IE fucked over that people are, mobilizations during summer the more we will be seeing of 2020 would take years of work emergent, rebellious self-activity on the ground to cultivate. against this shitty system. In our Instead, it began to organically opinion, the Inland Empire is self-organize almost overnight, one of the most strategic areas beginning in the last days of for resistance against racial May. We are not arguing that capitalism because of the sys- there was no “leftist” activity or tem’s hyper-dependence on this base-building occurring before region for cheap labor and the June 2020, but a considerable movement of goods to the rest amount of autonomous activity of the country. Our resistance began to sprout in unforeseen, has and will look like hundreds visible ways. We are also not of burnt down warehouses (such arguing that we should always as the one from Redlands, June depend on spontaneous self-or- 2020) and the proliferation of ganization, mostly because hundreds of gardens from the spontaneity “versus” organiza- ashes. tion is a false dichotomy. We are merely pointing out that The uprisings in the California living conditions are fucked up Inland Empire were connected out here: there is a considerable to the greater national upheav- weight of oppression on the lives als that occurred in the wake of of people in the IE, and we have George Floyd’s murder. We will 10 Reportback say, however, that in most cases, ist state and patriarchal violence, there were no riots or large-scale and so on. Modern day revolt revolts in our region. Neverthe- in the belly of empire, then, has less, we want to propose that been taking place in unpredict- insurrection did in fact occur able places, such as here in the in the IE, although it is not the IE. The explosion of affinities mainstream image of an “insur- that emerged from the 2020 rection” that most people are protests are what we understand familiar with. What took place as the true nature of our insur- in the IE after the initial George rectional summer. What we took Floyd demonstrations was the away from the 2020 uprisings eruption of unprecedented is that relationship-building activity, abolitionist initiatives, might be a key point of empha- autonomous direct actions, and sis for abolitionist, autonomous newly cultivated affinities. We movements, with a particular want to counter the grain of focus on having the capacity to mobilization culture by expand- move in coalition and handle ing the notion of the insurrec- conflicts. If affinity is the glue tion: imagining insurrection as to any insurrection, then we the event that catalyzes routine are well on our way as people proliferation of new affinities in the IE continue to find each and projects that are able to then other and build connections in create the wide-scale movement the community. We must nour- base from which future upris- ish emergent communities and ings can form from. the feeling of co-ownership in the formation of our power so The manifestation of anarchy that everyone can participate from the (predominantly work- and stoke the flames with us. ing-class and BIPOC) suburbs is Building in the community now dynamically different from the can serve as the catalyst for the mainstream image of anarchy future insurrections to come in that many are acquainted with. the IE. Anarchic activity in the In- land Empire must grapple with unique formations of oppres- sion, such as warehouse gentri- fication, alienation and individ- ualism in working class suburbs, the hyper-invisibility of the rac- Reportback 11 and expand our collective ability to foment revolutionary situa- tions. As we saw in the Inland Empire, all of the established leftists and non-profits were left in the dust as primarily Black and Latinx insurgents took the streets. While the old Left is caught up in attempts to hold officials accountable, spending energy on social democratic laws, and wasting their time with petitions, IE proletarians led the insurrectionary initia- Situating the Uprisings: tive. The insights from comrades On the Importance of Centering Shemon and Arturo on the 2020 the IE’s Ungovernability uprisings also ring true for our context (taken from their article The uprisings in 2020 have “Cars, Riots, Black Liberation”): shown social movements the importance of learning from the “In the United States, black pro- antagonistic methods created letarians are constantly refining and cultivated from revolts in and sharpening forms, tactics, overlooked and forgotten re- and strategies of struggle… gions. In particular, organizers The fact of the matter is that could benefit from learning leftist organizations are simply about the methods of self-orga- not prepared to deal with the nization and self-activity initiat- illegal nature of the revolution- ed by working-class/ proletarian ary struggles and politics that BIPOC predominant commu- are taking place in the present nities, especially from areas in moment. The black proletariat the outskirts that rarely ever continues to show a practical make it onto the map of visible commitment to fighting the resistance in the US. When we police, setting fire to carceral shift our attention to the creative infrastructure, and looting the modes of resistance and militan- commodities of this dying capi- cy in these overlooked commu- talist system.” nities, our tactical and strategic repertoire will continue to grow We can learn a lot from BI- 12 Reportback POC-centered struggles emerg- contribute and relate to the ing from otherwise overlooked uprising, specifically in terms non-urban places: of street fighting, looting, and other riot tactics. Those who “Organizational, tactical, and are truly committed to revolu- strategic clarity is emerging for tion will have to push past the the first time since the 1960s, stale organizational forms of the but it is not coming from the left past and begin to account for – it is coming from the practical the diverse, illegal, and creative initiatives and strategies of the organizational forms that the black proletariat. Leftists [and black proletariat is developing in Marxists] run their mouths the present, the use of cars being about organizational questions one of the most innovative and in abstract and antiquated effective tools in this emerging terms, regurgitating a played out tactical repertoire.” formula modeled on Russia or China that has been repeated ad By shifting our attention to nauseam for many decades now, creative modes of resistance and but which has produced little militancy within new sites of more than sects and cults. They struggle, we can see new hori- ignore the concrete forms of zons and points of intervention revolutionary organization that that radicals and communi- are already taking place in the ties can begin to tap into. For uprising.” example, a common tactical innovation that sprung up from Shemon and Arturo elaborate uprisings in the outskirts - and further on the significance of that we also observed in the IE this autonomous BIPOC self-ac- - is the strategic use of cars in tivity in the United States con- reclaiming space and the streets. text: In Shemon and Arturo’s words:

“Revolutionary organizations “What we see from Ferguson to are not built in the abstract, Philadelphia is the growing use but are expressions of the real of the car as a weapon of mass tactical and strategic challenges struggle. In Ferguson cars were raised by the proletariat in the used for defensive purposes, class struggle. The fundamental while in Chicago, Louisville, organizational question that Philadelphia and elsewhere cars revolutionaries face is how to were used for offensive pur- Reportback 13 poses: for looting, for attacking tion of our experiences and police, and for spreading the observations in a few of the geography of the uprising. We many uprisings that have oc- should expect cars to continue curred since late May. In sum, to play an important role as the conditions in the Inland Em- riots continue to unfold and the pire allow for the emergence of uprising potentially mutates into extremely effective autonomous other forms of mass struggle: movements, but the lack of blockades, strikes, and occu- experience, infrastructure, and pations. Undoubtedly, the state its overall nascent organizing are will respond with new forms of currently hurdles that hold back surveillance and repression, but autonomous potential and must how it will do that is unclear. In be intentionally overcome. The the meantime, black proletarians following are our preliminary will probably take advantage of notes on the IE uprisings. the state’s lack of capacity to deal with widespread car-looting.” On the invisibility of state, eco- nomic, and police violence in the By honing in on new forms of Inland Empire: self-organization from places • The IE leads in cases of po- such as the IE, we can better lice violence statistics for the strategize ways to fuel the fires state of California, yet police next time. violence in the IE is not real- ly discussed or documented. • The staggering poverty rates and forms of exploitation in the IE are almost unheard of, especially given the high relevance of warehouse and logistics sector labor in this region. • The IE is on average pre- dominantly BIPOC, work- ing-class, first and second IE Uprisings generation, and younger. Notes on Insurrectional The millennial discontent Possibilities in the IE and frustration are especial- ly prevalent here with the What follows is a loose collec- suburban structure of the 14 Reportback area and enclosure, creating tally attacked outnumbered conditions for a potentially protestors in Yucaipa. unruly and fed-up popula- • Violent men in Highland tion of young people. aggressively tore down Black Lives Matter banners and On the character of the police in posters in front of protesters. the IE uprisings: • (CW: anti-Black violence/ • San Bernardino police was lynching) A young Black almost nonexistent vs Fon- male was hung from a tree in tana or Riverside Police. Victorville and although the • The magnitude of police perpetrators have not been presence and force was con- caught, there was specula- tingent on the size of the city tion that supremacists might budget. have done this. Assumptions • Helicopter and other aerial stem from the high number surveillance were greatly of white supremacists and prevalent. conservatives living in areas • Police encouraged white bordering outer regions of supremacist vigilantism in the Inland Empire, such as predominantly white places the High Desert where this like Yucaipa and Redlands. took place. • It’s clear that in places like San Bernardino, the police Unique sightings and tactics force has never seen these discovered at the uprisings: types of gatherings before. • In the initial days following How could this inexperience the Minneapolis uprising in possibly affect future pro- late May, spontaneous ac- tests? What about in cities tions emerged in places like with more seasoned officers, Fontana and Rancho Cu- like Riverside? camonga, which have never experienced protests before. On the presence of white • Most of these initial upris- supremacists at protests: ings were youth-led and • Guns were pulled out in composed mostly of hood Upland. Black and brown youth/ • Man threatened to run pro- young adults. testors over in Redlands. • There were hella smaller • Trump supporters and white scale marches coordinated supremacist vigilantes bru- and organized by local high Reportback 15 schoolers and youth. being perceived as “ghet- • As the weeks passed, a few to” and a strong attempt reformist/ liberal minded to prove wrong the classist protesters tried to monop- (and racist) stereotypes of olize the momentum, with the Inland Empire. People varying results across cities here are very conscious that and contexts. For the most we already have very little part, none of these self-ap- resources, leading to folks pointed leaders co-opted guilting rioters and looters most of the power. with calls for respectability • Actions were still relatively and “morality.” autonomous and self-or- ganized, and as time had We want to end off on a few passed, the momentum had words by James Baldwin from surprisingly not ended just “The Fire Next Time”: yet (as of June 20th, 2020). • The lack of non-profit and “Neither civilized reason nor leftist specialists truly creat- Christian love would cause any ed a unique protest context. of those people to treat you as • Lack of leadership/ organi- they presumably wanted to be zation is both good and bad: treated; only the fear of your the movement is harder to power to retaliate would cause contain when there are no them to do that, or seem to organizations or leaders as do it, which was (and is) good the “face” of it, but there is enough.” also a lot of inexperience in the streets and a vacuum in See y’all in the streets again next the organizing scene that can time. be filled with anything (an- other double-edged sword). • Car caravans in San Ber- nardino followed the demonstration in support and also served as a barrier between cop cruisers and protestors. • Respectability for protestors in the San Bernardino area: There was a big concern with 16 Reportback PART I. Info-Hub Anarchy in the Burbs Info.

Are you ready to find each other as accomplices in the fight for liberation?

First, be sure to check out the Anarchy in the Burbs project! It is a new autonomous initiative that seeks to circulate crucial knowledge, resources, and information for people who seek to take action and build the basis for future social movements in the Inland Empire region. Hit us up on social media or via email if you would like to get plugged in to autonomous organizing to make a better future for our IE communities!

To Get In Touch: Email: ieuprising@protonmail com

On The Web: anarchyintheburbs.noblogs.org

Our Twitter: Our Instagram: @909time @i.e.uprising

18 Part I. We wanna highlight and provide ways to materially aid local Inland Empire projects. If you have learned anything from our project or this zine, please consider contributing to the following links! The following are hella important up-and-coming local community infra- structure projects:

The Black and Brown O.G. Foods So. Cal. People’s Underground Community Space Farm Co-operative

A Lofty Standard: The People’s In addition, please show some Supermarket Co-operative material support to those who do much needed mutual aid on the ground in the IE: Four Directions Mutual Aid IE: Venmo @ie4directions Feed the Block mutual aid: Venmo @FeedTheBlockOnta More Hope Project mutual aid: Cashapp $MoreHopeProject

Info-Hub 19 IE Initiatives & Local Projects Info. Inland Empire, CA based projects and their Instagram handles: • The Black Power Collective @blacklivesmatterie • Feed the Block - Ontario @feedtheblock_ie • Liberate the IE @ltie846 • More Hope Project @morehopeproject • Take Action IE - Moreno Valley @takeactionie • Inland Empire Right Watch @we.see.ie • IE Collective @iecollective • High Desert Mutual Aid @highdesertmutualaid • ECV No Se Vende! @ecvnosevende • Wielding Active Power @wapcollective • IE Migrant Abolitionists @iemigrantabolitionists • Desert Communities United @d.c.u • IE Brown Berets @iebrownberets • The Spoonie Uni Project @spoonieuniproject • Four Directions Mutual Aid IE @ie4directions • Inland Empire Mutualistas @iemutualistas • OG Foods So Cal @ogfoods_so_cal • Liberate Ontario @liberate_ontario • Mountain Mutual Aid Network @mtnmutualaid Other relevant social media handles to keep up with: Instagram Twitter • roar_ara • iosolidarity • abolish_time • black_autonomy • frontlinemedics • AbolishtheUC • blackpowderpress • AbolitionF_ists • possumkratom69 • IAF__FAI • decolonialatlas • confrontacion_s • projectunsettlement • media_action • abolition.memes • IGD_News • thecomradecloset • Abolish_Time • anarchipelago.ko • AshAgony • copwatch_santaana • NOT_INTO_IT • blackrose_rosanegra • ztsamudzi • bbyanarchists • mutualaid815 • listenleft • RP_PLWC 20 Part I. Autonomous, Abolitionist Resources & Readings

Books Useful Websites The main two books we want to An introductory article that we highlight are: strongly recommend: • “Beyond Survival: • “The Challenge of Transformative Justice” by Autonomy: Prospects for multiple authors Freedom Going Into 2021” • “The Master’s Tools” by Tom found at bayareaintifada. Nomad wordpress.com Other strong suggestions: And also check out the resources 1. “Burning Down the complied at this list, especially American Plantation” by the “Digital Resources” section: Revolutionary Abolitionist • https://linktr.ee/ Movement FugitiveDreams 2. “Sylvia Wynter: On Being Human as Praxis” by Fellow Travlers Katherine McKittrick 1. trueleappress.com 3. “To Our Friends” by the 2. thisisbobbylondon.com Invisible Committee 3. neversurrender.noblogs.org 4. “Our Enemies in Blue” by 4. blackautonomynetwork. Kristian Williams noblogs.org 5. indigenousaction.org Podcasts 6. iaf-fai.org First and foremost, we want to 7. prolewave.noblogs.org recommend these two podcasts 8. puraacracia.club (both are available on spotify): 9. confrontacionesblog. • “On Resistance” noblogs.org • “Black Autonomy Podcast” 10. haters.noblogs.org Other Dope Podcasts 1. Resonance Audio Other Helpful Websites 2. Channel Zero 1. sproutdistro.com 3. The Final Straw 2. amwenglish.com 3. Theanarchistlibrary.org Video 4. Itsgoingdown.org • SubMedia -- Sub.Media 5. Libcom.org

Info-Hub 21 PART II. Practice Four Fundamental Frameworks for Organizing in the IE:

Multiplicity — Initiative — 1. Multiplicity Affinity — Conflictuality Definition: the state of existing As more and more people take as or with multiples; the charac- to the streets in the Inland teristics of diversity, range, and Empire, we want to break down variety a few frameworks to inform ac- tion and strengthen our move- Unity has historically suppressed ments. Given that the IE has real differences within move- experienced few social move- ments — such those of class, ments in the past, and with rev- race, gender, ability, etc. — and olutionary lessons learned from has itself become a form of op- other historical contexts, we pression. The dream of unity is, feel that these frameworks can in reality, a nightmare of com- facilitate the transformations we promise and suppressed desires: wish to see in our communities. it is only a dream for those who In particular, anti-police brutal- wish to impose their experiences ity uprisings and Black revolt in and desires at others’ expense. the 21st century have taught us Intentions, beliefs, and motives that social movements cannot will always be different; this is ever compromise with any kind out of anyone’s control and not of authority: we cannot settle anyone’s fault, nor is it anyone’s for petty reforms, defunding of responsibility to contain. This the police, or crumbs of justice. should be acknowledged as a Our movements must exist in matter of fact before you ever hit constant struggle against the the streets. entire system until we are com- pletely liberated from all forms As opposed to the illusion of of authority and hierarchy, or unity, multiplicity is a closer else they are doomed to be approximation to the real ex- crushed. These four frameworks periences encountered in the are meant to orient folks new to streets and at actions. The reality grassroots street movements in of multiplicity translates into a order to foster long-term and diversity of tactics and strategies, sustainable autonomous move- given the diversity of people and ments for abolition. their motivations. The tempta- Practice 23 tion of unity must be resisted at 2. Initiative all times because it lends itself Definition: the quality of display- to burnt-out authoritarianism: ing self-motivation and capacity people are not a monolith, and at one’s own discretion; acting out so the diverse reasons and de- of one’s individual will or collec- sires for which they fight in the tive volition street must be conserved and not channeled for the ends of Initiative — as opposed to fol- any so-called “leadership.” lowing others’ orders — is how true uprisings begin: they are Multiplicity in Action: usually spontaneous and self-or- The late May protests in San ganized. Uncritically waiting for Bernardino are a good example the right conditions is a con- of multiplicity in action. People stant deferral of action when it of all backgrounds showed up matters most: now, instead of in the streets with very different tomorrow. This self-activity also goals. This manifested itself in functions as a balance of power the different actions that took to other formal organizations, place, ranging from the mask/ vanguards, and self-appointed water distribution, graffiti movement leaders. tagging, looting, and peaceful marching that took place inter- For uprisings to become ir- dependently. reversible, anti-authoritarian initiative must be fought for All these things are just a mat- and kept alive, free from the ter-of-fact and they took place constraints of elitist leaders independent of anyone’s control and other power-hungry actors or idealized images of protest. that otherwise kill any move- Multiplicity as a strategy allows ment’s diversity and sponta- for movements to become hard- neity. Instead of following the er to be attacked by the state or commands and peer pressure repressed by the police. It also of “recognized” or “legitimate” prevents state collaborators from leaders, initiative is derived taking over our movements: a from within a community’s own diversity of methods and inten- impulses for self-determination. tions for direct struggle will be Initiative begins from trusting too difficult to completely co-opt in one’s own truths and propen- for their ends. sities. Our active powers are the key to our self-liberation. The

24 Part II. secret is simple and it is to just between each other. begin from wherever we may find ourselves. From initiative, 3. Affinity we find autonomy in the capac- Definition: a relationship existing ity to act for ourselves and with by chosen kinship or natural con- community who hold common nection; the fundamental basis truths, such as those of Black for all inter-personal bonds and liberation and decolonization. relations

Initiative in Action: Given the reality of people’s After the first night of the Min- diverse desires and the existence neapolis uprisings, there were of many autonomous initiatives, spontaneous protests happening it is impossible to impose only in Downtown Fontana. The peo- one method or approach of ple present were primarily Black achieving liberation. In con- and brown youth, and reports trast, affinity groups decide for show that they were mostly themselves what they wish to young people who lived around do; they manifest the diversity the block. Most of them learned of community truths. The bond about the gathering by word- and connection you feel to the of-mouth and through their people closest to you — and friends’ Instagram stories. your collective desires — already hold the key to how you wish to The unruly, self-organized gath- collectively make your dreams of ering happened organically and freedom into reality. without direction, and its auton- omous qualities were so surpris- The common truths that we ing to everyone that Fontana PD hold with those around us carry brutally attacked the protestors the meaning of our lives and are that night. Autonomous initia- the basis of actualizing our own tive revealed the police’s fear worlds. The affinity group allows of power so vividly. It takes the for an unbreakable cohesion creativity of movement partic- that has historically created the ipants to keep the initiative to basis for powerful movements attack authority. Strategizing for and revolutions. Because the the longevity of anti-authoritar- affinity group acts of its own ian initiative brings community initiative and decides for itself closer together, creating unfor- how it wishes to make real their gettable moments and bonds liberation, the creation of your Practice 25 affinity group — and coordi- The IE has never seen so many nation with other autonomous people in the streets until now. affinity groups — is foundation- This is because we all secretly al for social movements. Affinity had an affinity in common the resolves the problem of “how whole time that we have only liberation must be done,” leaving now begun to actualize: our de- behind the outdated question of sires for freeing our loved ones “what is to be done.” The former and communities. The affinities emphasizes that the means of and community that we build achieving liberation are already right now are the entire reason in our midst, while the latter for why we struggle against op- emphasizes a pre-determined pression in the streets at all. For formula for struggling against this reason alone, we must be oppression and a pre-deter- intentional and as communica- mined outcome for such a strug- tive with each other as possible, gle. We must pay attention to especially if there is conflict be- process and to our interpersonal tween our truths or experiences. dynamics and relationships as Our ability to uproot hierarchy we fight for self-determina- and authority is only as good as tion to ensure that we do not the relationships that make such replicate oppressive habits and struggles possible in the first structures. place.

Affinity in Action: 4. Conflictuality Almost every action and Definition: an ongoing state of demonstration in the Inland conflict or opposition between Empire was visibly composed of opposing forces; an irreconcilable small crews of homies, siblings, and permanently antagonistic neighbors, couples, and child- situation hood friends that decided to roll up to the street together. Each Affinity groups’ active initiative crew had their own reasons for and the ensuing autonomous being in the streets and their measures they circulate could own goals for the night. These instigate permanent conflict- things are discussed prior to and uality, or permanent revolution. decided upon through affinity, Struggles should never turn to whether or not folks are aware mediation, bargaining, or com- of it. promise with authorities. Our liberation must constantly be

26 Part II. regained by taking initiative and towards cooperative aims mu- maintaining momentum. This tually decided upon by autono- perpetual conflict means that mous networks and clusters of our movements must be pre- coordinated affinities. pared to make quick decisions and not get tied up by rigid As social movements in the In- structures. The self-organiza- land Empire remain at a nascent tion, then, has to take on an in- phase, we have yet to see if or formal character because it can’t when this cycle of uprisings will be determined by recognized transform into an irreversible, organizations or pre-determined sustainable conflict with the answers. Waiting for others to powers that be. Right now is the represent you ensures that initia- time to create affinity groups tive gets lost. and link up with other crews in the area who are interested in The concept of the affinity keeping the momentum alive. group is the basis of this initia- tive-based, flexible, and infor- By going to the protests and mal association of determined getting to know other autono- communities. Permanent con- mous groups who are present flictuality means that self-deter- — as well as by organizing more mining communities should not actions, creating long-term wait for orders from leaders or projects and community infra- organizations who — by nature structure — we can establish the of their role — aim to control networks needed to keep the our rebellion and thus, alienate fight going. By refusing to vote or extract our active powers for crumbs or bargain with poli- for other ends that we may not ticians, we can eventually realize consent to. Affinity groups and strong autonomous movements networks must spread the ini- that will accomplish our wildest tiative and methods for self-lib- dreams. -- June 2020 eration instead of trying to lead communities themselves. The ability for everyone to attack the system and achieve true libera- tion is contingent on the auton- omy of all of the most oppressed groups. Thus, conflictuality is a constant and effective struggle Practice 27 Postscript 1 - The Politics of The Streets: A Clarification on the Four Frameworks We had a hard time trying to and participating. come up with a title for the original post. Alternative titles In that post, we suggested 4 were considered beforehand, different things that can help such as ‘4 helpful tips for new people tap into the realities of IE actions’ or ‘4 things to know the politics of the street. These 4 before protesting,’ etc. However, “frameworks” were: multiplicity, we must argue that these are not affinity, initiative, and conflict- necessarily “frameworks,” rather uality. To summarize it, we were dispositions and mentalities. suggesting to folks who were This means that they function showing up to the streets to re- as ways to get your head in spect and participate in diverse the game for the reality of the ways of being together in the streets. In other words, we were streets. After seeing the influx of suggesting alternative ways of actions labeled as “peaceful” and moving in the street. the enforcement of such stan- dards by protestors themselves, Language is a limiting way to we opted to encourage folks to understand reality and we all respect and defend each other know that. For example, how against the common enemy hard is it to describe things like and not shoot each other down love and joy? Precisely because for acting in ways they might they are more than language; not agree with (except for said they are felt and lived in mo- people acting like the cops they ments and events. Likewise, get- were “protesting”). ting a feel for moving at protests and tapping into the collective After the initial uprisings in the power of the streets requires that IE in the wake of George Floyd’s you be there, present, and active murder, we have since then in the disruption of power. You reflected and want to give a few can only get a sense of what clarifying points on the 4 frame- these posts are about when you works: are on the ground, by witnessing • We must recognize the dif-

28 Part II. ference between autonomous extremely outnumbered. street insurgents, and the • The framework we proposed Left/leftists: we must recog- can be reduced down to this nize the different dynamics one statement: Trust the that these two groupings streets! The streets always bring into the streets, and fight back, and their people how they tend to conflict (youth, hood folks, everyday and contradict with each peoples, etc.) will ALWAYS other. be there independent of • The post itself was more political movements or the about an approach to mov- presence of organizations. ing within protests and street • A lot of the times, these actions rather than our view same political cliques and of the ultimate method for “leftist” organizations usually organizing (i.e. multiplicity, become ends in themselves affinity, initiative, conflict- as opposed to doing the ac- uality). tual work of cultivating the • No modes of organizing are conditions for organic and universal, which means that spontaneous street uprisings organizing methods can look to emerge. (As an example, differently across different look up the history of Ger- places, contexts, and timing. many’s Spartacist uprising to • The frameworks themselves see what social democratic are just ways of orienting organizations always end new folks to the streets and it up doing in revolutionary sought to push for a non-or- moments: co-opting and ganization-centric mode of betraying) organizing (because a lot of • Multiplicity is real, and we people still think they need just have to learn to coordi- to “join” an organization to nate across our differences participate in social change, and desires. What this means and that is just not true!) is that we should creatively • Non-organizational move- build bridges with people ments are inherently organic who face different struggles and street-made. As we saw and set common boundaries in the IE, almost none of the and expectations as we move professional and recognized in coalition. activists were out in the • Affinity and autonomous streets, or if they were, were initiative allow us to find Practice 29 our place within the streets against the state knowing or in the community. We that we have community that need to continue to link up has our back through the with others in our area not thick and thin. as an organization, but as people with similar material In the end, revolutions are made needs, common oppressors, by the people in the streets who and through bonds that are usually do not belong to or- stronger than rigid ideologi- ganizations, formal groups, or cal lines. informal minorities. The revolu- • As we have seen recently tionary communities are always through the brutal repres- already in existence, not as some sion of BLM protestors in “mass” waiting to be organized San Bernardino and Yucaipa, by leaders; they are just there, we must learn methods of and we need to be present with self-defense to protect our them. We know now from growing power against the movement in the IE and across reactionary forces that wish the so-called United States that to keep us down. This is the power of the revolts has because conflictuality will al- primarily stemmed from affini- ways be a fact of the streets, ty-group based action, suggest- both against state actors and ing the power of small crews non-state enablers of op- with lots of initiative. pression (i.e. the Nazis and fascists in Norco, San Jacin- Because the momentum is dying to, Hemet, etc.) down slowly, and street actions • To that end, we need more have limits, we must think about folks in the streets and more steps for sustaining a movement folks doing the work of for liberation in the IE based on affinity-group building in the realities of street politics as order to create a community well as our relationship-building safety net against repression and presence in our everyday so that our people do not get communities. lost in the system. The more folks we bring into the fold -- August 2020 of our community-organiz- ing, the more we can weaken their ability to repress us and the harder we can struggle

30 Part II. Postscript 2 - Beyond the Protest: Cultivating Movement Infrastructure Protests or marches are not ends oppression is inseparable from in themselves and we tend to the building of community in- forget that in our organizing; frastructure and affinities. We’d this is especially the case when like to open up a discussion on spectacular forms of resistance moving beyond the hyper-em- are the most idealized or pub- phasis and fetishization of mobi- licized. As we have seen with lization culture. the final wave of the summer’s George Floyd uprisings, we It is true: there will never be a cannot always depend on mo- “right time” or “sufficient num- bilizations to sustain beyond a bers” to attack the system and certain period of time. Building so, we must act now regardless the basis for the liberation of our of existing conditions. But we communities requires a lot more must not confuse strategic pa- than just the ability to mobilize tience with the constant deferral or attack. As necessary as these of acting. There is a difference capacities are, they are only sus- between these two things and tained and made possible by the we must move accordingly: if work that we do outside of and we cannot realistically attack beyond the protest or march. or mobilize right now (without This is what we mean by culti- getting killed or repressed), vating movement infrastructure: then maybe we should not act our ability to disrupt the system right away. Confidence is not and escalate conflictuality is only the same thing as courage. We possible when we have strong can act and mobilize with more material bases that can sustain confidence when we have cre- the capacity to mobilize. We ated strong community bases should devote as much time, if and cultivated movement in- not more, to the construction frastructure, such that we can of new realities as we do to the consistently attack and have a destruction of this reality. In movement to hide within. We fact, we argue that the ability to can attack viciously knowing mobilize and attack structures of that we have dependable mate-

Practice 31 rial support and a large commu- communities and networks. We nity that has our backs. Courage can mobilize and attack on our would imply that action is taken own terms - because it is with- without a larger movement in everyone’s autonomy to do infrastructure so that only the so - but we can get many more “fearless” or “brave” are able to people mobilizing if we build attack or participate in conflict- the collective confidence that uality, but that just creates other can come with patiently building hierarchies (i.e. between militant strong bases and movement in- and “non-militant”). In contrast, frastructure. Examples of move- confidence-based action against ment infrastructure can include: this system would signify a community defense trainings, larger social backing and mate- people’s mental health/healing rial backbone from which many hubs, land projects, political actors can participate in and feel education initiatives, food sov- included. ereignty networks, free medical clinics, legal support/anti-re- Courage-based attacks and pression committees, and so on. responses are not necessarily the same thing as collective It is a public secret that the confidence because they are not militant uprisings of the last few always embedded within a larger decades have all been doomed movement context (although it in part to the fact that social is not always necessary or pos- movements have not created sible). In addition, overreliance bases and autonomous power on courage-based responses can outside of the state. Even recent sometimes be easier for the state abolitionist movements are not to repress without proper plan- able to fully escalate conflict- ning, hence why confidence is uality because of this unspoken a key factor in struggle. This is dependence on the state for the why, for example, many peo- means of survival. For example, ple are not attending protests we are all still dependent on the locally: there is an overreliance state’s infrastructure, such as its on “getting numbers” based on agriculture, its medicines, its “liking” an Instagram image of a educational systems, etc. Thus, protest flyer (whether it’s posted in addition to finding ways to by CrimethInc. or some other mobilize and outmaneuver the local org) rather than on the state’s attempts at total control, ability to mobilize with offline we must also devote time and

32 Part II. energy to being able to auton- and struggle together; some omously self-reproduce and have called this the “commune.” sustain ourselves. We must The uprisings create the space reclaim practical skills and the in which diverse communities ability to heal, to grow, to build, and affinities come into con- and so on. We can begin this tact, but we must maintain the by taking an inventory of our initiative and continue building collective skills, capacities, and our collective power even after connections, and by pooling the events of struggle. If we are our resources together. Fleshing all over-worked by capitalism, out our material autonomy will we will never be able to sustain be urgently necessary when the mobilizations or attack the sys- time comes not only to provide tem on our own terms. We must for ourselves outside of the sys- become intentional about meet- tem, but also sustain community ing each other’s material needs self-defense against the state and or else we are doomed to default fascists. to getting our needs met by the current hellscape we live in. We Toward that end, material must put our minds together autonomy will only come by and really scheme it up: what are when we continue to devote ways we can pull in communi- time to building strong rela- ty together to provide for each tionships with each other and other so that we do not become the communities that we belong hyper-dependent on working a to. We do not need to recruit job or become over-reliant on people into organizations or money at all? build new social contracts: we need to spread concrete prac- As we saw in the summer of tices, knowledge and resources 2020, decentralization is one to take self-determination into of the strongest features of any our own hands. We have talked social movement. The state has about affinity previously -be a much harder time repressing fore, but the point stands that a multiplicity than it does one almost all the relationships that large mass; this also applies to a we encounter in our day-to-day strategy for building communes. have the potential to become The decentralized construction political accomplices. However, of communes and hubs can help the logical next step once we us defeat the curse of surviving find our community is to live the horrors of capitalism on our Practice 33 own: collectivizing with others will help insurrections endure 1. As we fight off the settler-co- past the first stages of riot and lonial state, the ultimate goal revolt. We all know the impor- is decolonization and pushing tance of having the capacity to police control off of stolen native address our material/emotional/ lands. The colonial state tries to mental/spiritual needs so that control the territory and map we can all sustainably remain it out in order to keep it under active in the struggles against control. Beyond the riot or pro- oppression. Collective care is test, we must contend with not a prerequisite for any revolu- reproducing settler-colonialism tionary activity. Communes can in our organizing. In addition to eventually displace our material the protest, we must spend time dependence on the institutions and be intentional about culti- of this society, too (such as the vating meaningful relationships family, employment, citizenship and affinity with native people, etc.). However, we should not increasing their own capacity become insulated in our com- and power to liberate the land. fortable commune communities, cut ourselves off from locals, or 2. Local self-organization allows become complacent with mere space to be used outside of its lifestyle politics. The point is to designated or official use, such become materially autonomous as when barbershops or strip enough to sustain an offensive, malls or empty properties are abolitionist attack on this system used outside of their economic and spread the capacities for function; it is a matter of spread- communities to self-determine. ing the complicities between Devoting time and intention to existing relationships in a given building material complemen- area or place. We must subvert tarity between diverse com- the imposed and given environ- munes and hubs can give our ment. We must remain opaque movements strength in the long- and invisible to the state as term coordination of struggles. much as we can, using space and places as cover to hide in and We have a few other last sug- cultivate our bases (i.e. by build- gestions on building movement ing squats, occupying buildings, infrastructure that provides for liberating public parks, con- a long-term fight against the structing the underground). state and capital: Avoiding visibility will allow us

34 Part II. to gather force in the shadows, - our participation in collective and when we become visible we spaces? This is an important will be stronger and ready. issue because when we fail to be accountable to our community, 3. We should all get to know our movement is weakened. We comrades from other struggles: would make a call for everyone reach out, link up with folks, to continually check in with and make the efforts to travel themselves, a trusted homie, and communicate consistently your affinity group, and the with them. Learning from oth- spaces that you are a part of to ers experience and techniques make sure that conflict, harm, they’ve learned is great for our and traumas are not perpetu- movement beyond what only ated in liberatory organizing. enclosed self-criticism could We should devote as much time offer. Social media has been to our relationships, engage in great for this but must be done our own healing, and build our with security culture procedures interpersonal skills as we do to in mind. Although social media any other kind of self-education has been helping people link up, or movement infrastructure. it is ultimately the oppressor’s tool and we must use it with 5. Community self-defense is that in mind. We can start the extremely taken for granted conversation online and use en- and we must continually have crypted communications tools it in our sights. We must treat to keep the conversation going self-defense as an obligation of and the affinity growing. social life (i.e. through consis- tent self-defense trainings and 4. Speaking of the social, inter- community mobilization re- personal skills and conflict reso- sponses to abuse by individuals lution are absolute prerequisites or the state). We cannot recon- for any movement for abolition struct our movements each and of the state and negation of all every time we encounter police oppressions. We all come into violence and state repression. movements with a lot of per- Instead of becoming outraged sonal traumas and baggage: how after some offense from capital- can we learn to tune in to our ist relations or police murders, own desires, needs, and personal we must stop this culture of struggles and have them inform denouncing-then-mobilizing - while not negatively impacting ritual when we may not even Practice 35 be physically prepared for such fights. Confrontation will be an inevitable aspect of our attempts to build power outside of the system. We must be prepared for counter-attacks from the state and non-state agents. If we do take the streets, there must be a means, an intention, and a goal to the action. If we train and take defense seriously, the police will not be as efficient to respond. As decentralization has shown, pigs cannot act rapidly enough to a moving multiplic- ity that can strike a number of targets at once and that tries to always keep the initiative. The spread of our autonomous ini- tiative must be both militant and social. We are, after all, ultimate- ly embedded in a social war. We must make authority’s attempts at repression ubiquitous so that they are ultimately effective nowhere through multi-frontal conflictuality.

Let’s continue to expand our bases of power so that we can continue to escalate conflictual- ity, to end oppression once and for all! -- December 2020

36 Part II. Affinity Groups 101 Why is it important to talk about and can be contrasted to other affinity groups? forms of life that are vertical (i.e. top-down/power-over) such Well the whole point of life is as the authoritarian, capitalist, to enjoy it with the people that gendered, and racial hierarchies make up our lives. When it that we see in the world. Conse- comes to fighting for our libera- quently, autonomous organizing tion and self-determination, we is based on the collection of can accomplish revolutionary desires, friendships, and proj- change by working together in ects that seek to disrupt those our affinity groups. The -affin forms of oppression. This form ity group is just another way of organizing is different from of saying your crew or squad. and opposed to other models All it takes is rounding up your of organizing that are based homies and loved ones, cause on leadership or bureaucracy. everyone has a role to play Instead, autonomous organizing within the radical change we are is based on consensus, mutual trying to create. We only exist as aid, and affinity. It is based on people embedded within com- the affinity group model, and it munities, not as lone individuals has historically been the organi- in the world: every person on zational basis that have popped earth has contact with others. off the wildest revolts, insurrec- Contact with another body is, tions, and uprisings for the last then— at the same time— con- few centuries. tact with our own selves. Affinity is the foundation of autonomy. What is an affinity group?

What is autonomy and autono- An affinity group is a small mous organizing? group of 5 to 15 people who conspire together autonomously Autonomy is based on the love on direct actions or other proj- for and mutual respect of in- ects. Your life is already filled dividuals that does not seek to with many people that you gain power-over their lives or have affinity with, and that’s the trajectories. Autonomy is syn- point: these groups are ulti- onymous with horizontal (i.e. mately based on closeness and on equal grounds/power-with), trust. Affinity groups challenge Practice 37 top-down decision-making and action or project. For instance, organizing, and empower those there could be a roving affinity involved to take creative direct group made up of street medics, action. Affinity groups allow or an affinity group who brings people to “be” the action they food and water to people on want to see by giving complete the streets. What makes affinity freedom and decision-making groups so effective for actions power to the affinity group. is that they can remain creative Affinity groups by nature are de- and independent and plan out centralized and non-hierarchi- their own action without an cal. Affinity groups can exist for organization or person dictating a long time or form temporarily to them what can and can’t be to accomplish one task, it all done. Thus, there are an endless depends on everyone checking amount of possibilities for what on each other’s intentions. The affinity groups can do. label “affinity group” makes it seem more formal than it actual- How do you start an affinity ly is: a more fitting name would group? be “crew” or squad. An affinity group doesn’t even have to be It all starts off like anything else political: reading groups and in your life that you’re involved art circles are other examples of in: find each other and get to everyday affinity groups. know each other well. An affini- ty group could be a relationship What can an affinity group do? among people that lasts for years among a group of friends Literally anything! They can be and organizers, or it could be used for mass or smaller scale a week-long relationship based actions. Affinity groups can around a single action. It could be used to blockade a road, do be about hitting old friends, street theater, organize local new friends, family, neighbors, food kitchens, confront the or people you’ve met at school police, strategic property de- or the gym. Either way, it is struction, legal aid support, important to form an affinity create community art spaces and group that is best suited to you events, change the message on and your interests. If you are a massive billboard, etc. There forming an affinity group in can even be affinity groups your area, find interested friends who take on certain tasks in an or other organizers who have

38 Part II. similar issue interests, and thus ic and surveillance, finding would want to go to collaborate like-minded people to form on similar projects or actions. affinity groups may be difficult, When you find each other, and this requires us to flexibly ask yourselves: what are our and creatively solve this issue. common interests or skills that It is important to converse with everyone can bring to the table the people all around us in our in the fight for liberation? regular lives: you do not know who may be down or have a cre- Friendships are inherently polit- ative idea for addressing com- ical even we do not always real- munity issues. Take advantage ize it. Friendship is not neutral, of meetings, hang-outs, socials, like the systems of patriarchy and events where like-minded and individualism mislead us to political people may be at, but it believe. Affinity is held together won’t always be other “leftists” by common truths and values. who may be people you want to By putting on display your own form affinity groups with. That’s truths, you will never know who because there is an overempha- around you in your routine life sis on organizing other political- is ready to conspire by your side, ly involved and leftist-minded wherever and however possible. people, when we should be Friendship does and will carry including everyone into our more of a material impact as projects and community spac- struggles continue to unfold es, regardless of their labels or and escalate everywhere. Look political identifiers. Sometimes, around you, and start there—ev- the best projects come out of ery aspect of our social lives is very unlikely encounters and a potential field of accomplic- friendships: affinity is sometimes es. When you find each other, found in the most unexpected decide on a common path. The places. strength of the internal ties of affinity groups are the key driver What is autonomous initiative? of their activities—make the time to go for hikes, talk about As opposed to following the your histories and personal direction and desires of leaders struggles, get to know each other or hierarchical organizations, well and kick it tough. autonomous initiative stems from the mutual meanings and With the COVID-19 pandem- intentions put forth by affinity Practice 39 groups. You and your crew de- nizing one day of a multi-day cide on what projects or actions action, or putting together and that you would like to begin performing a mass street theater or become a part of. We all performance. Clusters could be know that the IE faces so many organized around where affinity problems, and thus there are groups are from (example: In- so many community solutions land Empire cluster), an issue or that autonomous affinity groups identity (examples: immigrant can address, such as: hunger, issues cluster or anti-warehouse COVID-19 issues, homelessness, cluster), or action interest (i.e. lack of transportation, poverty, street theater or black bloc). etc. Honing in on what drives us, and meeting others half-way What is a spokes-council? in what drives them allows us to mutually build common proj- A spokes-council is the larg- ects through consensus. From er organizing structure used initiative, we find autonomy in in the affinity group model the capacity to act for ourselves to coordinate with others in and with community, and no the community. Each affinity politician or cop can ever take group (or cluster) empowers that away from us. a spoke (representative) to go to a spokes-council meeting to What is a cluster? decide on important issues for the action. For instance, affinity Once you have your own af- groups need to decide on a legal/ finity group and help facilitate jail strategy, possible tactical the creation of other groupings, issues, meeting places, and many we can start to group the scale other logistics. A spokes-council of autonomous organizing and does not take away an individual initiatives through the creation affinity group’s autonomy within of other autonomous structures, an action; affinity groups make such as: networks/hubs, clusters, their own decisions about what and spokes-councils/assemblies. they want to do on the streets. A cluster is a grouping of affinity These assemblies allow for peo- groups that come together to ple and groups to meet each oth- work on a certain task, initiative, er, build common interests, and or part of a larger action. Thus, share vital information useful a cluster might be responsible for folks/groups to further form for blockading an area, orga- new autonomous initiatives (not

40 Part II. necessarily to make big decisions/plan actions).

Find each other, build affinity, link up, coordinate, and multiply our power!

All power to the affinity groups!

Practice 41 Moving at the Speed of Trust: Autonomous Community Agreements

We all want to live lives outside other groups or organizations, of the hardships imposed upon so we must coordinate togeth- us by oppressive, violent systems er on the basis of autonomous of power. However, as we seek community agreements. By as- to break away from these violent sembling and linking up togeth- systems, we must be careful in er in community, we can actively not reproducing the dynamics achieve specific goals through of systems of power — such as temporary formations that em- those of patriarchy, ableism, and phasize material concerns and so on — within the spaces we affinity, instead of abstraction navigate and the new realities and ideology. that we create. In order to do so, we must pay attention to the The practice of autonomous means that we use in our aboli- community agreements must tionist movements and not just not be confused with points of towards to goals we aspire to. unity, party line, or political pro- gram. Community agreements What we propose is that, as we are a contextual, flexible, and build our power and capacities “formal” informality of practic- to liberate ourselves, we must es that individuals and groups move at the speed of trust; what consent to in their collective this means is that our move- organizing, with special care for ments are only as strong as the process and means. We must relationships that constitute embody today the new realities them. We cannot assume that that we aspire to and wish to individuals are immediately see actualized. What we have trustworthy when they claim to here is a rough set of boundar- be against the police, capitalism ies and agreements that others and so on, if they replicate op- can model off of. They are not pressive behaviors. In addition, rules nor are they principles; working in coalition or with they are meant to be community other organizations must also truths and modes of conduct move at the speed of trust: we that are never to be set in stone cannot know every detail of the or policed. They can be subject internal politics or agendas of to change given the dynamic 42 Part II. situations and community needs native people’s plight and ac- that folks can face at any given knowledge that this land is sto- time. Those who cannot abide len in the first place. For exam- by the agreements must create ple, autonomous land projects their own spaces on their own — such as the purchase of land preferred terms. Ideally, there to build a commune — must be should not be harm nor per- considered through this lens to sonal beef that stems from this prevent said projects from recre- because of reference to the dy- ating colonialism. This can hap- namic collection of agreements. pen when we continue to ignore Conflict can be generative and native people’s ancestral ties to can help proliferate multiplici- the land being “purchased” and ty and autonomy when certain reinstate smaller scale settler-co- alliances are no longer useful. lonial relationships to land and Autonomous community agree- natives. ments are meant to facilitate the growth of power and groups that 2. This space is run horizontal- can eventually create self-deter- ly, meaning that: everyone will mining communities that move have a voice at the table, there at their own terms and set their is no one single leader or shot own priorities in their fight for caller, we proactively delegate self-liberation. In the end, pro- tasks and rotate roles, and we active trust and attunement to ask for each person to actively each other’s needs and conflicts contribute to the best of their is the foundation for autonomy ability and capacity. and abolitionist praxis. - Vertical or top-down orga- nizing means that orders come Loose Blueprints for from the person in charge and Autonomous Community trickle down to bottom ranks; Agreements: this happens in any group or organization with a hierarchical 1. First and foremost, we ac- leadership structure, such as knowledge that we are on CEO to manager or manager occupied native lands and must to laborer. Instead of enforcing keep that in mind in all of our hierarchical relationships, hor- organizing. izontal organizing is a practical - We could inadvertently rec- way to encourage autonomy and reate settler-colonialism in our self-representation in our spac- organizing if we don’t prioritize es. Furthermore, it’s safer to be a Practice 43 leaderless organization or group meaning that we are trying to because you can be incognito empower ourselves and our from and untraceable to the communities to liberate them- state and state collaborators. selves: this is not a space for recruiting, centering ideological 3. This is a space that is actively debates, or for cliquey behav- building power outside of the iors. We should not be con- state and its institutions: if you cerned about trying to persuade are a fed, cop, snitch, abuser/ people to follow one ideology abuse apologist, non-profit, over another or argue with each mainstream media, or state other: we are more concerned collaborator (i.e. reformist or about working towards a ma- politician) you will be asked to terial change in our lives, not immediately leave the space. necessarily in abstract ideas. - The purpose of autonomous - In continuation to the above organizing is to build power point, we should be cognizant beyond the state, its institutions, of our limited resources and and its style of relationships. energy. If we focus on work- To do that, we must push back ing together to create material against and remove those who changes in our communities, we collude with the state directly will naturally be less concerned and indirectly. This includes with people’s exact placement on removing literal agents of the the political compass and why state (feds and cops), state col- ours is “better,” recruiting people laborators (snitches, mainstream for some other organization or media outlets, and reformists/ event, canceling and shunning politicians), and those who rec- people who haven’t exhibited reate oppressive interpersonal harmful behavior just because behavior (abusers/ apologists, we don’t “like” them, and other nonprofits, and reformists). inane issues that just waste time, There is no way to work with take up space, and create further these kinds of people with- unnecessary divisions. out risking state repression or liberalization of our movements 5. Please respect the privacy and spaces, and attempting to and security of others in the change their minds is a waste of space: what is said in Vegas resources. stays in Vegas, and do not re- cord participants of this space 4. This is an autonomous space, without their consent.

44 Part II. - For the sake of security cul- personal spaces. After all, the ture, it is imperative to make micro scale is just a reflection of sure the information said in what already exists at a macro any anti-state organizing space scale, meaning that the way we stays within that space and the socialize at a small, personal folks in communion. Otherwise, level will be influenced by the sensitive and even incriminat- systems and dynamics at play in ing information can fall into greater society. the wrong ears. Dry-snitching is also a very real threat, and a 7. Although this is a BI- recording of people at a secret POC-centered space, we still meeting or even at a protest can have to acknowledge the privi- help the feds build a case against leges between certain identities someone. Don’t be that person and proactively work to center who accidentally collaborates the most oppressed voices, such with the state! as Black, indigenous, and trans voices. 6. As we continue to work in - Just because we work together community together, we do does not mean everyone has not want to reproduce cycles the same experiences, and we of harm to ourselves or each shouldn’t reduce people’s identi- other while building power. No ties and experiences to such just anti-Blackness/transphobia/ because they are BIPOC. In fact, queerphobia/sexism/classism/ it’s damaging to treat all BIPOC racism/fatphobia/ableism/will as static or identical because that ever be tolerated in the space. can recreate harmful dynamics - Similar to other points regard- and ignore important intersec- ing the need to build power tions within already marginal- outside of hierarchical, colonial, ized identities. It’s important to and state relations/ institutions, listen to the most affected voices we need to also make it a pri- and center them when organiz- ority to prevent all oppressive ing. and harmful behavior in our interpersonal relationships. If 8. On Democrats and Liberals: we are to be intentional about Being a democrat is not radical our liberation, we must treat since liberals play respectability one another with respect and be politics and prioritize capital- mindful of the way we may rec- ism over BIPOC communities. reate harmful dynamics in our Any person that comes to the Practice 45 space with these kinds of views will be removed. - It’s a waste of time and energy to argue with Democrats and liberals, and people with shared values should be prioritized for the sake of conserving resources and maintaining the integrity of our spaces. Point 3 stated that collaborating with reformists posed a risk by liberalizing our goals and our spaces; working with Democrats and liberals functions similarly. Ultimately, although many “nice” people may be Democrats or self-pro- claimed liberals, they are ulti- mately moderates who in reality, seek to reform instead of radi- calize the world. The DSA and nonprofits already exist.

9. We all agree to keep these agreements open to adding and editing as we continue to share space. - In the spirit of horizontal organizing and collaboration, it’s necessary to listen to our com- rades’ input when making deci- sions and setting agreements to make sure that we aren’t merely imposing our will against others’. Similarly, people and life itself are fluid, and the adaptability of our community agreements should reflect that.

46 Part II. PART III. Critique Towards Autonomous Solidarity — Beyond Leftism, Ideology, & Rigid Political Labels

Summary: In this piece, we discuss the We want to discuss “leftism” and ways in which certain practices the widespread usage of political within Leftism, rigid ideolo- labels in this post. We argue that gies, and political labels become people should not be afraid to roadblocks to our movement link up and get organized just organizing. We argue that polit- because they haven’t figured ical institutions and ideologies out their “label” or “political do not capture or fully address identity” yet. As we fight for what is most at stake in our liberation, we must recognize liberation struggles: the fight that abolition and revolution are to materially dismantle hier- not necessarily about political archies of race, anti-Blackness, institutions or ideologies. The class, and gender. Many Leftists fight is ultimately about race, an- tend to push away people that ti-Blackness, class, and gender. are different from them—this Our lived experiences of oppres- reproduces the “good citizen, sion will NEVER become legible bad citizen” model of organizing to society’s political institutions that seeks to measure people’s and - a lot of the times - polit- “commitment” to an organiza- ical ideologies prevent us from tion or cause. In addition, many seeing these lived experiences as forms of street self-organization autonomous struggles of their tend to be opaque or illegible to own. In other words, we are not mainstream leftists and orga- concerned with politics, but nization-centric activists. In with materially dismantling the the end, this piece is a call for oppressive structures that shape autonomous solidarity— the people’s lives. proliferation of diverse tactics and reciprocal community sup- Just because someone self-iden- port needed to finally dismantle tifies as part of a certain ideol- oppressive hierarchies. Auton- ogy does not mean they do the omous solidarity functions by work of dismantling the hier- focusing primarily on meeting archies of race, anti-Blackness, each other’s material needs, ren- class, gender, ability, etc. To reit- dering ideology as secondary. erate earlier points, we are ALL 48 Part III. learning to dismantle these in- know how adhering to any kind terpersonal oppressions and no of identity (i.e. ethnic, political, one is truly free from repeating cultural identities) is almost these behaviors. We should be impossible because everyone has centering people’s intentions to different (sometimes contradic- learn, grow, and engage in trans- tory) expectations and defini- formative change as opposed to tions of said identities. Most assuming they are “down” just importantly, we can engage with because they identify as part of liberation struggles without x, y, or z political ideology. There having to “identify” as anything are entire systems to be abol- in particular because liberation ished and very significant work transcends political institutions begins at home and in our com- and ideologies. munities. We must all (re)as- sume collective responsibility to We should not be concerned each other by undoing inter-per- with “the battle of ideas” when sonal forms of oppression: this our community’s lives and will never be achieved through well-being are at stake. More political institutions, and most times than few have “leftist” political ideologies overlook said cliques and their “in-groups” inter-personal dynamics. competed for clout or attempted to display the best analysis or Identifying as certain politi- practice. We gotta stay humble cal labels, in fact, is part of the and keep it real with each other. problem. A lot of the times, Beef between different “leftist” we feel that if we do not know ideologies, usually grounded in the entire theoretical positions abstract debate and speculation, or histories of certain political has almost ZERO correspon- ideologies, that we are not able dence to the needs and realities to engage with “politics.” Fight- of regular people in real life. ing against oppression does not No one in the IE really cares require us to sign up for some about what theoretical beef organization or forcibly identify Kropotkin and Marx had back with a political tradition. The in the late 1800’s; what matters issue is the act of taking up an most are material needs right identity: it is an exclusionary now! Likewise, we should not way of existing, and it pretends be concerned with persuading to be free of all differences or or converting people to follow deviations. For example, we all one abstract ideological line Critique 49 over another, but instead with that close off the potential for collectively building a MATERI- experimentation. However, these AL line of autonomous power. certain tendencies can harden Ideology and labels should not into stifling patterns, especially be obstacles in the way of our when spaces become purist or self-determination. dogmatic about their way of doing things - such as believing Ideologies have preconceived that politics can only happen notions of the world and its by adhering to a set program workings. When taken too or party line. As the foos from literally, they try to scientifically CrimethInc. put it: explain the mechanisms of the world under their framework. “If the hallmark of ideology is However, social reality does that it begins from an answer not obey laws like in physics--it or a conceptual framework and is complex, messy, and frag- attempts to work backward from mented, so that every idealized there, then one way to resist formula for radical change will ideology is to start from ques- always be imperfect. Ideology tions rather than answers. That tends to prevent a proper analy- is to say— when we intervene sis of concrete situations or mo- in social conflicts, doing so in ments that do not fall under the order to assert questions rather scope of the ideology’s concepts than conclusions. What is it that or frameworks. For example, the brings together and defines a over-fixation on the category of movement, if not questions? An- the worker/working-class does swers can alienate or confound, not access the positionality of but questions seduce. Once Blackness or the lived experi- enamored of a question, people ences of disability. In fact, the will fight their whole lives to best people to organize with are answer it. Questions precede those who are not entrenched answers and outlast them: every in a rigid ideology: ideology answer only perpetuates the lays out only one way of seeing question that begot it.” the world and only one way of engaging in action, instead of in- The problem is the history of habiting multiplicity as it exists. Leftism™ itself; to be clear, we are not right-wing or some “cen- Rigid ideology tends to generate trists.” But leftism attempts to certainties and fixed answers manage and opportunistically

50 Part III. seize moments of rupture when group difference, hetero- in reality, people take to the geneity, and multiplicity streets on their own terms and (EXCEPT if one group tries without managerial direction. to overpower all the other Leftists take up too much space groups, is an oppressive and ritualize a meeting-vot- group with known abusers, ing-recruiting-marching pattern etc.) without strategic reflection. The • Move away from only or- left in the US has been a nebu- ganizing with other leftists; lous, outdated, distracting, and, also organize with regular at key points, historically count- folks. (The isolation of being er-productive force (i.e. ‘the left- “the only Marxist-Leninist” wing of capital’). For example, or xyz ideology in your town just because some non-profits is, in part, addressed by do- might be “leftist” does not mean ing this.) that they won’t attempt to set • Stop adhering so rigidly to their own self-serving agen- your ideological position das or seek out power. Instead, and meet people halfway. we should pay attention to the (Twitter is not real life.) people and the streets, and not • Trust in people’s ability to efforts made at recuperation by solve their own problems leftists. We can align and act and take collective responsi- “left,” but not rigidly identify as bility. Be responsive and at- a dogmatic Leftist™. tentive to others rather than prescribe how they should To bring it back, we want to call do it. (This is the basis for for autonomous solidarity in autonomy.) place of leftism, the marketplace • Encourage others to ask of ideologies, and rigid political questions and listen sin- labels. Autonomous solidarity cerely to responses because could allow for the proliferation new potential and openings of diverse tactics and reciprocal emerge from these honest community support needed to exchanges. (Since ideology finally materially dismantle the tends to prevent growth.) hierarchies of race, anti-Black- ness, class, and gender. We might all have idealized images of how social change A few last suggestions: happens or occurs, and we must • Learn to commonly respect be honest about the times we en- Critique 51 counter our own errors, frustrations, and mistakes. We gotta keep it real with ourselves and each other, and come to accept the inevitably imperfect nature of revolutionary processes.

From the book ‘Joyful Militancy’:

“To ward off ideology is not finally to see clearly, but to be disorient- ed, allowing things to emerge in their murkiness and complexity. It might mean seeing and feeling more, but often vaguely, like flickers in one’s peripheral vision, or strange sensations that defy familiar cat- egories and emotions. It is an undoing of oneself, cutting across the grain of habits and attachments. To step out of an inherited ideology can be joyful and painful.”

In place of leftism, autonomy!

Further Reading: 1. “Joyful Militancy: Building Thriving Resistance in Toxic Times” by carla bergman and Nick Montgomery 2. “Post-Left Anarchy: Leaving the Left Behind” by Jason McQuinn 3. “Why Leftism – All the Way to Anarchism – is the Last Colonial Project” by Peter Harrison

52 Part III. For Material Disruption & Subversion, Against Performance & Symbolism Summary: rooted in symbolism or shallow What follows is another analy- appearances. Dismantling power sis that breaks down common materially has to directly affect political discourses that lead our lives and disentangle our to weaker movement-building. communities from the material This piece is a combination of strongholds of capitalism and the following written pieces white supremacy. If we seek that share a common analysis: structural change, we need to “Breaking Down Common set our agenda outside the dis- Myths About Resistance”, “A course of those who hold pow- Critique of Performative Politics er. We need to stop presenting & Symbolic Protest”, and “Our demands and start setting our Movements Should Not Make own objectives because making Demands”. demands only reinforces this system’s authority. We can only These pieces reveal limitations get rid of these systems once and of outdated forms of thinking for all when we shift away from about social change: particularly symbolism and performance of symbolic, appearance, and de- and instead, towards material mands-based activisms. Systems disruption and abolition. of oppression are not dismantled by appeals to emotion, logic or Making demands and symbolic ethics; they’re dismantled by forms of resistance have histor- material action. Power operates ically led to the dampening of mechanically and logistically, insurrections and mass revolts. not symbolically. To power, we We want to drive home that the must speak to only in the lan- critique of all of these frame- guage it will ever understand: works is inter-related: these are the language of subversive all outdated frameworks that actions. We should be gaug- have historically co-opted and ing our power in terms of our stifled movements of the past. material capacity to shut down Of course, this is NOT meant to material systems of oppression. be an absolutist argument that We need to creae a material shift pretends to know all the answers in our communities, not change or belittle others’ organizing Critique 53 efforts. These pieces are meant demands, respectability, law, as a moment of reflection and etc.). learning in order to better our organizational intentions and • Shaming officials goes practices. Take what is applica- nowhere. Politicians, mayors, ble to you and leave behind what and other officials obey the is not, since we all organize in logics of capitalism and white different contexts. power; they have no other mandate than making sure these systems operate efficient- Breaking Down Common Myths ly. Yelling “Shame!” at cops or guilt-tripping politicians does About Resistance nothing because they have no conscience: they only go “In order for nonviolence to through the motions set in place work, your opponent must have by capital and white supremacy. a conscience. The United States Feelings belong to humans, not has none.” -- Kwame Ture to agents of the state; they don’t care about us, the state only • Negotiation does not cares about itself. Systems of work; this is proven by simple, oppression are not dismantled accessible histories. Look at the by appeals to emotion, logic or endless efforts that non-profits, ethics; they’re dismantled by “leaders,” activists, and other material action. organizations make in order to negotiate with the oppressive • Accountability will never system and its agents. There exist. Every large city or met- have been endless city council ropolitan area in this country meetings attended, petitions has spent decades attempting to signed, calls made, and emails get officials to be accountable sent to try to get those in pow- to their demands and needs. er to listen to the needs of the Accountability will only exist people. Few material gains have where authority is abolished: we been made for such large efforts. can only hold others account- Negotiation will only work when able when we share a reciprocal, we can leverage MATERIAL horizontal relationship with power that originates from our them. By nature, state officials own terms, instead of engaging have authority and vertical pow- on the field of their terms (i.e. er over us, and are only account-

54 Part III. able to the needs of capitalism usually in an environment where and white supremacy. If hold- your presence is not welcomed. ing the state accountable was a However, this falls into the same reality in the first place, then it issue of visibility and appear- would have radically changed ances: your presence in a white, a long time ago. Obviously, the upper-class, or prestigious space police prevent this from hap- is not a sign of radical change pening. but is rather the recuperation and re-legitimization of the • Visibility is a trap. Many space itself. Instead of question- times, we think that “shedding ing the validity of such spaces light on this community” or “fi- in the first place, this position nally getting the representation assumes that the presence of that this group lacked” are forms marginalized people in these of liberation. In fact, becoming spaces signifies freedom for all palatable or assimilating into the marginalized folks. This is not power structure (and its forms true because the space co-opts of representation) is count- your unique existence, continues er-productive. We end up being to take on a material life (i.e. shunned, fetishized, and ostra- individualism, capitalism, etc.), cized in the spaces where we see and does not care about our “Black and brown faces in high collective existence. places.” In fact, the same people who “represent” us typically end • You cannot speak truth up reproducing the same violent to power. Similarly, your actions white supremacist structures are not a “voice” for the “voice- that they vowed to undo (see, less.” A lot of the time, we may most recently: AOC voting in fa- think that well-thought-out and vor of a generous military bud- convincing arguments will cause get). Visibility is a trap because a shift in power relations. But it is all about appearances: the power operates mechanically surface of the power structure and logistically, outside of the changes but underneath, it runs will of bureaucrats. Discourse just the same way it always has. works to help communities themselves to create meaning • Existence is not resis- for each other and communi- tance. We have all heard this cate needs, but attempting to cliche before: to take up space use discourse to disrupt power and proclaim your position, is like screaming into an emp- Critique 55 ty void. In fact, those in power allies. White accomplices are like to parrot the same words preferred, but white people and discourses that people in should not be at the forefront social movements create, such of our movements or at actions. as Sanders or AOC who shout We are the only ones who can “Abolish the Police” only to vote and should be liberating our- in favor of its funding. To power, selves from white supremacy, we must speak to only in the fascism, and capitalism: this puts language it will ever understand: self-determination directly into the language of action, of dis- the hands of the most oppressed. ruption, and destruction. When we learn the methods to fight back against oppression, • My struggle isn’t your we do not need to rely on benev- struggle (or “mi lucha es tu olent white people to stand up lucha”). We all have very differ- for us. In fact, we should never ent experiences and even if we rely on them; instead, we should share the same identities with learn to have each other’s backs others, this does not translate as non-white communities. We into the same kinds of politics or have talked about autonomous desires. Black experience in the initiative before and want to US is a struggle of its own and expand on that by arguing that non-Black people should not try white folks should ideally direct to make it seem like your ex- their energies towards helping periences are entirely relatable, initiatives that are both by and even if you are a POC. This also for BIPOC. Typically, white-led extends to the lived experiences formations tend to reproduce that vary across gender, skin col- the white power relations that or, ability, class, etc. We can find exist at large: autonomous common ground not by homog- white power is still just white enizing communities, but rather power. White initiatives should by identifying the common en- therefore materially aid already emy and attacking it simultane- existing or needed projects that ously. The different experiences support BIPOC communities. that we live through all share the same, material source: let’s start • Peaceful protest is not there, because solidarity means effective. Peaceful actions DO attack, together. NOT grant us any moral lever- age or mainstream acceptabil- • We do not need white ity. For example, many people

56 Part III. still think that the Civil Rights ends up reproducing ineffective Movement was peaceful when political positions and actions. it was, in fact, not. It only made In particular, we want to point partial gains because of the out the issues of performative threat of Black militancy and politics and symbolic protest. armed self-defense. Actions must be about material effective- Performative politics are exactly ness, not morality or an ethical what they sound like: taking ac- “higher ground”. Explore the tion through superficial perfor- histories detailed in the follow- mances. One of the definitions ing books: “This Nonviolent of performance is “a musical, Stuff’ll Get You Killed: How dramatic, or other entertain- Guns Made the Civil Rights ment presented before an audi- Movement Possible” by Charles ence.” Similarly, performative E. Cobb Jr. and also “We Will politics are a politic rooted in Shoot Back: Armed Resistance recycled scripts and uncritically in the Mississippi Freedom repeating prescribed roles. By Movement” by Akinyele Omow- the nature of performance, peo- ale Umoja. Abolition will not be ple tend to not think for them- peaceful. selves and let others dictate their moves. This politic detracts from the autonomous potential that A Critique of Performative lies outside of pre-ordained or “acceptable” political and protest Politics and Symbolic Protest norms. By “symbolic protest,” we mean the ways certain types We believe in healthy, construc- of actions mostly (not always) tive critique, and we think that implement a performance that movements and the individu- does not materially disrupt als that make them should be systems of oppression. These self-critical in order to improve include but are not limited to: practice and thought. But too taking a knee, yelling at cops, many times, our community hashtags or Instagram “Black- actions try to replicate the most out” posts, letters of opposi- visible or publicized forms of tion, taunting officials, parades, actions, and try to follow models voting booths, etc. All of these of organizing that carry the most things are about symbolism and social capital. Most of the time are more about “making a point” (there are some exceptions), this than actual disruption. Critique 57 made through past actions We want to center our main because that is what liberation argument here: we should be is all about. HOWEVER, we do gauging our power in terms of want to be clear that we must our material capacity to shut abandon performative and sym- down material systems of op- bolic action when we feel ready pression. We want to say, Keep to take part in direct action or the actions and momentum be a part of autonomous initia- going! This is NOT a diss to tives. organizers who are new or folks who have just started taking the Imagine how many more people streets; everyone is still learning, could be inspired if ALL of our and this is a lifelong experience. protests and actions materially We also do not want to diss pre- disrupted capitalism and state vious protest actions that were violence; how many more people peaceful or youth-led initiatives could be inspired by a MATERI- for voting, etc. In fact, to qual- AL shift in their lives. Our main ify what we are saying about point is that symbolic action will what causes changes, we’d like never accomplish that material to mention that we will never shift, even when it feels better know what effect these actions than doing nothing; that’s the truly have because inspiration is difference. We want to push for not something tangible that can folks to get involved in projects be calculated. However, we do that really disrupt oppression. know, based on decades of per- Dismantling power materially formative actions and symbolic is not just inspiring, but also protests, that those methods do directly affects our lives and not and have never dismantled disentangles our communities systems of oppression. Other- from the material strongholds of wise, we wouldn’t be where we capitalism and white suprema- are now. cy. We can only get rid of these systems once and for all when We acknowledge that certain we shift away from symbolism actions can be labeled performa- and performance and instead, tive or symbolic AND may still towards material disruption and have been inspiring for some abolition. folks, and that’s perfectly fine. That is all valid, and we appre- A few other points that ciate the bonds and connections we want to reiterate:

58 Part III. performativity is to ask yourself 1. We want to push back on the who the action is for and wheth- predictability of protests and er it directly benefits them. For marches. If there is no element example, posting a black square of surprise or an assessment in honor of #BLM but not doing of local power relations to act any other work for Black lives upon, these actions become easy does not benefit the Black com- to repress by cops and fascists. munity. (We are NOT equating Instead, how can we intentional- relevant, behind-the-scenes ly channel these demonstrations work to useless, performative to attack material targets of op- work. Keep educating yourself pression (i.e. condos, warehous- when no one is looking, joining es, police precincts, frat houses)? reading groups, having low-key meet-ups with comrades, etc. 2. What does actual material even if the effects of these aren’t subversion look like? We sug- immediate.) gest looking up and learning these methods (look them up 5. Keyboard warriors would using DuckDuckGo search benefit from putting their engine, on a Tor Browser, or on phones down more often and CrimethInc.’s website): sabo- meeting real people. Tweets and tage, blockades, squatting, black statements are valuable only blocs, monkey-wrenching, oc- when accompanied by action cupations, tree-sitting, expropri- and change, and when they’re ations, and other direct actions written by people who are actu- and autonomous projects. ally doing the work. The oversat- uration of commentary online 3. We should stop over-directing based on theory and opinion community resources on bail detracts from relevant anecdotal funds for non-impactful “inten- evidence and analysis provided tional arrest” actions. Let’s save by people who are actually on that for Black/queer/trans funds, the ground. Practice is the best where they are really needed. teacher.

4. If there’s no foreseeable direct, 6. Asking celebrities and peo- material change as a result of ple with accolades (i.e. doctors, the work being done, we should lawyers, legislators) to co-sign question its effectiveness. A your action literally does noth- good rule of thumb to gauge ing except display an attempt to Critique 59 be palatable to the public. We should be a place that allows don’t need “distinguishable” ac- rowdy protestors AND peaceful ceptance for our demands to be ones. The absolutism and en- valid and, instead, need to reject forcement of the “peaceful” label respectability in all forms. is the problem here; P.L.U.R. is cool for music festivals, but not 7. Petitions do NOT guarantee for shutting down the system.) anything because they appeal to legislators and politicians who 9. Create a power-map of your already don’t empathize with area and/or conduct a tactical our struggles. Like statements, terrain analysis with your squad, petitions are only useful when and share it with others in an they’re accompanied by other assembly or discussion. These actions to legitimize them. In two methods of outlining local fact, online petitions (such as power relations allows commu- those Change.org petitions that nities to identify key material have been circulating) can in- targets, suitable for subversive stead document/publicize your actions that lead to material dis- information (name, zip code) if ruption. Look for the openings you forget to sign anonymously. where you can attain maximum rewards with minimal conse- 8. As mentioned previously, quences. things like sit-ins, group-chain- ing, op-eds, etc. are purely per- Towards abolition and nothing formative. We’d also like to reit- less! erate the problem with labeling protest actions as “peaceful” and the effects of the enforcement of Why our Movements peace at these actions. Demon- Should Not Make Demands strators will lose interest if they

see a call to action that does not “I do not demand any right, result in material change. When therefore I need not recognize an action is just a street per- any either.”— Max Stirner formance that asks for political leaders to empathize, we should If we seek radical change, to question who we’re doing this need to set our agenda outside for and why. (People who ar- the discourses of those who hold en’t ready to get rowdy should power, outside the framework of not feel forced to, but a protest

60 Part III. what their institutions can do. 4. Establishes some people Our movements need to stop as representatives of the presenting demands and start movement, which creates an setting objectives. Our collective internal hierarchy and gives power must be assessed by our them an incentive to control own effectiveness at being able other participants to cause material change, not by what politicians believe is Instead, our challenge is to possible. create spaces where people can discuss and implement solu- The main argument presented tions directly on an ongoing here is the following: making and collective basis. Rather than demands puts you in a weaker proposing quick fixes, we should bargaining position! spread new practices. We don’t need to follow manifestos or Limiting a movement to specific rigid programmes, but points of demands results in: departure. In fact, our desires 1. Stifling of diversity, setting it and dreams will never be accept- up for failure ed by those in power. By making 2. Undermining movement demands, we minimize and longevity distort our abolitionist desires in 3. Creating the false impression language and terms that are suit- that there are easy solutions able to those in power. When we to problems that are actually become legible to the state, we extremely complex lose our autonomous potential and fall into the trap of visibility In addition, making demands... and reformism. When demands 1. Presumes that you want are made, suddenly, our dreams things that your adversary of liberation encounter a reduc- can grant tion in the face of the bureaucra- 2. Legitimizes the power of the cies and re-legitimization of the authorities you are demand- state. ing recognition from, which centralizes agency in their From this vantage point, we can hands instead of ours see that choosing not to make 3. Can prematurely limit the demands is not necessarily a scope of a movement, shut- sign of political immaturity. On ting down the field of other the contrary, it can be a savvy possibilities refusal to fall into the traps that Critique 61 disabled previous generations of movements. Let’s learn our own strengths, outside of the cages and queues of representational politics — beyond the politics of demands.

In the words of James Baldwin: “Perhaps, however, the moral of the story (and the hope of the world) lies in what one demands, not of others, but of oneself.”

Further Reading: 1. “We Demand Nothing: On the Practical Necessity of Demanding Nothing” by Johann Kaspar 2. “What is Policing? and Tactical Terrain Analysis: a How-To Guide” by Tom Nomad, published by Leveller Communications 3. “Defend the Territory: Tactics and Techniques for Countering Police Assaults on Indigenous Communities” by Warrior Publications

62 Part III. Enabling Community Self-Liberation, Not Representation Summary: curs when a group or individual What follows is another critique attempts to manage or govern that deconstructs the true nature others’ power, ability, and efforts of what is known as “represen- for other (usually self-interest- tation”. This piece is a combi- ed) ends. This piece identifies nation of the following written several dynamics that reveal the pieces that share a common pitiful attempts that some people analysis: “A Fanonian Critique and groups use when they try of Representation,” “Against the to appoint themselves as move- Politics of Safety, Privilege, and ment representatives. When Allyship,” “Activism Must Be we relinquish our power and Abolished: Abandon Old Activ- autonomy to representation, we ist Models,” and “An F.A.Q. on lose the vital contact with our Local Protests.” own power to self-determine. We must cultivate the ability for It is well documented that— communities to fight on their in the events of uprisings and own terms and their own capa- movement-building— different bility to self-emancipate—not kinds of players will try to hoard to infantilize or “lead” them. To power for themselves, often all activist careerists, non-profit times in the name of “the peo- leaders, social media clowns, ple.” We must push back against celebrity culture followers, clout this authoritarian tendency. chasers, movement opportun- Every time a so-called “com- ists, party vanguards, and repre- munity leader” tries to speak in sentatives, we must say: fuck off! the name of a community, or The longevity of our movements when an organization tries to depends on our collective ability control and sherpard the mo- to remain ungovernable. mentum generated by people in the streets, or when an Insta- gram live-streamer tries to build A Fanonian Critique of clout by incriminating militants Representation: Against engaging in direct action, we must push back and check these Compromise with and dynamics. Representation oc- Recuperation by Elites Critique 63 and colonized underclasses (‘the The insights provided by revo- people’). The quotes that follow lutionary theorist Frantz Fanon reveal the problems that occur allow us to see the different ways when parties, organizations, and that movements in the Inland other vanguard groups sought to Empire carry a unique advan- “represent” the colonized mass- tage: the lack of domination by es. mass organizations or move- ment representatives allows for In a nutshell, Fanon observed truly ripe conditions of self-sus- that colonizers impose represen- taining autonomous organizing. tation on otherwise autonomous This situation contrasts the peoples so that the colonizer realities of large, metropolitan can negotiate with said elites cities where liberal politicians, and representatives in order to non-profits, and social dem- co-opt and control the colonized ocratic organizations tend to masses. What Fanon spoke dominate and battle for control about are the limitations of over social movements. With- political parties, organizations, out seeking to become a new and other groups that sought representative or hierarchical to “represent” the colonized force, movements in the IE have masses, which is an inherently a strong and unique potential impossible project. His analy- to develop power in never-be- sis points toward the dynamics fore-seen ways. of mass organizations during revolutionary movements and What follows are a few quo- how they hinder true liberation tations from the book “The at times. Wretched of the Earth” by the Black, decolonial, revolution- In these historical lessons and ary theorist Frantz Fanon. They analysis, Fanon reveals a vari- are quotations that center his ety of mechanisms that led to insightful criticisms concern- the reproduction of the vicious ing acts of representation. In cycles of power: domination by his analysis, we see that elites elites and leaders that replicated (political, economic, racial, and colonial structures in the name social classes with power) use of nationalism and ‘decoloni- representation (via political zation.’ As opposed to a true parties and organizations) to decolonial and anti-capitalist exert control over the oppressed liberation, there was a rotation

64 Part III. of leaders who hi-jacked the “The peasantry is systematically truly revolutionary activity and disregarded for the most part by energies of the peasants and the the propaganda put out by the oppressed. We must heed these nationalist parties. And it is clear warnings and protect our auton- that in the colonial countries the omous power from those who peasants alone are revolutionary, seek to represent us. We must for they have nothing to lose and always act in our own name and everything to gain. The starving push away anyone who insists peasant, outside the class system, on compromise or liberal recu- is the first among the exploited to peration. discover that only violence pays.

Representation is an impossible For them there is no compromise, project that centers the inten- no possible coming to terms; tions and desires of leaders and colonization and decolonization “representatives.” Among the are simply a question of relative representative measures that strength. The exploited person Fanon discusses in these quotes, sees that their liberation implies there are: self-appointing leader- the use of all means, and that of ship, compromise, calls for unity, force first and foremost.” [p. 61] recuperation, and other vertical power dynamics. Representative Non-violence is a method of elites, through their parties and recuperation that keeps the organizations, attempt to make elites in control: it seem as if their desires are the same as those they attempt to “At the decisive moment, the represent. They will ask for us to colonialist bourgeoisie, which up unite with them; we must in- till then has remained inactive, sist otherwise. Revolutions and comes into the field. It introduces insurrections from-below must that new idea which is in proper reject the top-down agendas parlance a creation of the colonial pushed by authoritarian group- situation: non-violence. ings and refuse to compromise with any authorities. In its simplest form, this non-violence signifies to the ‘The people’ are always intellectual and economic elite invisibilized by their of the colonized country that the ‘representatives’: bourgeoisie has the same interests as they and that it is therefore Critique 65 urgent and indispensable to come study of colonial society. The to terms for the public good.” notion of the party is a notion [p.61] imported from the country. This instrument of modern political Reject compromise with all warfare is thrown down just elites, ward off hierarchical as it is, without the slightest representation: modification, upon real life with all its infinite variations and “This idea of compromise is very lack of balance, where slavery, important in the phenomenon serfdom, barter, a skilled working of colonization, for it is very class, and high finance exist side far from being a simple one. by side.” [p. 108] Compromise involves the colonial system and the young The will of ‘the people’ will nationalist bourgeoisie at one always exceed the will of the and the same time. The partisans ‘representatives’: of the colonial system discover that the masses may destroy “In certain circumstances, the everything. Blow-up bridges, political party political machine ravaged farms, repressions, and may remain intact. But as a fighting harshly [to] disrupt the result of the colonialist repression economy. Compromise is equally and of the spontaneous reaction attractive to the nationalist of the people, the parties find bourgeoisie, who since they are themselves out-distanced by not clearly aware of the possible their militants. The violence of consequences of the rising the masses is vigorously pitted storm, are genuinely afraid of against the military forces of being swept away by this huge the occupying power, and the hurricane...” [p.62] situation deteriorates and comes to a head...” [p. 63] Organization is just a means to other ends, elites use it as Representation is an an end in itself: undesirable game that the elites will always win: “The elite will attach a fundamental importance to “... Those leaders who are organization, so much so that the free remain, therefore, on the fetish of organization will often touchline. They have suddenly take precedence over a reasoned become useless, with their

66 Part III. bureaucracy and their reasonable decide for themselves their own demands; yet we see them, far rules of engagement with other removed from events, attempting groups. The point of our argu- the crowing imposture—that ment against representation is to of ‘speaking in the name of the encourage non-organizational silenced nation.’ As a general formations for liberation. Orga- rule, colonialism welcomes nization should never become this godsend with open arms, an end in itself; it is always only transforms these ‘blind mouths’ ever a means because when it into spokesmen, and in two becomes an end, it will only minutes endows them with exist to repoduce itself and independence, on condition that encroach on the autonomy of they restore order.” [p. 63] others with/for its power. We must cultivate other kinds of We want to add to and contex- collective gathering points and tualize these critiques of repre- containers (such as community sentation within contemporary assemblies, neighborhood coun- movements. Everything in a cils, etc.) so that many people social movement or revolution- can plug in and actively partici- ary situation is decided on the pate in resistance. ground, in real life. Sometimes, rigid principles (particularly In the end, Fanon’s historical those that never bend or that are analysis allows us to see beyond decided upon a priori, or before the ploys and schemes of rep- the fact) get in the way of the dy- resentation. His lessons point namism required on the ground. towards the need for movements In fact, the hyper-emphasis on that must become non-orga- principles within organizations nization-centric and non-rep- is influenced by the western Ju- resentative. This can be done deo-Christian culture of adher- by working together, instead ing to “eternal” laws. Sometimes, through autonomy and affinity. a lot of organizations or van- We must always center the most guard parties impose principles oppressed groups in society and upon individuals that prevent the methods that they prefer to their own political growth or in- use for securing their liberation. surgent experimentation. We are The people’s unruliness and not arguing that people should disorderly methods will always not engage with organizations; exceed the measures put forth the point is that everyone should by organizations and parties. Al- Critique 67 together, we must learn from the ginalized people into think- pitfalls of past revolutions that ing that directly fighting centered representation over the back is counter-productive people. • Upholds savior complex- es and allows clout-seek- ing individuals to become Against the Politics of Safety, representatives of a struggle Privilege, & Allyship by centering respectability, pacifism, and legibility to

those in power We have all heard it before:

• “Black people and POC When (typically white) people should not be at the front- say that others cannot militantly lines, it is too dangerous for resist their own oppression, they them.” minimalize the harm that the • “The role of white people oppressed endure, patronize the is to do the riskiest tasks, oppressed by insisting on how BIPOC are too at risk!” they should be receiving help • “Only white people destroy from their “allies,” and establish things and agitate, BI- a false binary between those POC know not to do those who can versus those who can- things!” not “properly” resist. • “I am an ally to this struggle

and will only do the things We are told that resistance lies in that the leaders of the strug- “speaking truth to power” rather gle say to do.” than attacking power materi-

ally. We are told by an array of All of these misled statements non-profit-certified “white -al and widely held beliefs result in lies” that the very things we need the following: to do in order to free ourselves • Erasure of Black, Indige- from domination cannot be nous, and POC militants, done by us because we’re simply risk-takers, and revolution- too vulnerable to state repres- aries sion. To these things, we must • Belittle and infantilize the say, Enough bullshit! We must struggles of marginalized refuse this idea of privilege: the people by telling them how idea that only a select exclusive to NOT resist few can take up action against • Gaslight and mislead mar- systems of oppression.

68 Part III. political beliefs. The privilege theory model of activism has weakened move- These models of privilege and ment organizing by confusing allyship politics relinquishes identity categories with solidar- power to political representa- ity, thus reinforcing stereotypes tives and reinforces stereotypes about the political homogeneity of individually “deserving” and and helplessness of “communi- “undeserving” victims of racism, ties of color.” However, many sexism, and homophobia. A self-appointed leaders tend to vast nonprofit industrial com- weaponize the concept of “the plex and a class of professional community” in order to wield “community spokespeople” it for their (usually liberal and has arisen over the last several reformist) ends. Uncritical decades to define the parameters adherence to the use of the of acceptable political action word “community” tends to and debate. However, we must hide the power moves made by challenge all and every group’s clout-seekers. We should push attempts at trying to become the back against the habit of defer- most “legitimate” actor against ring to the concerns of so-called oppression. Ultimately, “legit- “community leaders.” imacy” has more to do with hoarding social, cultural, and It is a well-worn activist formula material capital rather than the to point out that “representa- subversion required to undo all tives” of different identity cat- forms of capital. egories must be placed “front- and-center” in struggles against This politics of safety continually oppression. But this is mean- projects an image of powerless- ingless without also specifying ness that keeps BIPOC, women, the content of their politics. and trans/queers “protected,” For example, the US Army is confining them to speeches and simultaneously one of the most mass rallies rather than active racially integrated and oppres- disruption. This kind of politic sive institutions in American defers to palatable, white mid- society. “Diversity” alone is a dle-class cultural values, such meaningless political idea which as respectability, legitimacy, or defines agency as inclusion legibility. When we are consid- within oppressive systems and ered too “rowdy” or “defensive” equates identity categories with by liberals and reformists, they Critique 69 are ultimately making us LESS tions they claim to speak on safe by diluting the true nature behalf of. The absurdity of priv- of resistance. As oppressed ilege politics re-centers anti-rac- peoples, in order for us to be ist practice on whites and white TRULY safe, we needa get rowdy behavior, and assumes that and violent towards this danger- racism (and often by implicit or ous system against the wishes of explicit association, anti-Black- respectable “activists” or “com- ness, sexism, homophobia, and munity leaders”! transphobia) manifest primarily as individual privileges which When activists argue that pow- can be “checked,” given up, or er “belongs in the hands of absolved through individual the most oppressed,” it is clear resolutions. Privilege politics is that their primary audience ultimately completely dependent for these appeals can only be upon precisely that which it con- white activists, and that they demns: white benevolence. understand power as something which is granted or bestowed by In seeking oppressed groups the powerful. Appeals to white to take direction from, white benevolence to let BIPOC “lead folks of¬ten end up tokenizing political struggles” assumes that a specific group whose politics white activists can somehow most match their own. “What relinquish their privilege and does the NAACP [or Critical legitimacy to oppressed com- Resistance, or the Dreamers] munities and that these com- think about this?” Likewise, they munities cannot act and take may latch on to the most visible power for themselves. Allyship “leaders” of a community be- is treated as an identity, but it is cause it is quicker and easier to not true solidarity: solidarity is meet the director of an organi- based on action, not on opinions zation, minister of a church, or or by superficially “leaving your politician representing a district privilege at the door.” than to build real relationships with the people those lead- BIPOC communities are not a ers purport to represent. This single, homogeneous bloc with approach to dismantling racism identical political opinions. structurally reinforces the hier- White allyship both flattens po- archical power that we’re fight- litical differences between whites ing against by asking a small and homogenizes the popula- group to represent the views of

70 Part III. an entire category of people with infantilization, representation, radically different lived experi- individualism, legitimacy, re- ences. spectability, and the fear of truly disruptive revolt. Being an ally has come to mean legitimizing a political position In place of the politics of al- by borrowing someone else’s lyship and privilege and their voice— always acting in some- forms of activism, we suggest: one else’s name without ques- 1. Warding off any and all tioning the principle of appro- attempts of local actors that priating others’ struggles. It’s a try to seize the title of “com- way of simultaneously taking munity leader,” “local orga- power and evading personal nizer,” “representative/ voice accountability. of xyz” - such moves are hierarchical power grabs and The idea of allyship obscures should be checked as such. the fact that hidden choices are 2. Building relationships with being made about who is being community as accomplices, listened to, inculcating the idea not allies, which are relations that there is a single “community realized through mutual of people of color” that share consent and built trust. common interests that could be 3. As accomplices, being com- properly represented by leaders, pelled to become account- rather than a heterogeneous able and responsible to each mass with both overlapping and other. sometimes deeply contradictory 4. Not waiting around for ideas. This repositions the white anyone to proclaim you an ally to wield the power of deter- accomplice. You certainly mining who are the most repre- cannot proclaim it yourself; sentative and appropriate black you just are or you are not. and brown voices. And, most The lines of oppression are importantly, who are white “al- already drawn. lies” to determine who/ what is 5. Direct action is really the the most appropriate anything? best and perhaps the only way to learn what it means We must abolish the ally-in- to be an accomplice: we’re in dustrial complex, and all of the a fight, so be ready for con- components that make it pos- frontation and consequence. sible: non-profits, whiteness, 6. Recognizing that we inhabit Critique 71 multiplicity, which means • Concerns about not being that we live in a diverse radical enough in others’ world with communities that eyes? vary significantly between • Being shut off by others, or and within themselves. So, having your ideas rejected as we build power, we must and dismissed? acknowledge that we can • Feeling like you constantly only ever speak and act for have to prove your self- ourselves. worth and commitment? • Fears about not having the “right” politics or the “best” Activism™ analysis? Must Be Abolished • Hyper-awareness of oneself and of others that constantly

looks for errors? This is a short guide on aban- doning outdated (but popular) You are not alone if you have activist models for folks new to ever felt these feelings and all organizing in the Inland Empire. of those feelings are valid. Not Take the time for this important only is engaging in a new envi- read. It is a breakdown of what ronment anxiety-inducing on so-called “activism” is, how it its own, many of these feelings stifles true community building, and fears come from the ways a and what can be done in place particular model of “activism” of that model. Note that this is a has taken over community and critique of Activism™ as a par- organizing spaces. This mod- ticular brand that people take el approaches organizing as up and the dynamic it creates, though it has all the answers, and NOT criticism of organizing which is rooted in an ideology against oppression itself. We are that believes liberation can only all for the proliferation of au- be engaged in one particular tonomous activities, but not for type of way, which then inval- using movement organizing for idates all the other ways that clout-chasing or celebrity cul- groups and individuals engage ture. Abolish Activism™! with organizing and communi-

ty-building. Much of the more Have you ever had these fears popular, self-proclaimed, and before entering new organizing highly visible “activism/ activ- spaces?: ists” model behaviors and ideas

72 Part III. that, in reality, do more harm people who are deemed not than good in organizing spaces, “worthy” or “smart” enough creating a model for newcomers to engage with the political to follow who then perpetuate struggle that they are trying that same dynamic. to control.

We encourage folks to do the Where does the model of work without worrying so much activism originate from? about labeling themselves or Fundamentally, the problem their work as “activists” and with activism (and activists) is “activism,” respectively. After all, that it tries to tell you what is whether you’re anonymous or right and wrong, robbing you of simply unlabeled, your work will the ability to think and act for show for itself if it’s good work. yourself.

What else does the model of Historically, activist mentality activism consist of? can be tied to the histories of • The activism model needs institutional religion and its people who are deemed morality. The building blocks “activists,” and these people of activism can be traced to a who call themselves “activ- Christian current of moralism ists” usually try to set the and the way it instilled fear and terms and agenda for all the hostility towards a sinful world. right and wrong ways that Through practices like confes- other people (“non-activ- sion, Christianity taught its sub- ists”) can engage with social jects to internalize their own change. sinfulness and guilt (for more on • Usually, these activists are this point, check out the book people with a lot of social titled Joyful Militancy”). Anoth- capital, visibility, and popu- er historical building block that larity, and they self-appoint leads to the emergence of activ- themselves as representatives ist mentality is the institution of a particular struggle, usu- of schooling. The educational ally seeking to profit off of it system crushes the openness to (see: DeRay Mckesson). new ways of doing things. For • Activism then tends to con- example, traditional schooling solidate itself into scenes and replaces curiosity with instruc- cliques, which are exclu- tion, memorization, and hierar- sive in-groups that exclude chical evaluation, so you do not Critique 73 get to think for yourself. How can we move beyond the model of activism? Together, morality and school- Ultimately, the activist mentality ing (as well as many other social is full of tendencies that seek institutions) affect the way we to fix, govern, discipline, and think that organizing must be control other people. Activist done. They impact and cre- practices are based on suspicion ate the image of activism that and distrust towards the capabil- restricts other ways of thinking ities of others, constantly pitting and doing. people and groups in competi- tion with each other. Activism What are the problems with the prevents us from thinking about model of activism? our liberation in deeper ways; it • It puts you in a box and entrenches us in only one way closes off all kinds of oth- of doing things as opposed to er potential ways of doing living dynamically. things. • It becomes the only legit- Instead of trying to control oth- imate way to engage, so it ers, we should learn to remain becomes condescending curious and open to newness. toward new organizers who Instead of dismissing our com- do not fit into the activists’ munity members, we should ideals and protocols. embrace and work across our • It has made toxic in-groups differences and open the possi- and out-groups, each with bilities of invention, experimen- their own specialized lan- tation, and creativity. Instead of guages and habits. creating a cliquey and unwel- • It is dismissive towards coming social scene, we should non-activists and discourag- find ways to build trust and es autonomy. community because liberation • Its ways of doing things be- will always be a collective effort. come very cookie-cutter and performative, with preset A few suggestions for organiz- ideas of how to act properly ing instead of using the activist at all times (as opposed to model: what may be needed in a 1. Abolish that “activist” men- particular moment or set- tality. We should be center- ting). ing people and communities first, not activist cliques

74 Part III. and their desires to control to protesting and commonly others. asked the following questions. 2. Push for a proliferation of These perspectives can give us a different kinds of activity, sense of how to orient ourselves and not conform into just in our growing social move- one type of activism. (Again, ments. It is still only the begin- we are critiquing the label ning! instead of the work.) 3. Measure action by its lo- Who are the organizers? cal effectiveness (in terms 95% of the time, this does NOT of materially dismantling matter. We all know the sto- oppression), not by how it ries of well-known and prolific measures up to the ideals organizers whose names were and standards of activist publicized and became targets cliques. of white supremacist, police, 4. Proactively create warm and and FBI harassment. Knowing inviting social and commu- names and faces of those who nity spaces so that no one organize actions not only puts feels like they are unable to them at risk, but has nothing to contribute to the struggles do with the REASONS people for our freedom. should be turning out to actions in the first place. If you agree In conclusion... Activism™ must with the need for social change, be abolished. you don’t need to know who the organizers are because you are showing up for the what you be- An F.A.Q. on lieve in and not showing up for Local Protests for IE Folks some social media celebrity with clout. In the almost non-existent

cases where the protests may be We want to address a few com- organized by cops or sus people, mon concerns regarding the still show up. Be cognizant of growing movement for abolition your surrounds and simply stay in the Inland Empire. Since we on the outskirts of the demon- are trying to promote unrest and stration or in the back of the social change in the IE, we get a march if you are wary of who is lot of questions about protests there or who organized it. and actions. We put together this post for folks who are new Will it be peaceful? Critique 75 This question also misses the ity - such as if people march point of actions and demonstra- without permits or begin to tions, mostly due to the fact that walk on the streets instead of this is impossible to guarantee. sidewalks - these are only super- The only people who guarantee ficial appearances. Police act in this are the police themselves illegal ways all the time and even which, in this case, are the very following all of the “rules” at institution that people are pro- protests does not guarantee that testing against. All other people the police won’t turn violent. who attempt to guarantee peace The safety of those around you at actions are known as “peace depends on your own bound- police” because they replicate aries, limits, preparation, and the actions of police themselves. flexibility to respond to chang- They tend to be annoying people ing situations. Freedom is always with vests and megaphones and risky and only your homies will should be ignored. Most impor- ever have your back, not protest tantly, the only way to guarantee “leaders” or cops. The protest is your safety is for you and the ultimately about getting in touch homies you’re with to have each with our own autonomy. other’s backs because only we keep us safe. If you disagree with I don’t like how others the abolitionist actions of prop- are doing it, can I just erty destruction, simply move organize one myself? out the way, but don’t act like the Yes! The more actions the better. same police that you claim to There is a role for everybody in protest - DON’T SNITCH. our movements. Accessibility is key to freeing our communities Is this a permitted march? and so, invention is also needed This is also a question that to figure out ways to fully in- misses the point: we roll out to volve everyone. The more people the streets with the intention of who organize projects and ac- shutting down this white su- tions, the more people who will premacist system and all means be pulled into the inspiring work are needed to accomplish that. of liberation and abolition. It is Sometimes this means that within everyone’s autonomy to actions transform and change take action for themselves and moods, and actions are re- their loved ones, and you don’t flections of that. If the protest need to be a celebrity or expe- has the appearance of illegal- rienced activist to do so. The

76 Part III. point is to begin anywhere with those around you; all we need to free ourselves is already in our midst.

Further Reading: 1. “Anarchism and the Crisis of Representation” by Jesse Cohn 2. “Revolutionary Solidarity: A Critical Reader for Accomplices” 3. “Who Is Oakland: Anti-Oppression Activism, the Politics of Safe- ty, and State Co-optation”

Critique 77 Burn Your Ballot — Political Theatre Does Not Represent Us Summary: must heed the words of Martin Consider this comprehensive Luther King Jr. when he right- piece as the final word on the fully observed that political topic of voting. Voting for bet- participation is just “integration ter politicians, mayors, police into a burning house”. It will be commissioners, policies, or on us to create the infrastructure presidents will never set us free. and alternatives needed for us to By voting, we surrender our own finally desert this sinking ship. autonomy by recognizing the legitimacy of this shitty system through participation in it. We 126 million people do not care must refuse our involvement in about political theatre. the games of reforms or bar- gaining. What is most at stake in There has been a lot of discourse our participation in this set- over the upcoming presidential tler-colonial, anti-Black political election this coming Novem- system is the issue of capture: if ber. All kinds of people have we participate and vote in this had deep arguments revolving system, we are embedded even around the following concerns: deeper within this decaying “Why should we vote?” “What system (even if it is for “good” are the downsides of not vot- reforms), instead of separating ing?” “Reasons why we should ourselves from it. Only through never vote.” “Why voting is a collective departure— or, mass anti-Black and colonial,” etc. non-participation—will we ever In the end, debates about all of be able to become autonomous these positions around voting and self-determining. In the re-center the American political end, every vote for a politician is machine, whether or not people a vote for increasing state pow- feel sympathetic or apathetic er: the politician’s power only towards the political institution comes from the barrel of a police itself. However, there has been officer’s gun. Are we trying to set very little discussion that men- our communities free through tions the large mass of people abolition, or increase the legit- who do not vote. imacy of this police state? We

78 Part III. Here are a few basic statistics: dying, how can we side step and • There are about 330 million move beyond the need to center people living in the US. the political institution in the • There are about 16-20 mil- first place? If there are at least lion people who cannot vote 126 million people who frankly because they are undocu- do not care about politics or the mented, felons, or ex-con- nation’s political theatre, what victs. can this mean for autonomous • There are about 246 million movement building? people who are eligible to vote in the US. The debates around voting tend • There were only about 136 to be very saviorist, which imply million people who turned a desire to “save” others from out to vote for a president in acting “improperly.” This is a 2016. form of paternalism. We hope So, these numbers and some that we can one day render all simple math show that there political institutions (and the were about 126-130 million peo- police that underlie them) irrele- ple in the US who did not vote vant to our lives, and maybe that in 2016. begins with the 126 million who are apathetic about politics – as We argue that these people will we should all be. never be fully absorbed into the system and its political institu- Autonomy will never be tions, and we should explore the achieved at the voting booths. potentialities that underlie this reality. In particular, we want to Time and time again, we see ask some questions about all the and hear the argument about debates regarding voting: Who’s privilege in regard to voting: the having these conversations people who do vote are privi- about voting in the first place? leged and selfish, and the people Are we speaking to educated, who don’t vote are somehow college degree audiences? Are also privileged and selfish. This all of the debates on voting – argument is tired and premised whether defenses for or rebuttals on shaming people into action against – even relevant to the through condescension and over 126 million people who do guilt. So, who are these people not vote? If we all know that the who aren’t voting, and why don’t political system is failing and they vote, anyway? Critique 79 Black, undocumented, queer, Despite the opinions claiming poor, and so on. that non-voters are the “privi- leged few” who have no critical One of the most common argu- stake in politics: ments for “voting blue no matter • Voting trends in 2016 and who” is the fear of mass depor- 2018 both show that almost tations and further xenophobia half of nonvoters are non- from the Trump administration. white, even though these • 409,849 undocumented folks communities compose only were deported under Obama one-fourth of the voting in 2012. population. • A little over 265,000 undoc- • 56% of nonvoters are quite umented folks were deport- poor – making less than ed under Trump in 2019. $30,000 per year – even • Section 287(g) of the Immi- though that income group gration and Nationality Act constitutes just over one- states that law enforcement fourth of the voting popula- (local) can partner with ICE tion. (federal) to deport people in a local community. This People who abstain from voting means that cities and coun- do so because they are so mis- ties can become subject to represented or entirely ignored federal jurisdiction regard- by electoral politics and policies less of more benevolent to bother voting. The solution to local policies – and/or local a corrupt system can’t be to just elected representatives. register these people to vote and These local representatives and provide information on candi- local elections are, on a smaller dates or policies, because the scale, comparable to “voting problem isn’t whether they have blue no matter who” when it the capacity to vote. They choose comes to presidency. At the not to vote because electoral end of the day, local and federal politics have not substantially electoral politics are just elec- changed their lived realities. toral politics, and this is just There is a correlation between one snapshot demonstrating the those who choose not to vote neglect of one vulnerable group and those who belong to the of people. most vulnerable communities – people who are indigenous, In San Bernardino, local elected

80 Part III. officials are making six-digit under Obama vs. Trump; there salaries while the city recovers is a reason Obama was labeled from bankruptcy for the past “deporter in chief” despite being five years, and while most mem- a Democratic president. These bers of the community aren’t problems don’t start or end with making even close to that salary blue vs. red, and they won’t range. How can it be argued that end just by flipping the White electoral politics and elected House. Even when Obama ran officials are designed to listen to under a campaign that promised and protect vulnerable commu- “change,” the most vulnerable nities, when these communities populations still suffered and are the first to be exploited – were placated by empty prom- even at the local level? ises. Now, Joe Biden himself has assured Americans that “nothing “… We must recognize how [will] fundamentally change.” [these] systems have evolved to the point where you hardly have For younger, self-identifying to keep someone from voting “leftists,” Bernie Sanders’ first to keep their vote from having presidential campaign was an effect. The system evolves to initial exposure to “leftism.” If protect itself, and privilege is his 2016 – and his most recent the opposite of giving up on the – defeat should have taught his belief it will self-rectify” – Hari supporters anything, it’s that the Ziyad. two-party system is designed to maintain the status quo, and that We can do more – and better – even the threat of capitalism-lite for ourselves than voting. (Sanders’ Democratic Socialism) is still threatening enough for Flint, Michigan is still with- Democrats to end it themselves. out clean water. Continuous The 2016 email leak revealed accounts of state violence are correspondence between DNC being (badly) mitigated by officials stating that the Dem- Democratic promises of reform ocratic National Committee that will give more funding to (DNC) “tried to aid [Hillary] police. Joe Biden himself has Clinton and hamper [Bernie] explicitly stated that he does Sanders,” as well as discussed not – and will never – support ways they could sabotage Sand- Medicare for All. The last post ers’ campaign and smudge his included deportation statistics public appearance. Not only did Critique 81 this demonstrate the monopoly that the two-party voting system “White Democrats who are has over the United States, it also pushing for Black folks to explicitly revealed that even the save America from itself have “progressive party” will refuse to demonstrated our relative unim- move further left if it threatens portance by refusing to help us the hierarchy. strategize around safety during participation in electoral poli- That all being said, it’s safe to say tics.” – Brittany Lee Frederick. that most of us are not repre- sented or protected by electoral White voters, what are y’all do- politics and politicians, even ing to ensure the safety of Black locally. When you trust the voters and the follow-through government and its legislation of white politicians? What are instead of yourself and your y’all doing to ensure the safety community, you unintentionally of BIPOC period? There’s more reinforce the need to appeal to work to be done than just voting the moral judgement of those on the ballot and never doing in power. Voting cannot be our any other work. Still, we don’t survival strategy when so many want to encourage defeatism colonized and oppressed people or inaction by overwhelming won’t survive, even after they people with the amount of work vote. We don’t need to ask per- that needs to be done; that’s mission to exist safely and live the opposite of what any of us dignified lives. We deserve more should focus on. than the crumbs of politicians and reformist legislature. It’s when we renounce electoral politics and also refrain from Many of the people who are up doing other work that we feel in flames about non-voters are most defeated and eventually, people whose “activism” ends guilted into “at least” voting… at voting and getting people and the cycle continues. That to vote. A lot of these people guilt and impotence that stems condescend non-voters and from inaction is diminished sarcastically ask leftists, “Well when we get involved in our then, what do you want me to communities and see our pow- do?” Which begs the question… er first hand. We can’t invali- What can you do instead of date the work people are doing voting? outside of the system just be-

82 Part III. cause they didn’t bubble in their The reality for most is that we ballots; that’s just one action in don’t have the resources to fully their lives as opposed to many. invest in electoral politics and Even if we all bubbled in ballots, also resist them. The truth is the real change will come from that with jobs, school, families, doing the labor and building and downtime to account for, support networks within our most can’t fully invest in phone own communities. So much banking for politicians and still attention is focused on voter have the time and energy to registration and information, commit to organizing in their especially with the upcoming community. When we talk about elections. dismantling and defunding and abolishing, it’s easy to get lost in But how different could things the commitment to destruction be if we reallocated our resourc- and forget that we also need to es and numbers from politics build and nurture. A big part of and directly into the communi- the fight lies in how we build ty? The refusal to participate in support networks outside of the this system comes after divesting structures we hope to destroy. from the system itself, a slow There are already people and process that comes after the projects across the IE getting realization that no politicians involved and helping their com- will come to your rescue because munities. they simply don’t care. Instead of letting that instill fear and hope- Do you have clothes you never lessness in you, let it radicalize got rid of during spring cleaning and empower you. Choosing not because we got stuck in quaran- to vote isn’t fatalistic, as some tine? Consider putting together believe; in fact, there’s more a clothing drive or clothes swap hope in trusting that our com- with some friends. Do you have munities can fend for themselves a space in your yard and like to without relying on puppets. garden? Plant some herbs and When we redirect our idealism veggies and distribute produce and hope from the system and around your block. Do you like into ourselves, there is a higher crafting and working with your likelihood that our needs and hands? Make some face masks the needs of our communities and hand sanitizer to give out will be met. to the houseless population. Anything from skill sharing – Critique 83 cooking classes, financial litera- gov/287g cy courses, political education, – Ziyad, H. (2016, Oct 13) Not translation services, and more voting is not a privilege. Black – to providing services – child- Youth Project. http://blackyo- care, ride sharing, community uthproject.com/ gardening, running errands for Ballotpedia (2016) Democrat- the elderly (especially during ic national committee (DNC) COVID) – is useful. email leak, 2016. https://ballot- pedia.org Everyone has a skill, an inter- Higgins, E. (2019, June 19) Vow- est, a talent. We can all build on ing not to ‘demonize’ the rich, what we already have and share biden tells billionaires ‘nothing it with our community instead would fundamentally change’ of waiting on politics to save us. if he was elected. Common Dreams. https://www.common- References-- dreams.org – Clusiau, C. & Schwarz, S. (Directors). (2020). The power Further reading: of the vote [Television series ep- 1. “Reaching Beyond ‘Black isode]. In Schwartz, S. (Produc- Faces in High Places’: An er), Immigration nation. Scotts Interview With Joy James” Valley, California: Netflix. from Truthout – Greenwald, G. (2020, Apr 9) 2. “Socialist Faces in High Nonvoters are not privileged. Places: Elections & the Left” They are disproportionately by Black Rose/Rosa Negra lower-income, nonwhite, and 3. “Seven Reasons to Hate the dissatisfied with the two parties. Season” Haters, Issue 1: an The Intercept. https://theinter- anarchist journal from north cept.com texas – NYT Editorial Board (2019, Jul 13) All presidents are de- porters in chief. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes. com/ – Department of Homeland Security (2020, Sep 30) Delega- tion of immigration authority section 287(g) immigration and nationality act. https://www.ice.

84 Part III. In Question of the “Peaceful Protest” (and in Defense of “Violence”) Summary: The latest public discourse sur- This essay was released as a rounding methods of nonviolent chronicle over time during the and violent protest pits these summer uprisings. At the time, two strategies against one anoth- some local organizers insisted er, but fails to acknowledge what on describing self-organized each truly means. Definitions protests as “peaceful” and blast- of either are non-specific and ed “peaceful protest” flyers on have typically led to the con- social media. This piece con- demnation of violence in all its textualizes the rhetorical value forms. In particular, rioting and of the word “nonviolence” and looting have been denounced questions the use of the adjec- as methods that supposedly tive “peaceful” when describ- counteract the initial message ing protest actions. Ultimately, that the “peaceful protest” hopes violence versus non-violence is to accomplish. The riot is often a false binary— every situation seen as “the voice of the voice- and context requires a diversi- less” and as a symptom of po- ty of strategies, and we should litical injustice when in reality, not shoot down certain actions the “voiceless” are consciously or marches just because we do articulating their sentiments. not agree with their “violent” or “nonviolent” appearances. Structural change necessitates Appeals to “nonviolence” are conflict: effective change is based on a holier-than-thou dependent on how debilitating morality, and such appeals deter the conflict is to the institution. the ability for our movements to When people’s peaceful protests effectively shut down oppressive are ineffective, people come not systems. Do you choose justice, to expect justice from nonvio- or this system’s “peace”? In the lence, and rightfully so. In fact, end, peace upholds this oppres- even the success of the “peaceful sive status-quo. protest” is dependent on the possibility of violence against the institution. Is the threat of 1. Introduction violence not a violent act in and of itself? Critique 85 false dichotomy between “non- 2a. The Rhetoric of Nonviolence violent” and “armed,” which fur- ther perpetuates a dualism and Shon Meckfessel defines nonvi- unnecessary revulsion towards olence as “a rhetorical strategy “armed” conflict. People often in which the very definition confuse that false dichotomy of relies on calling violence into violence versus nonviolence by the speakers’ mind even as the associating violence with rev- speaker disavows it.” In other olution and nonviolence with words, for nonviolence to exist reform when in reality, violence effectively, violence also has is congruent with action and to exist, even if just in theory. nonviolence with inaction. The Nonviolence is not, however, choice of violence versus non- an aversion to conflict. It is also violence is actually a choice obviously not an armed struggle. between action and inaction. Instead, what makes nonvio- lence so powerful is the potenti- There is no set definition for ality of violence. “violence” and “nonviolence.” As mentioned before, words with Nonviolence advocates seem to no action can still be read as confuse the dismissal of non- violent. We do, however, know violence with a commitment that nonviolence does not mean to direct force no matter its passivity, and as such, a nonvi- legitimacy, like the instilment olent protest at least demands of an illegitimate authoritarian intervention — crowd control, government after a coup. The defusing of counter-protest, phrase “Fuck the police” has be- the list goes on — even if it come inherently violent and has does not demand being armed led to fear in those who oppose or physically violent. Violence it, including peaceful protestors. and nonviolence are actually But even if language is read as interdependent and can work violent, does it deserve to be together to achieve a set goal. met with brute police force? The If this is the case, then why do issue is that “violence” is harder people insist on labeling protests to define than “armed.” as “peaceful” from the get-go? It’s important to look at the way The term “strategic nonviolence” language is being used in these has been replaced by “unarmed conversations. insurrection,” but this creates a

86 Part III. 2b. The Function of Language in The focus should be on the Rhetorical Strategies reason why people take action instead of how they are doing The language used to describe so, as this further demonizes rioting is sometimes similar to protestors, especially Black ones. that used to describe warfare. Mass media is also complicit in In reality, the privilege of true the perpetuation of anti-Black “war” is given only to the elites messaging by focusing on whereas the riot is associated protest tactics instead of police with the poor and otherwise tactics. All protest actions are powerless. If we look at labor inherently conflictual once the movements in America, even police arrive: the police arrive these have used coercion to with the sole purpose of neu- persuade, this being the “brawl” tralizing resistance – physically, (another term for the riot). A morally, and psychologically – cornerstone of American society and repressing protesters. has been to limit government, often by street revolt. This allows In the words of folks from the for checks and balances by the Youth Justice Coalition in Los American people on their own Angeles: “Showing up to a government, simultaneously conflict with the mentality that expressing people’s agency. What you’re labeling protesters as is this, if not the contemporary ‘peaceful’ totally erases the power “riot and looting”? dynamic between a militarized force and unarmed residents of Unfortunately, democracies have color. AND even if people at institutionalized protest and protests are doing things that are persuasion, so these methods deemed ‘not peaceful,’ it’s either alone — that is, without violence as a response to systemic violence — may not be enough to count- OR they’re police/agents them- er the state, and this is a current selves.” dilemma being seen with the spread of “peaceful protests.” 3a. Debunking Negative Conno- Labeling and enforcing peace at tations of Violence a demonstration detracts from and attempts to purify the sen- Just as anyone can participate in timents that precede the protest nonviolent strategies, the riot is itself. easily accessible: small amounts of violence by a large group of Critique 87 people seems to be most effec- tive. Obviously, it is non-white As has been iterated before by people that are most at risk of people such as Jackie Wang state violence following a riot, and others, the innocent versus but if the program becomes non-innocent binary not only focused on not risking vulnera- serves to uphold anti-Black ble populations, the only answer frameworks, but also convolutes is reform and retreat. Similar to the reality of situations. The the need for ongoing conflict, rhetoric of guilt in the context of there is a need for risk in order protest situations reaffirms the to foster a sense of urgency. On anti-Black structure of policing, the other hand, when there there preemptive policing in particu- is a total avoidance of risk, the lar. When protests affirm their option of nonviolence becomes alleged innocence and peace, condescending: nonviolence they are in reality whitewashing becomes a performance rather themselves and attempting to than an effective strategy. render themselves legible and credible to white civil society’s For nonviolence to mean some- psyche. In other words, the thing, the subject must already distinction between peaceful be strong but choose nonvio- and non-peaceful protests, lence. By doing so, the subject grounded in anti-blackness, are negates the oppressor’s idea made for the white supremacist that they are weak and must body-politic. The rhetoric of choose nonviolence because innocence forces protesters to of that weakness, instead dis- label their actions in accordance playing nonviolence as a form to white-supremacist standards. of self-restraint: the subject is strong enough to be violent but 3b. The Validity of Rioting as chooses not to. When there is an Effective Strategy no structural power to wield, adherents of nonviolence and In reality, violence against state the contemporary “peaceful property does not equate to the protest” must hope for their presence of torture and crimes oppressors’ benevolence. This is against humanity, as opposed a strategy that puts these folks to that caused by institutions at the mercy of the institutions and regimes. Armed dissent has they already know lack mercy become less popular due to the and conscience. increase in surveillance brought

88 Part III. on by the neoliberal age, but the exhaustion and pain the militancy has not vanished. In Black community faced; this was fact, counterhegemonic mili- not their first or last time. When tancy is explained by describing the grand jury refused to bring two forms of militancy: one Mike’s killer to trial, the demon- can be labeled “The Party” and strations went national; this was the other, “The Riot.” The Party the reach of the initial Black is a top down approach where Lives Matter movement. When orders come down the chain of Freddie Gray was violently killed command to execute violence, in Baltimore, Maryland, the similar to the guerrilla, terrorist riots in his name were largely groups, and the like. The Riot, ignored by media and political on the other hand, is a bottom figures until the massive burning up strategy that is spontaneous, of a CVS pharmacy during one decentralized, and does not rely of these riots. on hierarchy. Similar to the way workers An analysis of revolts through- withdraw labor during a “labor out history shows that it is mass strike,” the withdrawal of passiv- defiance that works rather than ity from a marginalized com- formal organization. Lower-class munity is interpreted by some people respond to the under- as a “social strike.” The more lying force of insurgency, not nuanced version of this, howev- organizations; this is especially er, would understand the riot as noticeable in labor strikes. Dis- a collective force that manifests rupting institutions means with- material antagonism to police drawing a dependable resource and property relations; a “social – like labor – and that capacity appeal” instead. Unlike a strike, for withdrawal becomes a natu- the social appeal by riot is not a ral resource. When considering refusal to participate entirely but contemporary examples of the is instead a refusal to act tame political riot, we see that there is by participating in a “respect- a clear connection between the able” fashion. When the public initial dismissal of the pub- creates immediate material lic’s concerns and the ensuing consequences, such as property property destruction. After Mike destruction and looting, there is Brown was murdered by a pig in a subversion of power that begs Ferguson, Missouri, there were the institution to follow pub- riots and looting to demonstrate lic opinion or perish. It is not Critique 89 necessarily the property damage that is highlighted here, but the If violence is consistently de- willingness to engage in it. The fined as harm or threat on living riot occurs when there are lim- beings, why do we keep having ited conditions, leading people conversations likening violence to desperate measures. There is to burning buildings and broken a sense of condescension and windows? This gears the con- racism when (specifically Black) versation towards philosophy rioters are likened to mindless and theory, but nonetheless has animals rather than humans material manifestations. Massi- consciously expressing grief and no De Angelis calls this the anger through violence. “value struggle,” in which the antagonism that was previously In a similar vein, Frantz Fanon hegemonically forced is made wrote: “The existence of an present, calling into question the armed struggle shows that the values of the opposing groups. people are decided to trust If the oppressed group does not to violent methods only. The value what is a “fact of life” for native of whom they have never the oppressor — for example, stopped saying that the only the white oppressor’s acceptance language the native understands that racism and police brutality is that of force, decides to give are merely a “fact of life” versus utterance by force. In fact, as the oppressed’s desire to sub- always, the settler has shown vert the system that makes this him the way he should take if he possible — then there is a value is to become free. The argument struggle. the native chooses has been furnished by the settler, and by By applying this theory to an ironic turning of the tables greater society, we can see that it is the native who now affirms marginalized groups are ren- that the colonialist understands dered speechless in the face of nothing but force. The colonial dominant relational modes; that regime owes its legitimacy to border line between opposing force and at no time tries to hide groups is the line of conflict. this aspect of things.” (82-3, The value struggle only exists by Wretched of the Earth) questioning what was previously thought to be unquestionable. 4a. The Illusion of Property Any time dominant structures Rights as a Capitalist Tool are questioned, there is a strug-

90 Part III. gle of values between opposing turalist thinkers have agreed that groups. the “subject” and “subject posi- tion” are a socially-constructed In the “Second Treatise of process and position, respec- Government,” philosopher John tively, by which an individual Locke - whose thoughts formed can speak and be understood as the basis for some of the United a speaker. The agreement that States’ most foundational values these are socially-constructed - explains that the law protects inevitably verifies that they can bodies and their commodities, also be socially-challenged and inextricably linking people to thus, changed. Forming new their property. This equivalence subjects and abolishing old ones of human rights to property necessitates violence because rights is capitalist in nature and none, especially those with the yet, self-proclaimed liberals’ greatest power, will relinquish own ideology finds this admit- that power without violence. tance too embarrassing to men- Frantz Fanon explains that tion, which is why people are so violence on the colonizer’s body quick to defend property even is required to disprove its invio- while acknowledging that prop- lability; the post-colonial subject erty damage hardly subverts the is thus borne of violation. institutions it symbolizes. Riots serve to illuminate this pain- To defeat capitalist social struc- fully embarrassing equivalence tures, one must defeat what is at and the ensuing value struggle. the heart of capitalism: the value The consequential denial of the of property over life. capitalist superstructure is sec- ond-nature to anyone who has 4b. Property Damage: A not yet divested from capitalist Symbolic Liberation ideology. from Capitalism

Capitalism is deeply entrenched Public non-injurious violence, in the fabric of the country, but such as property destruction, questioning and re-inventing creates new subjects without meaning is necessary to bring adhering to the dehumanization change. People must have their that is a cornerstone of capi- core values challenged to then talism: the subject inevitably challenge the system they say unlearns their submissiveness. needs to be changed. Post-struc- Violence then becomes the inte- Critique 91 gration of trauma into unity. tool for liberation.

Property destruction is not just References-- violence against inanimate ob- This piece was inspired by Shon jects; it is violence against what Meckfessel’s “Nonviolence Ain’t that property is used for, those What it Used to Be: Unarmed who get to decide that, and what Insurrection and the Rhetoric of property represents. The verb Resistance.” You can find the full “profane” describes the process work at akpress.org. of transforming the sacred into something mundane again, to be used by humans, and that is Further Reading: exactly what property destruc- 1. “How Nonviolence Protects tion attempts to do: give back the State” and “The Failure what rightfully belongs to the of Nonviolence: From the public. Property destruction Arab Spring to Occupy” by targets not only the institutions Peter Gelderloos that own the property, but also 2. “Pacifism” by Tom Nomad the relationship to property. The 3. “Concerning Violence: destruction of personal proper- Fanon, Film, and Liberation ty during riots is minimal and in Africa, Selected Takes never the goal of anticapitalist 1965-1987” based on the property destruction. documentary film titled “Concerning Violence” The way some bystanders choose to physically defend property by hurting protestors shows the way some people actively choose property over life, even when the property does not belong to them. In the United States, protestors attacking property is synonymous to them attack- ing the only thing this country sees as sacred, and this is why targeted property destruction is so powerful: it breaks the myth surrounding the sacredness of private property and becomes a

92 Part III. PART IV. Know-How Security Culture The central principle of all secu- escape detection by your enemies rity culture— the point that can- against the need to be accessi- not be emphasized enough— is ble to potential friends. When that other people do not need to you’re planning an action, begin know sensitive information that by establishing the security level they do not need to know. Don’t appropriate to it, and act accord- get too distracted worrying about ingly from there on. whether people are infiltrators or not; if your security measures Treat your technology like an are effective, it shouldn’t even eavesdropping stranger. If you matter. Don’t ask others to share wouldn’t discuss it in front of confidential information you a stranger, don’t talk about it don’t need to know. Don’t brag online, on your phone, or better about illegal things you or others yet, at all. How we show up in have done, or mention things the fight to abolish the current that are going to happen or might world isn’t for clout or social happen, or even refer to another media likes anyway. In some person’s interest in being involved cases, private or crucial informa- in such activities. You can say tion must be communicated by no at any time to anyone about technological means, but always anything. Don’t ever turn your remember there are risks and this friends over to your enemies-- should only ever occur between never snitch! Don’t make it too trusted individuals. Talk to your easy for your enemies to figure homies and your family members out what you’re up to. Develop to create a culture of awareness, methods to establish the security so everyone knows their rights level of a group or situation. Be if the feds or the pigs knock on aware of the reliability of those someone’s door. When you go to around you, especially those with the protest, what are you wearing whom you might collaborate in that might be traceable back to underground activities. Security you? Are your tattoos showing? culture is not institutionalized What alias will you use so people paranoia, but a way to avoid aren’t shouting your name for all unhealthy paranoia by minimiz- to hear? What agreements have ing risks ahead of time. Security you made with people around culture involves a code of silence, you so that they do not accidently but it is not a code of voice- dry snitch? Protecting ourselves less-ness. Balance the need to is also protecting our loved ones. 94 Part IV. Digital Self-Defense Strategies & Tools: com/2004/11/01/what-is-se- • Before anything: Threat Mod- curity-culture eling! (see EFF site below) • “Your Phone is a Cop 2” • Secure Messaging: Signal (search up on): https://its- Private Messenger (texting), goingdown.org ProtonMail (emails), Jitsi • “Anti-Doxing Guide for Meet (video calls) Activists”: https://medium. • Safe Web Browsing (for both com/@EqualityLabs/anti- phones/computers): Tor- doxing-guide-for-activists- Browser, Firefox, ProtonVPN facing-attacks-from-the-alt- or Mullvad VPN right-ec6c290f543c • Other apps/tools (for phone • TROUBLE Episode 5 on and/or computers): Privacy Doxing and State Surveil- Badger, HTTPS Everywhere, lance: https://sub.media/vid- DuckDuckGo, Riseup Pads, eo/trouble-5-you-are-being- Cryptpad.fr, Jumbo watched/ • Security Culture conduct & • “Quick Tip: How to agreements (see site below) Mask up”: https://vimeo. • Other strategies: know-your com/183849378 rights, anti-doxing, social me- • “30 Day Security Challenge”: dia, ephemerality tactics, & https://www.operation- crypto-parties! al-security.com/catego- ry/30-day-security-challenge/ Key websites & Further reading: page/3/ • PRISM Break -- prism-break. org/en/ Other things to keep in mind • Electronic Frontier Foun- for movement defense: dation: Digital Privacy (see Do not open the door if agents “Tools”) -- https://www.eff. are at your door, you are not le- org/pages/tools gally obligated to. Do not spread • EFF’s Surveillance Self-De- or act on rumors or conspiracies. fense -- https://ssd.eff.org If the feds visit your door, ask • Security in a Box --https:// for their card and they should go securityinabox.org/en/ away. Immediately notify your community and networks of what Helpful Articles and Videos: you said/what was asked, ver- • “What is Security Cul- batim; then put out a statement ture?”: https://crimethinc. publicly. We keep us safe. Know-How 95 Know Your Rights! In sum: Do not talk to law en- not allowed to listen. forcement! Not at your house, at • You never have to consent to the protest, never. The only thing a search of yourself or your you should ever say to pigs is “I belongings. If you do explic- am going to remain silent. I want itly consent, it can affect you a lawyer. I do not consent to a later in court. search. Am I free to go?” Liter- • Police may “pat down” your ally practice and drill this state- clothing if they suspect you ment out loud with a partner! have a weapon and may search you after an arrest. Scenario: • Police officers may not con- What to do if you are stopped by fiscate or demand to view the police while protesting your photographs or video without a warrant, nor may Your rights they delete data under any (taken from the ACLU website): circumstances. However, they • Stay calm. Make sure to keep may order citizens to cease your hands visible. Don’t activities that are truly in- argue, resist, or obstruct the terfering with legitimate law police, even if you believe enforcement operations. they are violating your rights. Point out that you are not dis- What to do if you believe your rupting anyone else’s activity rights have been violated: and that the First Amend- 1. When you can, write down ment protects your actions. everything you remember, • Ask if you are free to leave. including the officers’ badge If the officer says yes, calmly and patrol car numbers and walk away. the agency they work for. • If you are under arrest, you 2. Get contact information for have a right to ask why. witnesses. Otherwise, say you wish to 3. Take photographs of any remain silent and ask for a injuries. lawyer immediately. Don’t 4. Once you have all of this say anything or sign anything information, you can file without a lawyer. a written complaint with • You have the right to make a the agency’s internal affairs local phone call, and if you’re division or civilian complaint calling your lawyer, police are board 96 Part IV. Street Etiquette Essential affinity group questions to multiple times on your body • No ask yourselves before actions: contact lenses• Hide piercings, 1. Are you able to and willing to be hair, tattoos, etc. in situations that may involve a risk Important Notes: of arrest and or police violence? • Check up on your and your 2. Are there any reasons why you squad’s stress levels leading up to CANNOT go to jail? Do you need an action • Rendezvous if split up meds/medical attention if incar- • Never run when the police use cerated, people others not incar- anti crowd devices • Comfort levels cerated that you think should be before during and after should notified/called/emailed? always be vocalized • If disagree- 3. What is our plan, what are our ments arise break up into smaller goals, and how do we do our exit groups of at least 2 • Discuss plans strategy? for possible scenarios • Don’t carry Essentials: identification • Do not resist arrest • Bandannas soaked in vinegar in or touch an officer • Identifying plastic baggies • Shooting glasses/ safe spaces • Always have exit plans sunglasses, googles • Fresh shirt in in mind• Embrace crowd dynam- a plastic bag • hella water! • Cloth, ics/mood and tune into the local and gauze for chemicals • Gas police force’s personality • Send mask/ chemical and or gas respi- scouts to scope the area—a com- rator for hazardous gases • Heavy munications team • Don’t act on duty welder’s gloves for throwing rumors—if you did not see it, it did tear gas canisters back at pigs • not happen • Assume that the pigs Snacks, cash, maps optional may be coming • Keep 360 degree Clothing: view with your team • Prepare to • All black, and/or dark colors maybe be photographed/filmed • • Good running shoes • Cup/ Keep others calm • Never let the sports bra • Layers! • Cover logos police snatch your friends, learn with duct tape • Water repellant to de-arrest others! Police tactics: everything if possible • Hammer, • Dispersing crowds • Surprise paint, rocks, bats, brass, fireworks, attacks and sporadic arrests/force • lighters Surrounding, isolating and divid- Other Recommendations: ing crowds • Blocking entrance • Use the buddy system, move in and exit, kettling crowds • Snatch a group • Disposable gloves, no squads secretly target leader-like DNA traces • Don’t all carry your individuals from the crowd • If phone at demo • Emergency phone caught do not make sudden move- numbers and contact info written ment and keep your hands in view Good luck. Stay dangerous. Know-How 97 DIY: Building a Short-Term Emergency Bag The following is some be used to protect from rain, suggestions, resources, and blanket, gather rain water), thick items think about when building trash bag (cheap and you can an emergency short term bag. stuff leaves in it to make an insu- Depending on your location and lated matt), reflective blankets situation, you might want to add For Water: more things. Add what you want - Single wall metal container to and feel that you will need, but boil water, water purifier filter/ these items will be a base idea of tablets important items to add. For Fire: There is a general guide- - lighter, Ferro rod, matches, line of thought to think about cotton balls covered in petroleum in a survival situation to stay jell (cheap and simple to make alive called the Rule of 3: 3 hours fire starters) without shelter, 3 day without water, and 3 weeks without food. Basic first aid, FI AKs, and trauma Depending on your location and kits are important to carry but your activity, these can lower you also need to learn how and significantly. Another general when to use these items. When guide line for items to add your you are able to expand your emergency kit is called the 5C’s: knowledge of being able to make 1. Cutting tool, 2. Combustion things out of your surroundings, device (i.e. to start a fire), 3. Cov- the less items you will have to ering device (i.e. shelter, some- carry (being light and mobile is thing to keep you warm or block hella important). However, it can the sun), 4. Container (i.e. prefer- still be more convenient to just ably a single wall metal one; can carry extra items. Making things also be used to boil water), and 5. takes a lot of time and energy, Cordage. and—depending on the situa- The following are some tion—you might not have the items that you can add that fol- time or recourses at hand. low these guidelines. It is good to carry items that can be used for Medical supply websites: multiple things; some items are - Rescue Essentials and North good to have multiple of. American Rescue Survival/self-defense websites: For Shelter: - Self Reliance Outfitters, Optics - Tarp, military poncho (can also Planet and the People’s Armory 98 Part IV. Further Resources on Learning Essential Skills

Disclaimer: this is all publicly accessible knowledge and information. We share all this information for purely educational purposes.

We highly encourage everyone to explore the skills outlined in the “Skills for Revolutionary Survival” series hosted by the Indigenous An- archist Federation website (you can also look up these categories into the Duckduckgo search engine or a Tor Browser to find other resources in order to be well-rounded and informed on these topics):

1. Trauma Medical Gear/IFAKs 2. Basic Personal Protective Equipment 3. Ballistic Protection 4. Primary Firearms 5. Communications Equipment for Rebels 6. Secondary Firearms 7. Tertiary Firearms 8. Cutting Tools for Field Craft 9. Basic Wilderness Field Craft

Other important topics to explore:

• Introduction to physical conditioning for insurgents • Beginner’s Guide to Guns • Military Science • Insurgent Strategy • Pods and Pod Mapping Worksheet • Planning for a Disaster • First Aid/Medical information (accounts on Instagram with further resources/links): @doc_opfor, @bootleg_medics, and @ guerilla_tactical (guerrilla-tactical.com)

Know-How 99

WE ARE THE EMBERS THAT WILL SET THE SYSTEMS OF OPPRESSION ON FIRE.

Pictured: an Amazon warehouse reduced to ashes in Redlands, California around June 2020.

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