History and Culture Series No. 2

ULPA

University of Leipzig Papers on Africa

TRAVELS INTO THE BAGA AND SOOSOO COUNTRIES IN 1821

Peter McLachlan

Leipzig 1999 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa History and Culture No. 2 1999

TRAVELS INTO THE BAGA AND SOOSOO COUNTRIES IN 1821 By Peter McLachlan

Edited by Bruce L. Mouser and Ramon Sarro with a bibliography of the Baga by Ramon Sarro

Leipzig 1999 ISBN 3-932632-42-7

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THE SERIES "HISTORY AND CULTURE" is devoted principally to short scholarly editions of unpublished or little-known sources on African history.

THIS VOLUME is a new edition of a work by Assistant Staff Surgeon Peter McLachlan, published in Freetown (Sierra Leone) in 1821. It was one of the first monographs published in tropical Africa and the first systematic attempt to describe the Baga and Susu. This edition is supplemented by an introduction, extensive annotation, maps, figures and an appendix. It also includes a substantial bibliography relating to the Baga peoples of coastal Guinea-Conakry. Key words: Baga, Susu, Sousou, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea-Conakry, Upper Guinea, Royal African Corps, West India Regiment, ethnography, Iles de Los, bibliography

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University of Leipzig Papers on Africa History and Culture series Editor: Adam Jones

TRAVELS INTO THE BAGA AND SOOSOO COUNTRIES IN 1821

By Peter McLachlan

Edited by Bruce L. Mouser & Ramon Sarro

WITH A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE BAGA

By Ramon Sarro

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION v By Bruce L. Mouser

TRAVELS INTO THE BAGA AND SOOSOO COUNTRIES IN 1821, 1 BY PETER McLACHLAN Edited and annotated by Bruce L. Mouser and Ramon Sarro

APPENDIX: TREATY OF PEACE, 1818 34

WORKS CITED 39

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE BAGA 43 By Ramon Sarro

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Facsimiles of the first page (both versions) 34

MAP 1: The Iles de Los 36

MAP 2: Baga & Susu Groups of Guinea 36 [This map contains terms used by McLachlan and by the editors.]

MAP 3: Mangé Demba’s Domain 37

FIGURE 1: Palaver House 38

FIGURE 2: Spirit House 38

FIGURE 3: Spirit House 38

INTRODUCTION

rom the beginning of the British settlement at Freetown in the 1780s, British officials F with the Sierra Leone Company before 1808 and the Royal Colony thereafter maintained commercial interest in the Northern Rivers and in the Baga and Susu peoples who lived along this coast. As the settlement at Freetown grew at the end of the eighteenth century, its settlers came gradually to depend upon these Rivers and merchants resident there for rice that was grown nearby and for cattle/meat that was brought coastward by caravans from the Fuuta Jaloo. The Company became involved in these Rivers, then, as a result of the need to provision settlers who appeared unable to grow sufficient food for their own consumption. The Company was also attracted northward because of commercial opportunities, either through direct placement of factories in the Rivers or through association with African, European, or Euro-African merchants located in this region. On their part, Africans and other traders in these Rivers responded to new markets by organizing a coasting trade in foodstuffs and, inevitably, in other commodities that caravans brought to trade – ivory, teeth, gold, and gum. In 1794 the Company attempted to move directly into this market by establishing a direct and exclusive association with the Fula state in the Fuuta Jaloo.1 This scheme was designed to produce a new secure path between Timbo and Freetown via Port Loko or a factory located at Freeport on the Rio Pongo that would exclude existing middlemen in trade between the interior and the coast. The Freeport factory lasted only from 1794 to 1802 and failed to obtain its objective; thereafter the Company and its successor Colony operated in the Rivers’ markets through existing traders or agents, or through its own settlers, who increasingly were engaged in coastal trade.2

he Northern Rivers also attracted British attention because of the large number of slave T traders who operated in these rivers until the mid-nineteenth century, long after the trade became illegal for British and American subjects. Company officials, and to a lesser extent colonial servants who followed them, believed that slave trading would wither away once local peoples became producers of goods useful to the world economy; the focus of the Company’s and Colony’s efforts should be upon convincing European and EuroAfrican slave dealers of their folly and leading them into productive trades. Almost forgotten in this simplistic view was the role played by Africans themselves in the slave trade. Still, from 1808 into the 1820s, British colonial officials and captains of Royal Squadron vessels attempted regularly to close the Rio Nunez, Rio Pongo, Konkouré River, the Iles de Los, and rivers located between Cape Sangara and the Sierra Leone River to slave trading. These methods included scheduled visits of British men-of-war to the rivers, seizure of vessels engaged in slaving, raids upon factories belonging to known non-African slave traders, and seizure/trial of British and American subjects who the British thought were selling slaves after it had become illegal to do so.3 Indeed, by the 1820s, the British were acutely interested in the operations of all traders in these Rivers, whether European, EuroAfrican, or African.

1 James Watt, Journal of James Watt: Expedition to Timbo Capital of the Fula Empire in 1794, edited by Bruce L. Mouser (Madison, 1994), and Thomas Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, 2 vols. (1803/London, 1969). 2 Bruce L. Mouser, “Trade, Coasters, and Conflict in the Rio Pongo from 1790 to 1808,” Journal of African History, 14 no. 1 (l973), 45-64. 3 George E. Brooks, Jr., Yankee Traders, Old Coasters, & African Middlemen (Boston, 1970), chapter 3, and Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone (London, 1962), 114-151. vi Bruce L. Mouser ritish interest in the Iles de Los predated the establishment of the settlement at Freetown. B From the mid-eighteenth century, the Liverpool Company had maintained a factory on Factory Island and another on Crawfords Island, and from these it sent agents into neighboring rivers or provided local traders and visiting ship captains with important services. At Factory Island, for instance, a ship captain could obtain necessary repairs, hire a pilot to lead him to trading centers in the Rivers, obtain needed medical treatment in a place where mosquitos were fewer in number and breezes were constant, or perhaps purchase a cargo of slaves or commodities already warehoused there for those unwilling to venture the more lucrative, but more time consuming trade of the Rivers.4 Trade here had also become regularized, with known fees established and familiar resident traders who themselves represented larger commercial interest in England. One could hire a canoe or a schooner to scout the coast and perhaps a crew if illness beset a voyage. Once the slave trade became illegal for British and American subjects, however, the islands’ commerce changed radically. Those characteristics that made them appealing to the slave trade also attracted the attention of captains of men-of-war and British officials at Freetown – fresh water, good anchorage, healthy climate relative to the Rivers, and ease of navigation. Older traders, or those unable to adjust to permitted commodities, died or retired to England, and others bought their interests. Some of these new traders were from the coast; some resigned themselves to trade only in legal commodities; but many were willing to continue slaving cautiously or to supply others in that trade. Missionaries attached to the Church Missionary Society also established a church and school in the mid-1810s, further attesting to changes occurring on the islands.

ritish attitudes to the islands shifted significantly in 1818 when it became clear that B Americans might be interested in purchasing the existing factories on the islands, effectively providing a land base for powerful and competitive American interests already challenging British commercial activities along this coast.5 It was well known that Americans were among the influential traders in the Rio Nunez and Rio Pongo and that these Americans were maintaining close connections with those on the Iles de Los. American goods were arriving at the Iles de Los and in the Northern Rivers and were entering the Freetown market by canoe and schooner without paying fees normally charged non-British goods or goods carried on non-British ships. Many of the original settlers at Freetown were themselves African-Americans, some of whom were attaching themselves to this vibrant American commerce. When Governor Charles MacCarthy learned that the sole remaining trader on the Iles de Los in 1818 might be negotiating with Americans who were then discussing the possibility of an American settlement at or near Freetown, MacCarthy acted quickly. He obtained a “Treaty of Cession” which recognized British sovereignty over the islands, in exchange for an annual “rent” paid to the person with the greater claim of ownership, Mangé Demba of the Baga-Kalum on the neighboring coast.6 This treaty, signed on 6 July 1818, changed forever the character of commerce on these islands. Henceforth, the islands became useless for slaving. The British argued that they had taken the islands as a measure designed to suppress the slave trade and to keep the Americans from obtaining a land base near Freetown. Within a year, however, British officials described their objectives in the islands

4 Bruce L. Mouser, “Iles de Los as Bulking Center in the Slave Trade,” Revue française d’histoire d’outre- mer, 83, no. 313 (1996), 77-90. 5 For American interests in the Northern Rivers, see Bruce L. Mouser, “Baltimore’s African Interlude, 1822- 1827,” The Journal of Negro History, 80, no. 3 (Summer 1995), 113-130. 6 See Appendix. Introduction vii differently; the islands were to become a place to settle pensioners from the 3rd West India Regiment and “liberated” Africans then swelling Freetown’s population. The islands had become a part of a larger vision–a new British sphere extending from Bulama to Freetown.7

nce the islands were secured, the British turned their attention to peoples on the coast. OThat Baga occupied the mangrove coast from the Rio Nunez southward to Cape Sangara was already known; but the extent of their lands was unclear and their relationship with the Bullom or peoples of the Port Loko, and with neighboring peoples, was even less certain. Portuguese and British explorers/traders had noted the presence of Baga since the sixteenth century, but generally they described them in disparaging terms.8 The peoples of the Iles de Los were also thought to be Baga. But generally, the Baga had been either overlooked or treated as people who lived peacefully on the coast, growing rice and processing salt destined for interior markets. The Susu were much better known, partly in consequence of frequent interactions with Sierra Leoneans through the canoe trade. Susu merchants from Sumbuya also lived in or near Freetown, helping to facilitate this thriving commerce, and Sulima traders who were Susu speakers visited the settlement in increasing numbers. Susu was also a language used by others over a vast region; the British considered it to be the major trading language north of the Freetown settlement and the likely language of conversion, should non- Muslims be introduced to Christianity from the coast.9 To be sure, the British were much more interested in the Susu than in the Baga; the Susu stood between British markets and larger Fula- or Mande-controlled entrepôts of trade in the interior. In this grand scheme, the Baga were relatively insignificant; the Susu were grand players who needed to be understood more clearly, if British designs were to become successful in the region.

he selection of Assistant Staff Surgeon Peter McLachlan, 2nd West India Regiment, as Tinformant for the Colony was an excellent one but was more a matter of chance than design. McLachlan served in the Royal Army from July 1815 to April 1822, with more than six years of that time in West Africa. He had studied under Dr. Thomas Millar, Surgeon of Greenock in the County of Renfrew, Scotland, where he served an apprenticeship of four years. He worked at the Merchant Seamen's Hospital for a year. As a student, he followed a

7 Soon after securing the islands with the treaty of cession, Governor MacCarthy sent a detachment of the Royal African Corps to secure the islands. In March 1819 (PRO CO267/49/197, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 22 March 1819) MacCarthy sent an additional hundred “troops” from the 3rd West India Regiment to Crawfords Island as a further demonstration of the Sierra Leone Colony’s occupation. J. J. Crooks, Historical Records of the Royal African Corps (Dublin, 1925), 106, noted that the latter were from the Royal African Corps and included one officer, one drummer, and 33 rank and file. Crooks also observed, p. 109, that the decision was made in 1819 to replace largely European-staffed units at Freetown with West India regiments because of high mortality among Europeans. Another 34 disbanded members from the 2nd West India Regiment were placed on the islands late in 1819 (see J. E. Caulfield, One Hundred Years’ History of the 2nd Batt. West India Regiment (London, 1899), 37-38). The 2nd West India Regiment was involved in numerous expeditions sent into the Rio Pongo and Rio Nunez regions in the 1818-1821 period. Paul Mbaeyi, British Military and Naval Forces in West African History 1807-1874 (London, 1978), 41-42, enumerated six officers, one non- commissioned officer, and 35 privates at the Iles de Los in 1822. 8 P. E. H. Hair, “The History of the Baga in Early Written Sources,” History in Africa, 24 (1997), 381-391. 9 Within the early correspondence of the Church Missionary Society, which was formed in 1799 and whose early target for missions was among the Susu peoples, there are repeated references to Susu as a principal language of trade in the Northern Rivers of Sierra Leone and as the expected language for conversion of indigenous peoples. Perhaps the earliest study of indigenous languages was undertaken by Henry Brunton in the late 1790s and dealt with Susu. For Brunton’s work, see P. E. H. Hair, “Susu Studies and Literature: 1799-1900,” Sierra Leone Language Review, no. 4 (1965), 38-53. viii Bruce L. Mouser course of study at the Royal Infirmary in Glasgow and at an unidentified hospital in Edinburgh; and he received a diploma in 1814 from the Royal College of Surgeons, Edinburgh. McLachlan chose the Army as a career and was appointed Hospital Mate on 14 July 1815. Soon thereafter he accepted appointment to the Royal African Corps, then at Sierra Leone; parts of that unit were disbanded in 1819, others were transferred to South Africa, and still others were incorporated in the newly formed Royal African Colonial Corps, along with units from the 2nd West Indian Regiment of Foot, which was undergoing similar reorganization. By 6 November 1820, McLachlan was designated as Assistant Surgeon, and a month later as Assistant Staff Surgeon of the latter regiment. He received his appointment as Colonial Surgeon on 14 December 1824. In West Africa, McLachlan served at three stations: the Gambia, perhaps on St. Mary's Island which had been occupied only in 1816, for 21 months; Freetown, administrative center of the Royal Colony of Sierra Leone, for 47 months; and the Iles de Los for eight months.10

here can be little doubt that McLachlan suffered greatly from the climate and diseases T present in Freetown and its vicinity, as did many other Europeans. Although his service record does not indicate his date of arrival in West Africa, it does show that illness forced his repatriation to England in 1822 and that he returned to Sierra Leone in October 1823, remaining there until he received a transfer to Jamaica in December 1825. Illness and misfortune followed him there, however, and he was again sent to England for recovery after only three months at his new station. He died on 1 August 1832, a man perhaps in his mid- forties.11 His experiences were not unique to the period of his arrival in Africa or after he left it. Indeed, one of the reasons for sending disbanded soldier and regiments from the West Indies to Africa was the general belief within the Army that persons “of colour” possessed

10 WO 25/3908, Item 94, Records and Particulars regarding Peter McLachlan. McLachlan’s official record indicates fully that he had met those requirements as stipulated later in the Army’s “Qualifications for Medical Officers . . . 1826,” as described in WO30/139, Army Medical Department, Miscellaneous Documents. Hospital Assistants were expected to be European; to have served a three-year apprenticeship to a member of the Royal Colleges of Surgeons of London, Dublin, or Edinburgh; to have attended at a hospital for one year; to have obtained a diploma from a medical college; and to have completed a specified number of courses. Hospital Assistants were also expected to be between 21 and 26 years of age and unmarried. McLachlan (variously spelled Maclauchlan, McLauchlane, M’Lachlan, McLachlan) is listed in War Office, A List of the Officers of the Army and Royal Marines (London, 1818), 467, as having obtained the rank of Hospital Assistant on 25 December 1815. According to an account in the Royal Gazette and Sierra Leone Advertiser, 3 February 1821, he received his commission as Assistant Surgeon in the 2nd West India Regiment, stationed at Freetown on 6 November 1820, and was promoted to Assistant Staff Surgeon on 8 December 1820. War Office, A List of the Officers . . . (London, 1822), 381, indicates instead that he received his advancement to Assistant Surgeon on 12 October 1820. He was appointed Colonial Surgeon on 14 December 1824 (see ibid., 1825, 272). For more on disbandment and reorganization within the Royal African Corps in 1818 and the sending of the 2nd West India Regiment and disbanded soldiers from the 3rd West India Regiment for settlement, see Caulfield, One Hundred Years’ History, 34-42; Mbaeyi, British Military and Naval Forces, 41-44; Crooks, Historical Records, 109; Roger N. Buckley, Slaves in Red Coats: The British West India Regiments, 1795-1815 (New Haven, 1979), 130-138. McLachlan's official record, in WO 25/3908, fails to clarify, however, which Gambia station was identified as his post. British forces had occupied several locations in the Gambia River, and in 1816 established a new garrison at St. Mary's Island, which took the name of Bathurst. There was also an island in the estuary of the Sierra Leone River known as Gambia, which had been a center of slave trading before the Sierra Leone Company obtained possession of it; but it is likely that the Gambia noted in WO 25/3908 referenced the Gambia River. 11 WO 25/3908, Records and Particulars of Peter McLachlan, item 94. Assuming that McLachlan was 16 years of age at the beginning of his apprenticeship, that he served four years as apprentice and one year as attendant, and studied for four years in Scotland before he received his appointment in the Army, he would have been 41+ in 1832. Introduction ix physical characteristics that protected them from the most debilitating effects of fevers common to the coast. In 1817 alone, 11% of officers and 40.2% of Europeans in the rank and file at Freetown died from fever. His position with the Medical Corps also placed him in easy contact with those who had contracted fevers.12 In the 1816-1817 Expedition of Discovery that left from the Rio Nunez with the intention of reaching the Niger River via the Fuuta Jaloo, at least four officers died as a consequence of fevers and disease.13

hile at Freetown in 1821, McLachlan experienced frequent illnesses. Partly in W consequence, Governor Charles MacCarthy sent him to the Iles de Los, which were considered to be healthier than Freetown, with additional instructions to collect information about the islands and their inhabitants and about coastal peoples. The military historian J. J. Crooks, writing in 1917, noted that these islands were then believed to have beneficial physical characteristics that included their distance from the mainland, elevated “situation,” rocky soil, and “total” absence of the vegetation and marshes common on the coast. In 1825, however, this conclusion was changed when 83 of the 103 soldiers stationed there either died or were invalided to England within a period of eighteen months.14

y his own account, McLachlan had been asked to make observations on peoples who B lived along this coast and to report these findings to Freetown. His report, assuming that he wrote it as it is printed here, indicates that he was a literate and educated person, with a good command of language. He apparently made at least three trips to the coast, all of them in the immediate vicinity of the islands. He relied upon others for information about peoples in the Rio Nunez, Rio Pongo, or Fatala River. His best information relates directly to those lands and peoples between Ile Tombo and the town of Bouramaya on the Dembia and Konkouré rivers. His visits appeared to have been of short duration, and his observations generally reflect that of an outsider who seldom reached beyond surface appearances. Still, his is a significant attempt to divide the Baga or Susu into specific groups.15 His description of the Iles de Los is more complete, certainly a consequence of living there and being able to visit separate islands in a manner of his own choosing.

12 Crooks, Historical Records, 86, 91, 94, 96, 99-102, 104, 107, noted that in 1811, 11 troops out of a total of 98 died at Freetown (11%); in 1813, 3 officers out of 31 (9.6%) and 23 European rank and file out of 71 (32%) died; in 1814, 4 officers out of 36 (11%) and 26 out of 111 European rank and file (23%) died; in 1815, 2 officers out of 43 (4.7%) and 23 out of 144 European rank and file (15.9%) died; in 1816, 2 officers out of 45 (4.4%) and 32 out of 116 European rank and file (27.5%) died; in 1817, 2 officers out of 17 (11%) and 39 out of 96 European rank and file (40.2%) died; and in 1818, 1 officer out of 11 (9%) and 16 out of 52 European rank and file (30.7%, although this figure also includes troops stationed on Bunce and Gambia Islands) died. In contrast, corresponding deaths among African troops for 1813 was 5.5%; for 1814, 5.9%; for 1815, 1.5%; for 1816, 2.6%; for 1817, 7.2%; no figures were available for 1818. These figures also do not include those troops located at Bunce Island, which had become a recruiting and training station for the West India Regiments in 1812. 13 Correspondence and journals relating to this expedition are contained in CO 2/5. 14 J. J. Crooks, “The Royal African Corps, 1800-1821,” United Service Magazine, 55 (1917), 219-220. Rocky soils were considered more healthy because of “a raw vapour” that arose from soft or muddy ground following rains or fog and was believed to be particularly injurious to health. For the latter, see Dr. Lind’s (1716-1794) comments in Christopher Lloyd, The Health of Seamen: Selections from the Works of Dr. James Lind, Sir Gilbert Blane and Dr. Thomas Trotter (London, 1965), 60-63. 15 Another study of peoples occupying this section of coast was written by the Reverend Leopold Butscher, missionary for the Church Missionary Society: CMS G/AC 15/24, “Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & other Nation, on the West. Coast of Africa by Rev. L. Butscher” [c.1814]. Butscher's comments are used in the annotation which accompanies McLachlan’s report. x Bruce L. Mouser

owever brief and sometimes cryptic his remarks, McLachlan added significantly to H information about the region and its peoples. In this report, the author noted the “rapid strides” being made by Islam and the influence of Islamic practices. His observations included comments on the division of labor, the relative authority of headmen and rulers, rank organization and the institution of slavery, the production of food goods and manufactures, the processing of palm oil, palm wine, soap, and cotton, and general protocol expected of guests and hosts along this section of coast. He also had important things to say about caravan trade from the interior and about products that characterized that commerce. His comments on particular rulers, especially Mangé Demba of the Baga-Kalum and William Fernandez of Bouramaya, are particularly helpful. McLachlan divided his report essentially into three parts: 1) conclusions reached from his first visits about the land and peoples; 2) a journal of his last visit to the Ile Tumbo to Bouramaya section of coast; and 3) his observations about the Iles de Los. His commentary on British reasons for obtaining a cession of the Iles de Los is significant in illustrating British obsessions with the continuing problem of slave trading and with the ever-present concern that American interests might encircle their Sierra Leone possession with competitive American settlements.

wo versions of this report exist. One is found in the Royal Gazette and Sierra Leone TAdvertiser , issues of 20 October 1821, 27 October 1821, 3 November 1821, 10 November 1821, and 24 November 1821. The second version was printed in book form at Freetown by J. Mitton Co., Printer to His Excellency the Governor & Council, in 1821, and, according to Christopher Fyfe, McLachlan’s book may be the first monograph published in Black Africa. This version was originally a report submitted to Dr. Nicoll, Inspector of Hospitals. Differences between the two versions are minor (see the facsimiles of the first page, pp. 34-35 below); the book version, republished here, appears to contain a few instances of more polished prose and may reflect the latest version. In this new edition typographical and printing errors have been corrected in only a few instances. The “Treaty of Peace”, which was not part of the original report, is attached here as an appendix.16 his monograph also includes a “Bibliography of the Baga,” containing more than 300 Tsources, by Ramon Sarro, who has recently completed his dissertation on the Baga-Sitem of the Rio Kapatchez region. Most of these items focus on the Baga as a special group or groups, while some items refer to them within the context of coastal history and ethnography. Researchers interested in coastal and mangrove-linked peoples will find this a welcome and important addition to the corpus of African bibliographic resources.

pecial appreciation is extended to the American Philosophical Society, which provided Sfunds to facilitate final research necessary to complete this editorial project.

Bruce L. Mouser 1 June 1999

16 See PRO, CO267/47/156, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 20 July 1818, enclosure, and Algernon Montagu, Ordinances of the Colony of Sierra Leone, Passed in the Years 1858, 1859, and 1860; Ordinances Repealed, But of occasional Reference; Royal Charters; Treaties of the Government of Sierra Leone with the Native Chiefs, &c. &c., vol. 2 (London: for Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1861), 277-279. The latter is the text reproduced here. Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 1

RAVELS INTO THE BAGA AND SOOSOO COUNTRIES, DURING THE YEAR 1821. T

By Peter McLachlan, Esq., Assistant Staff Surgeon, and one of the Colonial Surgeons of Sierra Leone1

(Communicated to Dr. NICOLL,2 Deputy Inspector of Hospitals, in a Half-yearly Report.)

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PART I. OME ACCOUNT OF THE BAGAS, AND OF THE PRODUCTS OF THEIR COUNTRY S s you have expressed a desire that I would make some observations on the native A inhabitants of the countries adjacent to the Isles de Loss, I beg to transmit to you the information which I have been able to collect during several journeys into those countries. They are generally divided into Bagas3 and Soosoos. The Bagas are sub-divided into tribes; 1st, those of Mungo Demba’s4 country; 2d, Cobas; 3d, Caxas,5 of the Rio Pongos; and 4th,

1 McLachlan published his observation as Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries, During the Year 1821 (Freetown, 1821); copies of this work are found in the Fourah Bay College Library, The National Library of Scotland, and Yale University Library. This is a true copy of the Yale copy. His rank given here, if the book was published in 1821, is puzzling since he was not promoted to Surgeon of the 2nd West India Regiment until 14 December 1824 (WO 25/3908, Records and Particulars for Peter McLachlan, item 94). Perhaps there was a distinction drawn between the rank of Colonial Surgeon and that of Surgeon, 2nd West India Regiment. 2 Andrew Nicoll, M.D., was noted in War Office, A List of Officers (London, 1820), 363, as having obtained the rank of Surgeon on 28 May 1818, and by 1822 (ibid., 1822, 379; ibid., 1823, 379; not listed in ibid.,1824), was listed as Deputy Inspector (Africa Only), with a commission dated 12 October 1820. Extensive search in Public Records have not uncovered half-yearly reports from Nicoll or McLachlan to the War Office. 3 Italics are used as in the published version. The term Baga may derive from the Susu words bae (sea) + raka (of the) > baeraka (those of the sea), meaning those peoples located at the seashore. For detailed treatment of possible entymology for the term “Baga,” see F. K. Erhard Voeltz, “Les langues de la Guinée,” Cahiers d’étude des langues Guinéennes, No. 1 (1996). The following division of Baga into groups by McLachlan may be the earliest attempt to differentiate between distinct groups. 4 Mangé Demba was a likely son of Maboye (daughter of the Baga ruler of Tomboli) and Sumba Tumani (Dumbuya). Mangé (Chief or Headman) Demba had two brothers, Mangé Kanta and Mangé Sangara, with whom he shared power over the Baga-Kalum and a vast territory stretching from the Konkouré River southward to the Melacorée River. For more on the relationship of ruling lineages in this region, see Mahawa Bangura, “Contribution á l’histoire des Sosoe du 16e au 19e siecle,” Mémoire de diplôme de fin d’études supérieures, 1971-72, Conakry, Institut Polytechnique Gamal Abdel Nasser. Edward Bickersteth, “West Africa: Journal of the Assistant Secretary,” in Missionary Register, 5 (March 1817), termed Mangé Demba as “the Headman’s Headman.” Two European traders praised Mangé Demba and told Bickersteth 2 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 the Capachez or Cabassas.6 st, Mungo Demba and his people, occupy a narrow tract of land running north and west of 1Kissey 7 to the banks of the river Dubrica,8 an extent of 80 or 100 miles in length, and about 15 or 20 in breadth: this part of the coast is extremely dangerous for the navigation of craft of every description, owing to the number of sunken rocks which run out in some parts from the shore nearly two miles.9 This country is bounded on the north, east, and south, by the Sumbia-Soosoos;10 the towns, for the most part, are situated close to the sea coast, and the huts are, with few exceptions, miserable hovels, presenting to the traveller a view of wretched poverty and misery. The personal appearance of the men, women and children is most unfavorable. The men are usually from five feet five to five feet ten inches in height; few are to be seen of six feet; from their excessive apathy and indolence, it seldom happens that they ever exhibit any kind of manly agility or strength. Their countenances are by no means open, and they possess all that hesitating and very equivocating way of answering questions which dissemblers in refined stages of society too often assume. One of the most disgusting traits, or rather habits, among the Bagas, is, their excessive fondness for intoxicating liquors of every description;11 men, women, and children, without discrimination, drink with the greatest

that his influence “is very extensive–about ninety miles along the coast, and near two hundred inwards.” They described his character as “better than usual. They had found him faithful to his promises.” 5 The term Caxa was used to designate the islands located between the main estuary of the Rio Pongo (Sand Bar entrance) and the Koumbalan River, on the river’s right bank. Baga who lived here have become known as Baga-Caxa, Baga-Kakissa, Baga-Sobane. According to a popular etymology, the term caxa would derive from the verb kakine, meaning to “hide” or “conceal” in the Baga-Kakissa language. For more on Caxa, see John Matthews, A Voyage to the River Sierra Leone (1788/London, 1966), 12-13. 6 The main river in this section is now called the Rio Kapatchez. People living on the shores of this river are mostly the Baga-Sitem. 7 At the beginning of the nineteenth century, traders variously called the Melacorée/Forékariah rivers, the Kisi-Kisi or Kissey River, and sometimes the Maliguia River. The region governed from Forékariah town was known as Moriah, Moria, and Kissi. 8 Dubrica/Dubréka is the southernmost river before reaching the Sangara Peninsula. The bay separating the peninsula from the Ile Khonibombé is called Sangara Bay and Dubréka Bay. Above Point Crique (Creek), the river divides into Soumba and Bouramaya, each fed by numerous smaller streams. On the Soumba/Dubréka River is located the town of Dubréka, former capital of the Soumba-Susu (Dumbuya). The Reverend Leopold Butscher (CMS, G/AC 15/24, “Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & other Nation, on the West.[ern] Coast of Africa,” [c.1814]), wrote that Dubréka was a town of nearly “1000 inhabitants, who mostly profess Mahomedanism.” 9 For soundings and obstructions in this bay, see United States, National Imagery and Mapping Agency, Guinea, “Iles de Los, Conakry and Approaches,” number 51601 (1998). 10 Bangura, “Contribution á l’histoire,” 161-166, suggested that the Soumba (Sumba) Susu were Mande who came to the coast after the Baga had already settled there, established themselves in the region of Dubréka, intermarried with the Baga “land kings,” and assimilated to local customs and conditions. Bangura identified these Susu as of the Suma lineage, likely Dumbuya. Butscher, “Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & other Nation,” described the “Zumbias” as similar to the Mandingoes and as “mostly pagans intermixed with Mahomedans.” He also suggested that Dubréka was considered as one of the three largest towns among the Sumbia Susu. 11 The Baga became infamous as consumers of palm wine, a product of local production. In 1793, Captain Samuel Gamble of the Ship Sandown visited Baga peoples near the mouth of the Rio Nunez and described palm wine production techniques. Missionaries from the Church Missionary Society, who operated missions and schools in the Rio Pongo from 1806 to 1817, similarly reported that Baga were addicted to alcohol. Local lore relate stories of Baga misleading Fula and Susu visitors with claims of being able to create boiling Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 3 avidity; and rum,12 in particular, is their favorite spirit. I observed in very few persons appearances of longevity; debility, grey hairs, blindness, deafness, and loss of teeth, are the only positive criteria by which the African traveller can decide on the age of the natives. Among the Bagas, infirmity and premature old age, are too often brought on by the inebriating effects of palm wine.

t will, no doubt, be expected, that I should say something of the fair sex (pardon the I misapplied appellation) of the Baga country. I am sorry I cannot say much that will raise them in general estimation: in personal appearance, and, indeed, in every other respect they are very far inferior to the Jaloffs,13 and the Timmanees14 of Sierra Leone. The dress which they wear before they are led to the hymeneal altar is the tuntungee,15 and beautifully variegated pattie, which consists of plaitted strings of beads wound round the pelvis. Intriguing is so very common and so much countenanced, that it is impossible their females ever can possess any good qualities; indeed it is very common for them, with the consent and wish of their husbands, to seduce a young man possessing some little property: the affair is so

water without heat, an obvious reference to palm wine or “jinjin beer” production (see footnote 113). For Sandown, see Samuel Gamble, “A Journal of an Intended Voyage, by Gods permission, from London towards Africa . . .,” Log/M/21, Manuscript Division, The Caird Library, National Maritime Museum- Greenwich. It is important, also, to consider that these Baga had a history of mistrust toward merchants who visited the coast. Late in the eighteenth century, Zachary Macaulay wrote that it was common for slavers to seize villagers without paying for them and without the permission of local headmen. For the latter, see Henry E. Huntington Library, Zachary Macaulay, “Macaulay Journal . . . 4 October 1793 to 12 December 1793,” entry dated 18 November 1793; the editors are indebted to Suzanne Schwarz who is editing these journals for publication. The stereotype of Bagas as heavy drinkers dies hard. Even today, when Baga tap and drink much less palm wine than they did in the past, a recently introduced match box portraying a palm wine taper has been popularly baptized in the whole Guinean territory as les allumettes bagas, i.e., the Baga matches. The Baga created a mermaid-headdress called yombofissa (a kind of “mami watta”), out of a bottle of ratafia, probably introduced by slave traders, called Yombo, whose label portrayed a mermaid (“Yombo fissa” is probably a corruption of “Yombo fish”). Alcohol drinking, and palm wine in particular, has always been a way of expressing an identity explicitly opposed to that of the Muslim Fula/Fulbe, the Baga’s traditional enemies. About the origins and etymology of yombofissa, see the article signed by “Favinet” in the colonial journal La Guinée Française (Conakry), no. 3587, 26 February 1948. A few issues between 1948 and 1952 of this rare journal are kept at the library of Le Musée de l’Homme in Paris. 12 The mention of rum clearly suggests that the Baga were trading with ships that carried rum as commodities for trade for slaves and other goods. The kinds of local products demanded by Europeans/Americans were limited at the beginning of the nineteenth century, however. Exportable goods, at this early time, would have included ivory, hippopotamus teeth, beniseed, bees wax and perhaps locally grown rice that could be used by slave cargos during the Middle Passage. Salt, that the Baga produced in large quantities, would have been sold into the interior, not traded with Europeans/Americans. American or European traders resident in the rivers might have exchanged rum for salt, as a part of a coasting trading network. 13 By 1821, Jaloffs/Woloffs from Saint Louis or Gorée were well known to British officers who had occupied Senegal earlier in the century and who employed numerous Woloffs as carriers in the ill-fated 1816/1817 Mission of Discovery. Woloffs were also engaged as agents/grumetes attached to French trading interests in the Rio Nunez and Rio Pongo. 14 This is an obvious reference to Temne, an ethnic group located in the immediate hinterland of Freetown at the mouth of the Sierra Leone River. The Temne and Baga languages both belong to the Mel language family. Contemporary scholars discuss possible past land-lineages between these two groups that are presently divided by Susu and Mandingo peoples. For more on linguistic studies, see David Dalby, “The Mel Languages: A Reclassification of Southern ‘West Atlantic’,” African Language Studies, 6 (1965), 1-17. 15 The tuntungee is often described as a narrow strip of cloth that is tied around the waist. It was generally worn by women, but men were known to have worn it as a mark of shame. The word tuntungee is Susu. In Baga-Sitem, they call it yikda; in Temne, ebeth. 4 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 managed as to lead to a complete detection, a public investigation immediately takes place in the palaver house, where it is always certain to be decided against the seduced, with damages at least to the amount of one hundred bars; each bar, if of cloth, about the value of 3s. 4d. to 5s.; if tobacco, 1s. to 1s. 6d.; and if powder, 6d. The chief and old men of the village always share in this species of plunder. This is a notorious trick of almost all the chiefs and headmen, who frequently employ their daughters also in the same way, and sometimes even their own wives are forced to ensnare the more wealthy youths of the country: one married couple has been known to do so to another.16

he distinctions of the natives of the country into particular classes are confined to a king, T chiefs or headmen of towns, labourers and confidential slaves.17 The present King, who is a very old man, possesses little more than the name of one, and is principally directed, in all public affairs, by his chiefs; in particular, Siacca of Kapru,18 and Tom19 of Tomania. Salia, of Dubrica, is the oldest chief, and the one that will probably succeed Mungo Demba; notwithstanding his having been educated as a Mahomedan, he is a man who possesses some of the best qualities of the Europeans, with few of their vices:20 he is never known to take a

16 Europeans frequently illustrated their own perceptions of trickery and stupidity of indigenous peoples with this or a similar tale. To be sure, occasionally such events happened. If the practice had been as common as generally described, however, indigenous peoples would surely have known about the practice and have taken steps to defend against unjust accusations. Butscher, “Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & other Nation,” explained this circumstance somewhat differently. He suggested that poor parents often attempted to have a daughter married to a headman as a way to insure protection for the parents and lineage. This meant effectively that headmen often had many wives and that these wives “allure[d] to the town considerable number of young men” who increased the prestige of the headmen and the volume of his following. If these men were themselves useful, the headman might overlook such indiscretions or simply assign fines or small punishments 17 This division recognized the notion of common ownership of land and peoples divided into ruling lineages, free-persons, and persons of non-free status. Other sources suggest that all land belonged to Mangé Demba and his lineage; land could neither be bought nor sold, since it belonged to the family collectively. Bangura, “Contribution de l’histoire,” 98-100, described the chief as “custodian of the land,” with powers to allot land use. Elsewhere, Baga are described as peoples who did not enslave others or own slaves of their own. “Labourers,” in this instance, may simply refer to Baga who were “free-persons,” who made their living by working the soil. The identification of “confidential slave” is complicated by a later notation. Relationships of rank are central in societies of the Upper Guinea coast, in which late arrivals are subordinated to the descendants of the supposed first settlers. Slavery is often denied even when it exists, and this may account for McLachlan’s reference to “confidential” slaves. For domestic slavery among the Susu in the nineteenth century, see John Grace, Domestic Slavery in West Africa, with Particular Reference to the Sierra Leone Protectorate, 1898-1927 (London, 1975). 18 Edward Bickersteth, “West Africa: Journal of the Assistant Secretary,” in Missionary Register, 5 (March 1817), described Siacca (Zeaca), in 1816 as the immediate landlord to the Church Missionary Society’s station called Gambier (Kaporo) and indicated that he had presented Siacca with a Bible written in Arabic. This suggests that Siacca was a Muslim. Koporo was then a town of 59 houses, with a population of nearly 400 persons who were “generally Bagoes, but they all speak the Susoo Tongue.” 19 This is the only known reference to Tom of Tomania. Earlier accounts of the Iles de Los mention a Tom Williams who lived on Tamara Island and who acted as landlord to Europeans who established factories on the Iles de Los. Williams supposedly spent eight to ten years in England and studied at a school near Liverpool which was financed by the Liverpool Company that operated a trading factory on Kassa Island. By 1821, however, the only known landlord on the Isles was Amurah, described in footnote number 32. For Williams in 1796, see Adam Afzelius, Adam Afzelius: Sierra Leone Journal 1795-1796, edited by Peter Kup (Uppsala, 1967), 100. 20 This reference is not meant to suggest that it was unusual for headmen/chiefs to be Muslim. The Reverend Jonathan Klein, who operated a mission school at Kaporo in the late teens, noted that nearly all Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 5 part in the intrigues of the King, or countenance the witch-palavers.21 The next in seniority is Siacca of Kapru, who is a step-brother of Salia. I am sorry to say he is very deceitful, and is neither esteemed by his own relations, nor respected by the people. If any of his connections should be so unfortunate as to possess a little property without his sharing in it, he is sure to have a charge of witchcraft brought against him; confiscation of property follows, and it seldom happens that those poor creatures escape without losing their heads or having their throats cut. This has actually occurred: about three or four years ago, a boy was sleeping in a small hut without any doors, loose mats serving in the place of them, a leopard22 came during the night and seized on this poor innocent; his cries alarmed the people, and he escaped with the loss of the greater part of his scalp. Early the ensuing morning, a charge of witchcraft was preferred against him, and nothing less than his immediate death would satisfy Siacca: the people, however, remonstrated, and by their united influence alone was the poor boy’s life saved. Some time ago, Siacca lost the hair which was on his head, he charged a youth with having caused this by magical arts; the young man was tried for witchcraft, of which he was found guilty, and put to death in a most cruel manner, in the presence of his own relations.

he next chief to be noticed is Tom, of Tomania. I can say very little of this man; he T appears to be a quiet creature, but it is said he is a constant attendant at all the meetings of the chiefs, and takes part in many of their roguish designs.

headmen/chiefs were Muslim; he advised the Church Missionary Society to send only religious tracts printed in Arabic. See CMS, CA1/E5/147, Wilhelm to Secretary, n/d, and CA1/E6/101, Klein Journal 13 March to 27 October 1817, for placement of Muslims along this coast. See also George E. Brooks, Jr., and Bruce L. Mouser, “An 1804 Slaving Contract Signed in Arabic Script From the Upper Guinea Coast,” History in Africa, 14 (1987), 341-347, for an example of the use of Arabic on this coast. 21 A “witch-palaver” generally referred to the circumstance in which a person had been accused with being a witch and was condemned to a status of servitude or transportation in consequence of being found guilty of witchcraft. As noted later in the text, an adversary might be accused of witchcraft as a way to remove him from competition. The term “palaver” can mean either “conversation/discussion” or “trouble”; both meanings could apply in this case. For a recent discussion of witchcraft, see Rosalind Shaw, “The Production of Witchcraft/Witchcraft as Production: Memory, Modernity, and the Slave Trade in Sierra Leone,” American Ethnologist, 24, no. 4 (1997), 856-876. 22 References to leopards seizing people and domestic animals are common for the nineteenth century. It was also common to explain normal occurrences as being consequences of bewitchment. For more on this topic, see Paul Richards, “Natural Symbols and Natural History: Chimpanzees, Elephants and Experiments in Mende Thought,” in Kay Milton (ed.), Environmentalism: The View from Anthropology (London, 1993), 144-159. 6 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998

he labourers23 are principally employed by Europeans in canoes: they are very deceitful, T and it is very common for them, when they are sent to trade at some of their native towns, to embezzle a great part, and very often run off with the whole, of their employers property.24 The confidential slaves are merely creatures of a chief, who are ever ready to support him in any way they are directed.

he town of Kapru is situated on the main land, close to the sea, and about ten or twelve T miles distant from Factory island [Map 1]. The river Dubrica [Map 3] is about twenty miles to the north of Kapru, and the town of the same name is situated on its banks, about twenty miles from its mouth. Tomania is about four or five miles from the town of Dubrica; but in another part I shall have occasion to describe these villages more minutely.

eligion, among this race of people, is very little known---I never observed among them R any particular mode of worship. They at first, I am informed, invoke the Supreme Being to furnish them with a “Griffie,”25 (Devil or Spirit), whom they adore and believe to be everywhere present; their constant prayers to this imaginary being are, that he will protect them from all evil, and likewise furnish them with every thing requisite for their comfort in this world. Some of their superstitious customs are truly horrific, especially such as are performed at funeral ceremonies. They bury their dead very often in the street; around the grave are a few stakes driven into the ground, and resting on them is a temporary grass roof. The bodies of the king, chiefs, and their relatives, are deposited in the palaver-house26; they

23 In this case, “labourers” refers to persons along the coast commonly called “grumetes.” These were indigenous peoples, some of mixed descent, who hired themselves or were loaned by local headmen or traders to Europeans for wages. In the Rio Pongo, many grumetes were of mixed European/African descent whose fathers had left the coast. Mothers, occasionally paired with European traders for commercial advantages, often found themselves and their children ostracized once the child’s father left the coast or died. These children, belonging fully to neither the African nor the European side of their heritage, became free-labor and acquired useful occupations as pilot, carpenter, cooper, clerk, or any number of other vocations that served the merchant community. Many indigenous boys, especially among the Baga, hired themselves or were loaned by headmen as canoe-boys or as seamen on board schooners and merchant craft that plied the coast of West Africa. For more on children abandoned by European fathers and who became employed in coastal trading, see CMS, CA1/E1/116c, Peter Hartwig’s Journal, Susu Country, 9 April 1806 to 24 May 1806, entries dated 10-12 April. For grumetes, see Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea Coast 1545 to 1800 (London, 1970) and George E. Brooks, Jr., Yankee Traders, Old Coasters, & African Middlemen (Boston, 1970). 24 In this instance, McLachlan appears to be describing persons who were acting as agents for Europeans in local coasting trade. It was common for Europeans to establish factories at specific locations, loan products to local canoemen who acted as their sub-factors and who used these “advanced goods” to purchase commodities in neighboring rivers. These latter commodities would then be returned to the “advancer”; to be sure, some absconded with the advanced goods, but that circumstance regularly “spoiled” their reputations along the coast and ruined their future prospects in commerce. For advances, see Brooks, Yankee Traders, 200. 25 Griffie: krifi in Temne, wukirfin (pl. akirfin) in Baga-Sitem: spirit or genie. The Baga-Sitem seldom discuss such spirits or their characteristics with outsiders. One informant, however, described them as human-shape dwarfs who lived in the forest, and, on occasions, women brought them into villages and kept them in lineage ritual houses (kulo kupon). Thomas Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone (1803/London, 1969), I, 227, wrote that, among the Bullom and Temne, spirits of deceased friends return to their former regions of residence “under the forms of a pigmy race,” and that they participate freely in the celebrations and “nocturnal revels of the natives.” 26 Perhaps the earliest drawing of such a “palaver” or ritual house [Figure 1] was published in Missionary Papers, No. 9, 1818. This “paper” also included drawings of two houses for griffie or spirits [Figures 2 and 3]; the latter houses were shown to be about waist high. The only known location for these rare papers is the Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 7 are put in the ground horizontally, the grave is about 4 or 5 feet deep; articles of diet, clothing, and often powder and fire are deposited with the body, believing that their ever- protecting spirit27 will, as they say, supply the deceased with all those articles. Feasting and dancing soon commence; towards night, when the strong palm wine begins to act, extremes of debauchery of every description close the first night’s scene: the same round is continued for days together, and sometimes for three weeks, every one contributing something or other to the continuance of the funeral rites. In some of the Baga countries, (Rio Pongos) the dead are buried perpendicularly, and rice is cooked over the deceased’s head, yet scarcely covered with earth; the scene closes with the same debauchery, and the scattering of the articles of diet about the grave, as above described.28 To this “Griffie” they ascribe every thing that is good or bad: this was curiously illustrated on Crawford’s Island, during the scarcity of water in the preceding dry season---canoes were seen going to and from the different islands, scattering articles of diet, more especially on the island named after this imaginary being.29 The disappearance of those articles may well be attributed to some one who possessed more natural cunning and deceit than the rest: I strongly suspected a man, named Joe Lime,30 who is a great worshipper of the devil, and often amuses the natives by relating the frequent conversations he has with him. The only Mahomedans among the Baga’s are the chiefs;31 but

Mission Studies Library, Partnership House, Waterloo Road, London. A longer version of this “paper” appeared in Missionary Register, 6 (1818), 115-117. 27 In the “Errata,” this word was changed from “devil” to “spirit.” 28 In the past, Baga used to bury people belonging to a lineage underneath their kulo kupon (lit. “big house”), i.e. the first house and ritual meeting place of that particular lineage, probably what McLachlan called a “palaver house.” Vertical burials were rarely reported in texts or by current informants. Mgr.Le Roy, [“History of the Catholic Mission in Guinea - c.1900"], written manuscript, page 8, Archives General des P. P. Du St.-Esprit, Box 193 A-I, noted that the Kakissa buried their dead upright. Abdoulaï Tyam’s dissertation on Baga-Foré’s burial customs reports that people accused of witchcraft were buried in the bush, alive and vertically up to the shoulders. Then the youths would stone his or her head and eventually cover it with earth. For Baga burial customs, see Abdoulaï Tyam, “Les rites funéraires en pays baga (Baga Forè de Boffa),” Mémoire de diplôme de fin d’études supérieures, 1975, Conakry, Institut Polytechnique Gamal Abdel Nasser; Raymond Lerouge, “En 1897, Le P. Dubois raconte une céremonie funèbre chez les Baga,” in his Miscellanea quae, auditis senioribus, de Guinae gallicae locis et focis, ego senescens retuli (a collection of manuscripts started in 1942), Archives Générales de la Congrégation des PP. du St-Esprit, “Fonds Bernier,” box 269B; Jules Leprince, “Les Baga-Foreh (Moeurs et coutumes),” Revue Scientifique, 14 , no. 2, (July 1900), 47-49. It may be noteworthy that the Baga have been reported to be skull collectors (already by Alvares d’Almada in 1595, and as late as 1930 by the Catholic father Raymond Lerouge), and skull collecting is achieved in other parts of Africa by burying the people vertically and leaving their heads in the open. So there may be some validity in McLachlan’s note about vertical burials. 29 In Mission Field, 1 September 1868, 247, appeared the following: “The little island from which the name of the others is derived is very insignificant: it is about five miles S.S.W. of Fotabah [Tamara], and a few yards N.N.E. of Crawford Island.” 30 Joe Lime is not identified in sources consulted; he may have been one of the retired soldiers from the 3rd West India Regiment who lived on Tamara Island. 31 It is interesting to note that a few pages later McLachlan wrote that the Bagas of the Rio Kapatchez, located further north, had neither “kings nor headmen.” This suggests that, although they bear the same name, Baga subgroups are very different among themselves, at least as far as their social institutions are concerned. In general, the Baga of the south (Baga-Kalum, Baga-Koba) became more islamised and Susu-ised than those of the north (Baga-Foré, Baga-Sitem). In 1906, another medical doctor, Claude Maclaud, “Étude sur la distribution géographique des races sur la côte occidentale d’Afrique de la Gambie à la Mellacorée,” Bulletin de géographie, historique et descriptive, 21 no. 1 (1906), 119, wrote that “the Baga of the south do not differ much from the Susu, with whom the mixture is almost complete” and that Baga-Foré (a label under which he, as many other visitors, also included the Baga-Sitem), “means in Susu black Baga or savage Baga, 8 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 from their general conduct, I suspect, they are Pagans in their hearts; few of them indeed can be said to be well versed in the Arabic: Amurah, of Factory Island, is certainly the best scholar.32 The great respect which is paid to the Mandingo dress by all Africans, I should think, is the reason for the chiefs so frequently assuming it.33 Mahometanism appears to be making rapid strides in this as well as in other countries which I have visited.

olygamy is very common among the natives; and it is according to the number of women P that individuals are respected. The average number of births can with difficulty be ascertained; the frequent charges of witchcraft, making the poor mother deny her own children rather than acknowledge the number in actual slavery. The average number of deaths do not exceed four per cent; among the slaves it is much greater.34

he dress of the men is an European shirt and trowsers, and sometimes a sailor’s jacket; those who profess Mahometanism wear the Mandingo gown and trowsers. T he dress of the women is a fathom of cloth, about three feet wide, worn round the body; T and another cloth, generally of a different colour, is thrown over the shoulders; the manufacture appeared to me to be English: the ornaments are beads and shells hung round the neck, wrists, and ancles, and also patties worn round the pelvis, weighing nearly three or four pounds:35 their amusements are chiefly confined to dancing.36

undoubtedly in opposition to the Baga of the south, who are more civilised.” 32 It was common for most headmen to sign their name in Arabic script by the 1820s, regardless of religious alignment. In Alexander Smith, “Journal of a Voyage from Sierra Leone to the River Kisi Kisi . . . 1805,” Sierra Leone Collection, Manuscript Division, University of Illinois at Chicago, ms. page 9, Amurah was noted as appearing at Forékariah during a conference called to resolve a regional dispute; at that conference Amurah was called “Amara King Tom of the Isles de Los.” This reference may mean that Amurah and Tom were the same person, or the author simply may have left out the word “and” between the two. Elsewhere Amurah is called Amra/Amrah and is identified as the host to the Church Missionary Society school on Factory/Kassa Island. The Reverend Wenzel, in CMS CA1/E3/108, Wenzel to Secretary, 12 December 1813, described Amurah as a “Mahomedan preacher, and a teacher of Arabic. At the death of his father, he obtained his paternal inheritance the Isles and established it by a decision of arms.” Amurah was also reported to have studied in Timbo. 33 The Mandingo dress refers to the boubou, also known as domma in Susu; this is a full-bodied flowing robe that allows for easy circulation of air beneath. 34 There are two references here to slavery as institutions among the Baga-Kalum, those of Mangé Demba’s country. In both cases, the implications are that slavery was a commonplace occurrence. What McLachlan intended by his first reference is unclear; perhaps he meant to say that mothers were reluctant to talk about children because so many of their children had become slaves. This implication runs counter to the commonly held notion that Baga peoples did not hold slaves nor did they buy or sell them. Perhaps, these persons were not Baga; perhaps they were slaves who belonged to Baga/Susu landlords who used their labor and sold the unneeded labor to shipcaptains in exchange for commodities such as tobacco, rum, or other goods in demand. The second reference clearly suggests that there were free-men and slaves, at least among the Baga belonging to Mangé Demba’s country. Perhaps his first reference was only to those women who were of slave status. Writing in c. 1814, Butscher, “Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & other Nations,” noted that the Baga would not permit a slave trading factory to be established on their territory and they did not “suffer any of their country men to be carried off or sold for slaves out of their country.” But Butscher also observed that “sometimes they [the Baga] have attacked the boats of the white slave traders, and made the people prisoners, till they were redeemed.” Writing a decade earlier, Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans, I, 6, noted also that slave factories were not permitted in Baga territory because “they dislike the slave trade;” Winterbottom did not say, however, that slavery as an institution was absent among them. 35 This reference to women’s attire is very different from his earlier description. See footnote number 15 Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 9

he principal articles of cultivation are rice, cassada, ground-nuts, and palm oil: they grow Trice in so very small quantities, that it is not sufficient for their own consumption; and it often happens, when the cassada crops are bad, that they are obliged to solicit from the Soosoos that article in exchange for salt.37 Baga towns are always known by the quantity of cassada in the neighbourhood: ground-nuts, they only cultivate for their own use.38 The exportation of palm oil from this country never exceeds, in value, two hundred pounds sterling, and often not half that amount.39 Cotton is seldom cultivated, owing, I suppose, to their having no persons capable of manufacturing it.40 Coarse mats are also articles of exportation.41 In a former part of this communication, I stated that the men were much averse to labour; so much is this the case, that the poor females do all the laborious work on the farms, and manufacture the palm oil, and also the salt; the men taking no other share of the labour for their subsistence, than cutting the palm nuts when in season: their chief delight, in

above. 36 Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans, I, 108-112, described dancing as an “amusement” among the Bullom and Temne in a similar way and contrasted it with the storytelling of the Fula and Mande peoples. 37 The Baga were generally described as producers of significant surpluses of rice which they grew using techniques limited to the Baga peoples. This reference to small rice crops suggests perhaps that the people here, who McLachlan described as being Baga, in fact were not Baga at all, or were removed from Baga roots to such an extent that rice production was no longer a main-stay of their commercial life. Instead, they produced salt in sufficient surplus to be able to exchange it for foodstuffs (casava and rice) from the Susu in their hinterland. Those techniques in rice production, known to Baga along this coast, should have worked well in the mangrove lowlands that line this coast from Ile Tumbo to Dubréka. 38 Groundnut/peanut production generally requires sandy soils. Much of the coastline here is mangrove. Sandy soils begin at the foot of the Sangara/Manea hills, an area that might be identified more as that occupied by Susu or Manea peoples. James Watt, Journal of James Watt: Expedition to Timbo Capital of the Fula Empire in 1794, edited by Bruce L. Mouser (Madison, 1994), 47-48, mentioned that the Fula used groundnuts to produce a type of bread, and Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans, I, 71, described the use of groundnuts among the Temne and Bullom. See also George E. Brooks, Jr., “Peanuts and Colonization: Consequences of the Commericalization of Peanuts in West Africa, 1830-1870,” Journal of African History, 16, 1 (1975), 29-54, for a lengthy treatment of groundnut trade on this coast. 39 Palm oil production requires large numbers of the oil palm that yields palm nuts. The center of such production was Ile Tumbo. The Baga-Koba, located in the mangrove islands between the mouth of the Rio Pongo and the Konkouré River, were also known as producers of significant surpluses of palm oil, some of which appeared in the Freetown market. See footnote number 119 below. 40 McLachlan perhaps was asked to look specifically for cotton because it was known at Freetown that landlords located near Wonkapong, capital of Sumbuya, to the southeast of the Sangara highlands, grew significant quantities of cotton on their farms/lugars and wove it into cloth that they sold to Susu peoples in the interior. It was also known that the Susu of Labaya, in the headwaters of the Konkouré River grew large quantities of cotton, and they also wove it into cloth. By 1821, European and American traders in the Rio Pongo, already chastened by Royal squadron warships for continuing to engage in slave trading, were reporting to Freetown their willingness to grow cotton, coffee, and other commodities that might replace slave trading as a major commercial enterprise along this coast. For cotton cloth production, see Richard Bright, “Journal . . . 1802,” in Guinea Journals: Journeys into Guinea-Conakry During the Sierra Leone Phase, 1800-1821, edited by Bruce Mouser (Washington, 1979), 80, and the Reverend John Ulrich Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour to the Labaya Country (Guinea/Conakry) in 1850, edited by Bruce L. Mouser (Leipzig: University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, No. 1 1998). 41 Perhaps McLachlan was alluding to the increasing frequency of coasting craft of all types that appeared at the wharf/market at Freetown with goods of indigenous production. The Baga were known for certain types of basketry; but baskets were produced by all peoples along this coast. 10 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 short, is in tapping the palm trees, and getting drunk with the wine.42 This so frequently happens, that it is dangerous to enter one of their towns in an evening.

he articles of diet are principally boiled cassada, with palaver sauces: rice and palm oil is T but seldom used, except in the palm oil season; the great part of the population, however, confine themselves chiefly to shell fish and boiled cassada.43

ew warlike instruments are to be seen among the Bagas of this part of the country; a F miserable and ill-looking cutlass, is, in general, all they can shew; and it is rarely that a musket, in good condition, is to be seen in their possession.

he harsh and disagreeable sound44 of their own, has led them, I conceive, to adopt the T Soosoos’ language; for in every town I visited, the conversation was always carried on in Soosoo.45

42 Almost a hundred years after McLachlan, the French missionary Marius Balez wrote an article also stating that Baga (Sitem) women did all the work and men spent their time at leisure in hammocks (Marius Balez, “Coutumes Bagas. Les pieds dans la boue,” La Voix de Notre-Dame, 5ème année, Num. 11, Sept. 1930, 9- 13). It is inaccurate, however, to say that women do all the “laborious work on the farms.” In fact, most of mangrove-rice farming is done by men, especially the clearing of mangrove fields, the ploughing of the fields with the kop or spade (a very laborious activity), the casting of seeds, and the harvesting of crops (although women may collaborate in the harvest). Baga men heavily criticise those who spend their time in the village and do not farm. A Baga-Sitem saying has it that dorkun deyi dale, bafo dare, or “manhood (or manliness) is to be proven in the rice fields, not in the village.” 43 The book version and the serialized version in the Royal Gazette: Sierra Leone Advertiser differ slightly at this point. In the latter, McLachlan added at the end of this sentence the following: “and the chiefs live as often as they can on rice.” His reason for deleting this section is unclear, assuming that the book version is the last to be published. If the book version was the first published, perhaps McLachlan added this part to the sentence to indicate that rulers generally lived better than did their subjects. 44 Susu is a Mande language, very different from Baga. It is difficult to say when Susu became the lingua franca of the Guinean coast. In the fifteenth, sixteenth, and early seventeenth centuries, the lingua franca of the coast was not Susu but Sape, which was much closer to Baga and Temne than is Susu. Europeans generally find Susu easier to pronounce than Baga or Temne. For more on Sape and Mani migrations, see George E. Brooks, Landlords & Strangers: Ecology, Society, and Trade in Western Africa, 1000-1630 (Boulder, 1993), 272-282. 45 McLachlan noted above that salt was a principal commodity produced by the Baga of Mangé Demba’s country. The market for this product was the Fula of the Fuuta Jaloo highlands who raised large herds of cattle. The Fula, and presumably their cattle, preferred sea salt to the rock salt that came from the distant interior. Fula caravans came coastward along established international roads, most of which followed major rivers that drained into the Atlantic and that found their sources in the Fuuta Jaloo. Some Fula traders carried all of their goods by foot-bearers, with commodities and, occasionally if the price were right, surplus bearers being sold or exchanged on the coast. Some Fula used canoe trade, following the rivers coastward as far as the escarpment where rivers plunged coastward or where rapids made canoe traffic no longer tenable. The Falaba and the Konkouré rivers both served as major carriers of goods and as caravan paths from the interior. On the coast, the Fula chose to trade with Susu speakers rather than Baga ones, partly because of their long-term relationships with Mande speakers and perhaps because Mande speakers tended to be Muslims. Susu was also an important language of commerce from Freetown to the Rio Grande, and all parties, whether African or European, considered it profitable to know or learn Susu, if one expected to become financially successful along this coast. McLachlan’s comment that conversations were “always” conducted in Susu reflects the degree to which this Baga group had become integrated into the commerce of the coast and the degree of assimilation or accommodation that had already occurred, leading to the replacement of Baga characteristics with Susu ones. For more on the salt trade, see Watt, Journal of James Watt, passim. Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 11

d & 3d,46 The Coba Bagas are a race of people who inhabit a part of the north bank of the 2 river Dembia [Konkouré], near its mouth: what I have already said regarding the former tribe may be applied to this, and also, with every degree of propriety, to those in the Rio Pongos [Caxa/Kakissa/Sobane], with this exception, that the two last tribes are a much more brave and warlike people.47

th, The natives who reside at Capachez are generally denominated Bagas, although 4incorrectly, their language not being the same as that spoken among the other tribes.48 This country is situated a few miles to the north of the Rio Pongos: the people are poor and miserable, and in a shocking state of barbarism; they have no kings nor headmen.49 The men and women wear no other kind of covering than a small string or cord tied round the pelvis, to which a narrow piece of cloth, three or four inches wide, in the shape of the letter T, is fastened: women, at every age, use no other covering. They are all pagans;50 their superstitious ceremonies are nearly similar to those of the other tribes.

46 The third Baga group, somehow, has been forgotten in McLachlan’s discussion. For the Caxa, Kakissa, Sobane, see footnote number 5. By 1821, these Baga had divided basically into two groups: those who retreated to the coast and north of the Dangara River, and those who remained to participate in commerce along the Rio Pongo and to live among the Susu, Fula, and European/American traders. This latter group gradually assimilated and made accommodations with those around them, generally using the Susu language that had become the language of commerce in the Rio Pongo. As their Susu guests gradually converted to Islam, so did many of these Baga hosts. They also profited from the commerce that these accommodations allowed. Those Baga who retreated northward toward Cape Verga likely retained more Baga characteristics than did their kin who remained to live among the Susu. For Baga using the Susu language, see Butscher, “Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & other Nation.” 47 In 1875, Thomas G. Lawson, on official of the Sierra Leone Colonial administration, described the Koba occupying the coast south of the mouth of the Rio Pongo as having a “King,” as being good seamen, and as producing palm nuts, palm oil, groundnuts, and beniseeds for export. For Lawson’s comments, see David E. Skinner, Thomas George Lawson (Stanford, 1980), 85-87. By the mid-1850s, West Indian missionaries who established schools at Fallangia among/near the Koba described them as having headmen, all of whom were Muslim “Mandingos.” For more on West Indian missionaries, see Bela Vassady, Jr., “The Role of the Black West Indian Missionary in West Africa, 1840-1890” (Ph.D. dissertation, Temple University, 1972); and Henry Caswall, The Martyr of the Pongas: Being a Memoir of the Rev. Hamble James Leacock (London, 1857). 48 Voeltz, “Les langues de la Guinée,” wrote that the Baga spoken by the Baga-Kalum (Mangé Demba’s Baga) and by the Baga-Koba were closer to Temne than to the Baga dialect spoken by the Baga-Sitem. The language spoken by the Baga of Marara Island, and that spoken by the Kakissa/Caxa/Sobane are closely related to that spoken by the Sitem. For more on Sitem language, see Tina W. Ganong, “Features of Baga Morphology, Syntex, and Narrative Discourse” (MA Thesis, University of Texas at Arlington, 1998). 49 The indigenous peoples natives who reside at Kapatchez are the Sitem, the Baga-Pukur and the Baga-Foré or Bulongic. The language of the Sitem is similar to that of the Baga-Kakissa, Baga-Kalum and Baga-Koba of the south, while Baga-Foré and Baga-Pukur are completely different. The lack of Baga chiefs in this region was also observed by Réné Caillié, Travels Through Central Africa to Timbuctoo (1830/London, 1967), I, 211, who visited the area in 1827. Butscher, “Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & other Nation,” described these Baga as “very industrious in planting rice, & making salt, with which articles they supply the slave factories.” 50 That McLachlan included this remark about religion suggests that he considered it worthy of mention in 1821. He noted that some Baga groups apparently had converted to Islam and that headmen among the Baga-Kalum were “nearly” all Muslims. This, and his earlier comments about distinction of language and types of dress, suggests that, by 1821, the Baga were divided into distinct groupings, with the Baga-Sitem being less islamized or politically centralized. For a recent treatment of the Baga-Sitem, see Ramon Sarro- Maluquer, “Baga Identity: Religious Movements and Political Transformation in the Republic of Guinea” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of London, 1999). 12 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998

he produce of this country is nearly the same as in those already described; the Texportation of palm oil is, however, much greater, and ivory, in small quantities, is sometimes to be met with.51 I have been informed that this tribe is of a much more mild and hospitable disposition than any of the other Bagas.52 My information, as it respects this race, is from a class of individuals, who, from their long residence and a series of misfortunes, have assimilated themselves to the customs and habits of the natives.53 Having, therefore, given all the information which I possess regarding the Baga countries, I shall conclude this part by describing the simple methods by which they procure the palm oil and the palm wine.

alm Oil.---Before a palm tree is capable of bearing nuts, it must have attained the age of P 8 or 9 years; but some trees have been known to be 12 years before any nuts have made their appearance upon them.54 The nuts grow from the top and near the branches of the tree; and they are supported on short thick stems, which, about three inches from the roots, become spongy and much more thick, branching out into strong prickles (the whole resembling in shape an artichoke, but much larger) and at their roots are the nuts; the roots of those prickles are much broader than at the points, which serves to prevent the nuts from falling off when ripe: one of these bundles contain from 100 to 200 nuts. The season in which they are generally taken from the tree, is in the beginning of the tornadoes and rains (May).55

51 Other sources also mention small ivories, called “escrevilias,” and large ivories that came from elephants that still were present in the area. It is surprising that McLachlan failed to mention that the Sitem/Kapatchez Baga were well known for salt and rice production. It was common practice for traders at factories in both the Nunez and Pongo to send schooners to the Kapatchez to purchase rice, salt, and ivory; the latter was sold to Europeans or Americans, while the salt was sold to the Fula in exchange for slaves, gold, and other commodities. The rice, likely, in an earlier time, was sold to slave captains to feed their cargos of slaves during the Middle Passage. 52 Gamble, “Sandown,” 53, observed in 1793, in contrast, that these Baga, from four years of age and upward, all were well-armed with bows and arrows. The “mild and hospitable” disposition of the Baga is congruent with descriptions around the same time by Theophilus Conneau, Logbook, 99-103, and before that, in 1803, by Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans, I, 5-6, who wrote: “The Bagoes, like the Bulloms, seem to have been of a mild and peaceable disposition, and to have fallen a prey to ambitious and restless neighbours.” The Baga region, and particularly that of the Rio Kapatchez, is described in pre-colonial and early colonial sources (André Coffinières de Nordeck, “Voyage au pays des Bagas et du Rio Nunez (1884- 1885),” Le Tour Du Monde, 1ersemestre (1886): 273-304; A. Chevrier, “Notes relatives aux coutoumes des adeptes de la Societé de Scymos,” L’Anthrologie, 27 (1906): 359-376; Maclaud, “Étude sur la distribution géographique,” passim) as a region of “asylum,” where outcasts from the hinterland fleeing slavery or witchcraft would be incorporated and protected. For a treatment of regions of asylum in the Upper Guinea coast, see Eve L. Crowley, “Contracts with the Spirits: Religion, Asylum and Ethnic Identity in the Cacheu Region of Guinea-Bissau,” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Yale University, 1990). 53 McLachlan did not identify his informants. Elsewhere he said that he made four visits to the mainland to collect data. It is reasonable to speculate that McLachlan relied upon informants who spoke English; these persons, therefore, may have been relatives of European/American slave traders or descendants of these traders or may have been closely associated with those trades. His comment about persons having assimilated to Baga customs and habits, however, may indicate that these informants were Africans from the interior who had obtained asylum within the mangrove region of the coast. 54 As in other parts of Africa, oil palm on the Guinean coast has been improved by hybridization and selection, especially during the twentieth century. Today most oil palms belong to the variety Elaeies guineensis, which only takes four years to bear fruit. See C.W.S. Hartley The Oil Palm (London, 1967), 137-296. 55 Generally, seasons are divided along this coast into the dry season that lasts from October to May and the stormy/rainy season from June to September. It is true, as McLachlan says, that the nuts are collected before the heavy rains begin, during a period called molofe in Baga-Sitem. Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 13

The nuts being removed from the spongy body and cleaned, and having been exposed a little to the sun, are put into a mortar and bruised until all the external fibrous covering is separated from the nut; after washing the fibrous covering in cold water, the whole is put into a large boiler, containing water, and constant heat is applied until all the oil is extracted. The oil being removed, and put into another vessel, the water is carefully poured off, and the residuum is separated and preserved in a different vessel; but in some parts of the country they boil the residuum a second time. This residuum or lees is carefully collected and boiled in a large conical-shaped earthen vessel, with a solution of potash,56 which they obtain by burning the mangrove and other woods to ashes: the plantain and banana trees are thought by some to be the best for this purpose. After it becomes of a pretty firm consistence, it is removed and formed into large balls, or put into earthen vessels; this forms the excellent black soap57 which is always abundant in the Sierra Leone market.

o obtain the white palm oil, the nuts, which have already lost their beautiful external red Tcovering, are broken and the kernels taken out; they are afterwards bruised in a mortar, and then boiled in water, and as the oil appears, it is removed;58 this oil they use as a perfume in dressing their hair and anointing their bodies. Sometimes they use it in cooking;59 it does not taste so strong as the common palm oil, it is, however, as disagreeable to the taste of an European as that procured from the external fibrous covering of the nut.

alm Wine.---There are in general two ways of obtaining this beverage: the natives, on P perceiving a tree bearing nuts, make an incision close to the bottom of the branches, and immediately introduce a small leaf, formed into a funnel-like shape, into the aperture he has just made; he then fastens his gourd or bottle to the tree, with its mouth in close contact with the projecting end of the funnel:60 in some parts of the coast the natives make an incision in that part of the tree termed the cabbage (which is about six inches below the root of the stem supporting the nuts) where they perceive small pyramidal bodies resembling branches in embryo, (termed by the Jaloffs the tree’s child61): every rugged sprig is removed, and after these bodies have been neatly trimmed, incisions are made into them, and gourds or bottles are fastened in the same manner as above described.62 In some parts of the country they tap

56 This potash is called seke in Baga-Sitem. 57 According to Afzelius, Adam Afzelius: Sierra Leone Journal, 11, black soap was made from the ashes of a palm tree. Current wisdom, however, recommends banana and plantain trees as producing the best potash for this purpose. 58 This system of producing kernel oil (or “nut oil” as they call it in Sierra Leone), from which black soap also was made, is what the Baga call the “Kissi system,” probably because it likely was introduced by the Kissi (a people from the hinterland who established large settlements on the coast between Boffa and Forékariah). The “Baga system” consists of putting the kernels in a vessel which has holes in its base, and then putting bits of burning wood in the vessel. As the kernels burn, an oil is produced; this oil then falls through the holes into another vessel placed underneath it. The oil produced with this system is in fact black in color, but the Baga, as do other peoples, refer to it as “white oil.” 59 The Baga and Susu rarely use this oil as an ingredient in their sauces as do the Malinke and other peoples of the hinterland. But they do use it as a frying oil to cook sweet potatoes and other vegetables. 60 This way of obtaining palm wine, accurately described by McLachlan, is the one that the Baga use. 61 Dom garap is the Woloff term. 62 On the Guinean coast, this method is not used by the Baga but by the Kissi who live near Forékariah. Baga currently claim that this method kills the palm tree. 14 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 the tree much earlier; but the wine is not good then, as it acts as a very powerful purgative.63 Those who are in the habit of constantly drinking in large quantities the fresh drawn or sweet wine, are said to be much afflicted with Hernia.64 To the abuse of this beverage, in a fermented state, the swelled legs (elephantiasis) and premature old age of the Bagas, are chiefly to be attributed.65 By tapping the tree the nuts are destroyed. A palm tree ought only be tapped every alternate year; and if it is done oftener, the tree will probably die.66 A good tree will sometimes yield in one night five or six gallons of palm wine, which, after going through the process of fermentation, and being allowed to settle and then strained, produces a most pleasant flavoured vinegar. This, however, requires some care and management, as it is liable to become sweet again.

PART II.

OME ACCOUNT OF THE SOOSOOS, AND OF THE S PRODUCTS OF THEIR COUNTRY.67

he Soosoos may be divided into five distinct tribes:--1st, the Sumbia; --2d, Solima; --3d, Labia; --4th, Yamfa; --5th, Dembia. T st, The Sumbia-Soosoos occupy a tract of country of much more extent than their 1neighbours, the Bagas; it commences from a part of the north bank of the Kissey, a little above the town Wongopong, or King’s residence, running north and north-east along the chain of Sangaree mountains to the borders of Mungo Demba’s territory, an extent of about 100 miles in length and above 40 miles in breadth.68

63 This palm wine used as a laxative is called melele in Baga. 64 It seems unlikely that palm wine produces hernia. Muscular hernias, however, are very common among the Baga-Sitem. This is probably a hereditary condition, since the Sitem frequently intermarry. 65 Swelled legs are more likely to be produced by parasites than by palm wine. Today this a rare condition, but Baga elders do remember that in the past it was a common affliction. 66 This is particularly true of the second method described by McLachlan. Baga who use the first method judge the advisability of tapping without killing the tree to be in a direct relationship to the tree’s production of nuts. 67 This part of McLachlan’s report appeared separately in The Royal Gazette; Sierra Leone Advertiser, no. 178 (October 27, 1821), 679-681; no. 179 (3 November 1821), 683-684; and no. 180, (10 November 1921), 29- 30. 68 There is a contradiction here in the placement of the Kissey River close to Wonkapong. In this description, McLachlan links the Susu north of Moria to those living within Mangé Demba’s country. This effectively joins the Susu of Sumbuya to those of Sumbia and makes no distinction between those of Sumbuya and those of the Sumba River region. Although there were several political divisions among this group, the largest political entity was centered at Wonkapong, in the state of Sumbuya. The rulers, “lords of the land,” in Sumbuya were of Susu and Bullom/Baga origin and by 1821 would have become Muslim. Several families of Djula from the interior, most notably the Dumbuya lineage, had migrated into Sumbuya by the mid-eighteenth century and had helped to facilitate commerce between the coast and the interior. By the end of the century, the extended family led by Fendan Modu Dumbuya (six sons) maintained a vast network of commerce stretching from Freetown to the Northern Rivers (including the Iles de Los) and into the Fuuta Jaloo itself. In the 1780-90s, Sumbuya joined with the neighboring Mandingo state of Moria to oppose a slave rebellion that spread widely in the foothills south of Cape Sangara and that threatened the ruling structures of the region. By 1800, the Dumbuya family had become effectively protectors of the Sumbuya state (in an uncles-nephews relationship, as noted by M. Bangura), maintaining its independence from an expansionist Moria state centered at Forékariah and consolidating its trading networks along the coast. The Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 15

hey are a tribe much superior to the Bagas, both in industry and in manners. I have Talways found them pleasant, mild, and inoffensive; their personal appearance is, in general, prepossessing, and the neatness and cleanliness of the generality of their houses at once please the traveller, and exalt the owners in his estimation.69 I cannot say any thing positively regarding their strength; they are, however, very industrious, and do a great deal of laborious work. As to their height, it differs very much: in the town of Nakaiah, which is situated at the foot of the largest of the Sangaree mountains, the men are tall, active, and muscular; about 4 miles to the south is Sangaree town, which is also situated at the foot of this large mountain: here the men are of low stature, but muscular. This may depend upon the founders of the town; for the natives here always make it a point to intermarry with their own relatives.70 This race of people is by no means free from that low cunning which characterizes most tribes residing on the sea coast; and the traveller cannot be too cautious in seeing their promises fulfilled before he remunerates them: they are fond of intoxicating liquors, but rarely drink to that excess which is so disgusting among their neighbours. The appearances of longevity are strongly marked among them.

olygamy is common among the Soosoos; and I am credibly informed, that they are not Palways satisfied with one female of a family, but in many instances espouse two sisters, and it is still more common for them to marry their own nieces; I have known two fathers exchange their daughters for the purpose of espousing them. It seldom happens that any thing like filial affection is to be seen among them; if they possess any affectionate regard, it is for their mother only.71

Dumbuya, as noted above, intermarried also with the Suma/Baga/Susu family of rulers among the Baga- Kalum, and Mangé Demba was half Dumbuya. By 1818, it was Dala Mohamad Dumbuya, son of Fendan Modu Dumbuya and envoy to the Governor of Sierra Leone, who became a co-signatory to the “Treaty of Friendship and Amity,” signed between the governor’s representative and the Baga-Kalum. In effect, the Dumbuya/Sumbia connection to the Baga-Kalum was complete by 1818; there was little effective difference between the two. For the treaty, see PRO, CO267/47/156, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 20 July 1818, enclosure. For migration of Mande speakers coastward, see David Skinner, Thomas George Lawson (Stanford, 1980), 52-64. For the slave rebellion in these rivers, see Bronislaw Nowak, “The Slave Rebellion in Sierra Leone in 1785-1796,” Hemispheres: Studies in Cultures and Societies (Poland), 3 (1986), 151-169. 69 Observers from Freetown had often visited Wonkapong/Sumbuya and were more positively impressed with the rulers’ residences than with those belonging to or used by slaves. Fendan Mohamad Dumbuya was also a frequent visitor to Freetown and his son, Dala Mohamad/Modu, lived near Freetown at Lungi/Medina, on Bullom Shore. More detailed treatment of these visits is found in Bruce L. Mouser, “The 1805 Forékariah Conference: A Case of Political Intrigue, Economic Advantage, Network Building,” History in Africa, 25 (1998), 219-262. 70 From his observations among the Susu peoples at Kukuna, Sierra Leone, James Thayer, “Religion and Social Organization Among a West African Muslim People” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Michigan, 1981), 41-45, noted that nearly everyone was able to indicate relationships to other persons through both their father’s and their mother’s descent lines. Another likely explanation for various physical types may relate to the fact that this region was known to have peoples of slave background, and, as such, these differences may have reflected ethnic heritages not indigenous to the coast. 71 Thayer, “Religion and Social Organization,” 41-42, described the Susu as “patriarchal, patrilineal, patrilocal and polygynous (ideally), with preferred matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In kinship terminology, they use a variation of Iroquoian terminology, and have a bifurcate merging classification in the first ascending generation.” Thayer, 41-45, was describing observed patterns in Kukuna, Sierra Leone, but his description fits well those noted by McLachlan more than 150 years earlier among the Sumbia-Susu. See also James Thayer, “Some Remarks on Informal Social Networks Among the Soso of Sierra Leone,” Africana Research Bulletin (Freetown), 9, nos 1&2 (?1979), 51, for impact of cross-cousin marriage on social network identification. 16 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998

he articles of cultivation are, rice, cotton, cassada, ground-nuts, onions, and some few Tkinds of fruit: they grow rice in so large a quantity, as to enable them to export it, and to receive in exchange European goods of almost every description.72 The quantity of cotton which they raise is merely as much as will be sufficient for their own wants, owing, as I suppose, to there being no demand for this article among the European traders.73 The remaining articles they likewise cultivate for their own use; but in some parts of the country they export palm oil; mats of curious construction are manufactured by the females. They depend chiefly on the Foulahs for cattle, gold, and butter. When the path between Sierra Leone and the Foulah country in this direction was open, a great many bullocks were to be seen in the towns adjoining the Sangaree mountains.74 In the neighbourhood of the Sangaree mountains the country is completely overrun with leopards and wild hogs; they are so very numerous, that the natives are obliged to forsake the fine rich soil at the bottom to cultivate that on the mountain’s side, ascending frequently as high as a thousand feet; thus leaving those destructive animals to feed on the roots of the long grass in the plains. If a Soosooman can clear so much ground, and raise so large a quantity of rice as not only to serve himself and family, but also to enable him to purchase goods of European manufacture, what may not therefore be reasonably expected from the liberated negroes of Sierra Leone, when

72 Bright, “Journal . . . 1802,” 80, reported that Fendan Modu’s annual production of surplus rice amounted to 100 tons that he sold to settlers at Freetown or to those who did not grow rice. Bright also noted that Fendan Modu’s farms produced more than 100 tons of sea salt that he used as barter for commodities (presumably some slaves as well) with peoples in the interior. 73 This is in contrast to Bright’s observation, ibid., that coastal Susu grew large surpluses of cotton, weaving it into a cloth sought at interior markets in Sulima, Benna, and Fuuta Jaloo. 74 From the 1790s, Sierra Leone observers commented frequently about cattle in the neighborhood of Wonkapong and on the Iles de Los. Fula caravan leaders brought rice, cattle, wax, gold, ivory, and slaves coastward, to exchange for salt, cotton goods, cola, guns or gunpowder, tobacco, and European/American manufactures. Cattle could be consumed on the coast or could be further shipped to Freetown where a growing population, especially after British officials began to free large numbers of recaptive slaves by the late teens, required larger and larger quantities of fresh meat. By 1805, the Sierra Leone Company was already shipping cattle and rice to the settlement from factories located in Sumbuya and Moria. From the early 1790s, representatives from the Company and from the Fuuta Jaloo met to produce secure paths joining the markets at Timbo with that at Freetown. James Watt traveled to Timbo in 1794 to discuss path options and with a proposal to establish a Company factory at Timbo itself. In that instance, the path through Moria/Sumbuya was closed because of wars in the interior, and the British and Fula parties agreed to make the Rio Pongo their principal terminus of trade on the coast. Between 1794 and 1821, the Fula and British officials would frequently discuss ways to avoid the use-taxes imposed by petit-states on the coast and the uncertainty of paths through territories that neither of them controlled. The Scarcies/Fuuta Corridor was complicated by rival Susu groups, by challenges from Limba, Temne, Sulima, and Yalunka centers, by rival European trades centered at Port Loko, and by involved Susu/Mandingo politics being played on the coast. Sergeant William Tuft, of the Royal Africa Corp, made a trip to Timbo in 1814, with instructions to discuss opening of a secure path to Freetown via Port Loko, below the Scarcies River. Two years later, Major John Peddie, Captain Thomas Campbell, Lieut. Stokoe, and Sergeant Tuft, (a party of more than 100 persons and 200 animals!) attempted a similar expedition to Timbo (via the Rio Nunez), obviously with a similar purpose. That expedition resulted in embarrassment and failure. By 1821, British officials were intent that the long-imagined secure path between Freetown and Timbo could be established, and Acting Governor Alexander Grant commissioned Assistant Surgeon Brian O’Beirne to proceed to Timbo, via Port Loko, to open discussions. For the ill-fated Peddie/Campbell/Stokoe expedition, see PRO CO2/5, Mission of Discovery; for Tuft, see PRO CO271/2, various issues of Royal Gazette; and Sierra Leone Advertiser; for O’Beirne, see Guinea Journals: Journeys into Guinea-Conakry, chapter 2. Tuft was also a member of O’Beirne’s expedition to Timbo. For a brief published description of the 1816/1817 Expedition of Discovery, see William Gray and Staff Surgeon Dochard, Travels in Western Africa (London, 1825). Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 17 judiciously guided by their superintendants!75 The only trades I ever observed among these people, are those of blacksmith and weaver: the latter merely manufactures cloth for the use of his own countrymen. Several descriptions of game are to be met with, such as deer, Guinea fowls, partridges, pigeons and doves. In the towns adjacent to Mungo Demba’s territory, the inhabitants of both countries may be seen residing together. The towns of the Bagas, as they approach the borders of the Soosoo country, are much neater: it would appear that they have acquired, by intercourse, the manners and customs of the latter. The Soosoos appear so quiet a race of people, that it seldom occurs that they have any occasion for the use of weapons of war; they, however, always carry a dagger, and the traveller ought never to neglect doing the same.

d, The Solimah Soosoos are the most powerful and war-like tribe. It is this race of people 2 whose country borders on that of Foutah-Jallon,76 and with whom they have constantly dreadful conflicts: to so great a degree do they sometimes carry their animosity, that when they meet in small numbers, or even individually in a sequestered path, they immediately attack each other, and whoever happens to be vanquished is dragged into slavery. Although there are many who have become Mahomedans, yet most of the people are pagans.77

d, The Labia country borders on the Dembia, the inhabitants of which, in customs, 3 manners and religion, do not differ from the Sumbia Soosoos.78 They manufacture cotton cloth, which they give in exchange for tobacco, powder, musquets and beads.

75 McLachlan clearly was a man of his time. At the turn of the century, however, officials of the Sierra Leone Company were attempting to discourage local production of rice because rice could be purchased from the Northern Rivers at a very inexpensive rate, partly because of a depressed slave trade and insufficiency of trade goods from abroad to meet the needs of the northern market. Whatever the reason for low prices, such prices led the Company to encourage settlers to enter coasting trade, rather than to grow their own food. Perhaps McLachlan was distinguishing here, however, between settlers and liberated Africans; but the latter were also entering coasting trades. 76 In the “Errata,” this spelling was changed from “Foutah-Jallo” to “Foutah-Jallon.” 77 The most complete account of Fula/Sulima wars is Cecil Magbaily Fyle, “Solimana and its Neighbours: A History of the Solima Yalunka from the Mid-Seventeenth Century to the Start of the Colonial Period” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Northwestern University, 1976). Theophilus Conneau, A Slaver’s Log Book or 20 Years’ Residence in Africa (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1976), 116-132, traveled to the Fuuta Jaloo c.1830 and noted that Sulima Susu in his party were reluctant to pass into Fula country, expecting that they would be seized and sold into slavery. 78 Labaya was located in the upper reaches of the Konkouré River. In 1821, no European had yet written a report of a visit to the Labaya Susu, whose capital was believed to be at Bubuya. Various traders among those resident in the Rio Pongo had visited Labaya, but none left a record, unless one accepts the account by Theophilus Conneau to date from this period. In 1850, Graf of the Church Missionary Society visited Bubuya and left a journal and three summaries. For the latter, see Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour. 18 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998

th, The Yamfas79 are like the Bagas in the Rio Pongos; a deceitful and dangerous people, 4 as might well be expected from their long intercourse with the slave traders in that river:80 their religion is the same, and there is no difference in their ceremonies. Mahometans are to be met with here; their habits, manners, and customs are much the same as the other Mahomedan Soosoos.81

th, The preceding information was collected during two journeys into the several 5countries; and, I think it best to convey the observations made during my third excursion among the Dembia Soosoos,82 in the form in which they were originally noted:---

79 The term “yamfa/yamfu” is used in this region to refer to “trouble” > yamfuman = troublemaker, someone who stirs conflict or disagreement, or yamfupalaver = discussion with no probability of solution. Yamfas is also a common term on the whole coast used to refer to enemies, liars, and so on. There is no particular ethnic meaning for the term nor does it belong to the same category as the terms “Baga” or “Susu.” One is tempted to speculate that McLachlan asked a local source about the Susu peoples who lived in the Bangalan branch of the Rio Pongo, and his informant dismissively answered that they were the Yamfa-Susu, or the Susu who were troublesome, argumentative, and disruptive, perhaps not fitting into nor following locally accepted norms. 80 In this case, McLachlan is repeating long-held views at Freetown about the nature of Susu peoples in the upper Rio Pongo. It is doubtful that McLachlan visited the right bank of the river; rather his information about these Susu and those of Labaya was likely learned during his three brief visits into the Dembia/Konkouré River, from informants among the Baga-Kalum or from Bouramaya. To be sure, the “Yamfa” Susu were perhaps the most transformed of all Susu groups along this coast, in consequence of interaction with Europeans and Americans. These Susu, who McLachlan separated from the Dembia/Sumbia-Susu, were likely migrants from the interior, moving coastward along the Fatala and Konkouré rivers at a time when commerce between the coast and the interior became important. When these Susu arrived on the coast is unclear, although they were there by the beginning of the eighteenth century. On the coast, these Susu served as brokers between salt producers/cola collectors on the coast and consumers from the interior who sought these goods. State construction in the Fuuta Jaloo highlands in the eighteenth century, and expansion of Fula sovereign interests coastward as a consequence of interior wars, resulted in enhancement of Susu commercial roles in the Rio Pongo and increased markets for African commodities, in exchange for guns and gunpowder and European/American goods. It is likely that these Susu settled among the Baga of the coast, assimilated to many of their customs and practices, and gradually acquired “rights of use,” if not “right of land.” In this process of assimilation/accommodation, Baga hosts and Susu guests fused, with the Susu language being spoken by most Baga. In their midst were European and American traders who profited from commerce in all commodities, including slaves. These traders offered indigenous Susu and Baga new commercial revenues and service trades; inevitably, the process of assimilation/accommodation came to characterize the relationship between the latest “new-comers” to the coast and their hosts. Traders adopted many local practices, while hosts accommodated to customs associated more with the Atlantic trading system. For detailed treatment of interactions between traders and the Susu/Baga of the Rio Pongo, see Bruce L. Mouser, “Trade and Politics in the Nunez and Pongo Rivers, 1795-1865” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University, 1971). 81 In this instance, McLachlan apparently is comparing the “Yamfa” Susu to the Labaya Susu. Graf’s account of the Labaya Susu contained frequent references to headmen who wore Muslim dress and read Arabic but few references to indigenous Muslim practice. 82 Designation of indigenous peoples of Bouramaya as “Dembia Susu” is still one of debate. In 1821, Bouramaya town was the private property of the Fernandez lineage/family, and, as such, its inhabitants were also the property of the family. Whether these were persons of free or of slave status is unclear; their ethnic identity is also unclear. What is clear is the forceful role played by the Fernandez family in the politics/economy of this section of coast. Susu was the language of inland commerce and was spoken by the Fernandezs, as were English, Portuguese, and other trade languages. In the 1850s, missionaries from the West Indian Church noted that Dembia peoples were Susu. Lawson, Thomas George Lawson, 85-87, an official of the Sierra Leone Colonial administration, in 1860 noted that the Dembia region belonged to the “Cobah Baggars,” but in 1875, he separated the Dembia from other Baga groups, simply identifying them as belonging to “Bramaiah Country.” That McLachlan would identify them as Susu is understandable, Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 19

n the 28th February last, I left Crawford’s Island,83 one of the Isles de Loss, in a canoe, O and arrived in the night at Kapru, a small Baga village in the Dubrica river, where I was refused a pilot to the river Bundaboo,84 and was consequently obliged to proceed to the town [of] Dubrica, situated about twenty miles from the mouth of the former river. The town is built on the South bank of the river: it is small, neat, and clean, containing about 500 inhabitants. The huts are of a circular form, divided generally into two rooms; they consist of wattles, plaistered over with clay of a light brown or grey colour, the roofs are thatched with long dry grass. There are two doors to each hut: instead of a bed frame, a mud or clay bed is raised close to the wall, of about a foot thick, and from 2 to 3 feet wide; over this a mat is spread, which at once forms a couch as well as a bed for them.85 A wooden box, an iron pot, and a country stool, comprise, in general, all that are to be seen within the hut. The chief of the village is named Salia: his house is large and commodious, and built of mud and clay, having three apartments in it, with a spacious piazza86 all around the building: the floor is raised six feet from the ground. From this good-natured chief I received the greatest attention and kindness, as well as every assistance in furtherance of the objects of my journey. After presenting my worthy host with a few bars as a present,87 I started early next morning and proceeded to the village of Sangaree, situated at the foot of the large mountain known by that appellation, and about six miles from the river Dubrica. On this path I passed the neat and cleanly villages of Tomania and Nakaiah, inhabited chiefly by Soosoos. By proceeding up the river Bundaboo, which empties itself into the Dubrica, to the village Massiah, the distance to the largest of the Sangaree mountains is much shortened. From the Dubrica to the Sangaree mountains, the soil is argillaceous; and the minerals to be met with are mica, feldspar, and

considering their probable practices. 83 Crawford’s Island is located in the center of the island group, known as the Iles de Los. See below and Bruce L. Mouser, “Iles de Los as Bulking Center in the Slave Trade, 1750-1800,” Revue française d’histoire d’outre-mer, 83, no 313 (1996), 77-90, for a more detailed description of the islands. 84 Bundaboo is likely the stream known as Bondabon, that surrounds the Ile Kopering on the south and east. The town of Dubréka is located on the northern edge of Kopering. 85 This description of house construction is the same as that observed and given by Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour, 19-20. 86 In ibid., 16, a “piazza” was described in 1850 as an open area that was covered by the thatch roof of a house. Perhaps the “piazza” was differentiated from the “verandah” in that the latter was generally attached to square/rectangular structures. Writing in 1803, Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans, I, 82, described a piazza as located beyond the outer walls of houses, but covered by the roof which projected a few feet and which provided shelter from rain. Edward Bickersteth, “West Africa: Journal of the Assistant Secretary,” in Missionary Register, 5 (February 1817), described a piazza and a “very small” church as capable of holding two to three hundred persons, clearly indicating that the piazza was an open area located outside the church. Henry Brunton, A Grammar and Vocabulary of the Susoo Language (Edinburgh, 1802), 66, identified a piazza (Buntungji) as “formed around the Susoo houses, by the overhanging of their roofs.” See also Figure No. 1. 87 It was, and still remains, common practice for strangers firstly to visit the village leader who would serve as host and legitimize their presence within territory under his effective control. Strangers made a dantika or “explanation of purpose” at which time both host and guest became acquainted and likely exchanged small gifts; perhaps the host provided a chicken and a cola nut as a greeting and the guest returned with tobacco or other good. Through this process, the host assumed a responsibility for his guest’s safety and comfort, and the guest recognized legitimate authority within the village. As long as the guest remained, the host would remain responsible, at least until the guest left or was led from the village and turned over to another responsible host. In this case, McLachlan presented his gift at the end of his visit, likely reimbursing his host for the use of a house or for the cost of his hospitality. 20 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 blocks of granite: the argilla lapidea, or laterite, is abundantly scattered over the surface of the soil; it is also found incumbent upon beds of granite. These minerals are found in small disseminated masses, along the banks of the Dubrica; and in a few places they are found in distinct beds. Mica and micaceous shistus are seen in thick beds; the exposed surface of which is rent in every direction, with laminae scaling off.

he rivers Dubrica, Bundaboo and Mania originate from the several ravines in the largest Tof the Sangaree chain of mountains: immense blocks of granite and masses of laterite are, almost every where, to be found in the ravines and rivers. During the rains, when an immense body of water is rushing from the mountains with the greatest impetuosity, a tremendous roaring noise is heard from the dashing of the torrents from rock to rock, forming, in many places, the grandest cascades. To the largest of the Sangaree mountains, where it is supposed the “Devil or Spirit” resides, the natives pay the most superstitious veneration.88

he village of Sangaree does not contain more than 200 inhabitants, and they are all very T nearly related to each other. During my stay there, I made several attempts to ascend the highest of the Sangaree mountains; but failed for want of assistance in cutting a path through the thick jungle. On the 2nd March I went to Nakaiah, about a mile from the former village, where I remained several days, endeavouring to procure people to assist me: at last I succeeded, and on the 11th, about three o’clock in the morning, we departed from it. After ascending about five hundred feet, my guides sat down, refusing to advance farther; nor could I prevail upon them to cut any more of what they termed the “Devil’s Bush.” Although the chiefs paid me every attention, yet they seemed much against my penetrating into their country; and my wishing to explore their mountains created a suspicion in the minds of the people, that I came in search of gold, and that I would probably return to Sierra Leone, from whence a force would be sent to take their country from them.89 Idle reports of this kind were circulated; they were injurious to me for a time, and I had much difficulty to convince them that they were perfectly groundless. On finding my guides so stubborn, I retraced my steps, and followed the course of a deep ravine in the western and most perpendicular side of the mountain, meeting with no other obstacles to my progress than immense masses of granitic rock. About noon I had reached nearly the top of the mountain, and was prevented from ascending any higher by meeting with a perpendicular rock, about thirty feet in height. From

88 Perhaps this was the mountain known as “Seated Elephant,” or Kakoulima, elevation of 1011 meters. 89 This is an interesting comment from McLachlan that probably reflected both a misunderstanding of local customs regarding the “sacred bush” and his anxiety that indigenous peoples might equate his visit as part of an attempt to expand British influence from the Iles de Los to the coast that adjoined them. Along this section of coast, such “sacred bush” was both mysterious and potentially dangerous for local peoples, at least for those who were non-Muslim or who continued to believe in the power of spirits or the wrath of elders if they entered such forbidden areas. The anxiety also perhaps may have stemmed, in part, from the terms of the “Treaty of Peace and Amity” that, in internationally recognized legal terms, ceded the Iles de Los to Britain, in exchange for annual payments of one hundred bars for rents and four hundred bars for revenues from lost duties, to be paid to Mangé Demba or his heirs in perpetuity. See Appendix for this treaty. Following the treaty’s signing on 6 July 1818, Britain took possession of Crawford Island with a small detachment. Less than a year later, however, Governor MacCarthy sent an additional hundred troops from the 2nd West India Regiment to the islands (CO267/49/197, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 22 April 1819) and in 1820 sent an expedition of the 2nd West India Regiment into the Pongo to redress a reported attack on British vessels, an incident that resulted in property of hosts as well as that of slave trading guests being burned by expeditionary forces (CO267/51/251, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 27 August 1820). Perhaps, in 1821, indigenous leaders were correct to question British motives in their regions, and especially the visit by an officer of the 2nd West India Regiment, then stationed on Crawford Island. Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 21 the place where I stood, I had an extensive view of the surrounding country, and discerned distinctly the rivers Dubrica, Bundaboo and Mania joining with the Dembia: I also observed the Kissey and Scarcies, and likewise on the other side the Rio Pongos and Rio Nunez. Granite, in beds and disseminated masses, rapidly decaying, and forming what is called laterite, were the only minerals met with. The granite is, in general, fine grained and compact, containing rather more quartz than is observed in the specimens procured at the Isles de Loss and in its neighbourhood, where an excess of feldspar usually predominates.

have always been told, that the coffee plant was cultivated on these mountains, but I no I where observed any growing; and on enquiring of the natives concerning the large quantities of coffee which the Soosoos bring into the Sierra Leone market, I was informed the whole was imported from the country about Fouricaria.90

n the 12th, I left the village Nakaiah for Dubrica; but being a little indisposed, I was Oobliged to remain for the night at Tomania. The soil of the country around is argillaceous, of a light grey or brown colour. The range of the thermometer was in January, 1821—

6 A.M. 60 to 62 Deg. 1 P.M. 80 to 84 Deg. 6 & 7 P.M. 66 to 70 Deg.; and in March, 68 to 92 Deg.

n my arrival at Tomania, I had to regret the absence of the chief of the village, who was Oin attendance at the funeral of a distant relation.91 I slept in a newly-built hut, mats serving as doors: under the piassa a number of sheep took shelter,92 and on the following morning I was informed that a leopard had carried off one of them during the night. A leopard is desperate when wounded, and will fly upon a human being when hungry and disappointed in his search for prey: on other occasions he avoids being seen, and when accidentally met with in a path, will rush into the woods, making a growling noise: I have, on frequent occasions, observed this. Having recovered from the indisposition which compelled me to remain at Tomania, I departed for the town of Dubrica, and crossed the river known by that name, passing soon afterwards three Baga villages called Kontiah, Teremiah and Yattiah. Near to the latter village is a large and deep ravine, in which the river Kafairah takes its rise, and is conducted into the Dubrica, about the junction of the three bars which are formed by the currents of different creeks communicating with the Dubrica. Arriving at another small Baga village called Bonia, I was fortunately supplied by a trader belonging to Mr. Samo,93

90 Butscher, “Account of the Mandingoes,” wrote in c.1814 that this coffee was of excellent quality and was known locally as Mandingo coffee. 91 Note that McLachlan followed accepted protocol by first searching for the village leader. 92 It was, and remains, common practice for persons to place sheep within a closed area, often adjoining or attached to the house, to protect them better against attack and theft at night. 93 Samuel Samo was born c.1770, had traveled and traded widely in East Asia, and settled in the Rio Pongo at Charleston town in 1797. Between 1797 and 1812, Samo maintained factories in the Pongo and on Crawford and Factory islands in the Iles de Los. In 1812, British officials brought Samo to trial for slave trading and found him guilty; he later was pardoned on the technicality that he was a Dutch citizen and not liable to British law. Samo announced his intention to retire in 1818, perhaps leading to MacCarthy’s decision to annex the Iles de Los at the earliest opportunity. As late as 1823, Samo was still trading at the Iles de Los and apparently still maintained agents in the Dubréka River in 1821. In 1812, Samo also had been accused of “owning” slaves who acted as his agents in the rivers’ commerce; perhaps McLachlan meant to suggest that the trader/agent at Bonia “belonged” to Mr. Samo. For Samo, see [Samuel Samo], The Trials of the Slave 22 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 with some bars of merchandize, the frequent demand for “Buniahs” (presents),94 obliging me to take such supplies wherever I could procure them.95 The village of Bonia contains about a 100 inhabitants. At 6 P.M. I arrived at the village Tabang, which is distant from the right or north bank of the Dubrica, thirty miles; the inhabitants are Soosoos, and are considered by the chiefs as a distinct tribe: their population does not exceed 7 or 800.96 The headman is named Andrew,97 whom I did not see, as he was absent on a trading voyage to Fouricaria: his friends, however, paid me much attention and kindness; one of the best huts in the village was selected for me, and the inhabitants presented me with colas, fowls, and palm wine.98 The towns I passed through this day, were bounded on the east by a chain of primitive mountains, running nearly due north: cultivation was seen in the plains, and the soil was a mixture of clay and vegetable matter. The dress, customs and manners of the inhabitants, were much the same as the Sumbiah-Soosoos. On the evening of my arrival, the female worshippers of the “Griffie” were collected from the neighbouring villages, and fortunately they had not commenced their superstitious ceremonies before I entered the village. No stranger is, on any account, admitted into their villages after these ceremonies begin. This is a secret society of females, whose objects and whose ceremonies are as unknown as those of the institution of the Poorah.99 Next morning, about 9 o’clock, I started for the town of Kangallouiah, situated on the left bank of the river Dembia. A short distance from Tabang I passed a deep ravine,

Traders, Samuel Samo, Joseph Peters, and William Tufft (London, 1813). 94 Buniah (bunia) means “present” or “gift” in Susu and in many other Guinean languages (Fula/Fulfulde, Maninkakan, Baga). Such presents were generally expected to be “extra,” in the sense that they were in addition to regular fees or regular transactions. These were and continue to be common to this section of coast; in Sierra Leone, they are similarly called buniah and “dash.” 95 It was common for British officials to make arrangements with local traders to receive goods, in exchange for a bill of promise-to-pay upon demand at Freetown; such goods were used as presents or occasionally were consumed as provisions. For examples of such arrangements, see CMS CA1/E1/46, Corresponding Committee to Hartwig, 9 April 1806; and CO 2/5, 1816/1817 Expedition of Discovery, 64. 96 If McLachlan was correct in his population estimates, Tabang was perhaps one of the largest towns along this entire stretch of coast. In c.1814, Butscher, “An Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & other Nation,” warned that population estimates were often misleading because they were made on the assumption that only half of a town’s population would collect to greet strangers. Instead, Butscher suggested that one should expect that every able-bodied person would greet white strangers visiting a village, if for no other reason than to stare. 97 Elsewhere an Andrew located in this region is described as being a person who had lived in England, traveled abroad onboard a merchantman, and spoke English as well as Portuguese. 98 Customary practice for guests in this area required that a guest first present himself to the village headman and that he explain the purpose of his visit and arrange accommodations. Generally small gifts were exchanged as greetings, and the headman would gift his guest with a fowl or other food good which the guest would return to his host for preparation. Guests were expected to obey local laws, and hosts guaranteed the safety of guests while they were in his territory. At the visit’s conclusion, the guest would reimburse the host for his hospitality with money or a comparable gift. This protocol legitimize the guest’s presence and provided a host with a structure for dealing with outsiders who entered his territory. Graf’s, Journal of a Missionary Tour, is perhaps the best first-hand description of such protocols. For more recent analysis of these arrangements, see Bruce L. Mouser, “Accommodation and Assimilation in the Landlord-Stranger Relationship,” in West African Culture Dynamics: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives, edited by B. K. Swartz, Jr., and Raymond E. Dumett (The Hague, 1980), 495-514. 99 For a recent discussion on male and female secret societies in the Upper Guinea region, see Warren L. d’Azevedo, “Gola Womanhood and the Limits of Maculine Omnipotence,” in Thomas D. Blakey, Walter E.A. van Beek and Dennis L. Thomson (eds.) Religion in Africa. Experience and Expression (London, 1994). Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 23 from which the river Yolla rises, and runs into the Dembia. Between Bonia and Kangallouiah, the inhabitants of the different villages, which are seen scattered in every direction, are usually called Tabang or Kabitah Soosoos: the word Kabi means a blacksmith,100 and they were at one time noted for their skill and ingenuity in that art; these people were originally slaves to the Foulahs of Fouta Jallon. In consequence of meeting with some difficulty in obtaining a canoe101 to take me across, I was forced to walk six miles higher up, to the village of Yonkia, where I readily procured one to transport me to the northern bank of the Dembia.

he village of Yonkia is pleasantly situated on a small-hill; the huts have a mean Tappearance, and the inhabitants seem to be very poor: the population of the village does not exceed 100. The distance from Tabang to this last village is computed at twenty-five or thirty miles. In the narrow paths I observed no minerals, except detached masses of granite, laterite, and indurated clay; the surrounding country appeared rocky, but as the grass was so high, and the jungle so thick, I was unable to examine it with accuracy. Oranges, bananas and plantains, were the only fruits I noticed at Yonkia, in abundance.

fter crossing the river Dembia, I proceeded to the village of Waussoo, where I was Aobliged to remain for the night, on account of my guide having mistaken the path leading to the principal town on the banks of this river, called Brimia. Waussoo is only five or six miles from Brimia, where I arrived the following morning (the 16th). On this bank of the river, rocks of white and friable sandstone appear; some large blocks were observed in the centre of the river, a little above where I crossed it. In the path to Brimia, disseminated masses of white sandstone, and thick beds of pure sand, as fine as dust, were met with; near the town the country becomes rocky, and presents the primitive sandstone disposed in beds. Brimia is about thirty miles from the mouth of the Dembia, which is joined by the river Dubrica about three miles from where it empties itself into the ocean. On entering Brimia, I was kindly received and hospitably entertained by Mr. Fernandez,102 the chief of this part of the country. Brimia does not contain more than 200 inhabitants; they seem to be industrious; the huts are, in general, neatly formed of wattles and clay, the shape being of that conical form, which the natives of every country, where wood is produced, first attempt constructing, as being the most simple of all solids, and the one most easily formed: it is, besides, the best

100 Kabi means blacksmith in Susu and ta means place > Kabitah = the place where the blacksmiths live. 101 Another protocol practiced in the region required that strangers hire canoes to take them upriver or across streams at each separate stage. Payments for such services were generally given to the headman of the village, and a small buniah might be given to the rowers when the task ended. See Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour. 102 William Fernandez was a Luso-African whose lineage had built Bouramaya as their center of trade on the Konkouré River in the early eighteenth century. Local tradition states that the original Fernandez established a relationship with the Baga/Susu lineage that ruled this region and gradually, as with the Gomez family who settled at Bakiya to the northwest of Bouramaya, became patrons and protectors of local landlords. By the end of the eighteenth century, the Gomez and Fernandez lineages were essentially undistinguishable from their Baga/Susu hosts, except that they maintained control over commerce with Europeans and positions as brokers between coastal peoples and caravans from the interior. William Fernandez, as also Emmanuel Gomez and other sons of important lords, was sent to a school near Liverpool, likely by the Liverpool Company that operated factories on the Iles de Los and substations in local rivers. The Fernandez and Gomez families likely were connected, as agents or through agents, with the Liverpool Company. William returned to the coast at the end of the century and sired four sons: Jellorum, Malcolm, Gabriel, and Edward. He continued to rule at Bouramaya until his death in 1823. See Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour, for more on the Fernandez family. 24 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 kind of habitation for the shelter of the natives from the torrents of rain which fall periodically within the tropics. The house of the chief is large, divided into three bed rooms and two spacious sitting rooms. Mr. Fernandez, a Portuguese black, was principally educated in England, was seven years103 in an academy in the vicinity of Liverpool, and although he has become an African chief, yet he preserves the general customs and mode of living of Europeans. The iniquitous slave trade was the means of first misleading this intelligent individual: he now chiefly employs himself in the instruction of his own and many of the neighbouring chiefs’ children, and in the cultivation of the common articles of African produce. I have often heard the children read lessons from the Common Prayer Book, and sing hymns with delightful sweetness and melody. I have likewise attended divide service, which was performed by himself in English, in a very creditable manner; the congregation was composed of his own children and domestic servants, to the number of about sixty.104

n the morning of the 18th, I left Brimia to examine some small hills which run N.E., and Oupon which a good deal of rice is cultivated. On the path leading to them, I crossed several sandy plains; the sand was siliceous, and evidently proceeded from the disintegration of the sandstone, which was seen imbedded in some parts of these plains, rising above the surface, and at a distance presenting an appearance of the ruins of an old building. The country continues rising gradually towards the base of this range of hills, and where the debris or disintegration of the sandstone does not cover its surface the soil is a thin argillaceous crust, with small masses of laterite scattered over it. About the bottom of the hills, on their eastern declivity, beds of micaceous shistus present themselves, from which runs a small rivulet. Ascending still higher, fine grained and compact granite is found; and on the top of the hills, nothing but the decomposed materials of that mineral, in an indurated state, is observed. The village of Tamacoory, belonging to the chief of Brimia, is situated on the top of one of these small hills, and contains nearly 800 persons in a state of slavery. On my arrival at the village, I was surprised to see about 300 of these people turn out under arms: this, I was told, was a mark105 of respect to me, as being the first European who had visited them. These men were tall, stout, and very muscular, and each carried a musquet and a long cutlass.106 They are principally employed in cultivating rice on the sides, and in the ravines, of the neighbouring hills; for the plains are sandy and barren. The distance of this village from Brimia, is nearly thirty miles, in a N.E. direction. I returned to Brimia on the 20th, passing in the way several hamlets, whose inhabitants were either relations or slaves of the chief.107 It is

103 Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour, 11, reported that William Fernandez had spent fourteen years in England. 104 Graf, ibid., 11, wrote that Fernandez had more than 150 wives and uncounted children. 105 In “Errata,” this was changed from “was mark of respect” to “was a mark of respect.” 106 Throughout this report, McLachlan appears to have been selecting words carefully; if his comment that “each” of 300 warriors was equipped with musket and cutlass was correct, this would represent a significant fighting force. This comment would also, surely, have captured the attention of Freetown officials. Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour, 22, noted that men generally carried firearms and weapons to the fields, suggesting that possession of such represented regalia and a demonstration of masculine image. One cannot, however, but wonder that this demonstration of “respect” might also have represented a threat and potential harm to McLachlan. Perhaps villagers were simply prepared to kill him. 107 Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour, 11, visited Bouramaya in 1850 on his way to Labaya and learned, from Fernandez’s sons, that their father had more than 150 wives. Assuming that Graf was only partially correct, that would still amount to many relatives. Thayer’s observation that Susu in Kukuna were able to trace their relationships through both their mother’s and their father’s sides would also suggest that it was common for nearly everyone to be related in one way or another. As a trader in slaves, it is reasonable to assume that Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 25 supposed, that the chief of Brimia possesses from twenty to thirty villages on the banks of the Dembia, and on the hills above described, and is capable of bringing into the field a force of about one thousand armed men: the population over which he rules does not exceed 2500. The country abounds in Guinea fowls, deer, both large and small, and partridges: the fruits are bananas, oranges, and colas.

ascended the Dembia river, in a canoe, several miles above Brimia. On both banks of the I river, strata of white sandstone appear, and between the strata, and in many of the crevices of the rocks, mica slate, both in beds and in disseminated masses, were observed. Many of the detached masses of this slate, (which is of a dark-bluish colour, lamellar and hard) were flat and oval-shaped. About a mile above Brimia, the mangroves disappear; fresh water is to be procured at all times: the beach is composed of white sand and small particles of glittering mica; and as you advance still farther hippopotami are frequently seen. A ridge of rocks runs across the river, about fifteen miles above Brimia, which forms a complete barrier to the passage of canoes, except when there are spring tides. The river was, at least, two hundred yards broad at the place where I went; an immense body of water was flowing, and the current was so strong, that my people were unable to pull against it any longer. The Dembia is supposed to arise in Fouta Jallon, and the bodies of Foulahs, in the usual dress of the country, are frequently seen floating down, being carried by the current.108

he Foulahs are accustomed to trade with the inhabitants of this part of the country; they Tbring cattle, gold, rice and butter, receiving in exchange salt, and articles of English manufacture. They carry the salt in long baskets, lined with the broad leaves of trees: these baskets are five and six feet in length, and from two to three feet in circumference; they are carried on the head, with the lower part resting on the shoulders and back: a leathern strap, which crosses the centre of the basket, is made to pass over the forehead, and in this way they carry the load without much inconvenience. In these baskets, they bring from Fouta Jallon large quantities of clean or rough rice.109

n account of the numerous ridges of rocks and cataracts to be met with in the river ODembia, above Brimia, its navigation is dangerous in the extreme; and the Foulahs, who are accustomed to trade with this part of the coast, have been deterred from the attempt of bringing hither the trade goods of their country in canoes. On my return to Brimia from my trip up the river, I found the female worshippers of the “Griffie” or “Evil Genius” again collecting; and as far as I could scrutinize into the objects of their meeting on this occasion, it appeared to be chiefly for the purpose of circumcising the girls of the village and of the

Fernandez also owned slaves that he used on his “Lugars,” or farms. This was true among the Sumbia-Susu, and it therefore would have been customary practice among the Dembia-Susu, to use McLachlan’s term. 108 This is an unusual comment and may suggest a recent civil war or disturbance occurring in the Fuuta Jaloo. For more on Fula wars, see Winston Franklin McGowan, “The Development of European Relations with Futa Jallon and the Foundation of French Colonial Rule, 1794-1897” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of London, 1978). 109 Late in the eighteenth century, the Sierra Leone Company established a factory called Freeport in the Rio Pongo, attempting to create and maintain a secure link between its colony based at Freetown and the Fula empire, with its capital at Timbo in the Fuuta Jaloo. Company officials instructed its factor there, Thomas Cooper, to exchange Fula transported rice for salt, at equal measure or pound-for-pound, but to try to obtain two for one. Clearly, there was significant demand on the coast for Fula grown rice, otherwise the Fula would not have carried it coastward in such quantities. For more on the Company’s activities in the Pongo, see Bruce L. Mouser, “Trade, Coasters, and Conflict in the Rio Pongo from 1790 to 1808, Journal of African History, 14, no.1 (1973), 45-64. 26 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 neighbouring hamlets.110 They seemed to go about in the performance of their superstitious ceremonies with the most profound secresy, dispersing every male who might happen to approach within the limits of the space devoted for the scene of their rites and practices; and every urgent solicitation I made to be permitted to enter, was indignantly rejected, although I offered very handsome “Buniahs;” the allurements of which are irresistible, in the attainment of almost any object with the African.

remained at Brimia three days, collecting as much information as possible, regarding the Idiseases of the natives, and the medicines which they use in the cure of them. I then returned in a canoe to the Isles de Loss, and did not revisit Brimia until the month of May following; when I proceeded for the purpose of receiving from Mr. Fernandez an hippopotamus that his people had killed in the river a few days before: it was a young one, but I succeeded in making a perfect skeleton of it.

n the evening of the day after my arrival, the principal people of the surrounding country Owere collected in the village. I was soon afterwards informed, that a “Poorah” had been called; but the object of the meeting, or the business transacted, were studiously and carefully concealed from me: nor, under any pretext, could I ascertain the precise nature of this institution, which spreads such universal terror throughout the country wherever it is assembled. About 2000 people met on this occasion.

arriage Ceremonies of the Soosoos. M he marriage day being fixed upon, the friends of the bridegroom go to receive the Tintended bride from her parents; carrying a present of wine, rice, colas and a bullock or a sheep. She is saluted, on their arrival, with repeated vollies of musquetry, and if the distance is not too great, she is carried by them to the house of her intended husband. Feasting and dancing commence; the bridegroom is called upon to receive his bride, and is strictly admonished to maintain and protect her as his wife. She is afterwards led by her female relatives to his bed chamber, where they leave her. Every attention is paid, on this occasion, to the guests. Numbers of oxen and sheep are killed for the use of the surrounding towns, and all kinds of intoxicating liquors are supplied: dances are incessantly continued for several days and nights, attended by the Yellies111 (singing men and women), the musicians of the country. The repeated firing of musquetry is an indispensable part of the ceremony. If the bride should have been declared a Maid by the matrons, who have her in charge the morning after the marriage, the bridegroom, in consideration of the care that her parents are supposed to have taken of her, continues this expensive entertainment for several days; but if any doubts of her virginity should be expressed or entertained by the matrons, the ceremonies are either entirely suppressed, or limited to the wish of the bridegroom: in some cases, she is returned to her parents, who view this occurrence as the greatest disgrace which can be cast

110 Graf, Journal of a Missionary Tour, 16, observed that the circumcision rite, which he erroneously called Kulundgi (celebration or festival in Susu), was held once a year and included circumcision of both boys and girls. These celebrations lasted several days and nights. At the time McLachlan visited the coast, female circumcision was probably practiced only by the Susu. The Baga, who practice it today, only adopted it in the 1930s. According to missionary sources, in April 1913 a woman (Susu?) was killed in the Baga-Sitem village of Katongoro for attempting to introduce this practice (Journal de la Communauté du Sacré-Coeur de Boké, vol. 2. Archives des PP du Saint-Esprit Box). 111 Yeli means “griot” in Susu, Baga, and other Guinean languages. Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 27 on them.112 he manner in which the Soosoos make Earthen Jars, and other porous Vessels. T quantity of tenacious clay and mud, found abundantly on the banks of the river where Athe mangrove grows, being collected, a certain proportion of small vermiform shells, reduced to powder, is added and well mixed. These ingredients being well beaten together, are formed into oval cakes, and exposed to the air for a few days, at the end of which time they are moistened with fresh water, and rolled into pieces of various lengths, the diameter of each being in general half an inch. A piece of this prepared clay is taken and flattened for the bottom of the jar, upon the edges of which one of the clay rollers, shaped into a circular form, is placed; others are superadded, the fingers and thumb of the left hand flattening and connecting the one with the other interiorly, while with the right hand they are properly supported, and formed into the desired shape exteriorly. As the jar increases in height by a succession of these rollers, a convex piece of glass, earthenware or horn is used, to smooth the surface and to remove the impressions of the points of the fingers. The jar, thus formed, is allowed to dry for a day or two; it is then placed among some dry grass or bush, which is set on fire for the purpose of hardening it. In this simple way are formed the fine water jars of various shapes and sizes, to be seen in the Sierra Leone market. As clay is found every where abundantly in our neighbourhood, it is really surprising that no one attempts to make bricks, an article which has really become an object of importation, and which might be easily procured here, by encouraging individuals to manufacture them. One or two attempts were made some years ago to make them in the colony; but they were not successful, probably from want of proper attention to tempering the clay, and burning it after being moulded.

ountry Beer, or Jinjin Beer. C he root of a plant called by the Soosoos Jinjin, which is to be found in almost all grass Tfields, is dug up in the dry season, a quantity of it being dried on flat stones, heated to a high temperature, is afterwards bruised and mixed with a certain proportion of the ashes of a tree called Limbi, or of the plantain. The manner in which they dry the jinjin root is by making a pit, about 2 feet deep and 3 feet wide, into the bottom of which the flat stones, heated to a high degree, are placed; and after throwing the roots upon them, a quantity of dry grass being added, the mouth of the pit is covered with clay, and kept so for twenty-four hours. The jinjin root, and the ashes of the plantain or of the Limbi tree, being thoroughly bruised and mixed, are put into a large wooden vessel, (shaped like a funnel, and formed of different pieces of wood tied together) upon which water is continually poured until the liquor, which strains through the openings between the different pieces of wood composing the vessel, become tasteless. Before the ingredients are put into the vessel, its sides are lined interiorly with the broad leaves of the plantain tree. The strained liquor forms the beer; it is sometimes bottled by the chiefs, who add a ferment to it procured from several kinds of roots;

112 A more elaborate description of marriage customs is found in Conneau, A Slaver’s Log Book, 90-98, of which the following is a part: “The men made merry the while round a bonfire, discharging musket after musket and emptying tumbler after tumbler from a well-filled demijohn of New England rum. The rest of the night was passed in eating, drinking, singing, dancing, and firing. At daylight the matron factotum announced to the community that the groom was satisfied, and in token of the same, the white sheet once pure and unsoiled, was unfolded on the same pole with the tontongee and transplanted in the middle of the yard in full view and for the satisfaction of all parties.” 28 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 but it is usually drank as soon as it is prepared, and it is, without doubt, a most pleasant beverage.113

he jinjin plant is known by its delicate stalks, which are generally from 2 to 3 feet long, Tand are covered with fine hairs; the leaves are small and oval-shaped; and the flower, I am told, is of a beautiful purple colour. The root resembles the cassada in some respects; and when fresh, it has a strong pungent taste.

his pleasant liquor could be easily made at a trifling expence, and its introduction at the Tdinner table would be found both agreeable and wholesome: when drank in large quantities it acts as a laxative, and seldom produces the inebriating effects experienced from spiritous liquors. To the general use of this wholesome beverage may, in a great measure be attributed, the healthy appearance of the Soosoos.

PART III.

OME ACCOUNT OF THE ISLES DE LOSS.114

Saving given all the information relative to the Bagas and Soosoos of which I am in possession, it remains with me to communicate some observations which HI made on the Isles de Loss during my tour of duty there: but I have to observe, that as I am daily adding to my collection of dried specimens of the medicinal plants, barks, and roots, which the natives use in the treatment of those diseases to which they are liable, and as I am also investigating the history of the prevalent diseases of these countries, I wish to defer making any communication on that subject until I shall have completed my researches.

t has been affirmed that the Normans, in the thirteenth century, were the first of the IEuropeans who visited these Isles; but it does not appear from the accounts which the most respectable historians give of the progress of their discoveries, that their piratical excursions extended any farther to the southward than the Canaries: the evidence, therefore, of their having visited this part of the coast, is as doubtful as that of Hanno, the Carthagenian, who is said, in his Periplus, to have crept along the winding coast, and to have advanced as far as within five degrees north of the equinoctial line.

113 Joseph Corry, Observations Upon the Windward Coast of Africa (1807/ London, 1968), 65, wrote: “In the Rio Pongo, and adjacent countries, especially in the Bashia [Fatala] branch of that river, the Soosees extract a fermented and intoxicating liquor from a root growing in great abundance, which they call gingingey, something similar to the sweet potato in the West Indies. The distillation is commenced by forming a pit in the earth, into which a large quantity of the root is put, and covered with fuel, which is set on fire, and kept burning until the roots are completely roasted: the roots are then put into paloons, and beat, exposed afterwards in mats to the sun, by which they acquire a taste similar to honey; and are afterwards put into hampers for distillation. This is performed by making a funnel of sticks in a conical form, interwoven together like basket-work; the funnel is filled with the material, and water poured upon it; the succulent moisture therefrom passes through a tube, and yields a liquid similar in colour to coffee, and of a violent purgative quality. It remains in this state about twenty-four hours, and is then incorporated with a quantity of the ashes of rice-straw, which excites a bubbling fermentation like boiling water, after which it becomes fit for use. In forty-eight hours it returns again to its purgative state, which interval is employed in drinking most copiously, until overtaken by insensibility and intoxication. The root, in its roasted state, is an excellent medicine for colds.” Brunton, Grammar and Vocabulary of the Susoo Language, 64, identified “Jingjing b฀ri” as “a liquor made from the root of a small tree, called jingjing.” 114 This part was also produced in The Royal Gazette; Sierra Leone Advertiser, 24 November 1821. Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 29

owever this may be, the Portuguese are certainly the first people who have left any H traces of their having explored the western coast: in 1420 they formed a colony in Madeira, after which several voyages of discovery were planned and executed with that enterprise and success which spread the fame of their navigation all over Europe. The Portuguese named these Isles “Ilhas dos Los Idolos,” most probably in allusion to the idols which they observed the inhabitants of them to worship with all the superstitious ceremonies and veneration so common among people in the savage state. The native inhabitants of these islands are Bagas, and belong to Mungo Demba’s tribe, already described in the preceding pages. The idols to which they pay their superstitious devotions are figures rudely representing a human being, besmeared with earths of various colors; these are placed on long poles, which are erected on the shore at landing places, or at particular parts of a path, and present a hideous and frightful appearance. These wild and superstitious ceremonies are gradually wearing away, as their familiar intercourse with us leads them to a better acquaintance with our laws, religion, and institutions.

lthough the Portuguese have left no monuments of their industry, yet they settled on A these islands for many years, and carried on a considerable trade with the natives on the main land; the slave trade then increasing, induced them to desert the situation of these islands, for the more convenient purpose of carrying on that iniquitous traffic in the Rio Pongos, Rio Nunez, and at Bissao and Cacheo.115 During a long period these islands were almost entirely resigned to European adventurers engaged in the slave trade; but after the Abolition Bill was passed in Parliament in 1807, a check was at once put to that traffic by the subjects of Great Britain, and such of them as bore any character of respectability withdrew from their slave factories in the neighbouring rivers, and established themselves as traders or merchants on the Isles de Loss.116 Several factories were established on Factory and

115 This is an interesting chronology presupposing that the Portuguese repeated patterns here that they had developed earlier from the Cape Verde Islands. One cannot easily criticize McLachlan for failing to read Portuguese sources that probably were not available to him in 1821. Nevertheless, McLachlan raises an interesting issue of relative importance of the islands to coastal commerce and the importance of maintaining an actual presence on the coast, in addition to offshore convenience, for African and European/American traders who might bring commodities to the islands for sale or trade. Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea Coast, 1545 to 1800 (Oxford, 1970), seldom mentioned the islands, perhaps implying their relative unimportance before 1750. Perhaps others, principally the British, saw the islands as a bulking center, providing protection to ship captains and service for commerce characteristic of this coast. For more complete treatment of the islands, see Mouser, “Iles de Los,” 77-90. 116 Passage of anti-slave trading legislation in Great Britain and the United States, with both bills becoming effective for respective nationals in 1808, understandably brought uncertainty to the African market in slaves. Captains were reluctant to invest in cargos of trade goods and perhaps unwilling to gamble on cargos of slaves that might be unsaleable or declared illegal on the American side of the Atlantic Ocean. British and American traders in the Northern Rivers also faced, in 1808, the transfer of Sierra Leone Company property at Freetown to the status of Royal Colony, with a threat that national policy would enforce these new laws against slave trading. The collapse of regular trade as a consequence of financial failures in England and war between England and France further unsettled coastal markets. Some traders left the coast entirely, retiring to comfortable lives in England. Some moved back to America where they could continue to practice slavery, but without the trade. Others moved to Florida or to Cuba where the slave trade between Africa and the Americas remained legal into the 1830s. And some, such as Samuel Samo and Hickson of Leigh moved to the Iles de Los where they could profit from existing commerce by servicing it, without actually engaging in the slave trade itself. After 1808, however, the presence of the Royal Anti-Slave Trade Squadron on the African coast and the convenience of the islands as points of reference, as secure anchorage, and as sources of safe drinking water helped to transform the islands and make them increasingly a vulnerable place for slave traders or those who collaborated with that trade. For the 1793-1815 period, see Brooks, Yankee Traders, chapter 2, and Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone (London, 1962), chapters 3-5. For slave 30 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998

Crawford’s island, but as the jurisdiction of the government of Sierra Leone did not extend to these islands, and as foreign manufactures and other trade goods made their way clandestinely into the colony through their means, it was deemed a measure of the utmost importance to attain possession of them and thus to form them into a dependency of Sierra Leone.117 On the 6th July, 1818, His Excellency Governor Sir Charles MacCarthy procured from the native kings and chiefs the full sovereignty of these islands to the British nation.118 The attaching them to our other possessions on the coast, was certainly a measure of the soundest policy; for, besides extending the British influence in Africa, and advancing the interests of the merchants engaged in a legitimate commerce, it afforded greater facilities for promoting the philanthropic views of the abolitionists, and at the same time excluded the Americans, and other foreign nations, from participating in the lucrative trade of this part of the coast.119

his cluster of islands bears N. by W. of Sierra Leone, and is about sixty miles distant T from it: there are five120 of them, viz:–1st, Crawford’s; 2nd, Factory; 3d, Temarra; 4th,

traders moving to America, see Daniel Schafer, Anna Kingsley (St. Augustine, 1994). 117 Between 1808 and 1818, newly established British civil servants at Freetown confronted continued American interest in West Africa, with several enquiries from Americans about possible settlement in or near the Sierra Leone colony. Governors Thompson, Maxwell, and MacCarthy were obsessed with the possibility that Americans were controlling trade on the Windward Coast, with even the American currency accepted at Freetown. In 1810 and 1812, an African-American named Paul Cuffe visited Freetown and proposed an American-controlled investment in Freetown’s economy; in 1816 he returned with thirty eight settlers from Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, along with equipment to build a saw mill. Events at the Iles de Los early in 1818 brought the question of American interest in those islands to the attention of MacCarthy and eventually resulted in the treaty of cession signed on 6 July 1818. In 1818, the two principal non-African traders on the islands were Samuel Samo and Mr. Hickson of Leigh, both assumed at Freetown to be agents of American commercial interests. In January, MacCarthy reported that Americans were regularly landing trade goods on the islands and from there they were being smuggled, without duties paid for goods carried on non-British vessels, into the colony taxfree. American settlers by May were already established in the Sherbro region and two of their leaders, Mill and Burgess, reportedly told MacCarthy that they intended to recommend to friends in New York to look upon the Iles de Los “as a desireable Station.” MacCarthy interpreted these reports as a plan to encircle Freetown with American settlements, one to the South and one to the North, and he reported to superiors in London that he had discussed with Samo and Hickson a proposal to place their property under British protection, as a way to avoid uncertain rent and custom payments to Mangé Demba. By early July, however, Mr. Hickson had died and Samo had let it be known at Freetown that he was planning to return to England. MacCarthy now proposed to move quickly to acquire the islands, before American interests in New York and Boston learned from supercargos visiting the coast of changing circumstances on the islands. MacCarthy quickly contacted Dala Mohamad Dumbuya who lived on Bullom Shore; Dala Mohamad had in 1818 acquired increased influence in Mangé Demba’s court when an elder Dumbuya representative there died, and he agreed to convene the Baga leaders at Crawford’s Island for discussion yet in July. For MacCarthy, see PRO CO267/47/128, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 2 January 1818; CO167/47/144, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 9 May 1818; and CO267/47/156, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 20 July 1818. For detail of American interest on this coast, see George Brooks, Yankee Traders, Old Coasters, & African Middlemen (Boston, 1970), and Bruce L. Mouser, “Baltimore’s African Experiment, 1822-1827,” The Journal of Negro History, 80 no.3 (1995), 113-130. 118 See Appendix for the full text of the treaty of 6 July 1818. 119 In PRO, CO267/104/individual, Findley to Hay, 7 December 1830, enclosed report of James Boyle, Boyle suggested that British occupation of the island group, including the Ile Tumbo, would accomplish three goals: stop slave trading from the islands and the neighboring rivers, establish settlements of liberated Africans who would further the colony’s commerce and transform the commerce of the islands, and extend British influence in the Northern Rivers. 120 The island chain included many smaller islands, none of which could be occupied. Another island, Ile Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 31

White’s; and 5th, Coral. Crawford’s island121 is in lat. 9 deg. 22 min. N., and long. 13 deg. 32 min. W.; from its central and commanding situation, it was selected for the residence of the troops. There are excellent quarters for the officers and barracks for the soldiers. It is a barren island, extending about one mile and a half from the eastern to the western extremity, and the narrowest part measures 85 yards. The highest mountain does not exceed 300 feet122 above the level of the ocean: the shore is generally rocky, free from all kinds of swamps, and the temperature of the air is cooler than on the main land, or at Sierra Leone. The N.W. and S.W. winds usually prevail, and the seasons are divided into wet and dry as in other parts of the coast; but the former does not generally continue so long. During the dry season the fresh water is scarce and brackish in this island, and very liable to cause bowel complaints. There are two or three springs in the rocks, the water of which is plentiful and very good during the rains, but scarcely any is to be procured towards the close of the dry or hot season of the year. There is abundance of fine spring water on Temarra,123 which is distant two and a half miles from Crawford’s, but on Factory124 the inhabitants experience the same inconvenience and disadvantage to which those of Crawford’s are subject. The other two islands, White’s and Coral, are not habitable. Temarra is the largest of the cluster of islands, and is admirably well adapted for agricultural pursuits; a great quantity of rice is annually raised upon it, and its natives make large quantities of palm oil. At this island firewood, and stock of various kinds,

Tumbo, occasionally is listed as belonging to the chain, but this island is separated from the main group by a strait and is now joined to the coast by a causeway/bridge. Boyle (PRO, CO267/104/individual, Findley to Hay, 7 December 1830) described the Ile Tumbo as a “projection” rather than an island and indicated that whoever occupied “Tumbo Point” would be able to control all commerce between the Northern Rivers and Sierra Leone. Boyle noted that the island was flat; three villages located here in 1830 were engaged in cola collection and production of salt and palm oil. Villagers did not grow sufficient rice for their own use; they did grow cotton. The island was known for its teak wood and large cotton trees. 121 In his despatch to London, PRO CO267/47/156, MacCarthy to Bathurst, 20 July 1818, MacCarthy proposed that the new acquired islands be renamed as follows: Crawford’s > Bathurst; Factory/Kassa > Liverpool; Tamara/Fotoba > Wilberforce; White > Allen; Coral > Clarkson. Colonial Office officials recommended to Bathurst that he ignore these suggested changes. See Map No. 2 for the Iles de Los. Surgeon James Boyle visited the Iles de Los in 1830, reported his observations in a report to Governor Findley, and published them a year later; PRO CO267/104/individual, Findley to Hay, 7 December 1830, enclosures, and James Boyle, A Practical Medico-Historical Account of the Western Coast of Africa (London, 1831). Boyle wrote that Crawfords was a small island of one mile by half mile, with a good supply of fresh water. Its population numbered approximately one hundred persons who spoke both Susu and Baga. The island was also known for wild pigs, but most were gone by 1830. Cattle and sheep thrived well on the island. Here were remains of factories formerly owned by Mr. Hickson of Leigh and Michael Proctor. Barracks for regular soldiers were cramped, measuring 80 by 18 feet, but housing for officers he described as “luxurious.” The hospital was located in a stone building formerly occupied as a parsonage, likely the residence of Klein and his wife who were Church Missionary Society missionaries and who operated a school there in 1815. 122 82 meters. 123 Tamara Island was also called Fotabar/Futabar, Grand Island and William Island, depending upon period. Boyle, in CO267/104/individual, Findley to Hay, 7 December 1830, called Tamara the “Queen of the Islands.” Five miles by three-quarter mile, the island was “a very fit place” for settlement of liberated Africans, with abundant sources of good water. Four hundred persons lived there in 1830 in seven villages– Teama (headman Carmoro), Cooma (Cooney), Sabiar (Soobar), Robagni (Santigi), Boom (Dick), Bendia (Harry), and Clarkson/Freetown (where 25 pensioners from disbanded West India Regiments lived). Boyle mentioned that fauna on Tamara included the cotton tree, palm tree, Pullom tree, rice (but not sufficient grown for own use), and cassada. Claystone on the island was good for building construction, but the island lacked good timber for building houses. Good water could be found within 30 meters of the shore. 124 Called Factory because this was the island where Miles Barber operated a major factory in the late eighteenth century. For Barber, see Mouser, “Iles de Los as Bulking Center.” 32 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998 can at all times be supplied to the shipping; and the circumstance of water being procured there with facility, renders it an important rendezvous for vessels proceeding from the windward to the leeward coast. The safest anchorage is in the bay between Crawford’s and Temarra, but vessels may anchor almost any where outside of the islands. A town was formed two years ago on Temarra island by Sir Charles MacCarthy from some of the disbanded soldiers of the West-India corps; it is called Freetown,125 and the inhabitants have always been quiet and orderly, and have cultivated large arable parts of the island.

actory is likewise a fertile island; there is always a corporal’s guard stationed on it; and Fby its proximity to the main land (the distance not exceeding two miles), it is rendered peculiarly desirable for the establishment of trading factories.126

he whole of the five islands are composed of granite, either in a perfect or disintegrated Tstate. From their proximity to the main land, it seems probable they composed part of it at a distant period. The rocks contain a large proportion of feldspar, which, from its liability to decay more quickly than the other ingredients entering into the composition of granite, disintegration is going forward rapidly, and the decomposed materials have been carried by the torrents of rain from the elevated lands to the sea shore, where the argilla lapidea, or laterite, is found, as it were, forming barriers to the inroads of the ocean: but where the sea rolls its waves with violence on the shore, the rocks are laid bare and as fast as they decay, the materials are carried off and deposited in the bed of the ocean. It is exactly so with Coral island, where no laterite is to be found; but on Temarra and Factory, where the level of the land is not far above that of the sea, the surfaces of the islands are covered with the decomposed materials and debris of granitic rocks. The soil is composed of clay, and other matters of disintegrated granite or worn down pieces of laterite. In the elevated parts of all these islands the granite is seen massive, and in disseminated blocks or masses. There is no appearance of any regular stratification; the whole of the rocks is disposed in beds, which often appear to rest obliquely. The great distinguishing feature of the granite of the Isles de Loss is, that it contains a larger proportion of feldspar than that found in any other part of the coast, or in the mountains of Sierra Leone.

rawford’s island is the most interesting to the geologist. In the fresh-water springs in the Crock, which exhibit the appearance of wells, the most beautiful crystalization of feldspar, schorl, tourmaline, and mica are displayed. The temperature of the water, as it issues from the spring, is below that of the surrounding atmosphere. On the exposed surface of the rocks and mountains, rents or fissures are seen running in every direction, and thin plates, of different sizes and shapes, are scaling off. There are three principal varieties of granite found; the first is white, with a large portion of feldspar; the second, fine grained, compact, and of a light grey color; and the third is fine grained, and of a red color. The two latter rarely contain crystals of schorl or tourmaline. On Coral and Crawford’s islands severa[l] veins are found, varying in width from a few inches to a foot and a half, and filled with siliceous shistus and

125 Boyle (in PRO CO267/104/individual, Findley to Hay, 7 December 1830) indicated that Freetown/Clarkson on Tamara Island was well laid out, with good anchorage located nearby. Pensioners there raised corn, rice, cassada, and yams. By 1868, this town was called Cocklestown. See also Anon., “Isles de Los,” Mission Field, 1 September 1868, 247. 126 Boyle (CO 267/104/individual) described Factory Island in 1830 as populated by 300 persons who were Muslims, “healthy and athletic.” He viewed remains of the former slave factory which contained a jetty or platform, landing place and dock where a schooner could be landed for repairs. Here also were the remains of a stone building belonging formerly to Samuel Samo. Three towns were located on this island in 1830. Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 33 crystaline masses of quartz and feldspar. Where the water has remained long in the hollows and cavities of the rocks, decomposition has extended rapidly, and in such situations beautiful specimens of quartz, schorl, tourmaline, feldspar, and mica, are to be procured. The mountain masses seem as if they had been at one period separated and disjointed, and afterwards cemented again by the interposition of quartz, schorl, and felspar, in distinct crystaline forms; this appearance is beautifully exhibited in many disseminated masses and blocks found lying on the southern shore of the island.

n White’s island more particularly the disseminated masses lying along the shore are Ocemented pretty firmly together by a species of tubiform coral, which, from experiments made upon it, affords, when burnt, most excellent lime. On Coral island a large quantity of this kind of coral is also to be met with, but a more compact calcareous deposition may be procured where the oyster beds are formed.

he only wild animals to be found on Temarra and Factory islands are goats, deer, Tmonkies, squirrels, and civet cats. Partridges, pigeons and doves are numerous. The vulture and pigeon hawk frequent the islands, and are deemed sacred amongst the natives.

hese islands are pleasantly situated, they are washed on every side by the Atlantic ocean; Tand from their elevation and remoteness from the swampy shores of the main land, are found to be healthier to Europeans than most parts of the western coast. During the dry season the average range of the thermometer is from 70 to 80 deg., and in the rains it varies from 67 to 78 deg. of Fahrenheit. Their situation is admirably well adapted to the127 carrying of trade with the natives of the countries adjacent; and if the slave trade in the Rio Pongos, Rio Nunez, and at Bissao and Cacheo was effectually stopped, these islands, I am confident, would become the most flourishing marts of African trade and commerce.

127 In the margin of the Yale University copy, someone has substituted the word “for” in place of the words “to the.” 34 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998

APPENDIX

reaty of Peace and Amity between His Excellency Lieutenant Colonel Charles T MacCarthy Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over the Colony of Sierra Leone and its Dependencies Vice Admiral &c &c &c and Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s Forces on the West Coast of African on behalf of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and Minga Demba, King of the Bago Country and his Chieftains Alimarmee Dala Mohammadee, Seaca, Amurah, Salia, and Ali headmen of the said Country.

is Excellency Lieut. Colonel Charles MacCarthy Captain General and Governor in Chief H of the Colony of Sierra Leone &c &c &c as aforesaid being anxious to form a closer Union and Alliance between himself as Governor of the Colony of Sierra Leone on the part and behalf of His Britannic Majesty and Monga Demba and His Chieftains Alimaami Dala Mohammadee, Seaca, Amurah, Salia, Ali and the other Headmen of the said Country, and to promote Commerce, and more frequent and beneficial intercourse between themselves and their respective Countries and subjects and the said Mango Demba King of the Bago Country with the advice and consent of his aid Chieftains Alimaami Dalu Mohammada, Seaca, Amurah, Salia and Ali being willing for the purpose of forwarding the said objects to cede to His Britannic Majesty the Islands known by the name of the Isles de Loss have mutually agreed as follows:

. The said Monga Demba King of the Bago Country and his Chieftains Alimarme Dala 1 Mohammado, Seaca, Amurah, Salia and Ali have for themselves and their successors ceeded [sic], transferred and given over to His Excellency Lieut Coll Charles MacCarthy Governor of the Colony of Sierra Leone and the Governors of the said Colony for the time being for the use of and on behalf of His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Ireland and his successors, the full, entire free and unlimited possession and sovereignty of the islands constituting the Isles de Loss viz. Factory Crawfords Tamara Whites and Coral Islands together with all and every right and title to the Navigation Anchorage Waterage fishing and other revenue and Maritime Claims in and over all the harbours, Bays, Creeks roads Roadsteads and Waters in and around the said Islands.

. His said Excellency Lieut. Coll Charles MacCarthy for himself and his successors the 2 Governors of the Colony of Sierra Leone for the time being, on the part and behalf of his said Britannic Majesty engages promises and agrees to pay yearly and every year to the said King Mongo Demba, through the hands of the said Alimarmee Dala Mohammado or such other persons as may be appointed his successor for that purpose the sum of Four hundred Bars in lieu of the Customs heretofore demanded and received by the said Mango Demba or his Chieftains for the Anchorage or Waterage of vessels coming into the Harbours or Waters of the said Islands.

. His said Excellency Lieut Coll Charles MacCarthy for himself and his successors for the 3 time being Governors of the Colony of Sierra Leone on the part and behalf of His said Britannic Majesty Guarantees to the native Inhabitants of the Islands of Tamara and Factory the full entire and free possession of the lands they now hold provided they behave themselves peaceably and according to the Laws in force in the said Islands.

. It is further agreed by the said Contracting parties that the before mentioned Sums of 4 Four hundred Bars and One Hundred Bars shall be yearly paid on the sixth day of July in Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 35 each year beginning in the Year one thousand eight hundred and nineteen and shall consist of the following articles Bars Two hundred Pounds of Tobacco 100 Five pieces of Blue Baft 55 Five pieces of White Baft 45 Five pieces of Percale 30 Five pieces of Bandannas 30 Five pieces of Sattin Stripe 36 196 carried over 296 [page break] brought forwd Bars 296 One Barrel of Gunpowder 60 Thirty four gallons of Rum 50 Four Tower Muskets 24 Small articles as Bowls Mugs Beads Knives looking glasses razors &c. Seventy Bars 70 Bars 500

. It is further agreed between the said contracting parties that the before mentioned sums 5 of Four Hundred Bars and One Hundred Bars to be paid Yearly as aforesaid shall be in lieu of all demands of the said Monga Demba and his Chieftains as aforesaid upon the Government of the Colony of Sierra Leone or any of present British residents or any other person or persons who may hereafter be permitted to reside or obtain land and possessions on the said Islands from the Government of Sierra Leone whether claimed as Customs presents or by any other mode.

one and signed in six originals at Crawfords Island Isles de Loss where the parties are Dassembled this sixth day of July in the Year of the Christian era One Thousand eight hundred and eighteen.

his Treaty was made in our presence T C. MacCarthy Mango Demba K[enneth] Macaulay128 [Lieut. Col.] James Chisholm129 George Pilkington [Lieut.] Edd Middleton130 Pat Coleman Hosp. Asst.131

128 Kenneth Macaulay was the second cousin of Zachary Macaulay and was one of Zachary Macaulay’s principal agents in the firm of Macaulay and Babington which exercised a virtual monopoly on commerce at the Freetown. For Kenneth Macaulay, see Zachary Macaulay, A Letter to His Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester (London, 1815), 41. 129 War Office, A List of the Officers of the Army and Royal Marines (London, 1818), 365. Rank of Major in Regiment, 16 June 1808, and rank of Lieut. Col. in Royal African Corps, 4 June 1814. 130 Ibid., 365, rank of Lieutenant, 2 January 1817, in Royal African Corps: full name Edward Middleton. 131 Ibid., 467, listed within Medical Department, rank of Hospital Assistant, date of rank, 25 December 1815; 36 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998

full name Patrick Coleman. Peter Maclauchlan, ibid., was listed in 1818 as Hospital Assistant with same date of rank, suggesting that he and Coleman were contemporaries at Freetown. Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 37

38 University of Leipzig Papers on Africa, History and Culture No. 2 1998

Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 39

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MANUSCRIPT COLLECTIONS, NEWSPAPERS.

CHURCH MISSIONARY SOCIETY (CMS): The Society’s printed materials are housed at the Mission Studies Library, Partnership House, Waterloo Road, London. The Archive for older materials is found at Manuscript Division, The University Library, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom.

PUBLIC RECORDS OFFICE (PRO): Kew Garden, London. Colonial Office Records (CO): CO2/5 > Papers relating to the 1816/1817 Mission of Discovery CO267 > Incoming correspondence from Governors of Sierra Leone CO272 > Royal Gazette: & Sierra Leone Advertiser War Office Records (WO): WO25 > Miscellaneous Papers.

NATIONAL MARITIME MUSEUM: Manuscript Division, The Caird Library, Greenwich, London. Samuel Gamble, “A Journal of an Intended Voyage,” Log/M/21.

HENRY E. HUNTINGTON LIBRARY: San Marino, California. Zachary Macaulay, “Macaulay Journals.”

ARCHIVE GENERAL DES P. P. DU ST.-ESPRIT: Chevilly-Larue Cedex, France Mouser/Sarro: Peter McLachlan’s Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries – 1821 43

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History and Culture Series No. 1: Journal of a Missionary Tour to the Labaya Country (Guinea / Conakry) in 1850, by Rev. John Ulrich Graf, Church Missionary Society Edited by Bruce Mouser, 1998. ISBN 3-932632-20-6. Pp. vi, 52 An edited transcription of the journal of a missionary based in Sierra Leone, who in 1850 visited part of what is today Guinea-Conakry, inhabited by Susu people. No. 2: Travels into the Baga and Soosoo Countries in 1821. By Peter McLachlan Edited by Bruce L. Mouser & Ramon Sarro, with a bibliography of the Baga by Ramon Sarro, 1999. ISBN 3-932632-42-7. Pp. x, 55 A new edition of one of the first monographs published in tropical Africa (in 1821) and the first systematic attempt to describe the Baga and Susu. No. 3: Africa in Leipzig: A City Looks at a Continent, 1730-1950 Edited by Adam Jones, 2000. ISBN 3-932632-63-X. Pp. viii, 48 Short essays on how an African "presence" was felt in Leipzig, e.g. through the collection of "curiosities", ethnographic artefacts and travellers' records, the publication of books, missionary work, teaching and research at the university and the public display of Africans. Nos. 4 and 9: Zachary Macaulay and the Development of the Sierra Leone Company, 1793-4. Part 1: Journal, June-Oct. 1793. Part 2: Journal, October-December 1793 Edited by Suzanne Schwarz, 2000, 2002. ISBN 3-932632-64-8, 3-935999-04-6. Pp. xxii, 72, xxvii, 35 Macaulay (1768-1838) arrived in Sierra Leone in 1792 as one of two members of council appointed to assist the governor of the Sierra Leone Company's new colony for free blacks. No. 5: Hawkins in Guinea 1567-1568 Edited by P. E. H. Hair, 2000. ISBN 3-932632-65-6. Pp. 92 John Hawkins' third slaving voyage to West Africa was the most ambitious and, partly because it ended in disaster, the best recorded. This edition analyses the Guinea section of the voyage by drawing on English, Portuguese and Spanish sources. No. 6: Account of the Mandingoes, Susoos, & Other Nation[s], c. 1815. By Rev. Leopold Butscher Edited by Bruce L. Mouser, 2000. ISBN 3-932632-72-9. Pp. x, 39 The first systematic ethnographic survey of the "Rivières du Sud" of coastal Guinea-Conakry, describing the "Mandingo", Susu, Baga, Nalu, and Landuma peoples. Butscher's manuscript has been annotated and supplemented with the text of an anonymous study of the Mandingo. No. 7: Afrika in der europäischen Fiktion 1689-1856: Zwei Studien Ralf Hermann & Silke Strickrodt, 2001. ISBN 3-932632-84-2. Pp. iii, 23 Two papers on how Africa was depicted in early fictional works. One discusses four German prose works from the 17th and 18th centuries, indicating how they were influenced by literary fashions and philosophical debates. The other deals with a British woman who visited West Africa in the early nineteenth century. No. 8: Histoire d'Agoué (République du Bénin) par le Révérend Père Isidore Pélofy Régina Byll-Cataria, 2002. ISBN 3-935999-03-8. Pp. 39 Notebooks kept by a Catholic missionary during his residence on the coast of what is now Bénin. Pélofy's notes cover the period between the founding of Agoué in 1821 and the introduction of French colonial rule in the 1880s. This edition sheds light on the origins of families originating from Brazil, Cuba and Sierra Leone. No. 10: Jan Czekanowski - African Ethnographer & Physical Anthropologist in Early Twentieth- Century Germany and Poland Adam Jones (ed.), 2002. ISBN 3-935999-09-7. Pp. 103 9 papers on Czekanowski (1882-1965), the ethnographer in the expedition of Adolf Friedrich, Duke of Mecklenburg, to East Central Africa in 1907-8. In what are today Rwanda, western Uganda and eastern Democratic Republic of Congo he collected artefacts and skulls, ethnographic and other information, as well as recording music and speech. Later he became a specialist in the physical anthropology of Central Europe. No. 11: Arno Krause: Tagebuch der Missionsstation Nkoaranga (Tanzania) 1902-1905 Klaus-Peter Kiesel (Hg.), 2004. ISBN 3-935999-30-5. Pp. 198 (44 ill.) Transcription of a diary kept by the first Lutheran missionary on Mount Meru (northern Tanzania). Nos. 12-13 & 15: Kindheit und Bekehrung in Nord-Tansania: Aufsätze von Afrikanern aus dem ehemaligen Deutsch-Ostafrika (Tanzania) vom Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts Klaus-Peter Kiesel (Hg.), Vol. 1: 2005. ISBN 3-935999-41-0. Pp. 210 (31 ill.). Vol. 2: 2007. ISBN 3- 935999-58-5. Pp. 161 (50 ill.). Vol. 3: 2013. ISBN 3-935999-78-X. Pp. 211 (66 ill.) Essays by pupils of the Leipzig Mission's teachers' seminary in Marangu (northern Tanzania), 1912-1916, in Swahili and in German translation, on "My Childhood" and "How I Was Converted". No. 14: Geschichte der Afrikanistik in Leipzig Felix Brahm (Hg.), 2011. ISBN 3-935999-73-9. Pp. 115 Essays on the history of African Studies at the University of Leipzig from the 1890s to the 1990s.