DOCSLIB.ORG

War and Peace in Canaan”

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
War and Peace in Canaan” Additional Material for “War and Peace in Canaan” An Educational Board Game that Connects Geography with Political and Military Affairs in Ancient Israel Charlie Trimm, Biola University (2018) Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. See as well: “’War and Peace in Canaan’: Connecting Geography with Political and Military Affairs in Ancient Israel through a Classroom Game,” Charlie Trimm, Teaching Theology and Religion, 21:4 (2018). Along with the basic rules included in the article, I have developed a variety of other materials. This document includes strategy notes for the basic version of the game, many variations for those who desire greater detail and complexity, and scenarios that model various battles in Canaan. Game Rules in Stages Page 2 Strategy Notes for “War and Peace in Canaan” page 10 Variations of “War and Peace in Canaan” page 12 Scenarios for “War and Peace in Canaan” page 19 Game Map page 25 1 “War and Peace in Canaan” Game Rules in Stages While some students would find the full rules helpful, many will find them overwhelming. This document breaks down the rules into manageable pieces so that the students can know the relevant rules for each turn. The rules are divided into three sections. The first section provides a very simplified introduction to the game for the first turn. The second set of rules covers stage one of the game (this technically also covers the first turn, but I provide only the simplified version for that turn). Finally, the third set of rules covers the second stage (turns 5-6). War and Peace in Canaan: Turn One 1. The Map The base map has several important components. The map is east oriented, partially for practical reasons but also because the Old Testament seems to have this orientation as well (one word for “south” also commonly means “on the right side” and a word for “north” commonly means” on the left side”). The various colonies are marked by grey lines or rivers, while the six cities are represented by castles. In game terms, a region is either a colony or a city. The road extends from the bottom right corner of the map to the top left either through the King’s Highway or the International Highway (see the rules below for benefits of traveling on the road). The hills are marked on the map, but do not play a role directly in game play. The border of Ephraim with the Coastal Plain and Shephelah is impassible. 2. Goal of the Game The goal of the game is to possess more sheep than any other city! See the current score at the bottom left of the map. 3. Acquiring Sheep Cities gain sheep either turn automatically (see the chart on the bottom left of the map) or through possessing colonies (the number of sheep each colony provides is marked on the map). 4. Chariots and Movement Cities begin with a certain number of chariots (marked on map in the color of your city) and acquire more chariots each turn (see chart at bottom left of map). This turn chariots may only move one spot and occupy a neighboring colony. You may send groups of chariots in different directions. In future turns chariots may move two regions (a region is a colony or a city) if the 2 first region is friendly or three regions if the first two are friendly and all three regions are on a road. 5. Combat To conquer a colony you must send at least the same number of chariots as the sheep value of the colony (the number of sheep that the colony provides each turn). Example: Gaza must move eight or more chariots to the Coastal Plain to conquer it because that colony provides eight sheep per turn. In future turns your chariots may attack the chariots of other cities (a die is rolled for each chariot and for each 1, 2, or 3 an enemy chariot is destroyed). 6. Diplomacy In stage one (turns 1-4), cities may make alliances, but these are non-binding. Cities can allow other cities to move their chariots through their colonies and allied cities may attack enemies together (control of the conquered colony goes entirely to the stronger ally). War and Peace in Canaan: Stage One Rules (Turns 2-4) 1. Immediate Goal At the end of stage one (turn four), the three cities with the most sheep will receive an extra 25 chariots. The goal of the game overall is to possess more sheep than any other city! See the current score at the bottom left of the map. 2. Couse of Play Each turn the instructor passes out an updated version of the map to each group and they are given time to talk to other groups and decide what they will do. The students make the following decisions each turn by writing their decisions on their own copy of the map: a. Will we buy chariots? If so, they write on their map how many they will buy. b. Will make an alliance with another city? They can send members as diplomats to talk with other groups about possible strategies. Alliances are marked on the map. c. Will we give sheep to another city? This would be done to secure an alliance and is marked on the map. d. Where will we move our chariots? They mark where each set of chariots will move and how many chariots will move. e. Will we use a special power? This is marked on the map at the specific location it will be used. 3 3. Acquiring Sheep Cities gain sheep either turn through their home city or through possessing colonies. 4. Chariots and Movement a. Acquiring chariots Each city has a certain amount of military power, symbolized by chariots. While chariots were mainly beneficial in open areas, they were still the symbol of military force during this time period. Each city receives a certain number of chariots per turn in their home city. Cities can never give chariots to another city. Each city is also able to buy more chariots for the cost of two sheep during stage one (turns 1-4) and one sheep during stage two (turns 5-6). These chariots appear immediately in the home city. However, the limit of the number of chariots they are able to buy is the number of chariots they receive each turn (see chart above). In other words, they may never receive more than double the number of chariots they normally receive. Example: Tyre is only able to buy two extra chariots each turn because they receive two chariots each turn. b. Movement of chariots Chariots may move two regions each turn (a region is a colony or a city), but only if the first region is friendly (in other words, they may not conquer a colony and then move to another colony). To simulate the ease of movement on a highway, chariots may move three region if their entire movement is along a highway (marked by the broken black lines on the map). In sum, here are the possible options: i. From one region to an immediately adjacent hostile region to engage an enemy. ii. Through one friendly adjacent region and then into a hostile or friendly region. iii. If all three regions are connected by roads, chariots may move through two friendly regions into a third friendly or hostile region The solid black lines next to Ephraim may not be passed. Chariots may also not cross the Dead Sea or the Sea of Galilee. Chariots may move one extra region as a forced march, but ¼ of the chariots will be destroyed. For example, Gaza could move twenty chariots from their home city all the way to Lower Galilee (if the Coastal Plain, Sharon Plain, and Jezreel Valley were all friendly), but five of the chariots would be destroyed. 4 5. Combat To conquer a colony you must send at least the same number of chariots as the sheep value of the colony (the number of sheep that the colony provides each turn). In future turns your chariots may attack the chariots of other cities (a die is rolled for each chariot and for each 1, 2, or 3 an enemy chariot is destroyed). Whenever chariots from two cities occupy the same colony, combat begins. A die is rolled for each chariot. A roll of 1-3 will result in the destruction of an enemy chariot. If enough chariots survive, a second round of battle will ensue (and so on until it becomes unwise for one side to continue fighting). When two cities mutually attack each other, the battle will happen on the frontier; the winner will have the opportunity to continue their attack. 6. Revolt Since the colonies have been conquered by the cities, they might revolt if enough chariots are not left in the colony to intimidate the locals and put down rebellions. At the end of each turn all of the colonies are checked for rebellion. As seen in the chart below, rebellion is more likely to happen the greater the differential between the number of chariots in the colony and the sheep value of the colony. If a colony revolts, half of the chariots are destroyed and half of the chariots retreat to a friendly region. Example, if Gaza has six chariots in the Coastal Plain, then the power differential is 2 and the colony would revolt on a 2d6 roll of 2 or 3 (a 9% chance). If it did revolt, then three chariots would be destroyed and three would retreat to Gaza.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Thiele's Biblical Chronology As a Corrective for Extrabiblical Dates
    Andm University Seminary Studies, Autumn 1996, Vol. 34, No. 2,295-317. Copyright 1996 by Andrews University Press.. THIELE'S BIBLICAL CHRONOLOGY AS A CORRECTIVE FOR EXTRABIBLICAL DATES KENNETH A. STRAND Andrews University The outstanding work of Edwin R. Thiele in producing a coherent and internally consistent chronology for the period of the Hebrew Divided Monarchy is well known. By ascertaining and applying the principles and procedures used by the Hebrew scribes in recording the lengths of reign and synchronisms given in the OT books of Kings and Chronicles for the kings of Israel and Judah, he was able to demonstrate the accuracy of these biblical data. What has generally not been given due notice is the effect that Thiele's clarification of the Hebrew chronology of this period of history has had in furnishing a corrective for various dates in ancient Assyrian and Babylonian history. It is the purpose of this essay to look at several such dates.' 1. i%e Basic Question In a recent article in AUSS, Leslie McFall, who along with many other scholars has shown favor for Thiele's chronology, notes five vital variable factors which Thiele recognized, and then he sets forth the following opinion: In view of the complex interaction of several of the independent factors, it is clear that such factors could never have been discovered (or uncovered) if it had not been for extrabiblical evidence which established certain key absolute dates for events in Israel and Judah, such as 853, 841, 723, 701, 605, 597, and 586 B.C. It was as a result of trial and error in fitting the biblical data around these absolute dates that previous chronologists (and more recently Thiele) brought to light the factors outlined above.= '~lthou~hmuch of the information provided in this article can be found in Thiele's own published works, the presentation given here gathers it, together with certain other data, into a context and with a perspective not hitherto considered, so far as I have been able to determine.
    [Show full text]
  • Baasha of Ammon
    Baasha of Ammon GARY A. RENDSBURG Cornell University 1lVD'i' 'Xtl1' i1'1::J' i"'~ 1,T The identification of the members of the western coalition who fought Shal­ maneser HI at the battle of Qarqar has engaged Assyriologists since the 19th century. Among the more elusive members of the alliance has been Ba-J-sa miir 1 Ru-bu-bi .KUR A-ma-na-a-a, listed in the Monolith Inscription, column II, line 95. The majority view holds that the toponym A-ma-na-a-a refers to Ammon. the small state located in Transjordan = biblical cammon (Gen. 19:38, etc.). This iden­ tification ,:>riginated among late 19th and early 20th century scholars,2 is repeated in more recent works,3 and appears in standard translations.4 The ~llinority view was first offered by E. Forrer,S who identified the word with Amana, the mountainous region of southern Syria, more specifically the It is my pleasure to thank Peter Machinist and Samuel M. Paley whose helpful suggestions I have incorporated into this article. 1. For the original, see H. C. Rawlinson, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia (London, 1870),3: pliltes 7-8. 2. F. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? (Leipzig, 1881),294; F. Hommel. Geschichte Babylolliells und Assyriells (Berlin, 1885), 609; C. P. Tiele, Babylollisch·assyrische Geschichte (Gotha, 1886). 201; E. Schrader. Sammlung von assyrischen und babylonischen Textell (Berlin, (889), I: 173; R. W. Rogers, A History of Babylollia and Assyria (New York, 1901),77; H. Winckler, The History of Babylonia and Assyria (New York, 1907),220; A.
    [Show full text]
  • MESHA STELE. Discovered at Dhiban in 1868 by a Protestant Missionary
    MESHA STELE. Discovered at Dhiban in 1868 by a Protestant missionary traveling in Transjordan, the 35-line Mesha Inscription (hereafter MI, sometimes called the Moabite Stone) remains the longest-known royal inscription from the Iron Age discovered in the area of greater Palestine. As such, it has been examined repeatedly by scholars and is available in a number of modern translations (ANET, DOTT). Formally, the MI is like other royal inscriptions of a dedicatory nature from the period. Mesha, king of Moab, recounts the favor of Moab's chief deity, Chemosh (Kemosh), in delivering Moab from the control of its neighbor, Israel. While the MI contains considerable historical detail, formal parallels suggest the Moabite king was selective in arranging the sequence of events to serve his main purpose of honoring Chemosh. This purpose is indicated by lines 3-4 of the MI, where Mesha says that he erected the stele at the "high place" in Qarh\oh, which had been built to venerate Chemosh. The date of the MI can be set with a 20-30-year variance. It must have been written either just before the Israelite king Ahab's death (ca. 853/852 B.C.) or a decade or so after his demise. The reference to Ahab is indicated by the reference in line 8 to Omri's "son," or perhaps "sons" (unfortunately, without some additional information, it is impossible to tell morphologically whether the word [bnh] is singular or plural). Ahab apparently died not long after the battle of Qarqar, in the spring of 853, when a coalition of states in S Syria/Palestine, of which Ahab was a leader, faced the encroaching Assyrians under Shalmaneser III.
    [Show full text]
  • 13 Chapter 1548 15/8/07 10:56 Page 243
    13 Chapter 1548 15/8/07 10:56 Page 243 13 Neo-Assyrian and Israelite History in the Ninth Century: The Role of Shalmaneser III K. LAWSON YOUNGER, Jr. IN HISTORICAL STUDIES, ONE OF THE COMMON MODES of periodization is the use of centuries. Like any type of periodization, this is intended to be flexi- ble, since obviously every turn of century does not bring about a sudden and radical change in material culture and/or trends in human thought and per- spective. The greatest problem with any periodization—whether based on archaeological periods, kingdoms, dynasties, ages, eras, Neo-Marxist cate- gories (like pre-modern, modern, post-modern)—is generalization. This is often manifested in an unavoidable tendency to emphasize continuity and understate changes within periods, while at the same time emphasizing changes and understating continuity between adjacent periods. In fact, peri- ods are artificial concepts that can lead at times to seeing connections that do not actually exist. They do not usually have neat beginnings and endings. Nevertheless, periodization is necessary to historical analysis and the use of centuries can prove functional in the process of imposing form on the past. In using centuries as a periodization scheme, some modern historians have resorted to the concepts of ‘long’ and ‘short’ centuries to better reflect the periods and their substantive changes. However, in the case of the history of Assyria,1 the ninth century does not accurately reflect periodization, even if long or short century designations are used. Typically, the ninth century has been understood as part of three discernible, yet interconnected, periods, two of which overlap into other centuries (the first with the previous tenth century and the third with the following eighth century) (see e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Continuity and Change in the Town Planning and Material Culture of Iron Age II and III Mishrifeh, Central Syria
    Syria Archéologie, art et histoire 86 | 2009 Dossier : Interaction entre Assyriens et Araméens Continuity and Change in the Town Planning and Material Culture of Iron Age II and III Mishrifeh, Central Syria Daniele Morandi Bonacossi Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/syria/518 DOI: 10.4000/syria.518 ISSN: 2076-8435 Publisher IFPO - Institut français du Proche-Orient Printed version Date of publication: 1 November 2009 Number of pages: 119-132 ISBN: 9782351591512 ISSN: 0039-7946 Electronic reference Daniele Morandi Bonacossi, « Continuity and Change in the Town Planning and Material Culture of Iron Age II and III Mishrifeh, Central Syria », Syria [Online], 86 | 2009, Online since 01 July 2016, connection on 23 May 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/syria/518 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/syria. 518 © Presses IFPO CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THE TOWN PLANNING AND MATERIAL CULTURE OF IRON AGE II AND III MISHRIFEH, CENTRAL SYRIA* Daniele MORANDI BONACOSSI University of Udine Résumé – Cet article présente les découvertes archéologiques, relatives à l’âge du Fer II-III sur le site de Mishrifeh, faites par la partie italienne de la mission syro-italienne. Les données obtenues au cours de neuf campagnes de fouille seront exposées conjointement aux résultats déjà publiés afin de présenter les différents aspects (urbanisme, architecture résidentielle, activités artisanales et industrielles, pratiques funéraires, organisation administrative, culture matérielle et fonction du site) de Mishrifeh entre le IXe et le milieu du VIe siècle av. J.-C. On abordera ensuite la question des ruptures et des continuités sur cet important site de Syrie centrale au temps des principautés louvito-araméennes et de la domination assyrienne.
    [Show full text]
  • 4. Assyrian Involvement in Edom
    4. Assyrian Involvement in Edom Alan Millard During the 14th to 12th centuries BC, Assyrian kings lack of adequate evidence precludes certainty, and had some control over upper Mesopotamia as far as the widely held identification of Ba'asha as an the Euphrates bend below Carchemish. Although Ammonite ruler is still supportable (Rendsburg adventurers like Tiglathpileser I crossed the Great 1991). The earliest Assyrian reference to Bit Amman River, reached the Mediterranean and received is in a text of Tiglathpileser Ill, over a century after tribute from coastal towns like Byblos and Sidon, the Battle of Qarqar, when these southern states were they do not record penetration further south-east as much more familiar to Assyrian scribes than they had far as Damascus or Transjordan. Tadmor (palmyra) been in the reign of Shalmaneser Ill. That the scribe was their closest approach from the east. 1 of Shalmaneser met the place for the first time might When the Neo-Assyrian kings resurrected their be indicated by the inclusion of Ba'asha's patronym, country's power from the end of the 10th century BC, the only one in the list of the allies at Qarqar. their primary goal was to reassert their rule over However, Assyrian involvement with Damascus regions their ancestors had governed to the east, the brought greater contact with the kingdoms north, and the west. In doing this, they had to controlling the King's Highway to the south, for overcome the various small states, notably Aramaean Damascus had influence over them, and so they were ones, which had taken root in those regions in the potentially hostile to Assyria's interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Hittites and Hethites: a Proposed Solution to an Etymological Conundrum
    JETS 54.2 (June 2011) 239–50 HITTITES AND HETHITES: A PROPOSED SOLUTION TO AN ETYMOLOGICAL CONUNDRUM !"#$%& '. ())** The name “Hittite(s)” appears forty-eight times in contemporary English Bibles, 1 stemming from the Reformation Geneva Bible published in 1560. All English translations prior to the Geneva Bible had “Hethite(s)” rather than “Hittite(s),” based on the Latin Vulgate. The Roman Catholic Douay English translation of the OT is the only modern English version to retain “Hethite(s)” from the Vulgate. 2 Should it be “Hethite(s),” “Hittite(s),” or a combination of חִ תִּי the two? Both names are Anglicized transliterations of the gentilic terms f. pl.) in the Hebrew Bible, which) חתִּיּ ֹת m. pl.), and) חִ ִ תּים ,(.f. sg) חִ ִ תּית ,(.m. sg) we shall examine in detail in this article. 3 There was a time when historians sco+ed at the name “Hittite(s)” in the OT since it was not known outside the Bible. 4 Archaeological discoveries in Egypt, Mesopotamia, Turkey, and Syria from the early nineteenth century on, however, have revealed an Indo-European group scholars have dubbed “Hittites” (as opposed to “Hethites”), who established an empire in Anatolia that became a major power in the ancient Near East. But a serious problem remains. The biblical references to Hittites living in Canaan appear to be unhistorical since there is no evidence—linguistic, historical, or archaeologi- cal—for a Hittite presence in Canaan. Kempinsky attempted to establish an early twelfth-century migration of Hittites to Canaan, requiring Abraham to be placed in the thirteenth-twelfth century BC, 5 but this scenario ,nds little support in the archaeological record.
    [Show full text]
  • Before the Assyrian Conquest in 671 BCE: Relations Between Egypt, Kush and Assyria
    Before the Assyrian Conquest in 671 B.C.E.: Relations between Egypt, Kush and Assyria* Silvie Zamazalová INTRODUCTION In 701 B.C.E., the Neo-Assyrian king Sennacherib (r. 704–681 B.C.E.) fought a battle against an anti-Assyrian coalition of Philistine city-states1 and their allies at Eltekeh, probably located north of the city of Ashdod (Kitchen 19862: 385 n. 815). The coalition was supported by Egyptian and Kushite forces, dispatched by the Kushite ruler Shebitku as a response to Philistia’s plea for help. An inscription of Sennacherib describes the encounter as follows: “They (i.e. Ekron and its allies) got help from the kings of Egypt, troops, archers, chariots and cavalry of the king of Nubia, a force without number... In the vicinity of Eltekeh, battle lines were drawn in front of me... With the help of Aššur, my lord, I fought with them and brought about their defeat. The charioteers and princes of Egypt, together with the charioteers of the king of Nubia, my hands took alive in the midst of battle...” (Melville 2006: 346) While the exact nature of the battle’s outcome is a matter of debate,2 it marked an important watershed in the relations between Assyria and Egypt/Kush. Egypt- ian involvement in Philistine affairs was not without precedent, but Shebitku’s open and unambiguous opposition to Assyria was new, as was as his ability to subjugate the Delta chieftains (the “kings of Egypt” referred to by Sennacherib) and thus create a relatively united political front (Redford 2004: 91). The confronta- tion at Eltekeh signalled openly hostile relations (Kitchen 19862: 155, §126) which would eventually culminate in Egypt’s conquest, and temporary integration into Assyria’s impressive empire, by Sennacherib’s successor Esarhaddon (r.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mesha Inscription and Relations with Moab and Edom
    The Mesha Inscription and Relations with Moab and Edom as the "kingdom" of Moab, during the last decades in scholarship there has been a shift in paradigm toward viewing Moab, and to a large extent all the Iron Age Transjordanian polities, as based on tribal or "segmentary" identities that at certain times coalesced into larger political units. The Mesha Inscription is 3 one of the main sources for recognizing these local identities, as it mentions several territorial units within Moab, forming a clear hierarchy The Mesha Inscription of segments. In the upper level stand larger ter­ ritorial units denoted with the phrase "land of and Relations with Moab and Edom [location]," such as the "land of 'Atarot" and the "land of Madaba," while lower-level seg­ ments were identified with the expression "men JUAN MANUEL TEBES of [location]"-for example, "men of Sharon" and "men of Maharoth" (see Routledge 2004, 133-53). The answers to certain questions are still not clear, such as how many levels of hi­ erarchy existed, whether these segments were The Mesha Inscription and Its Israelite kingdoms and their relationships wir blood-related or based only in the territory, Background their Transjordanian neighbors. It provid and, relatedly, what is the precise relationship the earliest extrabiblical attestation of Yah­ The Mesha Inscription, or Moabite Stone, is between these segments and the idealistic tribe/ weh as Israel's god and mentions for the fir an inscribed black basalt stone (a stele) dating clan/family social organization presented in time the kingdom of Israel's house of Omn to the ninth century BCE and now exhibited in the Hebrew Bible.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Handout
    Outline History of the Neo-Assyrian Period (745 – 612 BCE) by Gordon College Faculty Copyright © 1997, Gordon College, Wenham, MA Assyria was named after the god and city of Assur. Since pre-historic times it had been along with Akkad and Babylon, one of the three major powers in the Mesopotamian valley. By about 1700 BCE, Assur’s influence had declined, and did not re-appear until the time of Shalmaneser I (1274-1245 BCE). The “Neo-Assyrian Empire” began with the military expansionist policies of Ninurta II (890-885 BCE), and his son Ashurnasirpal II (885-860 BCE), who subdued Babylon and then moved west against Syria and Cilicia (Asia Minor). This expansion continued under Shalmaneser III (859- 824 BCE), but suffered a major setback at the battle of Qarqar (853 BCE) when a coalition which included “Ahab the Israelite” who contributed 2000 chariots and 14,000 infantry (cf. ANET, p. 279), and eleven other small nations, effectively stopped the Assyrian expansion. A series of rebellions along the northern (Urartu/Ararat) and eastern (Media/Persia) frontiers and, in Babylon, effectively prevented further attention to the Syria/Israelite region until the 740’s. Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727), called Pul, began the new expansionist policies, by subduing Babylon. In 732, in alliance with Ahaz of Judah, Pul overran Syria and most of the Northern Kingdom (Israel). Hoshea murdered Pekah, took the throne, and became a vassal of Assyria (cf. II Kings 15:19). His primary method of controlling his conquered nations was the practice of mass deportation and re-settlement of the conquered peoples.
    [Show full text]
  • Biblical Timeline (PDF)
    Years from Adam (Anno Mundi – Year of the World) 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400 1500 1600 Adam 0-930 Genesis 5:3-5 Seth 130-1042 Genesis 5:6-8 Enosh 235-1140 Genesis 5:9-11 Cainan 325-1235 Genesis 5:12-14 Mahalalel 395-1290 Genesis 5:15-17 Jared 460-1422 Genesis 5:18-20 Enoch And Enoch walked with God; 622-987 and he was not, for God took Genesis 5:21-23 him. Genesis 5:24 Methuselah Genesis 5:25-27 687-1656 Abel Lamech The Flood The Dates Unknown Genesis 5:28, 30-31 874-1651 Cain Noah Dates Unknown Genesis 5:32 1056-2006 Enoch Japheth Creation Dates Unknown Genesis 5:32, 10:21 1556-? Irad Shem Dates Unknown Genesis 11:10-11 1558-2508 Ham Genesis does not provide dates for the birth Mehujael or death of Cain or Abel or any of Cain’s Dates Unknown Dates Unknown descendants. The genealogy of Cain is Methushael shown here based on Genesis 4 with an assumed average lifespan of 900 years and Dates Unknown age of 75 at the birth of the next generation Lamech Dates Unknown Jabal Dates Unknown Father of those who dwell in tents. Genesis 4:20 Jubal Dates Unknown Father of those who play the harp and flute. Genesis 4:21 Tubal-Cain Instructor of every craftsman in Dates Unknown bronze and iron. Genesis 4:22 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 1300 1400 1500 1600 Key Messianic Line Key Events Mentioned in Scripture References are to actual event Other historical figures ¶ Indicates prophetic reference Prophets 3300 BC 3200 BC 3100 BC 3000 BC 2900 BC 2800 BC 2700 BC 2600 BC 2500 BC 2400 BC 2300 BC 2200
    [Show full text]
  • Evidence for Inerrancy from an Unexpected Source
    By Rodger C. Young The Problem From the beginning of the Davidic dynasty to the release Deductive Methodology as Applied of Jehoiachin from prison, mentioned at the end of 2 Kings, to the Problem represents a period of about four and one-half centuries. For this time period, the books of Kings, Chronicles, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel Wellhausen’s Documentary Hypothesis and its later offshoots provide over 120 dates, lengths of reign, and synchronisms (the socio-economic approaches,3 Martin Noth’s deuteronomistic that form the raw material for constructing a chronology for history [1981], etc.) are examples of the deductive method. these times. For anyone who tries to assemble these data into a Deduction is “inference in which the conclusion about particulars chronological scheme, it soon becomes clear that is a formidable follows necessarily from general or universal premises” task. Some older interpreters handled the apparent discrepancies (Webster’s Ninth 1989). One universal premise of these in the numbers by introducing interregna, that it is, periods of approaches is that the Scriptures did not come in any supernatural time during which no king was assumed to be on the throne. God-with-man encounter or revelation, at least in the sense of This is like using scissors to fashion fi ll-in pieces as needed for a God speaking to and through Moses as stated in the Pentateuch. jigsaw puzzle that otherwise doesn’t seem to fi t together. To the Divine revelation was replaced by various explanations of how credit of these interpreters, they genuinely regarded the Bible writers from a later time fabricated stories about miracles and as the Word of God, and their aim in writing was to explain the revelations that they ascribed to dimly-remembered heroes from text and to strengthen the faith of God’s people by attempting to their nation’s past.
    [Show full text]