The Parliamentary System of Denmark
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Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies Are Often Classified According to the Form of Government That They Have
Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies are often classified according to the form of government that they have: • Parliamentary • Presidential • Semi-Presidential Legislative responsibility refers to a situation in which a legislative majority has the constitutional power to remove a government from office without cause. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. The defining feature of presidential democracies is that they do not have legislative responsibility. • US Government Shutdown, click here In contrast, parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies both have legislative responsibility. • PM Question Time (UK), click here In addition to legislative responsibility, semi-presidential democracies also have a head of state who is popularly elected for a fixed term. A head of state is popularly elected if she is elected through a process where voters either (i) cast a ballot directly for a candidate or (ii) they cast ballots to elect an electoral college, whose sole purpose is to elect the head of state. -
67. Møde (Fremsættelse 04.03.2010)
Fredag den 26. marts 2010 (D) 1 af oplysninger om dna-profiler, fingeraftryk og køretøjer med stater uden for Den Europæiske Union). Af justitsministeren (Lars Barfoed). 67. møde (Fremsættelse 04.03.2010). Fredag den 26. marts 2010 kl. 10.00 9) 1. behandling af lovforslag nr. L 123: Forslag til lov om ændring af lov om ægteskabs indgåelse og opløs- Dagsorden ning og forskellige andre love samt ophævelse af lov om registreret partnerskab. (Ægteskab mellem to personer af samme køn). 1) Spørgsmål om fremme af forespørgsel nr. F 37: Af Lone Dybkjær (RV) m.fl. Forespørgsel til beskæftigelsesministeren og undervisningsministe- (Fremsættelse 05.02.2010). ren om ungdomsarbejdsløshed. Af Nanna Westerby (SF), Christine Antorini (S), Marianne Jelved 10) 1. behandling af beslutningsforslag nr. B 123: (RV) og Johanne Schmidt-Nielsen (EL). Forslag til folketingsbeslutning om at give trossamfund mulighed for (Anmeldelse 23.03.2010). at vie homoseksuelle par. Af Kamal Qureshi (SF), Mogens Jensen (S), Per Clausen (EL) m.fl. 2) Spørgsmål om fremme af forespørgsel nr. F 38: (Fremsættelse 02.02.2010. (Omtrykt)). Forespørgsel til justitsministeren om Schengensamarbejdet og græn- sekontrol. 11) 1. behandling af beslutningsforslag nr. B 122: Af Peter Skaarup (DF) m.fl. Forslag til folketingsbeslutning om at indføre en kønsneutral ægte- (Anmeldelse 23.03.2010). skabslovgivning, så homoseksuelle par og heteroseksuelle par bliver ligestillede. 3) 1. behandling af lovforslag nr. L 160: Af Kamal Qureshi (SF), Mogens Jensen (S), Per Clausen (EL) m.fl. Forslag til lov om etablering af Institut for Flerpartisamarbejde. (Fremsættelse 02.02.2010). Af ministeren for udviklingsbistand (Søren Pind). (Fremsættelse 17.03.2010). -
President, Prime Minister, Or Constitutional Monarch?
I McN A I R PAPERS NUMBER THREE PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH? By EUGENE V. ROSTOW THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL S~RATEGIC STUDIES I~j~l~ ~p~ 1~ ~ ~r~J~r~l~j~E~J~p~j~r~lI~1~1~L~J~~~I~I~r~ ~'l ' ~ • ~i~i ~ ,, ~ ~!~ ,,~ i~ ~ ~~ ~~ • ~ I~ ~ ~ ~i! ~H~I~II ~ ~i~ ,~ ~II~b ~ii~!i ~k~ili~Ii• i~i~II~! I ~I~I I• I~ii kl .i-I k~l ~I~ ~iI~~f ~ ~ i~I II ~ ~I ~ii~I~II ~!~•b ~ I~ ~i' iI kri ~! I ~ • r rl If r • ~I • ILL~ ~ r I ~ ~ ~Iirr~11 ¸I~' I • I i I ~ ~ ~,i~i~I•~ ~r~!i~il ~Ip ~! ~ili!~Ii!~ ~i ~I ~iI•• ~ ~ ~i ~I ~•i~,~I~I Ill~EI~ ~ • ~I ~I~ I¸ ~p ~~ ~I~i~ PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH.'? PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH? By EUGENE V. ROSTOW I Introduction N THE MAKING and conduct of foreign policy, ~ Congress and the President have been rivalrous part- ners for two hundred years. It is not hyperbole to call the current round of that relationship a crisis--the most serious constitutional crisis since President Franklin D. Roosevelt tried to pack the Supreme Court in 1937. Roosevelt's court-packing initiative was highly visible and the reaction to it violent and widespread. It came to an abrupt and dramatic end, some said as the result of Divine intervention, when Senator Joseph T. Robinson, the Senate Majority leader, dropped dead on the floor of the Senate while defending the President's bill. -
15 AY2019 Rasmussen.Pdf
Roskilde University The desecuritization of Greenland’s security? How the Greenlandic self-government envision post-independence national defense and security policy Rasmussen, Rasmus Kjærgaard Published in: Arctic Yearbook Publication date: 2019 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Rasmussen, R. K. (2019). The desecuritization of Greenland’s security? How the Greenlandic self-government envision post-independence national defense and security policy . Arctic Yearbook, 2019, 287-304. https://arcticyearbook.com/images/yearbook/2019/Scholarly-Papers/15_AY2019_Rasmussen.pdf General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 03. Oct. 2021 The desecuritization of Greenland’s security? How the Greenlandic self-government envision post- independence national defense and security policy Rasmus Kjærgaard Rasmussen President Trump’s “offer” to purchase Greenland has placed the country at the heart of world affairs and great power rivalry in the Arctic. -
The Westminster Model, Governance, and Judicial Reform
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title The Westminster Model, Governance, and Judicial Reform Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/82h2630k Journal Parliamentary Affairs, 61 Author Bevir, Mark Publication Date 2008 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California THE WESTMINSTER MODEL, GOVERNANCE, AND JUDICIAL REFORM By Mark Bevir Published in: Parliamentary Affairs 61 (2008), 559-577. I. CONTACT INFORMATION Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720-1950 Email: [email protected] II. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Mark Bevir is a Professor in the Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley. He is the author of The Logic of the History of Ideas (1999) and New Labour: A Critique (2005), and co-author, with R. A. W. Rhodes, of Interpreting British Governance (2003) and Governance Stories (2006). 1 Abstract How are we to interpret judicial reform under New Labour? What are its implications for democracy? This paper argues that the reforms are part of a broader process of juridification. The Westminster Model, as derived from Dicey, upheld a concept of parliamentary sovereignty that gives a misleading account of the role of the judiciary. Juridification has arisen along with new theories and new worlds of governance that both highlight and intensify the limitations of the Westminster Model so conceived. New Labour’s judicial reforms are attempts to address problems associated with the new governance. Ironically, however, the reforms are themselves constrained by a lingering commitment to an increasingly out-dated Westminster Model. 2 THE WESTMINSTER MODEL, GOVERNANCE, AND JUDICIAL REFORM Immediately following the 1997 general election in Britain, the New Labour government started to pursue a series of radical constitutional reforms with the overt intention of making British political institutions more effective and more accountable. -
Legislative Process Lpbooklet 2016 15Th Edition.Qxp Booklet00-01 12Th Edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 1
LPBkltCvr_2016_15th edition-1.qxp_BkltCvr00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 2:49 PM Page 1 South Carolina’s Legislative Process LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 1 THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 2 October 2016 15th Edition LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 3 THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS The contents of this pamphlet consist of South Carolina’s Legislative Process , pub - lished by Charles F. Reid, Clerk of the South Carolina House of Representatives. The material is reproduced with permission. LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 4 LPBooklet_2016_15th edition.qxp_Booklet00-01 12th edition 11/18/16 3:00 PM Page 5 South Carolina’s Legislative Process HISTORY o understand the legislative process, it is nec - Tessary to know a few facts about the lawmak - ing body. The South Carolina Legislature consists of two bodies—the Senate and the House of Rep - resentatives. There are 170 members—46 Sena - tors and 124 Representatives representing dis tricts based on population. When these two bodies are referred to collectively, the Senate and House are together called the General Assembly. To be eligible to be a Representative, a person must be at least 21 years old, and Senators must be at least 25 years old. Members of the House serve for two years; Senators serve for four years. The terms of office begin on the Monday following the General Election which is held in even num - bered years on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. -
Appeal to the Greenlandic and Danish Governments Not to Abolish the Uranium Zero Tolerance Policy in the Danish Realm 1
Appeal to the Greenlandic and Danish governments not to abolish 1 the uranium zero tolerance policy in the Danish realm Nuuk and Copenhagen, 26 April 2013 The following statement has been signed by 48 NGOs The newly elected Greenlandic government and the Danish government have given notice that they intend to abolish the uranium zero tolerance policy which has been in effect in the Danish realm for twenty-five years and was carried unanimously in the Greenlandic parliament. Hence, there could be several uranium mining projects underway in Greenland in the near future. The mining project in Kuannersuit at Narsaq in Southern Greenland could alone make Greenland the fifth largest uranium exporter in the world. In addition, there are uranium deposits at Illorsuit, Puissattaq, Ivittuut and Motzfeldt Lake in Southern Greenland, Sarfartoq, Nassuttooq, Qaqqaarsuk and Attu in Western Greenland and Randbøldal and Milne Land in Eastern Greenland, and there might be deposits that have not yet been discovered. WE APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments not to abolish the uranium zero tolerance policy, because uranium mining could contaminate the vulnerable Arctic environment and lead to nuclear proliferation. WE APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments to prevent the combination of rare earth elements and uranium mining and to work proactively to promote renewable energies and energy efficiency in the Danish realm, the European Union and the rest of the world. WE ALSO APPEAL to the Greenlandic and the Danish governments to discourage nuclear proliferation and promote global nuclear disarmament. THE REASONS FOR OUR APPEAL ARE THE FOLLOWING: In addition to substantial chemical pollution from sulphuric acid, uranium mining leaves behind millions of tonnes of tailings containing radioactive materials. -
The European Parliament and Environmental Legislation: the Case of Chemicals
European Journal of Political Research 36: 119–154, 1999. 119 © 1999 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. The European Parliament and environmental legislation: The case of chemicals GEORGE TSEBELIS & ANASTASSIOS KALANDRAKIS University of California, Los Angeles, USA Abstract. The paper studies the impact of the EP on legislation on chemical pollutants in- troduced under the Cooperation procedure. A series of formal and informal analyses have predicted from significant impact of the EP, to limited impact (only in the second round) to no impact at all. Through the analysis of Parliamentary debates as well as Commission and Parliamentary committee documents, we are able to assess the significance of different amendments, as well as the degree to which they were introduced in the final decision of the Council. Our analysis indicates first that less than 30% of EP amendments are insignificant, while 15% are important or very important; second, that the probability of acceptance of an amendment is the same regardless of its significance. Further analysis indicates two sources of bias of aggregate EP statistics: several amendments are complementary (deal with the same issue in different places of the legal document), and a series of amendments that are rejected as inadmissible (because they violate the legal basis of the document or the germainess require- ment) are included in subsequent pieces of legislation. We calculate the effect of these biases in our sample, and find that official statistics underestimate Parliamentary influence by more than 6 percentage points (49% instead of 56% in our sample). Finally, we compare a series of observed strategic behaviors of different actors (rapporteurs, committees, floor, Commission) to different expectations generated by the literature. -
Towards the Kalmar Union
S P E C I A L I Z E D A G E N C I E S TOWARDS THE KALMAR UNION Dear Delegates, Welcome to the 31st Annual North American Model United Nations 2016 at the University of Toronto! On behalf of all of the staff at NAMUN, we welcome you to the Specialized Agency branch of the conference. I, and the rest of the committee staff are thrilled to have you be a delegate in Scandinavia during the High Middle Ages, taking on this challenging yet fascinating topic on the futures of the three Scandinavian Kingdoms in a time of despair, poverty, dependence and competitiveness. This will truly be a new committee experience, as you must really delve into the history of these Kingdoms and figure out how to cooperate with each other without sending everyone into their demise. To begin, in the Towards the Kalmar Union Specialized Agency, delegates will represent influential characters from Denmark, Norway and Sweden, which include prominent knights, monarchs, nobles, and important religious figures who dominate the political, military and economic scenes of their respective Kingdoms. The impending issues that will be discussed at the meeting in Kalmar, Sweden include the future of the Danish and Norwegian crowns after the death of the sole heir to the thrones, Olaf II. Here, two distant relatives to Valdemar IV have a claim to the throne and delegates will need to decide who will succeed to the throne. The second order of business is to discuss the growing German presence in Sweden, especially in major economic cities. -
The Icelandic Federalist Papers
The Icelandic Federalist Papers No. 16: The Conformity of the Plan to Republican Principles To the People of Iceland: Before examining the republican character of the new plan, it is first necessary to explain the meanings of the terms and their relevance to the standards fixed in Iceland. The term republic originates from Latin “res publica,” “the common weal, a commonwealth, state, republic,” liter- ally res publica “public interest, the state,” from res “affair, matter, thing” combined with publi- ca, feminine of publicus or “public.”1 From a constitutional perspective, a republic is a country in which the head of state’s position is not hereditary.2 The president (or other chief executive) may be elected, appointed, or nominated to exercise the head of state position. This concept is the opposite of a kingdom, in which a monarch exercises power because of filiation. Historically, the term “republic” was first used in ancient Rome and thereafter where power was not exercised by a royal family, as for example in the case of Venice. The term may refer to a system that is neither monarchical nor imperial. A republic does not necessarily mean democracy since the president may be designated through authority; there are many examples of undemocratic republics among Latin American dictatorships or in the former USSR. The founda- tions of a republic are based on a will, a desire to represent the social body. It also has a norma- tive meaning connected to a judgment of values and the possibility for people to exercise their sovereignty. Even though the idea of both democracy and constitutional government emerged in Athens, the first known city republic took shape around 506 BC in India where, for the first time, a ruler was elected. -
Factsheet: the Danish Folketinget
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Danish Folketinget 1. At a glance Denmark is a Constitutional Monarchy and a parliamentary democracy. The Folketinget is a unicameral Parliament composed of 179 Members. The two self-governing regions, Greenland and the Faeroe Islands, each elect two Members. Of the other 175 Members, 135 are elected from ten multi-Member constituencies on a party list, proportional representation system using the d'Hondt method. The remaining 40 seats are allocated to ensure proportionality at a national level. Elections of the Folketinget must take place every four years, unless the Monarch, on the advice of the Prime Minister, calls for early elections. The general election on 5 June 2019 gave the "Red Bloc" a parliamentary majority in support of Social Democrats leader Mette Frederiksen as Prime Minister. The coalition comprises the Social Democrats, the Social Liberals, Socialist People's Party, the Red– Green Alliance, the Faroese Social Democratic Party and the Greenlandic Siumut, and won 93 of the 179 seats. The Government, announced on 27 June, is a single-party government. 2. Composition Results of the Folketinget elections on 5 June 2019 Party EP affiliation % Seats Socialdemokraterne (Social Democrats) 25,9% 48 Venstre, Danmarks Liberale Parti) (V) (Liberals) 23,45% 43 Dansk Folkeparti (DF) (Danish People's Party) 8,7% 16 Det Radikale Venstre (Danish Social Liberal Party) 8,6% 16 Socialistisk Folkeparti (SF) (Socialist People's Party) 7,7% 14 Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten) 13 6,9% Det Konservative Folkeparti (Conservative People's Party) 6,6% 12 The Alternative (Alternativet) 3% 5 The New Right (Nye Borgerlige) 2,4% 4 Liberal Alliance (Liberal Alliance) 2,3% 4 Others <1 % 0 Faroe Islands Union Party (Sambandsflokkurin) 28,8% 1 Javnaðarflokkurin (Social Democratic Party) 25,5% 1 Greenland Inuit Ataqatigiit (Inuit Community) 33,4% 1 Siumut 29,4% 1 Forward 179 Turnout: 84.6% 3. -
29. Møde Uadresserede Reklamer
Fredag den 3. december 2010 (D) 1 Det første punkt på dagsordenen er: 1) 1. behandling af beslutningsforslag nr. B 21: Forslag til folketingsbeslutning om at nedbringe mængden af 29. møde uadresserede reklamer. Fredag den 3. december 2010 kl. 10.00 Af Bente Dahl (RV), Pia Olsen Dyhr (SF) og Per Clausen (EL) m.fl. (Fremsættelse 04.11.2010). Kl. 10:00 Dagsorden 1) 1. behandling af beslutningsforslag nr. B 21: Forhandling Forslag til folketingsbeslutning om at nedbringe mængden af uadres- serede reklamer. Første næstformand (Mogens Lykketoft): Af Bente Dahl (RV), Pia Olsen Dyhr (SF) og Per Clausen (EL) m.fl. Forhandlingen er åbnet. Transportministeren. (Fremsættelse 04.11.2010). Kl. 10:00 2) 1. behandling af beslutningsforslag nr. B 23: Transportministeren (Hans Christian Schmidt): Forslag til folketingsbeslutning om afskaffelse af iværksætterskatten. Den 4. november 2010 har fru Bente Dahl, fru Margrethe Vestager, Af Morten Østergaard (RV) m.fl. fru Pia Olsen Dyhr, hr. Ole Sohn og hr. Per Clausen fremsat forslag (Fremsættelse 17.11.2010). til folketingsbeslutning om at nedbringe mængden af uadresserede reklamer. Jeg synes lige, jeg vil sige ordlyden, som er: Folketinget opfordrer regeringen til i den kommende folketingssamling at ned- sætte et lovforberedende udvalg, der får som kommissorium at be- Kl. 10:00 skrive de fornødne lovændringer, der skal til for at sikre, at mæng- den af uadresserede reklamer, som detailhandelen og andre er- hvervsdrivende sender ud til forbrugerne, begrænses. Ændringerne Meddelelser fra formanden skal blandt andet omfatte modeller, hvor reklamer udelukkende om- deles til de husstande, der aktivt har tilmeldt sig muligheden for at Første næstformand (Mogens Lykketoft): modtage uadresserede reklamer.