Moments in Earthly Paradise: Urban Life of the Cultural Elite in Ming Suzhou

Home , Pan Gate, Qiu Ying, Shantang Street, Wen Zhengming, Wen Zhenheng, Wu County

Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 Moments in Earthly Paradise: Urban Life of the Cultural Elite in Ming Suzhou

Suzhou蘇州has been claimed to be a paradise on earth since the Northern Song dynasty (960-1127).1 It is located at the center of the Yangzi delta, close to the scenic Lake Tai太湖 (Fig. 1), in the southeast of present-day Jiangsu 江蘇province (Fig. 2). With its grain trade, its textile production, and the myriad of manufactured articles, and with its waterways that link the city to the Grand Canal and Yangzi River system, which means connection to the important cities of Northern and Southern China, it was the most prosperous city in the Ming dynasty (1368-1644).2 After the harsh years of the early Ming,3 its economy and urban life gradually resurged during the periods of Zhengtong 正統 (1436-1449) and Tianshun天順 (1457-1464) and substantially rejuvenated during the Chenghua 成化era (1465-1487).4

Suzhou was prosperous not only economically but also culturally during the late fifteenth to the mid-sixteenth century.5 It was home to a large number of famous scholars and artists. Among the cultural elite of the Ming dynasty, the most famous figures in painting were the so-called Four Great Masters of the Ming dynasty: Shen Zhou沉周 (1427-1509), Wen Zhengming文徵明 (1470-1559), Tang Yin 唐寅 (1479-1523), and Qiu Ying仇英 (c.1494-1552). They all resided around the Suzhou area and produced the most valued art, enjoyed the most luxurious life on earth and fashioned the taste of the empire at their time.6

The research works on Ming Suzhou by scholars of urban history, Yinong Xu, Michael Marme, Paolo Santangelo and F.W. Mote all provide important information

1 Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth: The Rise of Suzhou, 1127-1550” in Cities of Jiangnan in Late Imperial China, Linda Cooke Johnson ed., Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993, 17. Marme further explains in footnote 1 that during the Northern Song the saying went, “Su Hang baishi fandu, dishang Tian gong (at Suzhou and Hangzhou the hundred things multiply many times; it is Heaven’s place on earth.” During the Southern Song, Fan Chengda 范成大 cited the saying in his Wujun zhi 吳郡志 as “Tianshang Tiangong, dishang Su Hang 天上天宮, 地上蘇杭 (In heaven above, there is the heavenly palace; on earth, there is Suzhou and Hangzhou).” Since the thirteenth century the phrase went: “Shang you tiantang, xia you Su Hang 上有天堂, 下有蘇杭 (Above there is Heaven; on earth, Suzhou and Hangzhou.)” 2 Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 19, 33-35; Paolo Santangelo, “Urban Society in Late Imperial Suzhou,” trans. Adam Victor, in Cities of Jiangnan, 82-83, ed. Cooke Johnson, 1993; Yinong Xu 許亦農, The Chinese City in Space and Time: The Development of Urban Form in Suzhou, Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2000, 9 & 25-27. 3 Paolo Santangelo, 81. The city suffered first from the civil war during the late Yuan dynasty that brought the Ming into power, and later from heavy taxation by the first emperor Hongwu. 4 Yinong Xu, 25; Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 39. 5 Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 39. 6 Paolo Santangelo, 85; Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, Friends of Wen Cheng-ming [Wen Zhengming]: A View from the Crawford Collection, N.Y.: China Institute in America, 1974, 8-9.

1 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 about the physical features of the city and, through account of contemporary visitors, officials and scholars, some views of urban life in Suzhou.7 However, the artist’s visions of the city were not included. While some art historians have placed these artists’ works in their historical context, they seldom physically identify places of these pictorial histories on a map of Suzhou8 and present them as a concrete image of city life.9

Through some of the Four Great Masters’ works of art, this paper will attempt to reconstruct some aspects of elite urban life, such as art patronage, art and antique forgery industry, garden culture, entertainment and social activities. This paper will also try to identify the locations of these incidents on the map of Ming Suzhou, that is, using these images as a guide to tour and map the historical city of Suzhou, during the lifetime of the Four Great Masters.

Coming to town In September 16, 1493, Shen Zhou, a wealthy landlord and scholar-artist, the eldest of the Four Great Masters, sailed with his friend Xiao Hanwen蕭漢文10 to Suzhou from Shen’s hometown Xiang Cheng相城, fifty li里 (approximately 16 miles, 25.7 km) north to Suzhou (Fig. 1).11 Since Xiao Hanwen’s visit was the first meeting after a long

7 Citations from visitors and scholars in Ming dynasty were scattered through Yinong Xu’s meticulous study of Suzhou, The Chinese City in Space and Time; on page 22, 25 & 26 there are some examples from scholar Lu Rong 陸容(1436-1494) Shuyuan zaji 菽園雜記, juan 13, 156, literati Wang Qi 王錡(1433-1499)Yupu zaji 寓圃雜記, juan 5, 42, and a Korean official Ch’oe Pu 崔溥 (1454-1504). Wang Qi 王錡 and Ch’oe Pu 崔溥, “P’yohaenok” [Notes on a long voyage (1488-1490).] 2:21 were also cited by Paolo Santangelo, 82, 83. Zheng Ruoceng (fl. 1505-1580), in Minguo Wu xianzhi 民國吳縣志, 1933, reprinted Taipei, 1970, and Cao Zishou, “Wu xian cheng tu shuo,” in Gu Yanwu 顧炎武, Tianxia junguo libing shu 天下郡國利病書, ce 5:11b-12a, cited by Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 36-38, 40. 8 Most of them would just use descriptive words for the locations related to the works of art, for example, Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites: Garden Culture in Ming Dynasty China, Durham: Duke University Press, Durham, 1996. In this meticulous study on the garden culture of Ming dynasty accompanying with paintings of gardens, he mentions the locations of some gardens without identifying them on a map. In National Palace Museum, Ninety Years of Wu School Painting, Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1975, though locations of some artists’ residences and places related to a landscape painting by Shen Zhou are provided on a map, there is no further explanation about the feature of these districts. 9 They are more biographical and aesthetic orientations such as Anne de Coursey Clapp, The Painting of T’ang Yin, Chicago and London: The Univerisy of Chicago Press, 1991, and Stephen Little, “The Demon Queller and the Art of Qiu Ying (Ch'iu Ying),” Artibus Asiae, v. 46, no.1/2,1985, 5-80. When these works of art were discussed in a social context, they are positioned in a wider geographical and cultural scope, rather than just the life in Suzhou, such as in Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, Friends of Wen Cheng-ming [Wen Zhengming], 1974. 10 Zhaoshen Jiang 江兆申, Wen Zhengming yu Suzhou hua tan 文徵明與蘇州畫壇, Ku kung ts'ung k'an chia chung ; 4 故宮叢刊甲種之四, Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1977, 42. Xiao Hanwen was a Jinshih 進士 and had been appointed as a Secretary in the Ministry of Works (Gong bu zhushi 工部主事). 11 According to Chuanxin He 何傳馨, Shen Shou 沉周, Master of Chinese Painting 中國巨匠美

2 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 time of separation and, with his accompany in the boat, the once boring journey became so interesting—chatting, having wine with crabs and chestnuts, and playing flute—Shen wrote a poem dedicated to Xiao Hanwen to commemorate this gathering on a folding fan (Fig. 3). Folding fans had become the fashion of the day and were indebted to Japanese influence,12 but it was due to Shen Zhou that their use for painting and calligraphy was raised to the level of high art.13 The poem was written before the boat with the scholarly friends reached the city gate of Suzhou.14 The text reads: Usually when I go to the city, I’m bored by the long trip, Sitting all alone in my little boat. But now you are here to share wine with me and talk, And I feel happy enough to play the flute. White water chestnuts are blooming in random patterns; Maple leaves when red, then slowly fade. Shining, a look at the pagoda tells it is already upon us, And spurs the oarsman to row us in on the tide of the stream.15

術週刊, no. 16, Jinxiu chuban she 錦繡出版社, 1992, 1, Xiang Cheng 相城 is fify li 里 northeast of the Suzohou city, which is identical with the distance Shen zhou claimed in the colophon of a fan which will be discussed shortly. Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 63, when mentioning that Stone Lake was located at fifty li 里 south of Suzhou city, Wilson and Wong claim that fifty li is equal to 16 miles (25.7 km). 12 Mingxin Bao 包銘新, Shanzi Jianshang yu Shoucang 扇子鑑賞與收藏 [Appreciating and Collecting Fan], Shanghai shudian chuban she 上海書店出版社, 1996, 4-5. The folding fan had appeared in China during Northern Song (960-1126). It might be imported from Japan through Korea at that time, but it did not become popular until the late fifteenth and sixteenth century in China. 13 Anne De Coursey Clapp, The Painting of T'ang Yin, 45. 14 The date, story and poem about Shen Zhou’s this journey are cited from Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 42. 15 The translation of the poem and dedication are by Jonathan Chaves from Ecke, Chinese Calligraphy, Philadelphia, 1971, 41, cited by Wilson, Marc F. and Kwan S. Wong, 42. The original poem: 入城常厭路迢迢,野水孤舟且寂寥. 清話喜若今共酒,曠懷須我更吹蕭. 菱花白處參差發,楓葉紅時逐漸凋. 一塔照人看已近,漫催柔榜送漢潮. The dedication reads: Hanwen had not visited me for a long time. Finally, on the sixteenth of eighth month, we were able to get together. At the time I was in my boat packing up, and the atmosphere of departure was all very hustling and bustling. Nor would Hanwen stay, but came along with me toward the south. My house is fifty li from the city. I usually make the trip alone, and find that except for flipping through a book, there’s nothing to do but nap. But this time we boiled crabs and chestnuts, and I shared some wine with Hanwen. We also had a delightful conversation. Oblivious to the boat’s travel, I glanced around and found we had arrived. The city’s outer limits could still barely be seen in the distance. So I have made this poem for you to keep and have written it on this fan to record our good meeting. (signed) Shen Chou, 1493. 漢文久不見過, 八月望後一日, 始能一接. 而余裝在舟, 行色甚匆匆. 漢文亦不留, 遂共載而南. 余家去郭五十里, 每每獨行, 把書外惟一睡而已. 玆來煮蟹與芰, 與漢文且啖酒雅話, 不覺其舟瞥爾而達, 郭郛隱隱可望, 遂為留此于扇頭, 庸記佳會也. 歲在癸丑沉周

3 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 The inscription on the fan indicates that in a distance from the city wall, Shen was able to see the landmark of the city, the historic Northern Temple Pagoda (Beisi ta北寺塔) in the compound of Requiting Grace Temple (Baoen si報恩寺), located at the northern end of the city’s central thoroughfare (Fig. 4).16 The Northern Temple Pagoda that Shen Zhou saw was a building with nine stories, which just went under major reconstruction in 1449 based on a structure built in the middle of the twelfth century. In fact, an old pagoda of eleven stories had stood on that site since the sixth century but it collapsed and then was rebuilt in the following decades many times mostly due to repeated destruction in warfare. The nine-story Pagoda that Shen Zhou saw was probably as tall or taller than the original eleven-story one had been.17

Shen did not mention from which gate he entered the city. Supposedly he would bypass Qi Gate 齊門 at the north and take the route along the northern part of the moat in order to enter the city from the Chang Gate 閶門 (Fig. 4) in the northwest of the city wall, because there were more attractions around this area and he had painted several scenic sites from that direction. If he did take the route approaching Chang Gate, a section of a painting about a farewell may be located outside of Chang Gate by Shen Zhou’s pupil Tang Yin (Fig. 5). This might approximately illustrate the view Shen Zhou had of the Northern Temple Pagoda from a distance: The top two stories of the Pagoda appear in the mist rising high above nearby hills, trees, city walls and the gate tower.

On his way approaching the Chang Gate, Shen Zhou should have been able to notice the hustle and bustle outside the city gate because the city's activities had outgrown constraints imposed by city walls during this time. Outside the Chang Gate Shen Zhou would find shops of all kinds and dwellings of tradesmen spread along streets,18 and merchant ships from the north and the south gathered “thickly like clouds".19 Actually

16 F.W. Mote, “A Millennium of Chinese Urban History: Form, Time, and Space Concepts in Soochow [Suzhou],” in Rice University Studies, v. 59, no. 4, 1973, 47-50. The map of Suzhou city (Fig. 4) is from a photographic reproduction of a rubbing from a engraving dated A.D. 1229. According to F.W. Mote, 38-39, comparing this map with an aerial photograph made in 1945, it displays a great similarity in its urban from. The walls and moats are almost identical; the gates are nearly so, one or two having been slightly altered or added; the streets and canals are identical; most of the bridges are the same; and many principle buildings still stand on the same sites, and bear the same names. The only major change is that an inner-city wall, originally built to enclose the office of civil government, has been removed, and some offices of government have been relocated in 1368 by the Hongwu 洪武 Emperor. Therefore, this map should be almost identical with the Ming map of Suzhou and will be used as a major source to illustrate sites and events in Ming Suzhou in this paper. 17 Ibid, 50. 18 Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 36-38. Marme refers to Wang Ao 王鏊 et al, etc., Gusu zhi 姑蘇志, 1506, juan 17, 11b-12a, and explains that by 1506 settlements outside Chang Gate had been organized into ten lanes. The city’s other suburbs developed more slowly and on a less imposing scale. 19 Ch'oe Pu (1454-1504) 崔溥 praised Suzhou's splendor and commercial prosperity outside the

4 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 by the turn of the sixteenth century, the expansion of commercial activities in Suzhou was not limited to the immediate outskirts of the city wall. Rural area market towns with specialty goods had been integrated in Suzhou city into a single economic entity.20 For example, Hengtang 橫塘 (Fig. 8) was famous for vegetable oils, rice wine, and butchered pigs, Hengjin橫涇 (Fig. 8) was also known for its rice wine and butchered pigs, and Mudu 木瀆 (Fig. 8) was famous for metal works.21 According to local gazetteers, market towns near the city of Suzhou during this time were open daily and these market towns seemed to have housed more than several hundred families.22 Among one of the album leaves Ten Views of Suzhou, Shen Zhou painted a scene of the town Hengtan (Fig. 9). It is not a refined representation but a simplified rendering of houses and trees along a river crossed by a three-arch stone bridge, because Shen Zhou, following the spirit of literati paintings, emphasized his genuine feeling towards landscape through relaxed brushwork, rather than depicting the details of what he saw by sophisticated delineation. However, from the adjoining houses in the painting we still can obtain a picture that Hengtang was a place with quite a few habitants. It was crossed by waterways with boats as a major mode of transportation. It was not a recluse mountain area for a hermit, which quite often is the theme of literati paintings. In addition, somewhere in Hengtang there must be a beautiful stone arched bridge topped with a pavilion because Shen Zhou positioned it in the eye-catching center of the painting.

Another attraction within the proximity of the city was Tiger Hill, (Huqiu 虎丘), seven to eight li (ca. 2.5 miles, 4.02 km) to the northwest of the Suzhou city (Fig. 8), for which Shen Zhou painted an album Twelve Views of Tiger Hill in the 1490s.23 One of the scenes (Fig. 10) shows the most famous spot of Tiger Hill, a Buddhist monastery and pagoda compound, which again was a historic site. Originally constructed between 959 and 961, the temples and pagoda were renovated several times before Shen Zhou’s painting. This site was famous for workshops producing art and antique

Chang Gate in 1488. This is cited in Yinong Xu, 26. 20 Yinong Xu, 77. The medieval urban revolution that occurred between the mid-eighth and twelfth centuries brought about changes on the urban market and residential system of the Tang dynasty (618-907AD). Large cities like Suzhou grew rapidly, often spilling out from their walls into suburbs. 21 Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 34-5. Marme cited information from Chongzhen Wu xianzhi 崇禎吳縣志[Chongzhen gazetteer of Wu county], juan 10, 3a, 1643, and Gusu zhi, juan 14, 28b, 26a,1506. 22 Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 34-5, cited information from Xie Guozhen, Mingdai shehui jingji shiliao xuanbian zhong [Anthology of historical materials on Ming society and economy], Fuzhou: Fujian remin chubanshe, 1980, 114-116. Xie’s data were gathered from Qianglong period Zhenze xianzhi [Gazetteer of Zhenze County] and Wujiang xianzhi [Gazetteer of Wujiang county]. 23 Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 135-136.

5 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 forgery,24 as well as stores providing pot plants (pen zai, 盆栽) or pot landscape (pen jin, 盆景).25 A painting by Qiu Ying well illustrates how pot plants or pot landscapes were arranged in a scholar’s garden (Fig. 11, Fig. 12). In addition, Tiger Hill had been a famous public resort and one of the often-chosen places for literati’s gathering because one can view the surrounding countryside from the top of the hill.26 It seems that Shen Zhou deliberately provided a bird’s eye view of the temple compound and the scenery beyond in his album leave (Fig. 10). He probably intended to express the vision and experience he had when he stood on the top of Tiger Hill.

When Shen Zhou was getting closer to the Chang Gate he would have passed by another center for art forgery industry, Shangtang street山塘街, 27 near the area of Shangtang bridge山塘橋 (Fig. 4). At this point, the city wall and gate-tower of Chang Gate illustrated in Tang Yin’s Parting at Jinchang金閶別意 (Fig. 5) should have been within eyesight. The most distinct feature of Suzhou’s city gate was that it facilitated both land and water passages. The detailed illustration and diagrammatic plan of one of the gate, Pan gate盤門 (Fig. 13, Fig. 14), located at the southwestern corner of the city (Fig. 4), though it was probably more sophisticated than Chang gate, shows the noticeable feature of this kind of gate.28 In his poem to Hanwen, Shen wrote that he “spurs the oarsman to row in the city gate on the tide of the stream” indicating that he took the water gate to go through the brick facing, up-and-inward slopping city wall 29 of Suzhou (Fig. 5, Fig. 13).

Within the city wall Shen Zhou did not have to leave his boat until he arrived at his destination because within the city it was crisscrossed by a dense network of canals, and accordingly

24 C hen bin Yang 楊臣彬, “Tan Mingdai Shuhua Xuowei 談明代書畫作偽,” in Wenwu 文物, 1990, no. 8, 73. 25 Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 100-1; Gusu zhi, juan 3, 10a. Pan zai or pan jin is dwarfed trees or shrubs planted (sometimes arranged with rock) on pot to create a miniature landscape. 26 Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 34; Craig Clunas, 135; James Cathill, Parting at the Shore: Chinese Painting of the Early and Middle Ming Dynasty 1368-158, N.Y. and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1978, 91. 27 Chenbin Yang, 73. 28 Yinong Xu, 116-119; Chye Kiang Heng, Cities of Aristocrats and Bureaucrats: The Development of Medieval Chinese Cityscapes, Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999, 148-149. 29 Yinong Xu, 9, 59, 103, 113-4. Xu takes quite a large portion of his book to discuss the city form and walls. He explains that traditionaly it was hold that the city of Suzhou was built in 514 B.C. as the capital of the state of Wu 吳國 during the Spring and Autumn period (770-476 B.C.). Its rectangular form has been a notable exception as compared with other southern cities such as Hangzhou 杭州 and Nangjing 南京 situated in complex southern topographical conditions. However, due to lack of archaeological findings, when the physical form of Ming Suzhou took shape was hard to be determined. The brick-faced wall (with pounded earth in the cores) took its form since A.D. 922. Though partly rebuilt and renovated throughout subsequent history, it kept almost its original feature.

6 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 numerous bridges (Fig. 15).30 Boats were very common as an everyday mode of transportation. Many houses even had both a street entrance and an entrance to a canal behind the house.31 Suzhou, like many large cities in China, experienced an urban revolution between the mid-eighth and twelfth centuries. It brought about changes in the governing principles of the urban markets and the residential system of Tang dynasty. That is, as mentioned earlier, urban activities grew rapidly and extended beyond their walls into suburbs, and within the walled city, the old system of tightly controlled and segregated walled quarters broke down. Like many other cities, Suzhou’s streets started to line with industry, residence, and all kinds of shops offering a multitude of services. 32 Though, it is difficult to draw a clear line between commercial and residential districts as shops lined almost every street, during the Ming period the most prosperous district of business is concentrated in the northwest of the walled city around the Chang Gate, continuing to its suburbs outside of the wall (Fig. 16). This concentration of business activities here is due to the trade route connecting the west city moat to the Grand Cannel (Fig. 1).33

The painting Spring Festival on the River (Qingming Shang he tu清明上河圖) (Fig. 17), attributed to a famous professional painter, Qiu Ying (c. 1494-1552),34 gives a vivid representation of urban life in Suzhou. Although Qiu Ying lacked a scholarly background, he became part of the cultural circle of Wen Zhengming, Shen Zhou’s pupil and a wealthy local scholar-artist.35 Bearing the same title like Zhang Zeduan’s

30 Yinong Xu, 106, 135 & 137. The waterways and bridges illustrated in Fig. 15 are redrawn from Zhang Guowei, Wuzhoung shuli quanshu, 吳中水利全書,which probably was completed in 1630s to 1640s. Xu compares the 1229 map (Fig. 4) with this late Ming map (Fig. 15) and found that almost every canal on the former reappears on the latter. Only some of the unattached canals on the former, a few in the northeast and southwest, were shown connected on the latter. In addition, Xu explains that the earliest record of constructing the waterways can be dated back to the Qin dynasty around the third century B.C. and the canal system in the map of 1229 should have taken shape by the mid-Tang (around the seventh century) as part of the city planning principle. 31 Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S Wong, 10. 32 Yinong Xu, 77. 33 Yinong Xu, 17, 76-77; Craig Clunas, 16; Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 35. 34 Chanbin Yang, 73; Ellen Johnston Laing, "Suzhou pian and other dubious paintings in the received oeuvre of Qiu Ying," Artibus Asiae, v.59, no. 3/4, 2000,272; Guolin Shan 單國霖, Qiu Ying, Master of Chinese Painting 中國巨匠美術週刊, no.54. Jinxiu chuban she 錦繡出版社, 1992, 23. Yang claims that the thirty copies of Spring Festival on the River he saw all keep the same format, and he speculates they all descend from Qiu Ying’s draft. Laing holds that among the numerous forgeries that were based on Qiu Ying’s edition, the Liaoning Provincial Museum edition has a better quality, but she doesn’t provide a reproduction. Shan provides a reproduction of a section and a few close-ups of Spring Festival on the River in the Liaoning Provincial Museum, claiming to be by Qiu Ying. Therefore, what Laing refers to should be identical to Shan’s reproduction (Fig. 17, Fig. 18, Fig. 19, Fig. 20). It is a pity that I can not find the reproduction of any other section of this painting. 35 Qiu Ying came from a humble family near Shanghai. He moved to Suzhou as a youth and studied with a professional painter, Zhou Chen 周臣. For more detail on Qiu Ying’s life see Stephen Little, "The Demon Queller and the Art of Qiu Ying (Ch'iu Ying)" Artibus Asiae, XLVI, 1/2, 1985,14,42; Yinshu Chen 鄭銀淑, Xiang Yuanbian zhi shuhua shou cang 項元汴之書畫收藏 [The

7 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系張擇端 handscroll about life in Northern Song Bianjing汴京 (present day Kaifeng開封),36 this painting depicts the Ming style of dress and activities in a setting very much like where Qiu Ying resided--Suzhou. 37 In a section of this hand-scroll reproduced in Fig. 17, to the left, we see an oarsman passing by the water gate turning his head to hail to the guards, probably about to leave the city. Shen Zhou’s oarsman might row in the Chang Gate and greet the guards just like that. One of the most noticeable features in the painting is the canal system with arched stone bridges and a considerable number of mooring barges and sailing boats. Along the waterways are streets with various kinds of shops and stalls. Another feature that draws the viewer’s attention is that some mansions with huge gardens spread along the streets. Similar to Zhang’s painting, one of the highpoints is the activity happening around the arched bridge (Fig. 20), though, instead of Zhang’s wooden bridge of Song Kaifeng, here it is the typical stone bridge of Ming Suzhou that the painter focuses on.38In addition to the mansions with gardens, there are some scenes on the streets that make this painting different from Zhang’s copy, such as a scroll mounter’s shop (Fig. 18), courtesans in the brothel (Fig. 19), and an antique peddler on the bridge near the viewer’s side (Fig. 20).39

The representation of the antique peddler and the scroll mounter’s shop in the painting indicates that art objects—antiques, painting and calligraphy—were becoming popular commodities in Suzhou. The opportunities to buy works of art increased during the Ming dynasty. Art dealers existed at all levels of society, from peddlers by the roadside, through monks for whom the temple was a place of business, to elite dealers whose commercial activities were disguised behind the forms of sociability.40 Actually, collecting works of art became a mania among the social elite in Suzhou, including Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming and their circle.41 For scholar-artists like Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming, in addition to connoisseurship, their collection provided them opportunities to study writing and painting techniques from antique works. For wealthy merchants, collecting art was one of the most important activities to adv a nce their social position and to show their taste and erudition. The most

Collection of Xiang Yuangbian]. M.A. thesis, Taipei: Zhongguo Wenhua University 中國文化大學, 1983, 74-75; James Cahill, The Painter’s Practice: How Artists Lived and Worked in Traditional China, N.Y. Columbia University Press, 1994, 67. For the detail of the relationship between Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, Tang Yin and Qiu Ying, see Zhaoshen Jian, Wen Zhengming yu Suzhou hua tan, 1977. 36 Valerie Hansen, The Beijing Qingming Scroll and Its Significance for the Study of Chinese History, published by Journal of Sung-Yuan Studies, c/o Department of East Asian Studies, University at Albany, 1996, 5. 37 Ellen Johnston Laing, 272; Guolin Shan, 23. 38 Gusu zhi, juan 19, 1a; Guolin Shan, 23. 39 Guolin Shan, 22-23. 40 Craig Clunas, Art in China, Oxford & N.Y.: Oxford University Press, 1997, 162. 41 Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 29 & 30.

8 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 famous collector of the Ming dynasty, Xiang Yuanbien 項元汴 was the case in point.42 He was a member of the mercantile class par excellence, owing a string of pawnshops, which served in part as a source of collection.43 Xiang was not actually from Suzhou, but from Jiaxing嘉興nearby, yet he often mingled with members of the Suzhou elite circle and was a major patron of Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, Tang Yin and Qiu Ying.44 For many items of his collection, Wen Zhengming and his son Wen Peng文彭acted as an art advisor.45 It was a usual practice that these elite members assembled at a party to appreciate or criticize works in their collections. It is not surprise to find many paintings showing scholarly gatherings during this period of time such as Qiu Ying’s Examining Antiquities (Fig. 21). In a setting of a garden, partitioned by two screens, the host exhibited his collection to his visitors. Ancient bronzes with diverse shapes occupy three tables nearby. While the host and one of the quests attentively appreciate an album, with some hand-scrolls ready for appraisal on the table, one of his male servants is carrying more scrolls for viewing, and two other male servants help to show an antique pot in a box to another guest. At the same time, two female servants coming from the left seem to bring some tea and food to serve the guests. However, as mentioned earlier, elite dealers could disguise their trade under sociality, this gathering to appreciate art could also be interpreted as a scene illustrating an art dealer’s receiving possible clients in a refined garden setting.

A few examples of the price of art objects will show us that collecting art was a wealthy people’s game. Xiang Yuanbien’s record of his collections suggests that important pieces of calligraphy were the most expensive works of art. A record of 2,000 ounces of silver (a Ming ounce equals 37.5g) were paid for a letter Zhanjin tie 瞻近帖 written by Wang Xizhi王羲之.46 A painting Spring Morning in the Han Palace (Hangong chunxiao漢宮春曉) by Qiu Ying 仇英was paid 200 ounces, which was equivalent to the price of a reasonably large house.47 A piece of painting by Wen Zhengming, Yuan An Lying on the Snow (Yuan An woxue袁安臥雪), cost 16 ounces, and an album by Tang Yin Ten Views of Song Shan嵩山十景冊, 24 ounces. In addition, the price of important antiquities such as bronzes, jades, and ceramics generally were higher than that of paintings.48

The high value of art and antiques indicates that they should have been a good

42 Yinshu Chen, 18-19. 43 Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 22. 44 Ibid.; Yinshu Chen, 65-74 & 240-251. 45 Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 22. Yinshu Chen, 65-74. 46 Yinshu Chen, 272. 47 Yinshu Chen, 272, Craig Clunas, Art in China, 179. 48 Craig Clunas, Art in China, 179.

9 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 investment and in great demand. Due to the great demand, the Ming dynasty was one of the high tides in the art forgery industry, and Suzhou was one of the major forgery centers.49 In addition to the Tiger Hill and Shantang street outside the Chang Gate, Zhuanzhu Lane專諸巷 and Taohua Wu 桃花塢 (Peach Blossom Cove) inside the Chang Gate were another two loci with art and antique forgery workshops (Fig. 4). In addition to antiques, the contemporary works from the Four Great Masters were also among the favorites in the fake art market. 50 A famous connoisseur of Xian Yuanbian’s time, Zhan Jingfeng詹景鳳, once claimed, half of Xian’s collection were fakes.51 Though it might not be true, it indicates how popular faking artworks were. While the refined setting for art business did not guarantee the authenticity of the art objects, the roadside peddler in Spring Festival on the River very possibly was one of the traders selling fake antiques. No matter whether the works of art were genuine or not, the image of the antique peddler in Spring Festival on the River (Fig. 20) and the connoisseurs in Examining Antiquities (Fig. 21) fully demonstrate the fashion of collecting art objects in the Ming Suzhou.

The image of the courtesans in the Spring Festival on the River displays another dimension of life among the Suzhou elite. The increase in economic prosperity in Ming dynasty brought an increase in the number of courtesans in several cities, including Suzhou. 52 The term Changji娼妓, translated as courtesan, originally referred to musicians and performers, though at later time sex services were involved.53 However, Changji were different from prostitutes, who only offered sex services. In many Chinese literature records, the courtesans were praised for their artistic capabilities such as singing, dancing, painting, playing music, composing poetry, and their knowledge about art.54 Visits to the courtesans’ quarters were an accepted part of Chinese upper-class and literati’s life because courtesans provided cultured entertainment, though sex was usually but not always included.55 This

49 Chenbin Yang, 73. 50 Ibid. 51 Kwan S. Wong, “Hsiang Yuan-Pien [Xian Yuanbian] and Suchou [Suzhou] Artists,” in Artists and Patrons: Some Social and Economic Aspects of Chinese Painting, University of Washington Press, ed. Chu-tsing Li, 155; Yinshu Chen, 273. 52 Guoliang Xiao 蕭國亮, ed, Zhongguo Changji shi 中國娼妓史 [History of Chinese Courtesans and Prostitutes], Taipei: Wenjin Chuban She 文津出版社, 1996, 89. The other southern cities that developed flourishing courtesan activity were Nanjing, Yangzhou, Shanghai, Guangzhou and in the north, Beijing. 53 Guoliang Xiao, 2-3. Xiao quotes several ancient and contemporary dictionaries and literary records to explain the definition of Changji, including Shouwen jiezi 說文解字, Kangxi zidian 康熙字典 [Kang Xi Dictionary], Da zidian 大辭典 [Great Dictionary] (Taipei: Sanmin Shuju 三民書局, 1985) and Qinglou ji 青樓集 [The Story of the Brothel] by Huang Xuesuo 黃雪簑 in the Yuan dynasty. 54 Guoliang Xiao, 215. 55 Guoliang Xiao, 201-218. According to Liu Yin 劉引, Anbang Sun 孫安邦 and Shen Pan 潘慎, ed., Li dai ming ji shi ci qu san bai shou 歷代名妓詩詞曲三百首, Shanxi renmin chuban she 山西人

10 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 explains why in a building with a sign Qing Lou青樓 (brothel) in the Spring Festival on the River, we find a female musician playing pipa 琵琶,56while to her right another girl is providing percussion accompaniment with a ban板.57 They might be practicing a performance or entertaining some guests who, though invisible in the painting, were somewhere in the courtesan’s apartment. Courtesan’s guests could either visit their well-furnished apartment or summon the courtesans to their own parties or residence.58 Qiu Ying’s other painting Playing the Konghou箜篌59 (Fig. 22) probably presents a scene when courtesans were summoned to a garden of a literati to perform. Within a thatched pavilion a courtesan plays the konghou. Outside the pavilion another musician provides a tempo with a ban instrument. The host of the garden listens to the music attentively. However, during this period of time it was very popular that wealthy people including scholar-officials and merchants purchased and trained female musicians.60 This scene might therefore possibly be presenting a scene of the owner of the garden was enjoying the performance of his own musicians.

The mansions with gardens along the streets in Spring Festival on the River (Fig. 17) unfold another fashion in Suzhou: constructing gardens. The album leaves Dong Zhuan tu (Picture of the Eastern Estate東莊圖) by Shen Zhou and Zhuozheng yuan tu (Picture of the Garden of the Artless Politician拙政園圖) by Wen Zhengming, and a painting Relaxing in a Pavilion by Qiu Ying illustrate some of the garden design and taste for gardens during their time. Eastern State was built by Wu Rong 吳融, a wealthy textile merchant, some time in the late fifteenth century.61 Shen Zhou was very close to Wu Rong’s son, Wu Kuan吳寬, who achieved the first place in the jinshi examination of 1472 and made a successful official career.62 Shen Zhou not only

民出版社, 1992, 209-210, Shen Zhou had a very close relationship with a renowned Nangjing courtesan, Lin nuer 林奴兒. Xin Yang 楊新, Tang Yin 唐寅, Master of Chinese Painting 中國巨匠美術週刊, no. 62, Jinxiu chuban she 錦繡出版社, 1992, 1 & 3. Tang Yin’s romantic life was always associated with his visits to courtesan’s quarters. 56 Xinghua Xiao 蕭興華, ZhongguoYinyue shi 中國音樂史 [History of Chinese Music], Taipei: Wenjin Chuban She 文津出版社,146 & 291. Pipa is a plucked string instrument with a fretted fingerboard. 57 Xinghua Xiao, 330. Alice R. M. Hyland, Deities, Emperors, Ladies and Literati: Figure Painting of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Alabama: Birmingham Museum of Art, 1987, 35. 58 Guoliang Xiao, 91-2. 59 Xinghua Xiao, 65; Alice R. M. Hyland, 35. Konghou is an ancient harp. It probably first appears during the Spring and Autumn period (770-476 B.C.). 60 Shen Defu 沉德符, Wanli ye huo bian 萬曆野獲編 (Random Gathering of the Wanli Era, preface dated 1606), Yuan Ming shiliao biji congkan, 2nd edn, 3 vols , Beijing, 1980, 654, cited by Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 71. Clunas translates Shen Defu’s statement that at the end of the Jiajing period (1522-66) the empire was at peace, and prosperous members of the official classes, in intervals between the construction of gardens and the training of musicians, turned to the enjoyment of antiquities. 61 Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 16. 62 Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 20.

11 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 painted the Eastern Estate but also wrote poems about it. There is no doubt that he paid several visits to the garden. Since the Eastern Estate was laid out within the Feng Gate葑門, southeast of Suzhu city (Fig. 4, Fig. 15). If the motive for the trip in 1493 that Shen Zhou took coming to town was to visit the Eastern State, he would had have to take another long sail after he entered the city. He would have sailed through the commercial area around Chang Gate, and then probably sailed along canal that paralleled to the axis of the city, Crouching Dragon (Wolong臥龍) Street that ran perpendicular to the temple compound of Northern Temple Pagoda and divided the city into two halves: the east side belonged to Changzhou長洲county and the west side, to Wu吳county (Fig. 15).63 Along this water route he would have experienced that his boat was passed under many bridges, one after another almost incessantly, because this canal was spanned by the most highly concentrated numbers of bridges in the entire city (Fig. 15). When he approached the inner city, Zicheng子城, area (Fig. 4, Fig. 15), he would have found that the inner wall had been removed, and that this was a less inhabited and more agricultural area. The Zicheng had once been the palace city of the Hongwu洪武Emperor’s chief rival, Zhang Shicheng張士誠, who burned down the inner wall of Zicheng when he was defeated by Hongwu.64 After the Ming dynasty was established, any attempt to refurbish the inner wall was regarded as evidence of subversive intent and local elite who had supported Zhang Shicheng were removed from this area.65

After passing the old Zicheng area, following the canal and turning to his left, Shen Zhou should have been close to Feng Gate, where the Eastern Estate was located (Fig. 4, Fig. 15). Shen Zhou's view of Eastern Estate, illustrated in his album of twenty-one leaves, is a productive place: there are many close-up views of fields and orchards (Fig. 23, Fig. 24, Fig. 25),66 and the pavilion and studio in the album leaves was presented with a rustic flavor (Fig. 24, Fig. 26). It accords to the record about the Eastern Estate in the Gusu zhi that in the garden there were arable sites, rice paddies, a mulberry orchard, a fruit orchard, vegetable patches, a wheat mount, and a bamboo field, as well as pavilions and studios that offered possibilities to dwell in and view the garden scenery.67

The Garden of the Artless Politician was built between 1509 and 1513 by Wang Xianchen王獻臣, who had begun a career as an official but was unable to implement

63 Gusu zhi, Juian 19, 1a. 64 Yinong Xu, 144. 65 Michael Marme, “Heaven on Earth,” 35. 66 David Ake Sensabaugh, "Fragments of Mountain and Chunks of Stone: The Rock in the Chinese Garden" in Oriental Art, Vol. XLIV No. 1, 1998, 24. 67 Gusu zhi, juan 32, 25a.

12 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 his ideas, so he returned home and built this garden.68 The site was located between Qi Gate齊門 and Lou Gate婁門 (Fig. 4, Fig. 15).69 Wen Zhengming had a very close relationship with Wang Xianchen,70 and supposedly paid many visits to this garden. When Wen visited the Garden of the Artless Politician, he would leave his dwelling at the northwest of Deqing Bridge (德慶橋) (Fig. 4, Fig. 16) in the bustling northwest area of Suzhou,71 pass the landmark of Northern Temple Pagoda and then enter the district of family-based textile industry,72where Wang Xianchen’s garden was located (Fig. 4, Fig. 15, Fig. 16).

Wen’s view of the Garden of the Artless Politician is both productive and aesthetic. Wen not only painted the views of the Garden of the Artless Politician but also wrote a prose 'Record' and several poems for the garden.73 In the ‘Record’ Wen listed thirty-one pavilions, towers and other structures in the garden. In addition, he numerates cultivated lands that grew fruit and trees, such as oranges, peaches, pines, and elms, and sites for aesthetic purpose: places that grew flowers, such as peony, cotton rose and cassia, as well as a location with an elaborate rock, Kuan Shan shi崑山石, 74 for aesthetic purpose. Parallel to the ‘Record,’ Wen’s paintings illustrated views showing productive land (Fig. 27), sites with refined structures for gathering (Fig. 28, Fig. 29), more refined than those shown in the Eastern Estate, a studio decorated with bronzes for appreciation (Fig. 29), a fancy sidewalk with fence and pavement (Fig. 29), and one view with an imposing rock placed next to a pavilion (Fig. 30).

68 Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 23. 69 Wen Zhengming, Wang Shi Zhou Zhen Yuan Ji 王氏拙政園記 [Record of Wang’s Garden of Artless Politician], cited in Yanan Meng 孟亞男, Zhongguo Yuanlin shi 中國園林史 [History of Chinese Garden], Taipei: Wenjin Chuban She 文津出版社, 188. 70 Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 24. 71 Wen Han, Wen shi zhu pu 文氏祖譜 [Genealogy of the Wen Clan], ca. 1730, cited by Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 115. 72 Michael Marme, “Population and Possibility in Ming (1368-1644) Suzhou: A Quantified Model,” Ming Studies, XXII, Spring 1981,36-7, cited by Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 16. During the sixteenth century, the elite in the eastern part of Suzhou moved to the West side of the city and left this district to textile workers. 73 Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 30. Wen painted the views of the garden in 1533 with thirty-one album leaves, and in 1551 with eight album leaves respectively. 74 Craig Clunas, Fruitful Sites, 39. Yanan Meng, 189-190. Both Clunas and Meng cited from Wen Zhenming’s Record of Wang’s Garden of the Artless Politician. According to Wen Zhengming’s ‘Record’, the rock in the garden was Kuan Shan shi 崑山石. According to Wen Zhenheng’s 文震亨, Zhangwu zhi 長物志, (Superfluous Things), juan 3, 3a, (reprinted i n Shuoku 說庫, 1963, 929-954), and Chi Cheng 計成, The Craft of Garden (Yuan Ye 園冶), trans. Alison Hardie, New Haven & London: Yake University Press, 1988, 112-3, Kuan Shan shi is a rock dug out of ground from Ma’en Mountain 馬鞍山 in Kuan shan 崑山 county. It was less priaised than the most cherished Lake Tai rock (Taihu shi 太湖石), but was still considered to be a highly acceptable aesthetic object in the garden during the Ming. The highly praised Lake Tai rock features deep hollows, eyeholes, and a twisted shape due to the erosion caused by waves and winds.

13 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系

The painting Relaxing in a Pavilion (Fig. 11, Fig. 12) by Qiu Ying created around 1518 illustrates a garden with almost purely aesthetic objects. In the studio of the relaxing scholar, hand-scrolls and bronzes indicate his taste for art. The popular pot plant and rock in front of the studio might come from Tiger Hill. An enormous rock with deep hollows and a twisted shape, probably a Lake Tai rock, forms a screen next to the pavilion. Another immense one stands in the center of the pond. Different from the paintings by Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming, this painting shows no productive site in the garden.

Leaving the City Farewell parties have always existed in literary China, but during the Ming period, especially in Suzhou of the fifteen and sixteenth centuries, its practice increased considerably.75 To paint a farewell picture capturing this occasion was a new format introduced in the fifteenth century, and was available in all sorts of packages, from commissioned works by prestigious artists to custom-made works in workshops. Patrons as well as painters would inscribe the painting with poetry and present it as a farewell gift to the departing person. It is quite possible that Tang Yin was commissioned financially for painting Farewell at Jinchang 金閶別意 (Fig. 5, Fig. 6, Fig. 7) by a group of fifteen figures bowing in farewell to a traveler at the left of the painting (Fig. 6). This scroll was painted for an official in the Suzhou region, named Zheng Chuchi鄭儲豸, who was to depart from Suzhou to the court in Beijing. The painting carries a poem of farewell by Tang Yin and may once have had colophons by the fifteen commissioners, which was lost today.76 Tang Yin painted a wintry grove with the city walls and gate tower of Chang Gate partially visible behind the trees. The departing gentleman Zheng Chuchi, standing next to the boat that is about to leave, has turned around and is bowing back to the fifteen well wishers (Fig. 7).77 From Chang Gate, he probably will have sailed along the Grand Canal that went north to Beijing (Fig. 2).

Tang Yin also painted another painting for a farewell occasion, which took place at Stone Lake (Fig. 8). The scroll Farewell at the Bridge of the Hanging Rainbow (Chuihong bieyi垂虹別意) (Fig. 31) was presented to a young scholar Dai Zhao戴昭,

75 Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 33. 76 Anne De Coursey Clapp, The Painting of T'ang Yin, 155. All that remained are two poems added at a later day by the recipient’s friends in Suzhou. 77 National Palace Museum, Ninety Years of Wu School Painting, Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1975, 349.

14 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 who came from a merchant family in Anhui安徽and studied in Suzhou. From the Stone Lake, some fifty li (about 16 miles, 25.7 km) south of Suzhou's city compound proper, he was leaving Suzhou for his hometown. There are thirty-three men who wrote poems of farewell for him. They constitute nearly the entire artistic and literary elite of Suzhou of the time.78 The Bridge of the Hanging Rainbow at the Stone Lake was one of the famous attractions of the Suzhou region. By the mid-Ming period the bridge had already gained its fame through numerous poems dedicated to it by celebrities, such as Shu Shi蘇軾(1036-1101).79 The original bridge had been a thousand-foot long wooden construction. In 1325, the bridge was completely rebuilt in a construction of seventy-two stone arches. Three subsequent renovations during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries under the Ming dynasty did little to change its appearance. The stone arch bridge, which appears in this painting by Tang Yin, is sketchy. He followed the spirit of literati painting theory to use relax brushstrokes indicating a causal and composed state of mind in this painting probably because Dai Zhao was a member of the Suzhou literati circle. Nevertheless, it conveys the idea that this is an extensively long arched stone bridge. The name of the bridge was derived from a pavilion built on the bridge called Pavilion of the Hanging Rainbow, which was part of the original eleventh century construction. The bridge had been painted in multiple colors, and the reflection of the brightly colored bridge on the river water looked like an inverted hanging rainbow. Beside the bridge, Dai Zhao’s boat has parted from the shore. He would be sailing westward to Lake Tai (Fig. 1). A section of Shen Zhou’s handscroll, The Scenery Around Suzhou (Fig. 32) well illustrates the scenery that Dai Zhao may have experienced on his sailing along the Lake (Fig. 1, Fig. 8): small towns, temples, pagodas, watercourses and bridges were scattered among mountain ranges; a vast body of Lake Tai water, abundant with aquatic products and famous for Lake Tai rock,80was deployed with myriad of sails. These scenes had been glorified by artists and literati, ancient and contemporary alike.81

Following the footsteps and boats of Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, Tan Yin and Qiu Ying in their pictorial records, this paper journeys through Suzhou’s city proper and its hinterland, which form a complete economic and cultural entity. The Four Great

78 Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 61. The inscribers include Tang Yin, Wen Zhenming and Zhu Yunming 祝允明, a renowned scholar and calligrapher. Only nineteen of the original thirty-four inscriptions have survived, which were rearranged and pasted together, along with Tang Yin's painting and Zhu Yunming’s frontispiece (four characters: Chuihong bieyi 垂虹別意, Farewell at the Bridge of the Hanging Rainbow), to form the present scroll. 79 Marc F. Wilson and Kwan S. Wong, 61. 80 Gusu zhi, juan 14, 16ab-19ab. 81 Gusu zhi, juan 10, 2ab-5ab. Poems dedicated to Lake Tai were recorded in Gusu zhi from Tang poets such as Bo Juyi 白居易, Song literati such as Fan Chengda 范成大 to contemporary scholar official Wu Kuan 吳寬.

15 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 Masters’ paintings provide us with a glimpse of the mid-Ming elite’s urban life. These literati created, collected as well as appreciated art, enjoyed garden environs with either rustic or aesthetic flavor, savored the delicate service of courtesans, traveled widely via waterways, and gathered together for pleasure as well as for farewell parties—they had constructed some most exquisite moments of the paradise on earth in mid-Ming Suzhou.

16 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系

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18 Susan Su-chen Chang 張素貞元培大學應用英文系 Yang Chanbin 楊臣彬 "Tan Mingdai Shuhua Zhouwei 談明代書畫作偽." Wenwu 文物, no. 8, 1990, 72-87 & 96. Yang Xin 楊新, Tang Yin 唐寅. Master of Chinese Painting 中國巨匠美術週刊, no.62. Taipei: Jinxiu chuban she 錦繡出版社, 1992. Yu Peijin 余佩瑾, Wen Zhengming 文徵明. Master of Chinese Painting 中國巨匠美術週刊, no.17. Taipei: Jinxiu chuban she 錦繡出版社, 1992.