The Architecture of Percier and Fontaine and the Struggle for Sovereignty in Revolutionary France

As the official architects of Napoleon, Charles Percier (1764–1838) and Pierre-François- Léonard Fontaine (1762–1853) designed interiors that responded to the radical ideologies and collective forms of destruction that took place during the French Revolution. The archi- tects visualized new forms of imperial sovereignty by inverting the symbols of monarchy and revolution, constructing meeting rooms resembling military encampments and gilded thrones that replaced the Bourbon lily with Napoleonic bees. Yet in the wake of political struggle, each foundation stone that the architects laid for the new imperial regime was accompanied by an awareness of the contingent nature of sovereign power. Contributing fresh perspectives on the architecture, decorative arts, and visual culture of revolutionary France, this book explores how Percier and Fontaine’s desire to build structures of perma- nence and their inadvertent reliance upon temporary architectural forms shaped a new awareness of time, memory, and modern political identity in France.

Iris Moon is a visiting assistant professor in the School of Architecture at Pratt Institute, New York. She specializes in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European art, architecture, and the decorative arts.

The Architecture of Percier and Fontaine and the Struggle for Sovereignty in Revolutionary France

Iris Moon First published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2017 Iris Moon The right of Iris Moon to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The architecture of Percier and Fontaine and the struggle for sovereignty in Revolutionary France / Iris Moon. Includes index. Percier, Charles, 1764–1838—Criticism and interpretation. | Fontaine, Pierre François Léonard, 1762–1853—Criticism and interpretation. | Symbolism in architecture—France. | Decoration and ornament—France—Empire style. NA1053.P5 M66 2016 729—dc23 2016028204

ISBN: 978-1-4724-8016-3 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-31628-4 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman by Keystroke, Neville Lodge, Tettenhall, Wolverhampton To my parents and Ravi

Contents

List of figures ix List of plates xi Acknowledgments xiii

Introduction: Finding revolutionary architecture in the decorative arts 1

1 Visionary friendship at the end of the ancien régime 10 Clean sheets and water magic 13 Architects in training 16 Sovereign doom 19 Roman fever 23 Solo missions 26 An Etruscan friendship 30

2 Propulsion and residue: Constructing the revolutionary interior 36 Rome à rebours 39 Staging antiquity and austerity 42 Revolutionary rearrangements 47 Seek, record, destroy 55 The eternal return of luxury 61

3 The Recueil de décorations intérieures: Furnishing a new order 69 Paper studios 71 Furnishing techniques 74 Strategies of redaction 81 Consuming desires 83 Writing against fashion 86 Between the lines 89 Empire styles 91

4 The platinum cabinet: Luxury in times of uncertainty 99 Pastoral pastimes 102 Incorruptible precision 105 viii Contents Fast times in Consulate Paris 108 Haunting season 113

5 Tent and throne: Architecture in a state of emergency 127 Après coup 129 Fantasies of the ideal villa 132 A permanent work in progress 135 Little pleasures 138 The moving bivouac 141 Political theology 145 Divorcing the past 147

Coda: Revolutionary atonement 155

Selected bibliography 163 Index 181 Figures

I.1 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, project for the Palais du roi de Rome, nineteenth century. 3 1.1 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, tomb of Charles Percier, Pierre- François-Léonard Fontaine, and Claude-Louis Bernier, 1830. 11 1.2 Charles Percier, plan of a house of a prince in a picturesque garden, 1782. 19 1.3 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, section of a sepulchral monument to sovereigns with a cross section of the central monument, 1785. 20 1.4 Charles Percier, Trajan’s Column, 1788. 29 1.5 Drouais’ tomb, Santa Maria in Via Lata, Rome. 30 2.1 Anonymous, Moyen expéditif du peuple français pour démeubler un aristocrate, from Révolutions de France et de Brabant 52, 1790. 36 2.2 Charles Percier, Jean-Thomas Thibault, Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, stage decor for Elisca ou l’amour maternel, Act 1, 1799. 46 2.3 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, project for an arena destined to celebrate the triumphs of the republic, n.d. 48 2.4 Jacques-François Blondel, plan of the ground floor and first floor of the Tuileries, 1756. 50 2.5 Pierre-Gabriel Berthault, Assassination of Deputy Ferraud in the National Convention: 1 Prairial Year 3 of the Republic, 1802. 51 2.6 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Imperial Banquet for the Marriage of the Emperor with Marie-Louise, Archduchess of Austria, nineteenth century. 53 2.7 In the style of Charles Percier, Album of twenty-six drawings related to the style of Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine (Plan of interior), c. 1798–1804. 54 2.8 Pierre J. Lafontaine, Alexandre Lenoir opposing the destruction of the tomb of Louis XII, King of France, at Saint Denis, c. 1794. 57 2.9 Charles Percier, “Elevation of architectural pieces from the Château de Gaillon remounted in the entrance courtyard to the museum,” 1805. 58 2.10 Charles Percier, detail of the benches and paneling, and the decor of the chimney of the François Ier Salon, Palace of Fontainebleau. 60 3.1 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Vue perspective de l’atélier de peinture du C.I*** à Paris,” plate 1, 1812. 72 3.2 Louis-Léopold Boilly, An Assembly of Artists in the Studio of Isabey, 1798. 73 3.3 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Lit du cit. V. exécuté par Alexdre. Régnier. No. 1. partie d’une frise exécuté vis-à-vis la cheminée. Nos. 2 et 3, acessoires peints dans divers panneaux,” plate 14, 1812. 76 x Figures 3.4 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Nos. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Camées peints sur émail, placés dans la traverse du lit. 6. Coté du dossier du lit. 7. Couronnement du pied du lit. 8. Pied du lit. Ces détails sont au quart de l’exécution. Nos. 9 et 10. Fauteuil exécuté dans la même chambre, par les frères Jacob,” plate 15, 1812. 77 3.5 Workshop of Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, page from a scrapbook containing drawings and several prints of architecture, interiors, furniture and other objects, c. 1800–1850. 79 3.6 Horace, Opera, detail of Charles Percier’s vignette illustration for book four, 1799. 80 3.7 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Face latérale d’un petit salon exécuté à Paris chez le C.C,” plate 7, 1812. 84 3.8 Pierre de la Mésangère (editor), Collection de meubles et objets de goût, 1803 (no. 114). 84 3.9 Costume parisienne, 1802. 85 3.10 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Vue du trône de l’empereur au Palais des Tuileries,” plate 48, 1812. 88 3.11 Jean-Baptiste Isabey, “The Emperor’s outfit,” 1804–1822. 92 3.12 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Cheminée de la salle des fleuves, au Musée Napoléon,” plate 72, 1812. 94 4.1 L. F. Labrousse and J. P. Delion, Usage des nouvelles mesures, 1800. 107 4.2 Charles Percier, 1,000 franc Banque de France banknote (“Germinal” type), 1803. 112 4.3 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Vue intérieure d’un cabinet pour le roi d’Espagne exécuté à Paris et placé à Aranjuez,” plate 61, 1812. 114 4.4 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Entablement, chapiteau et détails du cabinet du roi d’Espagne,” plate 62, 1812. 115 4.5 Louis Lafitte and Salvator Tresca, Republican calendar: Fructidor, eighteenth century. 118 5.1 Jean-Baptiste Isabey, Bonaparte, Premier Consul at Malmaison, 1801. 131 5.2 Charles Percier, Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Auguste Hibon (engraver), plan of Malmaison, 1833. 133 5.3 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Salle exécutée au Château de Malmaison et détails des trophés qui la décorent,” plate 55, 1812. 137 5.4 Room view of Napoleon Museum; campaign tent of Napoleon, c. 1808. 142 5.5 Martin-Guillaume Biennais and Pierre-Benoît Lorillon, nécessaire of Napoleon I, then of Czar Alexander I, 1807. 143 5.6 Anonymous, Empress Josephine’s bedroom at Malmaison. 148 C.1 Louis-Marie Normand, elevation of Chapelle Expiatoire, 1832. 158 C.2 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Chapelle Expiatoire, 1815–1826. 161 Plates

1 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Arc du Carrousel, 1806. 2 Charles Percier, Project for a decoration in the Pompeian style, 1793. 3 a) and b) In the style of Charles Percier, Album of twenty-six drawings related to the style of Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine (detail of interior wall decoration), c. 1798–1804. 4 Jacob Frères, secretary (bureau à coffre) in the form of a triumphal arch, 1797. 5 Francisco de Goya y Lucientes, The family of Charles IV, 1800. 6 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, platinum cabinet, 1800–1806. 7 Charles Percier, Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Anne-Louis Girodet, platinum cabinet (detail of Allegories of Fall and Winter by Girodet), 1800–1806. 8 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, salle du conseil (council room), Malmaison. 9 Salon of Queen Hortense, Schloss Arenenberg, Arenenberg. 10 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Recueil de décorations exécutées dans l’église Notre-Dame de Paris pour la cérémonie du II décembre M.D.CCC.IV. et pour la fête de la distribution des aigles au Champ de Mars le V décembre M.D.CCC.IV, frontispiece, 1807.

Acknowledgments

Writing about Percier and Fontaine has been from the outset a collaborative endeavor shaped from the ideas and conversations shared with many individuals. I am indebted to Jean- Philippe Garric, his scholarship on Percier and Fontaine, and his generosity and patience in fielding an endless litany of questions about les Étrusques over the years. In Williamstown, it was a delight to work with Darby English, David Breslin, and Deborah Fehr in the Research and Academic Program of the Clark Art Institute. I am thankful to Darby for giving me the time and courage to write. At the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), I was exceptionally lucky to work with Mark Jarzombek, Erika Naginski, and Kristel Smentek on the dissertation from which this book first emerged, and could not have asked for a more supportive team. The camaraderie of Shiben Banerji, Warren Lee, Anneka Lenssen, Melissa Lo, Olga Touloumi, and Stephanie Tuerk in Cambridge, MA, helped to enrich my graduate studies there, as did the organizational skills of Anne Deveau and Kathaleen Brearley. This book was completed with the financial and institutional support of the Canadian Centre for Architecture; the Clark Art Institute; the Getty Research Institute; the Historians of Eighteenth-Century Art and Architecture; the History, Theory and Criticism Program in the Department of Architecture at MIT; the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation; and the Metropolitan Museum of Art. The scholars at the Canadian Centre for Architecture where I first began studying the Recueil de décorations intérieures responded attentively to early speculations while Mary Woolever and David Van Zanten helped me navigate the Percier and Fontaine collection at the Ryerson and Burnham Libraries of the Art Institute of Chicago. In Los Angeles, Thomas Gaehtgens generously shared his insights on Percier and Fontaine, while Peter Bonfitto, Natilee Harren, Sylvia Lavin, Rachel Longaker, Louis Marchesano, Michael Osman, Marcia Reed, Anna Reuter, Alexa Sekyra, and Rebecca Zamora made my stay at the Getty edifying and delightful. Whether through letters of introduction or words of encouragement, Jean-François Belhoste, Gilles de Bure, Natacha Coquery, Jörg Ebeling, Anne Dion-Tenenbaum, Ulrich Leben, Odile Nouvel-Kammerer, Mireille Pastoureau, Anne Perrin-Khelissa, Alice Thomine-Berrada, and Philippe Trétiack greatly aided my ability to navigate the rich materials in Paris and to formulate ideas central to the book. At Aranjuez, Javier Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina was my wonderful guide around the grounds of the royal palace. His scholarship continues to serve as a true inspiration. I was incredibly fortunate to finish this book surrounded by the magnificent collections of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the stimulating environment of the European Sculpture and Decorative Arts Department, where Kristen Hudson, Daniëlle Kisluk-Grosheide, Jeffrey Munger, Erin Pick, Luke Syson, and Melinda Watt made my stay exceptionally productive. I am grateful to Luke, who encouraged me to return again and again to the objects in order to test the robustness of any ideas in my head, and to Daniëlle, whose passionate stewardship xiv Acknowledgments of the museum’s eighteenth-century French furniture collection led me to reconsider the relationship between architecture and furniture. In the European Paintings Department, Asher Miller provided advice on landscape painters while Perrin Stein lent critical insight into images in the Department of Drawings and Prints. Dick Stone in Objects Conservation imparted his extensive knowledge of platinum, and Yunru Chen, Aaron Rio, and Joseph Scheier-Dolberg in the Asian Department shared thoughts about the workings of fans, screens, and hand scrolls, objects that were key to thinking about flexible and portable forms of architecture in a comparative context. Little could have been written without the Thomas J. Watson Library’s incredible staff and Fredy Rivera’s timely arrival each morning like an angel with books. Friends and colleagues encountered in New York, especially Maria Ruvoldt, Emma Sachs, Vérane Tasseau, and Richard Taws, spurred in many meaningful ways the writing of this book, which would have remained incomplete had it not been for the constant encouragement of Margaret Michniewicz and the aid of Robbi Siegel at Art Resource. All mistakes are my own. In the most difficult moments of trying to write and think within those interstitial slivers of time that appeared amidst cleaning, cooking, and colds, so many people came to the rescue and helped to care for my family. I have been blessed by the unstinting friendships of Georgia Henkel, Caitlin Bowler, Victoria Restler, Susan Kim, Lisa Stern, Sophia de la Barra, and my best friend Brenna Hernandez. Jung Jaeho, Joan Kee, Charles Kim, Lee Chungwoo, MeeNa Park, Sasa, and Kim Won supported me from across the Pacific even when I decided to leave contemporary art and architecture-making in Seoul to study the making of revolutions in eighteenth-century Paris. The motley crew that is my family–– the McGraths of Fairfield, the Rozowskis of Minnesota, the Ballas of Harlem, the Purushothams of Connecticut, my father-in-law Arumbakam and my incomparable mother- in-law Mary Ann Demetrius—helped me stay sane when I thought things would fall apart. My brother Ki and sister-in-law Michelle Moon and little Wooshin, the Moons, the Mins, my grandmother Hwang “Stone Cold” Youngja, and the memory of my cousin Min Heechul have been beacons of light. My parents Chung-in Moon and Jai-ok Kim have made everything possible. I owe so much to my mother, whose strength, resilience, and insatiable curiosity for the world have sustained me in countless ways. But the last sentence of this book could not have been completed without Ravi Purushotham, the right answer to both the who and the what, and my most challenging interlocutors, Immanuel and Felix. They are the rishis who ask the best and hardest questions about the unknown. To their father and my parents this book is dedicated. Introduction Finding revolutionary architecture in the decorative arts

The French architects Charles Percier (1764–1838) and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine (1762–1853) are remembered today as the official architects of Napoleon Bonaparte and the creators of the Empire style, yet little remains of the extensive projects they executed on behalf of a patron whose power at its height spanned much of the European continent. One of the few traces of the architects’ imperial commissions is the Arc du Carrousel (Plate 1). Located today at the entrance of the Tuileries Garden in Paris and built on an axis with the Arc de Triomphe at the Champs-Élysées, the arch was begun in 1806 and completed in just over one year.1 The monument was designed to celebrate the military successes of Napoleon and the Grande Armée and is partitioned on each principal side into three openings framed by four pink and green Corinthian columns placed on high pedestals and surmounted by statues, with an additional passageway piercing the transverse axis. Lavishly carved bas- reliefs, classical ornaments, and spolia decorate the structure, which had at one point been crowned by the Horses of Saint Mark, seized by French forces from Venice in 1797 as war spoils and claimed as national property (but returned in 1815). Although it evokes the ancient Roman monuments dedicated to the heroic conquests of Constantine and Septimius Severus that Percier and Fontaine had studied in their youth, the imperial structure found in Paris is more modest in scale. Bruno Klein writes that in evoking the ephemeral architecture of Baroque triumphal processions, Percier and Fontaine’s arch symbolized Napoleon’s attempts to bypass the French Revolution and graft the Empire’s military glory onto the achievements of France’s monarchical past.2 The architects had originally constructed the monument as the entrance to the Tuileries Palace, the dilapidated royal residence claimed by Napoleon as the urban seat of his newfound military and imperial power, a symbolic status it main- tained under successive French governments until its destruction by the Paris Commune in 1871.3 The Arc du Carrousel formed only one small part of Percier and Fontaine’s ambitious plans to remake the image of Paris, from organizing streets and regularizing façades into a network of axial routes to joining the Tuileries and Louvre together in order to form a cohesive administrative and residential complex in the heart of the city. These urban plan- ning schemes formed the counterpart to the architects’ crowning vision: the Palais du roi de Rome, a sprawling palace projected onto the Chaillot hill in an area known today as the Trocadéro. Architectural historians have traditionally viewed the unbuilt palace along with Percier and Fontaine’s plans to join the Louvre and Tuileries as the truest expressions of the triumphal sovereign architecture they had envisioned for modern imperial France.4 Intended for the future king of Rome, Napoleon’s successor born from his second wife Marie-Louise, the palace would have featured trimmed lawns, ebullient fountains, and a cascading set of stairs leading down to the Seine, surpassing in its magnificence and grandeur the villa estates 2 Introduction built by powerful Italian popes which the architects had carefully sketched as students (Figure I.1). On the other side of the river across from the imperial residence, Percier and Fontaine arranged a vast system of government-sponsored institutions that would have included an archive, military parade grounds, a university campus, and a city of the arts, a totalizing urban plan that would have brought the bureaucracy, the military, and the arts under the watchful and all-seeing gaze of Napoleon. Needless to say, neither the grandiose Palais du roi de Rome nor the joining of the Louvre and Tuileries was realized under Napoleon. Even during his reign, the emperor continually asked that the project for the new palace be scaled back. Returning to Paris after the disastrous defeat of the French in Moscow in the winter of 1812, Napoleon requested that Fontaine (then the only official architect) build nothing more than a modest retreat for a convalescent. Once the visualization of the emperor’s dynastic ambitions and Percier and Fontaine’s architectural dreams, the Palais du roi de Rome ultimately came to resemble nothing more than the ramshackle country house and first residence that the architects had renovated for the First Consul at Malmaison in 1799. Given that Napoleon repeatedly declared architecture to be the “ruin of sovereigns,” it is not hard to see why, upon looking back at a shared career that had spanned four decades and witnessed a succession of revolutions and monarchs— as well as the same emperor—come and go, Percier and Fontaine wrote in Résidences de souverains (1833) that nothing was as hard to realize as architecture: “at times dependent on caprice and inconstancy, at others subject to immoderate exigencies or needs, always subordinated to the influence of events and time, architecture can only arrive at certain success with difficulty.”5 Napoleonic architecture was, like the Empire itself, mostly the stuff of legends. Nonetheless, there was one area where Percier and Fontaine achieved inordinate success in executing projects that met the exacting deadlines of their fickle patron. It was primarily through the work of interior decoration that they constructed visions of imperial splendor overnight despite the relentless pressures of tight budgets, minimal resources, and constant war. Ultimately, we will not find the modern expressions of sovereignty in the magnificently unbuilt and continually shrinking monumental projects dedicated to imperial glory, but within the countless pre-existing buildings that Percier and Fontaine rearranged and refur- bished so that the strange political forces housed in that unsmiling figure named Napoleon, with his hand impatiently tucked into a worn riding coat and his balding head regally crowned in the popular imagination with a bicorn hat, could occupy former spaces of royalty and radicalism with the utmost speed and precision. This book investigates Percier and Fontaine’s work in interior decoration and how their practice both shaped and was conditioned by the inherent difficulties of representing political power through architecture in the wake of the French Revolution. Their interiors for Napoleon actively responded to the collective forms of destruction and radical ideologies that had played a pivotal role in converting royal spaces into sites of republican virtue. Tasked with erecting forms that would express the sovereign power of the new Emperor of the French, Percier and Fontaine used decoration as a temporary measure for giving shape to political spectacles, a provisional form of architecture that became the primary means through which spaces of power were achieved. From meeting rooms designed to resemble military encampments to gilded thrones that replaced the Bourbon lily with Napoleonic bees, Percier and Fontaine sought to invert the symbols of monarchy and revolution in order to invent an imperial ideology. Yet in the wake of the Revolution, each foundation stone laid to inaugurate a new and lasting political regime was immediately haunted by the prospect of total ruin. Figure I.1 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, project for the Palais du roi de Rome, nineteenth century Watercolor. , 64.2 cm × 97 cm. École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, Paris. Source: © Beaux-Arts de Paris, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais/Art Resource, NY. 4 Introduction Born and educated in the final decades of the ancien régime, Percier and Fontaine began their lives as subjects of the French monarchy and thus would have been aware of the privileged place of Versailles as the seat of royalty and the mythic status accorded to architecture during the Grand Siècle and the age of absolutism. In his semiotic analysis of Versailles, Louis Marin writes that the Palace of Versailles formed an extension of Louis XIV’s authority where the building and its grounds “‘architect’ the Prince to make him not only the absolute political power, but the center of the cosmos in its entirety.”6 According to Marin, absolutism depended upon a system of representation that seamlessly crossed the threshold of the symbolic and the real. Versailles’ construction thus formed a foundational act of the absolutist state that instituted the spaces of the king’s power.7 Louis XIV’s presence was enounced in every aspect of the complex, from Louis Le Vau’s classicizing envelope to Jules Hardouin-Mansart’s Hall of Mirrors, so that the former hunting lodge was utterly transformed into the choreographed space of sovereign ritual. In Résidences de souverains, Percier and Fontaine called Versailles “a deformed midget whose gigantesque members, even more deformed, increased its ugliness,” thus associating the palace with a degenerated royal body that could not be revived. Instead of firmly positioning the French monarchy at the center of the universe, in the architects’ eyes, Versailles reflected Louis XV’s weakness for sensual pleasures and clandestine trysts in “the need for little mysterious apartments, the usage of secret boudoirs, hidden staircases and tortuous corridors.”8 Condemning in no uncertain terms the vices of the rococo, Percier and Fontaine wrote that in order to accommodate the “esprits déreglés” of the period, Versailles had to “give rounded contours to all forms, to proscribe straight lines, to invent according to fancy, without recognizable principles, fantastic ornaments.”9 The architects recalled that Napoleon, after touring the grounds of the palace, had asked why the Revolution had not managed to destroy such an awful building.10 Through their work in decoration, I argue that Percier and Fontaine sensed that instead of absolutism’s concentration in monumental structures, modern representations of sovereignty depended upon the dispersal and multiplication of the image of authority into a variety of mobile forms, whether it was in furniture, textiles, or prints. A process of replication and reproduction would thwart, or at the very least defer, destruction.11 The political power that Percier and Fontaine accorded to this kind of propulsive mobility of representation had its direct roots, like Napoleon, in the cultural and spatial practices of the French Revolution. And it is for this reason that any discussion of the Empire style which the architects were instrumental in creating must be traced back to their early formation during the revolutionary period, when they participated in the artistic committees fervently organized to destroy religious and royal monuments. For the complex dialectics at play in Percier and Fontaine’s architecture consisted of a tension between the desire to build forms of permanence rooted in a language of monumentality and the reliance upon structures that were portable, collapsible, and ultimately temporary. The Revolution is not generally viewed as a turning point in Percier and Fontaine’s shared careers. Instead, scholarship on the architects tends to fall into two categories. Architectural historians intent on tracing the roots of Paris’s urban modernity achieved during the Second Empire back to the first Napoleon invariably privilege the large-scale infrastructure projects and urban renovations initiated by the architects, such as the regularization of the rue de Rivoli, in turn relegating their interior decorations to a brief mention of their book, the Recueil de décorations intérieures (1801–1812).12 By contrast, decorative arts historians focus in depth on the decoration book and its place within the stylistic evolutions of the Empire and interpret the architects’ designs for interiors, objects, and furnishings in terms of Introduction 5 executed commissions for specific patrons, without connecting such projects to Percier and Fontaine’s architectural thought or the broader sociopolitical transformations of the period.13 The aim of this book is thus two-fold. First, it seeks to position the architects’ work during the Revolution as a pivotal moment in the development of their partnership. An investigation into this period will reveal that to think about architecture as it was practiced then requires that we question assumptions about the divisions between a properly “architectural” practice and more diffuse, multi-medial, and temporary forms of production. It is for this reason that the second objective of the book is to bridge recent scholarship on the decorative arts and architecture by arguing that interior decoration was the primary means through which Percier and Fontaine conceived and actualized architecture during the revolutionary and Napoleonic periods. Thus, rather than separate their work as designers of interiors and decorative arts objects from their monumental building projects, I argue that it is only in pursuing the multiple connections and tensions that erupted between these two expressions of power that we can detect a modern awareness of time, memory, and identity emerging from the difficult work of making architecture in France after 1789. In many ways, the arguments found in this book stem from an earlier attempt to grapple with Siegfried Giedion’s idiosyncratic but exceptionally insightful post-war text, Mechanization Takes Command (1948).14 In his critique of modernization, Giedion viewed Percier and Fontaine’s interior decorations as evidence of a trans-historical “spirit of mecha- nization” that marked technology’s eventual triumph over man in the nineteenth century. The Empire style interiors by Percier and Fontaine represented for him the annexation of architectural space by a “ruling taste” embodied in the person of Napoleon. Giedion thus read Percier and Fontaine’s Recueil de décorations intérieures and its representations of the interior as a direct translation, or perhaps more accurately, as an illustration of Napoleonic power: “This setting forms the backdrop to all [Napoleon’s] activity, yielding an intangible but ever-present resonance. The Empire ‘style’ is a portrait of Napoleon, an inseparable part of the Napoleonic figure.”15 In this vein, he argued that Percier and Fontaine’s interior decorations devalued the meaningful symbols of antiquity, just as Napoleon had “devalued nobility.” Furthermore, in the representational effects of the architects’ publication, Giedion saw the very disintegration of architectural space itself: “Furniture is treated in the spirit of self-sufficient architecture. Pieces are often conceived as isolated entities, and furniture loses its relatedness to the surrounding space.”16 Bracketing the sweeping narrative of Giedion’s anonymous history allows us to understand the significant changes that took place within the 30-year period discussed in this book. As I aim to show, the autonomy accorded to furniture in the organization of space was not a part of some abstract trans-historical force dissolving the spirit of architecture, but was more specifically symptomatic of the social, political, and economic changes that affected the lives of individuals in the post-revolutionary period. Mobile pieces of possessions like the furniture mentioned by Giedion were ascribed with great personal value and social significance, in part because so many architectural spaces had been cleared out either by political acts of destruction or by the market, two forces, one might add, that were not necessarily separate from each other. A broader aim of this book is to highlight rather than suppress the contradictions of the Empire style, created in a much more complicated moment in the post-revolutionary landscape than previous studies on Napoleonic propaganda once stressed.17 For even as he established a court culture and military elite in many ways more rigidly hierarchical than the social structures of the ancien régime, the former Jacobin nonetheless depended upon cultivating an image of popular sovereignty that had its roots in the early and more inclusive phase of the French Revolution. The stylistic and temporal ambiguities of the Empire style, 6 Introduction an anachronistic term which is used to describe both a final phase of neoclassicism and the state-sponsored art work produced under the reign of Napoleon, are thus highlighted and serve as a catalyst for exploring the politics of style and symbols after the Revolution. An in-depth investigation of Percier and Fontaine’s work will furthermore demonstrate how modern political identities were produced not only through the construction of new spaces, but through the pointed reuse and reconfiguration of old interiors. Katie Scott’s probing study of the rococo interior remains a model for examining the intricate ways in which stylistic, economic, and labor transformations in interior decoration played a constitu- tive role in constructing and contesting new social identities in ancien régime France.18 Yet a comparable model of scholarship does not exist for the period from 1789 to 1815. Even as Rolf Reichardt and Hubertus Kohle have drawn attention to the ways in which revolutionary print culture drew its power precisely from the recuperation and re-inscription of familiar symbols of the past, stylistic newness as the vector of change has remained the prevailing framework for analyzing the interior, before or after 1789.19 As a consequence, historians of interior decoration have tended to focus upon the creation of new spaces as a means of mapping overall developments in style, dismissing in turn projects that replay the same motifs of an earlier period as a continuation of a style that only saw key innovations in its initial phases.20 And since relatively little emerged during the Revolution beyond the neoclassical interiors established under the reigns of Louis XV and Louis XVI, the assump- tion is that no significant transformations could have taken place. Meanwhile, the stylistic evolution of furniture during this period is studied entirely independently. This book pointedly seeks to examine the complications that Percier and Fontaine confronted in converting the remains of old sites into renovated habitations, and the political pressures that shaped a decorative style that drew its sources from a language of continuity and rupture. Rather than being inventors of a goût nouveau, Percier and Fontaine and their interior decoration practice depended upon the intentional reconfiguration of motifs that had been used by earlier designers, a repurposing aesthetic that is intimately linked to the ways in which the revolutionary and post-revolutionary interior was shaped by a process of reuse and reorientation. As the patronage system of the ancien régime ended and a newly wealthy clientele purchased and occupied aristocratic hôtels and other forms of private property seized by the revolutionary government, the interior became a visibly charged site where political alliances and regime changes were materially negotiated and contested. A further examination of Percier and Fontaine’s unlikely early activities reveals the ways in which the redecoration of interiors became a politicized and collective form of architectural practice, publicly debated and contested. Redecoration constituted the primary means of physically turning private spaces into public spheres, the process through which clerical and royal properties could be converted into national possessions. Since the pressure of time and a lack of resources thwarted the construction of new structures, it was by changing the functions of buildings from the inside that revolutionary architecture was accomplished (and later undone). Interestingly, this sort of decoration was hardly the province of architects alone, for as we will see, the abolition of guild structures and corporatist models of labor enabled a variety of non-expert individuals to participate in and redefine the practice of “redecorating” spaces. Despite Percier and Fontaine’s subsequent attempts to disassociate themselves from the extremist political culture of the Terror, I argue that the sense of urgency that had informed their process of reconfiguring spaces during the revolutionary period persisted in their official projects for Napoleon. Through their decoration projects, Percier and Fontaine negotiated the difficult politics of the period, at a time when the majority of building commissions remained incomplete. Introduction 7 This can be seen foremost in the renovations at the Château de Malmaison. Upon his return to France after the failed Egyptian campaign in 1799, Napoleon demanded that the architects renovate his newly acquired country house as quickly as possible. His constant emphasis on expediency led the architects to adopt the tent as a solution to the decorative program in lieu of the new structure they had initially proposed to build. Formed from the catenary curve of textile rather than the upright solidity of stone, this collapsible and itinerant structure had more commonly been found in outdoor garden follies or as a part of exotic theater sets and ballrooms temporarily mounted for the royal court. Brought indoors at Malmaison, the tent became unintentionally bound up with the Egyptian campaign and other military failures which were to haunt a modern political regime precariously built upon the hazards of war. The difficulty and distinctiveness of a Napoleonic spatiality depended upon tactical maneuvering not only around the political residues of royal spaces cleared by revolutionary destruction, but also in terms of how those spaces were to be restored and occupied. This modern kind of authority relied upon a spatial practice of continual movement and mobil- ization, not physical embodiment. Instead of the singular architecture of Versailles, there would be a multiplicity of thrones placed wherever they were needed in satellite palaces occupied by an imperial cortège of Corsican relatives and military cohorts thinly spread across the European continent. Instead of monumentality, there was movement. The control and command language of military directives abounds during the period, from the dense descriptions of the Bulletin de la Grande Armée to the bellicose history paintings carefully choreographed under the directives of Dominique Vivant Denon.21 And as we will see, they certainly informed the methods by which Percier and Fontaine would execute official commissions. Chapter 1 begins with Percier and Fontaine’s student years at the Académie royale d’architecture in Paris and how their friendship, which developed out of the intimate and heated rivalries of the Académie de France in Rome, formed a pivotal part of their architectural practice. In many ways, working together in Rome outside the direct purview of the academy, alongside their different interests cultivated as students—between Fontaine’s desire to build colossal forms and Percier’s predilection toward detailed decoration—would play a crucial role in their successes as architects upon their return to Paris. The partners’ activities as theater designers, and the ways in which their participation in the political work of the Revolution led to a new conception of the interior, are the themes of Chapter 2. In tracing Percier and Fontaine’s early careers from 1791 to 1799, it discusses the ways in which both the discursive and actual destruction of monuments affected their turn toward the interior as a form of architectural practice. Shifting direction from a biographical approach, Chapter 3 is an in-depth exploration of the architects’ most influential book, theRecueil de décorations intérieures, and investigates how this text on furnishing formed part of broader attempts to restore social order to post-revolutionary France, even as the images of the book conjured the déreglé forces of fashion. The next chapters examine two executed projects featured in the decoration book as the architects attempted to represent modern sovereign power by mobilizing the interior in unexpected ways. Permanence and the recourse to a revolutionary aesthetic constitute the primary themes of Chapter 4, which explores the platinum cabinet in Aranjuez and the stylistic and cultural dissonances that emerged in designing and transporting this mobile interior from Consulate Paris to Bourbon Spain. Made for King Charles IV, this project relied upon platinum, a highly unusual material for decoration projects that inadvertently drew upon a discourse of precision that had its origins in the Revolution. Chapter 5 explores the question of impermanence in the context of Napoleonic 8 Introduction politics through Percier and Fontaine’s usage of the tent at Malmaison, the country house that the architects renovated for Napoleon and his wife Josephine shortly after the coup of 18 Brumaire. I consider the broader implications of this collapsible and itinerant structure, which served as a key decorative device and architectural motif during the Empire period, and how it gave expression to a state of emergency that would define the course of modern French politics well into the twenty-first century. The book concludes with a discussion of the Chapelle Expiatoire, a monument dedicated to the memory of Louis XVI and Marie- Antoinette. Commissioned by Louis XVIII and designed somewhat reluctantly by Fontaine during the Bourbon Restoration, the building marked the end of Fontaine’s official partner- ship with Percier. At the same time, the royalist monument raised the difficult issues of commemoration and collective memory in the post-revolutionary period. The interiors designed and constructed by Percier and Fontaine form the ambivalent pre-history of the nineteenth-century interior as a topos of bourgeois domesticity and subjec- tive interiority.22 Their practice fulfilled the contradictory exigencies of a political regime in a way that more monumental structures could not, carving out a space of representation in palaces and residences formerly occupied by monarchs and revolutionaries. Out of Percier and Fontaine’s practice emerged the material signs and symbols of new imperial power, from lavish ceremonies and furniture to the costumes of the imperial court. Yet even as they attempted to harness their interior decorations to an aesthetic discourse rooted in the princi- ples of antiquity, the Recueil de décorations intérieures simultaneously opened up architec- ture to the forces of fashion, consumerism, and mass production, the specters of modernity appearing at that strange historical horizon where capitalism had almost but not quite taken hold.23 Finally, a brief word on my methodology: This is an admittedly revisionist reading of Percier and Fontaine’s work in relation to the political processes of the Revolution which unscheduled and diverted the architectural paths that they had expected to take, had things been otherwise. Rather than emphasizing Napoleon’s patronage as the sole defining influence upon their work, my selective interpretation of Percier and Fontaine’s extensive body of work seeks to grasp the ways in which their shared practice negotiated and worked through the transformations wrought by the French Revolution, an event that allowed them to establish their professional careers at the same time that it forced them to develop a new set of skills in a context of radical fluctuations and instability, during a time of rupture that nonetheless emerged from the ancien régime. Although the general contours of the book follow the course of a traditional monograph, the biographical interest that marks the early part of the text is diverted into a consideration of the material practices and outcomes of Percier and Fontaine’s enterprise, the primary means through which they negotiated the momentous changes of the period. The Recueil de décorations intérieures can be considered the starting point of my interest in the architects and, more broadly, the theoretical foundation of this book. I have deliberately positioned it in the middle as a way of gesturing toward the ruptures to chronological time prompted by the French Revolution. In privileging, at times, historical situations or spaces over Percier and Fontaine as the protagonists of this text, the aim is to strike some sort of productive narrative tension between recognizing the architects’ agency as creators of exceptional works and simultaneously signaling that in no way could they have foreseen or controlled the direction that the political events in France would take after 1789. Ultimately, what I do want to emphasize is that Percier and Fontaine do not simply pass through the Revolution unchanged. Their survival also means that revolutionary conditions endure in unexpected ways within their work. Introduction 9 Notes 1 Guillaume Fonkenell, “L’approvisionnement d’un chantier de l’arc de triomphe du Carrousel: Construction et restauration (1806–1933),” Livraisons de l’histoire de l’architecture [Online] 16 (2008), published December 10, 2009, accessed July 28, 2015. http://lha.revues.org/184; DOI: 10.4000/lha.184. 2 Bruno Klein, “Napoleons Triumphbogen in Paris und der Wandel der offiziellen Kunstanschauungen im Premier Empire,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 59/2 (1996): 246. See also Thomas Gaehtgens in Napoleons Arc de Triomphe (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1974). 3 Guillaume Fonkenell, Le Palais des Tuileries (Arles: Honoré Clair, 2010), 135. 4 See Hans-Joachim Haassengier, Das Palais du Roi de Rome auf dem Hügel von Chaillot: Percier— Fontaine—Napoléon (Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1983). 5 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Résidences de souverains: Parellèle entre plusieurs résidences de souverains de France, d’Allemagne, de Suède, de Russie, d’Espagne, et d’Italie (Paris: Authors, 1833; [Reprint] Hildesheim, Germany: G. Olms, 1973), 74. On the anecdote, see Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Journal, 1799–1853 (Paris: École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, 1987), vol. I, 164. 6 Louis Marin, “Classical, Baroque: Versailles, or the Architecture of the Prince,” Yale French Studies 80 (Jan. 1991): 168. 7 Marin, “Classical, Baroque”: 178. 8 Percier and Fontaine, Résidences de souverains, 117. 9 Percier and Fontaine, Résidences de souverains, 117. 10 Percier and Fontaine, Résidences de souverains, 118. 11 On ephemera’s political significance in the context of the French Revolution, see Richard Taws, The Politics of the Provisional: Art and Ephemera in Revolutionary France (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013). 12 See most recently Thierry Sarmant dir., Napoléon et Paris: Rêves d’une capitale (Paris: Paris- Musées; Musée Carnavalet, 2015). 13 See Odile Nouvel-Kammerer, ed., L’aigle et le papillon: Symboles des pouvoirs sous Napoléon, 1800–1815 (Paris; New York: Musée des Arts Décoratifs; American Federation of the Arts; published and distributed by Abrams, 2007). 14 Siegfried Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command: A Contribution to Anonymous History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1948). 15 Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command, 329. 16 Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command, 342. 17 See, for example, Wayne Hanley, The Genesis of Napoleonic Propaganda, 1796 to 1799 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002). 18 Katie Scott, The Rococo Interior: Decoration and Social Spaces in Early Eighteenth-Century Paris. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995). 19 Rolf Reichardt and Hubertus Kohle, Visualizing the Revolution: Politics and the Pictorial Arts in Late Eighteenth-Century France (London: Reaktion Books, 2008). 20 See, for example, Anne Lafont, “À la recherche d’une iconographie ‘incroyable’ et ‘merveilleuse’: Les panneaux décoratifs sous le Directoire,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française “Les arts et la Révolution” 340 (Apr./Jun. 2005): 5–21. 21 On the language of the Bulletin de la Grande Armée, see Michael Marrinan, “Literal/ Literary/‘Lexie’: History, Text and Authority in Napoleonic Painting,” Word & Image 7/3 (Jul.– Sept. 1991): 177–200. On the rise of military history painting as a new genre during the Revolution, see Susan Siegfried, “Naked History: The Rhetoric of Military Painting in Postrevolutionary France,” The Art Bulletin 75/2 (Jun. 1993): 235–258. 22 Charles Rice, The Emergence of the Interior: Architecture, Modernity, Domesticity (London and New York: Routledge, 2007). 23 Jürgen Habermas, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity: Twelve Lectures (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1990). On the notion of modernity (frühe Neuzeit) and the acceleration of time, see Reinhart Koselleck; Keith Tribe, trans., Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004). A visionary friendship 31

Notes 1 Pierre François-Léonard-Fontaine, Journal, 1799–1853 (Paris: École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, 1987), vol. II, 834. 2 Marianne Roland Michel, “Dessiner à Rome au temps de Pajou,” in Augustin Pajou et ses contemporains (Paris: Documentation française, 1999), 290. 3 Jean-Philippe Garric, Percier et Fontaine: Les architectes de Napoléon (Paris: Bélin, 2012), 200. Drawing upon the medieval scholarship of Alan Bray, Garric has suggested the notion of wedded brothers to describe their relationship. 4 Louis-Antoine-Léon Saint-Just, Fragmens sur les institutions républicaines: Ouvrage posthume de Saint-Just (Paris: Techener, 1831), 59–60. On Saint-Just’s concept of friendship in the founding of revolutionary institutions, see Patrick Rolland, “La signification politique de l’amitié chez Saint-Just,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 56/257 (1984): 324–338. 5 On the relationship of Legrand and Molinos, see Werner Szambien and Io Toda, “Une bibliothèque commune? Legrand et Molinos, une association complexe,” in Olga Medvedkova, ed., Bibliothèques d’architecture/Architectural Libraries (Paris: INHA/Alain Baudry et cie, 2009), 243–254. 6 Fontaine, Journal, vol. II, 673. 7 On the relationship between work and family in France, see Steven Kaplan and Cynthia J. Koepp, eds., Work in France: Representations, Meaning, Organization, and Practice (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986). 8 Fontaine, Journal, vol. II, 1303. 9 Fontaine, Journal, vol. II, 1304. 10 Hans Ottomeyer, Das frühe Oeuvre Charles Perciers (1782–1800): Zu den Anfängen des Historismus in Frankreich (Munich: Gräbner, 1981), 8. 11 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” unpublished manuscript, c. 1833–1841, Paris private collection, 4. 12 Jeanne Duportal, Charles Percier (1764–1838) Reproductions de dessins conservés à la Bibliothèque de l’Institut (Paris: M. Rousseau, 1931), 9–10. 13 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 16. 14 On the École royale gratuite de dessin, see Ulrich Leben, Object Design in the Age of Enlightenment: The History of the Royal Free Drawing School in Paris (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2004). For the marchands-merciers and their role in shaping eighteenth-century aesthetics, see Carolyn Sargentson, Merchants and Luxury Markets: The Marchands Merciers of Eighteenth-Century Paris (Malibu, CA: Victoria and Albert Museum in association with the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1996). 15 AN F/21/644. Pierre Louis Rouillard, “Mr. Percier et l’école de dessin. Projets et opinion de Mr. Percier concernant l’École impériale de Dessin.” 16 Antoine-Thomas-Laurent Vaudoyer, “Nécrologie de Charles Percier, architecte, membre de l’académie des beaux-arts de l’Institut Royal de France, etc.,” 1838, Bibliothèque, École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, Ms 249, 78. “Cependant, c’est artiste écrivait peu, mais il parlait si bien que la conversation était toujours savante, intéressante et entrainante.” 17 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 22. 18 Maurice Fouché, Percier et Fontaine: Biographie critique (Paris: H. Laurens, 1904), 37. 19 On the business of keeping clean in the eighteenth century, see Daniel Roche, The Culture of Clothing: Dress and Fashion in the Ancien Régime (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), especially 387–395, where he discusses laundresses and the world of cleaning in soap and ash. 20 Albert Soubies, Les membres de l’Académie des beaux-arts depuis la fondation d’Institut (Paris: E. Flammarion, 1904–1910), 182. 21 Duportal, Charles Percier, 10. 22 On the politics of water in the context of Absolutist France, see Chandra Mukerji, Impossible Engineering: Technology and Territoriality on the Canal du Midi (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012). 23 Fontaine, “Notice sur la vie de Thibault,” in Journal, vol. II, 743. On Panseron’s school, see Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 12–16. 24 Quoted in Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 69. 25 Fouché, Percier et Fontaine, 8. 32 A visionary friendship

26 Jean-Marie Pérouse de Montclos, “Les prix de Rome”: Concours de l’académie royale d’architecture au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Berger-Levrault; École nationale supérieure des Beaux- Arts, 1984), 8. 27 Freek H. Schmidt, “Expose Ignorance and Revive the ‘Bon Goût’: Foreign Architects at Jacques- François Blondel’s École des Arts,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 61 (Mar. 2002): 8. 28 Adolphe Lance, Dictionnaire des architectes français (Paris: A. Morel, 1872), vol. II, 204. 29 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 18. For Peyre’s grand prix design of 1762, see Pérouse de Montclos, “Les prix de Rome”, 74–75. 30 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 5. 31 Fouché, Percier et Fontaine, 11. 32 Fouché, Percier et Fontaine, 12. 33 Fontaine was allowed to become the student of Heurtier only because a previous student, Paru, had died in a drowning accident. As Fontaine recalls, Peyre le jeune had sent a letter to his friend Heurtier, asking if Fontaine could take the place of another student. Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 626. 34 Pérouse de Montclos, “Les prix de Rome”, 17–20. 35 On decorum, see Werner Szambien, Symmétrie, goût, caractère. Théorie et terminologie de l’architecture à l’âge classique, 1550–1800 (Paris: Picard, 1986). 36 See Pierre Pinon, Pierre-Adrien Pâris, 1745–1819, Architecte, et les monuments antiques de Rome et de la Campanie (Rome: École française de Rome, 2007), vol. 378. See also Antoine Gruber, “L’oeuvre de Pierre-Adrien Pâris à la cour de France. 1779–1791,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français (1975): 213–227. 37 Armand-Parfait Prieur and Pierre-Louis Van Cléemputte, Collection des prix que la ci-devant Académie d’architecture proposoit et couronnoit tous les ans (Paris: Basan, 1791). See also Marie- Laure Crosnier-Leconte, “Dessins d’école, bibliothèques d’ateliers: Une affaire de copies,” in Jean-Philippe Garric, dir., Bibliothèques d’atelier. Édition et enseignement de l’architecture, Paris 1785–1871 (Paris: INHA, 2011), accessed October 21, 2011, http://inha.revues.org/3187 38 Monika Steinhauser and Daniel Rabreau, “Le théâtre de l’Odéon de Charles de Wailly et Marie- Joseph Peyre, 1767–1782,” Revue de l’art 19 (1973): 8–49. 39 Pérouse de Montclos, “Les prix de Rome,” 94–98. On the controversy of the parterre, see Jeffrey Ravel, The Contested Parterre: Public Theater and French Political Culture, 1680–1791 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999). 40 Vaudoyer, “Nécrologie de Percier,” 70. 41 Pinon, Pâris, 7. 42 Henri Lemonnier, ed., Procès-verbaux de l’Académie royale d’architecture, 1671–1793 (Paris: J. Schemit, 1911), vol. 9, 154. 43 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 71. 44 For a discussion of the problem of a royal sepulcher, see Erika Naginski, Sculpture and Enlightenment (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2009). 45 Richard Etlin, The Architecture of Death: The Transformation of the Cemetery in Eighteenth- Century Paris (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1984), 41–43. 46 Fontaine, Journal, vol. II, 743. “[Thibault] devint, après avoir été employé par M Mique quelque temps à Versailles, l’élève, le dessinateur ou plutôt le rédacteur des projets de M. Boullée . . .”. 47 Étienne-Louis Boullée; Pérouse de Montclos, ed., Architecture, essai sur l’art (Paris: Hermann, 1968), 133. On Boullée’s vision of architecture and its relation to a psychoanalytical notion of the uncanny, see Anthony Vidler, The Architectural Uncanny: Essays in the Modern Unhomely (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1994). 48 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 72. 49 Lemonnier, Procès-verbaux, vol. 9, 164. 50 Thomas E. Crow, Emulation: David, Drouais, and Girodet in the Art of Revolutionary France (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press in association with the Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, 2006), 22–26. 51 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 9. 52 Lemonnier, Procès-verbaux, vol. 9, 167. 53 Lemonnier, Procès-verbaux, vol. 9, 182. 54 Pérouse de Montclos, “Les prix de Rome,” 199. 55 Lucien Morel d’Arleux, “Les Voyages en Italie de Fontaine, Percier et Bernier, d’après leurs carnets de notes,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français (1934): 89–90. A visionary friendship 33

56 Fontaine, Journal, vol. II, 1306. 57 Richard Wrigley, Roman Fever: Influence, Infection and the Image of Rome (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 2013). 58 Desiré Raoul-Rochette, “Notice historique sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. Ch. Percier. Lue 3.10.1840 à l’Académie des beaux-arts,” Institut royal de France (Paris: Académie des beaux-arts, 1839–1843), vol. 10, 250. 59 See Pamela M. Lee, Chronophobia: On Time in the Art of the 1960s (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2006). 60 See Pierre Chessex et al., Abraham Ducros: A Swiss Painter in Italy (Dublin: National Gallery of Ireland, 2003). 61 Fontaine, Journal, vol. II, 1307. 62 Morel d’Arleux, “Voyages en Italie,” 95–96. There was also some confusion regarding Percier’s pension as well, which was eventually rectified by D’Angiviller. See Duportal, Charles Percier, 15–16. 63 The drawings, around 200, include works from his student-period projects at the academy, his period in Rome, and works from his professional activities. The curatorial file also includes a biographical sketch done by a previous owner of the drawings. I thank Renata Guttman for drawing my attention to this information. Claude-Louis Bernier, Drawings, DR1986, Canadian Centre for Architecture Collection, Montreal, Canada. 64 Étienne-Jean Delécluze, “Pierre Fontaine,” Journal des débats, October 26, 1853. 65 For an example of the range of guidebooks available in the eighteenth century, see Oskar Pollak and Ludwig Schudt, Le Guide di Roma: Materialien zu einer Geschichte der römischen Topographie (Vienna: B. Filser, 1930). 66 Charles Moreau, Fragmens et ornemens d’architecture dessinés à Rome, d’après l’antique, par le citoyen Charles Moreau, architecte, formant supplément à l’œuvre d’architecture de Desgodets (Paris: Author, 1800). 67 For a typical pensionnaire’s schedule, see Olivier Michel, “Peintres français à Rome au XVIIIe siècle jusqu’au néoclassicisme,” in Vivre et peindre à Rome au XVIIIe siècle (Rome: École française de Rome, Palais Farnèse, 1996), 75–84. 68 Raoul-Rochette, “Charles Percier,” 250. 69 Raoul-Rochette, “Charles Percier,” 250. 70 The albums also include later studies and the mock-ups for Percier and Fontaine’s first publication, Palais, maisons et autres édifices. Blair Hixson Davis, “The Roman Drawings of Charles Percier,” PhD Diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 2009 has treated the Roman drawings of the album, while Jeanne Duportal, Charles Percier, published a number of the drawings pertaining to France. 71 Emmanuelle Burgerolles, Georges Brunel, and Camille Debabrant, eds., The Male Nude: Eighteenth-Century Drawings from the Paris Academy (London: Trustees of the Wallace Collection, 2013). 72 Régis Michel, Le beau idéal, ou, l’art du concept (Paris: Ministère de la culture, de la communication, des grands travaux et du Bicentenaire; Réunion des musées nationaux, 1989). 73 Hubert probably lent Fontaine the 1771 edition of Nardini’s book, since this edition included Vacca’s memoirs in the text. 74 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 17. 75 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 90. 76 Ferdinand Boyer, “Charles Percier documents inédits (1789–1793),” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français (1962): 258. 77 Charles Percier to Claude-Louis Bernier, April 29, 1789, in Boyer, “Charles Percier documents inédits”: 258. 78 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 40. 79 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 44–47. 80 Francesco Milizia, Roma, delle belle arti del disegno. Parte prima: Dell’Architettura Civile (Bassano, Italy: n. p., 1787). 81 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 23. 34 A visionary friendship

82 Pâris, who was on the committee which had requested that Percier reconstruct the column, was especially impressed. Pierre Pinon notes that Pâris had also drawn the column; the drawings can be found in the Pâris archive at Besançon. 83 Charles Percier, Ms. 249, École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts. The drawings are bound in an album together with a manuscript by Vaudoyer. 84 See Pinon, Pâris, 41. 85 The letter and David’s reply can be found at the library of the École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, bound with Percier’s drawings of Trajan’s Column. Charles Percier, Ms. 249, ENSBA. 86 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 44. 87 Stella Rudolph, “1789: Claude Michallon e i Pensionnaires per la morte del Drouais,” Labyrinthos III/5–6 (1984): 54–75; and Musée des Beaux-Arts de Rennes, Jean-Germain Drouais, 1763–1788: Musée des beaux-arts de Rennes, 7 Juin–9 Septembre 1985 (Rennes: Musée des Beaux-Arts de Rennes, 1985), 151. Rudolph focuses in large part on the work of Michallon, but as Musée des Beaux-Arts de Rennes and Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, suggest, the design for the monument was based on Percier’s designs. 88 Musée des Beaux-Arts de Rennes, Drouais, 151. 89 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 89, has connected this early tomb project to a subsequent commission that Percier received from the painter François-Xavier Fabre for a tomb commissioned by the Countess of Albany. On the project, see Ferdinand Boyer, “Charles Percier, F.-X. Fabre et le tombeau de la comtesse d’Albany à Florence,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français (1963): 133–139. 90 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 99. 91 Crow, Emulation, 83–84. 92 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 56. 93 “Charles Percier,” in Joseph-François and Louis Gabriel Michaud, eds., Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne (Paris: Michaud Frères, 1811–1862), vol. 76, 427. 64 Propulsion and residue

Notes 1 Erika Naginski, Sculpture and Enlightenment (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2009), 299. 2 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 28. 3 Antoine-Chrysostôme Quatremère de Quincy, “Notice historique sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. Bonnard, architecte,” Recueil des notices historiques lues dans les séances publiques de l’Académie royale des beaux-arts à l’Institut (Paris: Imprimerie Le Clere et cie, 1834), 338. 4 On the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1991). 5 Werner Szambien, Les projets de l’an II : Concours d’architecture de la période révolutionnaire (Paris: École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, 1986); James A. Leith, Space and Revolution: Projects for Monuments, Squares and Public Buildings in France : 1789–1799 (Montreal: McGill– Queen’s University Press, 1991); Emil Kaufmann, Three Revolutionary Architects: Boullée, Ledoux, and Lequeu (Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society, 1952). For a recent reassessment of Kaufmann in terms of a historiography of modernism, see Anthony Vidler, Histories of the Immediate Present: Inventing Architectural Modernism (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2008). 6 Mona Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 135. A similar semiotic interpretation of architecture is also to be found in Rolf Reichardt and Hubertus Kohle, Visualizing the Revolution: Politics and Pictorial Arts in Late Eighteenth- Century France (London: Reaktion Books, 2008), especially 101–118. 7 Raoul-Rochette, “Charles Percier,” 258. 8 Szambien, Projets de l’an II, 15–16. However, he does not go into detailed discussion of such works. 9 Fiske Kimball, The Creation of the Rococo (Philadelphia, PA: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1943). 10 Roberto Calasso; Robert Dixon, trans., Ardor (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2014), 203–214. 11 See Charles Rice, Emergence of the Interior: Architecture, Modernity, Domesticity (London and New York: Routledge, 2007). 12 Søren Kierkegaard; Howard V. Hong and Edna Hong, eds. and trans., Repetition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983), 149. “The dialectic of repetition is easy, for that which is repeated has been—otherwise it could not be repeated—but the very fact that it has been makes the repetition into something new.” 13 See Lucien Morel d’Arleux, “Les voyages en Italie de Fontaine, Percier et Bernier, d’après leurs carnets de notes,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français (1934): 88–103. 14 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 26. 15 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 29. 16 Jean-Philippe Garric, Percier et Fontaine: Les architectes de Napoléon (Paris: Bélin, 2012), 63–64. 17 Pierre-Adrien Pâris’s role at the Menus-Plaisirs is discussed further in Chapter 5. 18 Werner Szambien, “Les architectes parisiens à l’époque révolutionnaire,” Revue de l’art 83 (1989): 36–50. 19 Szambien, “Les architectes parisiens”: 37. 20 Quoted in Szambien, “Les architectes parisiens”: 39. On the construction industry during the revolutionary period from the perspective of workers, entrepreneurs, and labor history, see Alan Potofsky, Constructing Paris in the Age of Revolution (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012). 21 Hans Ottomeyer, Das frühe Oeuvre Charles Perciers: Zu den Anfängen des Historismus in Frankreich (Munich: Gräbner, 1981), 102–103. Canova had provided Percier with connections, introducing him to Count Stanislas Poniatowski, for whom Percier designed a villa before his departure from Rome. 22 Charles Percier to John Flaxman, November 13, 1791, Flaxman-Letterbook, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, UK. 23 Percier to Flaxman, November 13, 1791. 24 The exact address can be found on a letter from John Flaxman addressed to “Mons. Monsieur Percier, Architect/ Rue Mont Martre/Prés du Passage du Saumon, no. 219 Paris,” evidently enough information for the letter to arrive. Flaxman-Letterbook, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Propulsion and residue 65

25 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 32. 26 On the Hôtel d’Aligre as a site for selling paintings, see Patrick Michel, Le commerce du tableau à Paris dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle: Acteurs et pratiques (Villeneuve d’Ascq, France: Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2007). 27 Paul Marmottan, “Élèves couronnés avec honneur de l’école de Percier,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français (1921): 129. 28 On the swan in Empire period decorative arts, see Odile Nouvel-Kammerer, Symbols of Power: Napoleon and the Art of the Empire Style 1800–1815 (Paris; New York: Musée des Arts Décoratifs; American Federation of the Arts; published and distributed by Abrams, 2007), 228. 29 Ivor Guest, The Ballet of the Enlightenment: The Establishment of the Ballet d’Action in France (London: Dance Books, 1996), 325. 30 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 121–122. Although Percier traveled to Naples with Bonnard in July 1790, he did not have the chance to see the excavations then underway at Herculaneum and Pompeii, which remained under the watchful control of the king of Naples. 31 Fleur Pellerin and Malgorzata Omilanowska, eds., Napoléon Ier ou la légende des arts 1800–1815 (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux-Grand Palais, 2015), 80. While I agree with the catalog entry author, Anne Dion-Tenenbaum, in classifying this drawing as a set design for Psyché rather than a commissioned interior, the watercolor’s high degree of finish makes it equally conceivable that the drawing was intended to be publicly displayed and sold, since Percier and Fontaine submitted several drawings to the salon, beginning in 1793. See Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 73. 32 Susan Maslan, Revolutionary Acts: Theater, Democracy, and the French Revolution (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005). See also Paul Friedland, Political Actors: Representative Bodies and Theatricality in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002). 33 Jeanne Duportal, Charles Percier (1764–1838) Reproductions de dessins conservés à la Bibliothèque de l’Institut (Paris: M. Rousseau, 1931), 28. 34 Wendell Cole, “The Salle des Machines: Three Hundred Years Ago,” Educational Theater Journal 14/3 (Oct. 1962): 224–227. 35 Cole, “Salle des Machines,” 225. 36 On scena per angolo, see Louise Pelletier, Architecture in Words: Theater, Language and the Sensuous Space of Architecture (London and New York: Routledge, 2006). 37 Nicolas Le Camus de Mézières; David Britt, trans., The Genius of Architecture, or the Analogy of that Art with our Sensations (Los Angeles: Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities, 1992). 38 Jean-Jacques Rousseau; Christopher Kelly, ed., Allan Bloom and Charles Butterworth, trans., Letter to D’Alembert and Writings for the Theater (Hanover, NH: Dartmouth College; UPNE, 2004), 344. On Ledoux’s theater at Besançon, see Anthony Vidler, Claude-Nicolas Ledoux: Architecture and Social Reform at the End of the Ancien Régime (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1990), 89. 39 See Alvar Gonzalez-Palacios, “Jacques-Louis David: Le décor de l’Antiquité,” in Régis Michel, ed., David contre David: Actes du colloque organisé au musée du Louvre par le service culturel du 6 au 10 décembre 1989 (Paris: La Documentation française, 1993) vol. II, 929–963. 40 According to Fontaine, it was Percier’s student Salverte (first name unknown) who introduced him to the playwright. See Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 33. 41 Antoine-Vincent Arnault, Souvenirs d’un sexagénaire (Paris: Duféy, 1833; [Reprint] Paris: H. Champion, 2003), 170. 42 Duportal, Charles Percier, 28. 43 In Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 152. 44 Le Courrier des spectacles, 4 complémentaire an VI, quoted in Barry Daniels and Jacqueline Razgonnikoff, Patriotes en scène: Le théâtre de la République (1790–1799): Une épisode méconnu de l’histoire de la Comédie Française (Versailles; Vizille: Artyls; Musée de la Révolution française, 2007), 119. 45 Quoted in Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 155. 46 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 33. 47 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 70. The architects also collaborated with Thibault on a number of pieces. 48 See Susan Siegfried, “Naked History: The Rhetoric of Military Painting in Postrevolutionary France,” The Art Bulletin 75/2 (Jun. 1993): 235–258. 66 Propulsion and residue

49 Jean-Claude Halpern, “L’esclavage sur la scène révolutionnaire,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 293/1 (1993): 419. 50 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 52. 51 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 51. Allegedly, it was the architect Cellerier’s desire to impress one of the dancers that caused him to request the creation of new set designs. 52 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 35. 53 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 36. 54 Szambien, Projets de l’an II, 65. 55 Percier and Fontaine, “Projet de théâtre pour célébrer les chants civiques et les triomphes de la Révolution,” D8219, Musée Carnavalet, Paris, France. 56 Szambien, Projets de l’an II, 74–75. 57 Szambien, Projets de l’an II, 75. 58 Szambien, Projets de l’an II, 75. 59 See Denis Diderot, Paradoxe sur le comédien (Paris: Flammarion, 2000). On the corridor as a space of modernity, see Mark Jarzombek, “Corridor Spaces,” Critical Inquiry 36/4 (Summer 2010): 728–770. 60 Quoted in Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 75. 61 Although no precise models of their furniture designs have been found, a drawing of five antique- inspired models of chairs has been connected to the architects’ designs for the Jacob family. See Jean-Pierre Samoyault, Mobilier français Consulat et Empire (Paris: Gourcuff Gradenigo, 2008), 25–26. The distinctive curved legs can already be found in Percier’s 1793 watercolor drawing, discussed above. 62 Quoted in Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 72–73. 63 See Guillaume Fonkenell, Palais des Tuileries (Arles: Honoré Clair, 2010), 126–127. Fonkenell incorrectly dates the project for the National Convention assembly hall to August 13, 1793. 64 Ferdinand Boyer, “Notes sur les architectes Jacques-Pierre Gisors, Charles Percier, Pierre Vignon,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français (1933): 258–269. 65 Maurice Fouché, Percier et Fontaine: Biographie critique (Paris: H. Laurens, 1904), 34–35. 66 Boyer, “Gisors, Percier, Vignon,” 266. Percier received in payment “deux mandats, un de deux cents livres, l’autre de six cents livres, à recevoir à la Tresorerie nationale chez le citoyen Gillen (Ghislain), payeur principal a conte sur les travaux de la nouvelle salle./A Paris, le deux mars 1793/ Charles Percier.” 67 Katherine Fischer Taylor, “Geometries of Power: Royal, Revolutionary, and Postrevolutionary French Courtrooms,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 72/4 (Dec. 2013): 434–474. 68 On surveillance as a form of popular sovereignty, see Maslan, Revolutionary Acts, especially Chapters 3 and 4. 69 Quoted in Fonkenell, Tuileries, 129. 70 Fonkenell, Tuileries, 147–148. 71 Fontaine wrote of how his architect friend Jacques-Charles Bonnard fell into a “grave maladie,” and turned to engraving as a means of combating his deep depression. Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 52. 72 Raoul-Rochette, “Charles Percier,” 258. 73 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 55. 74 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 55. 75 This resembles another recently discovered drawing by Fontaine in a private collection. See Michèle Heng, “Un fonds inédit d’oeuvres, archives et collections provenant de l’architecte Pierre- François-Léonard Fontaine (1762–1853),” Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de l’art français 2011 (2012): 76, fig. 18. 76 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 137. 77 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 55. 78 Commune générale des arts and Henry Lapauze, Procès-verbaux de la Commune générale des arts de peinture, sculpture, architecture et gravure: (18 Juillet 1783–tridi de la Ire décade du 2e mois de l’an II) et de la Société populaire et républicaine des arts (3 Nivôse an II–28 Floréal an III) (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1903), XXIX–XXX. 79 Commune générale des arts and Lapauze, Procès-verbaux, 22. 80 Commune générale des arts and Lapauze, Procès-verbaux, XXXIV. 81 The Commune was replaced at the end of 1793 by the Société populaire et républicain des arts, which accused the commune of being, like the academy, elitist. The republican society was in large Propulsion and residue 67

part superseded by the Institut national created in 1795, which essentially reestablished the academy structure of the ancien régime. 82 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 165. 83 Christopher M. Greene, “Alexandre Lenoir and the Musée des monuments français during the French Revolution,” French Historical Studies 12/2 (Autumn 1981): 200–222. 84 See Alexandra Stara, The Museum of French Monuments 1795–1816: ‘Killing Art to Make History’ (Farnham, UK and Burlington, VT: Ashgate Press, 2013). 85 Stara, Museum of French Monuments, 100–1001. 86 Quoted in Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 174. 87 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 176. 88 Archives du musée des Monuments français. Inventaire général des richesses d’art de la France (Paris: E. Plon, Nourrit et cie, 1883), vol. 1, 24. 89 Nina L. Dubin, Futures and Ruins: Eighteenth-Century Paris and the Art of Hubert Robert (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2010), 170. 90 Louis Réau, Histoire du vandalisme: Les monuments détruits de l’art français (Paris: R. Laffont, 1994). 91 See Francis Haskell, History and its Images: Art and the Interpretation of the Past (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993). 92 Duportal, Charles Percier, 39. 93 Stara, Museum of French Monuments, 114. 94 Barry Bergdoll, Léon Vaudoyer: Historicism in the Age of Industry (New York: Architectural History Foundation, 1994), 3. 95 On the philosophical significance of Husserl’s usage of epoché in relation to the Romantic conception of landscape painting, see Joseph Koerner, Caspar David Friedrich and the Subject of Landscape (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990). 96 Charles Percier, BIF Ms. 1014, sheet 16. 97 It would have included the Sala Regia of the Vatican, the Salone dei Cinquecento at the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, the Sala Regia of the Palazzo Ducale in Venice, and Grand Salle of the Hôtel de Ville in Paris. Charles Percier, “Collection de dessins de Feu M. Percier, concernant le Palais de Fontainebleau,” Ms. 1014 [annex] BIF, Paris, France. 98 Charles Percier, “Notes détachées sur la decoration des salles du château de Fontainebleau,” BIF Ms. 1014, [annex] 1. 99 Percier, “Notes,” 2. 100 Percier, “Notes,” 2. 101 See Georges Lefebvre, The Thermidorians and the Directory (New York: Random House, 1964), 82–115. 102 Henry Swinburne; Charles White, ed., The Courts of Europe at the Close of the Last Century (London: Henry Colburn, 1896) vol. II, 130–131. 103 Swinburne, Courts of Europe, vol. II, 206. 104 Ronald Schechter, “Gothic Thermidor: The Bal des victimes, the Fantastic, and the Production of Historical Knowledge in Post-Terror France,” Representations 61 “Practices of Enlightenment” (Winter 1998): 85. 105 This is Szambien’s take in “Les architectes parisiens.” 106 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 56. 107 Jean Krafft and Pierre-Nicolas Ransonnette, Plans, coupes, élévations des plus belles maisons et des hôtels construits à Paris et dans les environs (Paris: Chez les deux associés, Krafft . . . et Ransonnette . . ., Ch. Pougens . . ., Fuchs . . ., Calixte Volland . . ., Levrault . . ., 1801), “Conclusion,” n. p. 108 Anne Foray-Carlier, “Intérieurs parisiens et objets de goût,” in Thierry Lemoine, dir., Au temps des merveilleuses: La société parisienne sous le Directoire et le Consulat: 9 mars–12 juin 2005, Musée Carnavalet-Histoire de Paris. (Paris: Paris Musées, 2005), 153. 109 Foray-Carlier, “Intérieurs parisiens,” 177. 110 Susan L. Siegfried, The Art of Louis-Léopold Boilly: Modern Life in Napoleonic France (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press in association with Kimbell Art Museum, Forth Worth, TX, and National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC, 1995), 15. 111 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Recueil de décorations intérieures: Comprenant tout ce qui a rapport à l’améublement: Comme vases, trépieds, candélabres, cassolettes . . . miroirs, écrans, etc., etc., etc. (Paris: Authors, 1801–1812), “discours préliminaire,” 14. The Recueil de décorations intérieures 95

Notes 1 Pierre-Louis Roederer, Oeuvres du comte de P. L. Roederer (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1856), vol. IV, 437. 2 Roederer, Oeuvres, vol. IV, 438. 3 Roederer, Oeuvres, vol. IV, 438. 4 Jean-Pierre Samoyault, Mobilier français Consulat et Empire (Paris: Gourcuff Gradenigo, 2008), 42. 5 Jean-Pierre Samoyault and Colombe Samoyault-Verlet, Le mobilier de Général Moreau: Un ameublement à la mode en 1802 (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux, 1992). 6 Quoted in Joseph Goy, “Civil Code,” in François Furet and Mona Ozouf, eds., A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1989), 437. 7 Goy, “Civil Code,” 445. 8 Jean-Philippe Garric, “Le Recueil de décorations de Charles Percier et Pierre Fontaine,” in Michaël Decrossas and Lucie Fléjou, eds., Chefs d’oeuvre d’ornements. Les recueils de la collection Jacques Doucet (Paris: Éditions Mare et Martin/INHA, 2014), 259–260. The Chicago Institute of Art possesses a volume of 13 colored plates that has been interpreted as an “official” copy. See David Van Zanten, “Fontaine in the Burnham Library,” Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 13/2 (1988): 142. 9 Anne Dion-Tenenbaum, “Sources of Ornament,” in Odile Nouvel-Kammerer, ed., Symbols of Power under Napoleon: 1800–1815 (Paris; New York: Musée des arts décoratifs; American Federation of the Arts; published and distributed by Abrams, 2007), 68. The Soane Museum in London possesses a hand-colored edition of Palais, maisons et autres édifices (1798) that the architects presented to Josephine shortly before work began at Malmaison. 10 On Boilly’s painting of Isabey’s studio, see Susan L. Siegfried, The Art of Louis-Léopold Boilly: Modern Life in Napoleonic France (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press in associ- ation with Kimbell Art Museum, Forth Worth, TX, and National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC, 1995), 96–103. 11 Hans Ottomeyer, Das frühe Oeuvre Charles Perciers (1782–1800): Zu den Anfängen des Historismus in Frankreich (Munich: Gräbner, 1981), 152–159. 12 Madame E. de Basily-Callimaki, J.-B. Isabey: Sa vie, son temps, 1767–1855, suivi du catalogue de l’oeuvre gravée par et d’après Isabey (Paris: Frazier-Soye, 1909), 34. 13 Sylvain Leveissière, Boilly, 1761–1845: Un grand peintre français de la Révolution à la Restauration: Musée des Beaux-Arts de Lille, 23 octobre 1988–9 janvier 1989 (Lille: Le Musée des Beaux-Arts, 1988), 52–53. 14 Siegfried, Boilly, 97. 15 On Isabey’s drawings à la manière noire, see Anthony Halliday, “Academic Outsiders at the Paris Salons of the Revolution: The Case of Drawings ‘à la manière noire’,” Oxford Art Journal 21/1 (Jan. 1998): 71–86. 16 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Recueil de décorations intérieures: Comprenant tout ce qui a rapport à l’améublement: Comme vases, trépieds, candélabres, cassolettes . . . miroirs, écrans, etc., etc., etc. (Paris: Authors, 1801–1812), Special Collections, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, 83-B3068 Copy 1. 17 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil de décorations intérieures, Special Collections, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, 83-B3068 Copy 1. 18 Charles Landon, Nouvelles des arts, peinture, sculpture, architecture et gravure (Paris: Author, 1801), vol I, 366. 19 For a picture of the model sold at Sothebys in London (June 11, 2003, no. 146), see Samoyault, Mobilier français Consulat et Empire, 77, figure 140. 20 Samoyault, Mobilier français Consulat et Empire, 44–45. 21 See Hector Lefuel, François-Honoré-Georges Jacob-Desmalter, ébéniste de Napoléon Ier et de Louis XVIII (Paris: A Morance, 1927). On furniture terminology of the period, see the still very useful Henry Havard, Dictionnaire de l’ameublement et de la décoration depuis le XIIIe siècle jusqu’à nos jours (Paris: Ancienne Maison Quantin, May & Motteroz, 1887–1890). 22 Dion-Tenenbaum, “Sources of Ornament,” 68–69. 23 Examples of student notebooks can be found at the Art Institute of Chicago and the Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. 96 The Recueil de décorations intérieures

24 On the Biennais album, see Pierre Arizzoli-Clémentel, “The Percier and Biennais Album in the Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris,” The Burlington Magazine 140/1140 (Mar. 1998): 195–201. 25 Charles Percier to Hippolyte Lebas, 1808, Hippolyte Lebas Correspondence, Special Collections, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles. My thanks to Jean-Philippe Garric for his help with the transcription and translation. 26 Workshop of Charles Percier, Scrapbook of Sketches, n. d [c. 1804]. Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 1963 (63.535), Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 27 On silk pattern books, see Lesley Ellis Miller, Selling Silks: A Merchant’s Sample Book 1764 (London: V&A Publishing, 2014). 28 On découpage as furniture decoration during the ancien régime, see Daniëlle Kisluk-Grosheide, “‘Cutting up Berchems, Watteaus, and Audrans’: A ‘Lacca Povera’ Secretary at the Metropolitan Museum of Art,” Metropolitan Museum Journal 31 (1996): 81–97. 29 On the period eye, see Michael Baxandall, The Limewood Sculptors of Renaissance Germany (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1980), especially Chapter VI. 30 Carol M. Osborne, “Pierre Didot the Elder and French Book Illustration, 1789–1822” (PhD Diss., Stanford University, 1979). 31 Osborne, “Didot,” 67. 32 This banknote-size illustration is perhaps not entirely incidental, since several members of the Didot family were involved in printing assignats. See André Jammes and Françoise Courbage, Les Didot: Trois siècles de typographie et de bibliophilie, 1698–1998 (Paris: Agence culturelle de Paris, 1998). 33 Osborne, “Didot,” 199. 34 See Jean-Philippe Garric, Recueils d’Italie. Les modèles italiens dans les livres d’architecture français (Sprimont, Belgium: Mardaga, 2004). 35 On the structure of Percier and Fontaine’s first publication, see Jean-Philippe Garric, ed.,Palais de Rome: Palais, maisons et autres édifices modernes dessinés à Rome (Wavre, Belgium: Éditions Mardaga, 2008), introduction. 36 I discuss this in Chapter 1. 37 Garric, Recueils d’Italie, 110. 38 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 195–222. See also Nicolas Savage et al., Early Printed Books: 1478–1840: Catalogue of the British Architectural Library Early Imprints Collection (London; New Jersey: Bowker-Saur, 1994–2003), 1424–1425. 39 Landon lists successive issues: In 1802, the third cahier was issued; in 1803, the fifth and sixth installments were issued; in 1804, the seventh. In 1805, Landon mentions that the eighth and ninth cahiers had been issued. Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 197. 40 Ottomeyer, Charles Perciers, 195–200. 41 Jacques Guillerme, “Notes pour l’histoire de la regularité,” Revue d’esthétique XXIII/3–4 (1970): 383–394. 42 Guillerme, “Notes pour l’histoire de la regularité”: 386. 43 Peter Collins, “The Origins of Graph Paper as an Influence on Architectural Design,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 21/4 (Dec. 1962): 159–162. 44 Annemarie Kleinert, Le journal des dames et des modes: Ou la conquête de l’Europe féminine (1797–1839) (Stuttgart: J. Thorbecke, 2001). 45 On this semiotic system of change and equilibrium, see Roland Barthes, The Fashion System (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990). 46 On the place of furniture and the “work” of sociability and leisure during the ancien régime, see Mimi Hellman, “Furniture, Sociability, and the Work of Leisure in Eighteenth-Century France,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 32/4 (1999): 415–445. 47 Samoyault, Mobilier français Consulat et Empire, 132–133. 48 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, explanation for plate 22. 49 Ewa Lajer-Burcharth, Necklines: The Art of Jacques-Louis David After the Terror (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), 130–204. 50 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 1. 51 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 2. 52 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 10. 53 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 10–11. The Recueil de décorations intérieures 97

54 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 11. 55 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 11. 56 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 11. 57 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 11. 58 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 14. 59 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 14. 60 Richard Taws, The Politics of the Provisional: Art and Ephemera in Revolutionary France (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013). 61 On the political rhetoric of cuts, crops, and fashion discourse, see Elizabeth Amann, Dandyism in the Age of Revolution: The Art of the Cut (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2015). 62 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, 9. 63 Dion-Tenenbaum, “Sources of Ornament,” 66. 64 Robert Rosenblum, The International Style of 1800: A Study in Linear Abstraction (New York: Garland Publishing, 1976), 1. Rosenblum uses the expression to describe John Flaxman’s work. 65 A classic source on the debate between poetry and painting established by Horace is Rensselaer W. Lee, “Ut Pictura Poesis: The Humanistic Theory of Painting,” The Art Bulletin 22/4 (Dec. 1940): 197–269. For the relation of absolutist ideology and the “ut pictura poesis system,” see Erica Harth, Ideology and Culture in Seventeenth-Century France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983). 66 Rosenblum, International Style, 127–128. On the influence of Flaxman, see Sarah Symmons, Flaxman and Europe: The Outline Illustrations and their Influence (New York: Garland Publishing, 1984). See also the exhibition catalog, John Flaxman, 1755–1826, Master of the Purest Line (London: Sir John Soane’s Museum and University College London, 2003). 67 Thomas Hope, Household Furniture and Interior Decoration: Executed from Designs by Thomas Hope (London: T. Bensley for Longman, 1807), 14. 68 David Watkin et al., eds., Thomas Hope: Regency Designer (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press [for] The Bard Graduate Center for Studies in the Decorative Arts, Design, and Culture, New York, 2008), 214–218. 69 Watkin et al., Thomas Hope, 218. 70 Charles-Pierre-Joseph Normand, Nouveau recueil en divers genres d’ornemens et autres objets propres à la décoration (Paris: Joubert, 1803), 1. 71 Normand, Nouveau recueil, 1. 72 Normand, Nouveau recueil, 7. 73 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Journal, 1799–1853 (Paris: École nationale supérieure de Beaux-Arts, 1987), vol. I, 84–85. Fontaine mentions the emperor’s plans for a coronation ceremony on August 20, 1804. The crowning took place on December 2, 1804. 74 On the Sacre as a speculative project for Percier and Fontaine, see Garric, Recueils d’Italie, 104. Charles Percier, Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine and Jean-Baptiste Isabey, Le sacre de S. M. l’Empereur Napoléon dans l’église métropolitaine de Paris le XI frimaire an XIII, dimanche 2 décembre 1804 (Paris: Imprimerie royale, 1804–1822). Although they had initially planned on publishing the text to mark Napoleon’s coronation ceremony (without consulting him), the work of the engravers delayed the publication of the book. Considering it a lost cause, the architects and painter did not consider reprinting it until after his death. 75 Paul Marmottan, “Percier à son collègue Pâris,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire et de l’art français (1922): 329. 76 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 140. 77 Friedrich Nietzsche; R. J. Hollingdale, trans., “On the uses and disadvantages of history for life,” Untimely Meditations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 59–123. On the changing figurations of history, see Stephen Bann, “Clio in Part: On Antiquarianism and the Historical Fragment,” Perspecta 23 (1987): 24–37. 78 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, explanation, plate 66. 79 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, explanation, plate 72. The platinum cabinet 121

Notes 1 Quoted in Edward J. Olszewski, “Exorcising Goya’s ‘The Family of Charles IV’,” Artibus et Historiae 20/40 (1999): 171. 2 Fred Licht, “Goya’s Portrait of the Royal Family,” The Art Bulletin 49/2 (1967): 127–128. 3 Aileen Ribeiro, “Fashioning the Feminine: Dress in Goya’s Portraits of Women,” in Janis A. Tomlinson, ed., Goya: Images of Women (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 2002), 71. 4 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Résidences de souverains: Parellèle entre plusieurs résidences de souverains de France, d’Allemagne, de Suède, de Russie, d’Espagne, et d’Italie (Paris: Authors, 1833; [Reprint] Hildesheim, Germany: G. Olms, 1973), 235. 5 In the photographs of the platinum cabinet, it is difficult to get a sense of the room in its entirety. To my knowledge, there are no published images showing the western elevation facing the entry court. 6 On the inclusion of María Luisa’s initials, see Javier Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa del Labrador (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2009), 176–178. See also “Cabinet,” in Dictionnaire de l’Académie française, 5th edition (1798), accessed on April 5, 2015, through Dictionnaires d’autresfois. http://artflsrv02.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/dicos/pubdico1look.pl?strippedhw=cabinet 7 On “textile fever” among eighteenth-century European royalty and the material properties of furnishing textiles of the period, see Anna Jolly, Fürstliche Interieurs: Dekorationstextilien des 18. Jahrhunderts (Riggisberg, Switzerland: Abegg-Stiftung, 2005). 8 Percier and Fontaine, Résidences de souverains, 236. 9 William Pietz, “Fetish,” in Robert S. Nelson and Richard Shiff, eds., Critical Terms for Art History (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 197–207. 10 See Chapter 2, 62. 11 Liana Vardi, “The Abolition of Guilds during the French Revolution,” French Historical Studies 15/4 (Oct. 1988): 704–717. 12 On the royal Spanish factories, see Yves Bottineau, L’Art du cour dans l’Espagne des lumières 1746–1808 (Paris: De Boccard, 1986), especially 197–221. 13 Javier Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, “Charles IV’s Taste at his Country Houses,” in Bridget Marx and Isabel Suárez Morán, coords.; Wade A. Matthews, trans., Royal Splendor in the Enlightenment: Charles IV of Spain, Patron and Collector, March 7–July 18, 2010 (Dallas, TX: Meadows Museum, Southern Methodist University, 2010), 71. 14 Gérard Dufour, Lumières et ilustracíon en Espagne sous les règnes de Charles III et de Charles IV: 1759–1808 (Paris: Ellipses, 2006), 37. 15 Dufour, Lumières et ilustracíon, 33–35. 16 Émilio La Parra López, “L’Espagne et le Directoire,” in Jean Sagnes, ed., L’Espagne et la France à l’époque de la Révolution française (1793–1807) (Perpignan, France: Presses universitaires à Perpignan, 1993), 289–290. 17 Charles IV to the president and members of the Directory, Aranjuez, February 22, 1799, quoted in La Parra López, “L’Espagne,” 295. 18 José Luis Sancho, “The Arts at the Court of Charles IV ‘As Perfect as Corresponds to the Taste and Grandeur of Their Majesties’,” in Marx and Suárez Morán, Royal Splendor, 16. 19 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, “Charles IV’s Taste,” 59. 20 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, “Charles IV’s Taste,” 70. 21 Percier and Fontaine, Résidences de souverains, 235. 22 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 63–68. 23 Villanueva was in Rome from 1758 to 1765. On his work and the implantation of “atticism” in Spanish neoclassical architecture, see Pedro Moleón Gavilanes, Juan de Villanueva (Madrid: Ediciones Akal, 1998). 24 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 188. 25 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 187. 26 For the excavations’ significance within the broader discipline of archaeology, see Alain Schnapp, The Discovery of the Past (New York: Abrams, 1997). 122 The platinum cabinet

27 Christian Baulez, “Les imaginations de Dugourc,” in Pierre Arizzoli-Clémentel, dir., De Dugourc à Pernon: Nouvelles acquisitions graphiques pour les musées: 1890–1990 centenaire du musée des Tissus (Lyon: Musée historique des tissus, 1990), 23. 28 Pilar Benito García, “Silk Fever at the Palaces of Charles IV,” in Marx and Suárez Morán, Royal Splendor, 118–119. Known as the “Verdures du Vatican,” the panels are in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession Number 2006.519a, b). Another set is at the Abegg- Stiftung. 29 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 205–206. 30 Arrizoli-Clémentel, De Dugourc à Pernon, 24. 31 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, “Charles IV’s Taste,” 64. Charles IV’s commissions and acquisitions during those years include substantial expenses related to intermediaries and agents, prominent among them François-Louis Godon, his widow Justine Madeleine Prévost, Justine’s second husband Benoît Boselli, and the Count of Paroy, and even more obscure figures like Santiago Nebiette and Juan Gariot—people whom Percier and Fontaine would probably describe as “le premier venu” in comparison to their own status as architects to Napoleon. 32 William Sewell, Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 87. 33 Chantal Gastinel-Coural, “Le cabinet de platine de la Casa del Labrador à Aranjuez. Documents inédits,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français (1993): note 18. 34 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 176–178. 35 Javier Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and José Luis Sancho, “Sitel, Percier y el Gabinete de Platino,” Reales Sitios: Revista del Patrimonio Nacional 195 (2013): note 10 [CD]. “Troisièmement, La quantité d’un quintal de platinne en vielles vaisselles ou toutte fondue en lingots.” 36 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” 31–32. 37 On the Spanish Empire’s scientific expeditions to America, see Daniela Bleichmar et al., eds., Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires, 1500–1800 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2008). 38 Donald McDonald and Leslie B. Hunt, A History of Platinum and its Allied Metals (London: Johnson Matthey, 1982), 15. 39 Quoted in McDonald and Hunt, History of Platinum, 18. 40 McDonald and Hunt, History of Platinum, 97–100. 41 Larry J. Feinberg, “The Studiolo of Francesco I Reconsidered,” in Christina Acidini Luchinat et al., eds., The Medici, Michelangelo, and the Art of Late Renaissance Florence (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 2002), 47–65. 42 On the place of the Wunderkammer in changing visions of nature and art, see Horst Bredekamp, The Lure of Antiquity and the Cult of the Machine: The Kunstkammer and the Evolution of Nature, Art, and Technology (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 1995). 43 The Sèvres manufactory appears to have experimented with platinum in a pair of vases à la chinoiserie from 1791, without quite knowing how to maximize the visual effects of the rather dull material. See the vases in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1971.206.24). 44 See Claire Le Corbellier, “A Platinum Bowl by Janety,” Platinum Metals Review 19/4 (Oct. 1975): 154–155. 45 W. A. Smeaton, “Platinum Sales Problems in the French Revolution: Janety Writes to Sir Joseph Banks,” Platinum Metals Review 12/2 (1968): 64–66. 46 McDonald and Hunt, History of Platinum, 81–82. 47 Quoted in McDonald and Hunt, History of Platinum, 57. 48 Charles-Maurice Talleyrand, “Proposition sur les poids et mesures faite à l’Assemblée nationale par M. Talleyrand-Périgord, évêque d’Autun,” in Archives Parlementaire de 1787 à 1860: Recueil complet des débats législatifs et politiques des Chambres français, Première série, 1787 à 1799 (Paris: P. Dupont, 1881), vol. XII, 104. 49 On the creation of the republican calendar, see Matthew Shaw, Time and the French Revolution: The Republican Calendar, 1789–year XIV (Rochester, NY; Woodbridge, UK: Royal Historical Society; Boydell Press, 2011). On the transformation of experiences of time and the double The platinum cabinet 123 temporalities prompted by the emergence and failure of the calendar, see Sanja Perovic, The Calendar in Revolutionary France: Perceptions of Time in Literature, Culture, Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). 50 McDonald and Hunt, History of Platinum, 127. 51 Ken Alder, The Measure of All Things: The Seven-Year Odyssey and Hidden Error that Transformed the World (New York: Free Press, 2002), especially 252–253. There seems to be some discrepancy about who actually “forged” the standard weights and measures. According to Alder, Lenoir created the physical objects, while McDonald and Hunt write that following the execution of Lavoisier, the committee turned to Janety in order to create the weights and measures using his arsenic process. McDonald and Hunt cite the report written by Mathurin-Jacques Brisson following Janety’s work, “Sur le travail du platine pour les etalons des poids et mesures par le Citoyen Janneti.” McDonald and Hunt, History of Platinum, 179–181. 52 It was Gastinel-Coural who first connected the usage of platinum as a decorative material in Aranjuez to the metal’s widely publicized usage as a material for measurement during the French Revolution. See Gastinel-Coural, “Cabinet de platine,” 198, note 29. 53 See Standards Commission, Second Report of the Commissioners Appointed to Inquire into The Condition of the Exchequer (Now Board of Trade Standards) on the Question of the Introduction of the Weights and Measures into the United Kingdom (London: George Edward Eyre and William Spottiswoode, 1869), 22. There were in fact three sets of weights and measures forged in 1799: the first and definitive version deposited at the archives; the second set, forged from brass and meant to be circulated to regulate measures across the country, held at the Observatoire; and the platinum copies of the definitive meter and kilogram, also held at the Observatoire. This last set was known as the “Mètre de l’Observatoire” and “Kilogramme de l’Observatoire” and was transferred to the Conservatoire des arts et métiers in 1848, where it can be seen today. 54 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” 45, note 60 [note 63 in digital version]. 55 Rebecca Spang, Stuff and Money in the Time of the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015), 54. 56 Archivo General de Palacio, Madrid, Reinados, Carlos IV, Casa, leg. 184, Mariano Luis de Urquijo to Miguel Cayetano Soler, Aranjuez, February 26, 1800. In Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” note 15. 57 Although it is difficult to determine precisely how Percier and Sitel encountered each other, one possible connection is through the Jacob family. 58 Gastinel-Coural, “Cabinet de platine,”189–190. 59 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” 33. 60 While one could argue that wood-paneled interiors were always mobile and had to be taken apart and reinstalled, the vault in this project transformed it into a self-standing structure that first had to be constructed as an autonomous space. 61 On the division of labor in interior decoration in the earlier part of the eighteenth century, see Katie Scott, The Rococo Interior: Decoration and Social Spaces in Early Eighteenth-Century Paris (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995). 62 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” 34. 63 Juan José Junquera, La decoración y el mobilario de los palacios de Carlos IV (Madrid: SALA, 1979), 131–132, 155–156; notes 92–93, 97–98. Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” 36. 64 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” 36: “de fournir le surplus de mon contrat, et deplus la dépence que m’ocasione la fourniture des meubles et de la voutte du susdit cabinet, ces ôbjets devant être d’une beautée cor[r]espondantte au décor de la piéçe, lesquels me sont ordonné[s] par Sa Magestée en sus de ma primitive comande.” 65 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” 37. 66 On the rise of negotiable instruments and credit and changing notions of commerce during the ancien régime, see Amalia D. Kessler, A Revolution in Commerce: The Parisian Merchant Court and the Rise of Commercial Society in Eighteenth-Century France (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 2007). On credit and fashion as ancien régime systems of commerce, see Clare Haru Crowston, Credit, Fashion, Sex: Economies of Regard in Old Regime France (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2013). 124 The platinum cabinet 67 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina and Sancho, “Gabinete de Platino,” 37–41. 68 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 109. 69 See, for example, Nina L. Dubin, Futures & Ruins: Eighteenth-Century Paris and the Art of Hubert Robert (Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 2010). Dubin interprets Robert’s images of ruins in light of the sense of financial uncertainty that had already begun to plague ancien régime France. On the French Revolution and the question of economic trauma, see Rebecca Spang, “The Ghost of Law: Speculating on Money, Memory, and Mississippi in the French Constituent Assembly,” special issue on “Money and the Enlightenment,” Historical Reflections/Réflexions historiques 31/1 (Winter 2005): 3–25. 70 On the political problems of this new monetary regime, see Spang, Stuff and Money. On the aesthetic after-effects produced by the assignat, see Richard Taws, “Trompe l’Oeil and Trauma: Money and Memory after the Terror,” Oxford Art Journal 30/3 (Oct. 2007): 353–376. 71 On the materiality of signs, gesture, and natural language in the context of the French Revolution, see Sophia A. Rosenfeld, A Revolution in Language: The Problem of Signs in Late Eighteenth- Century France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001). 72 Spang, Stuff and Money, 46–47. Although, as Spang notes, bills of exchange were also made of paper and were the primary means through which financial transactions took place during the ancien régime, the debates on the assignats had called into question the networks of trust and credibility that allowed bills of exchange to operate across wide geographical expanses. 73 On French painted papers, see Henri Clouzot and Charles Follot, Histoire du papier peint en France (Paris: Éditions d’art Charles Moreau, 1935). 74 Baulez, “Les imaginations de Dugourc,” 27–28. 75 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil de décorations intérieurs (Paris: Authors, 1801–1812), 12. 76 See Chapter 2. For the prize amounts and the depreciation of money that the jury was forced to deal with, see Werner Szambien, Les projets de l’an II: Concours d’architecture de la période révolutionnaire (Paris: École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, 1986), especially 46–49. As Szambien notes, the jury met in 1795 (Vendémiaire IV) in an attempt to settle the large amounts of money ironically owed as prix d’encouragement. 77 The limited circulation of the Banque de France bills represents a slightly different architecture of capitalism than the euro’s dematerialized visions of architecture, discussed by Richard Wittman in Architecture, Print Culture, and the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century France (New York and London: Routledge, 2007), 210–218. 78 On the decision to create new bills for the Banque de France, see “Procès-verbal de la séance du Conseil Général de la Banque de France,” 8 Thermidor an XI/July 27, 1803, Archives de la Banque de France. My thanks to Fabrice Reuze and Jean-Claude Camus for their help. On the design of the assignats, see Alain Mercier, L’argent des révolutionnaires (Paris: Conservatoire national des arts et métiers, Musée national des techniques, 1989). 79 On the Sacre, see Chapter 3, “Empire styles.” The Caisse des comptes courantes was founded on the basis of the Caisse d’escompte, a liquidated discount bank. As she notes, the notes issued by the bank (and the subsequent Banque de France) were high-denomination bills that only circulated within Paris. See Spang, Stuff and Money, 65–66. On paper money in the aftermath of the assignat and the origins of the Banque de France, see Gilles Jacoud, Le Billet de Banque de France, 1796– 1803: De la diversité au monopole (Paris: l’Harmattan, 1996). 80 Cybele figured prominently in Athanase Détournelle’s design for a temple of nature for the Concours de l’an II. See Szambien, Les projets de l’an II, 84. Détournelle’s drawing is in the collection of the Cooper-Hewitt Museum (1911-28-462). For the iconography of Cybele in the French renaissance, see Rebecca Zorach, Blood, Milk, Ink, Gold: Abundance and Excess in the French Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005). 81 On the provisionality of paper and other materials in the context of revolutionary visual culture, see Richard Taws, The Politics of the Provisional: Art and Ephemera in Revolutionary France (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013). 82 Percier and Fontaine, Recueil, explanation for plate 61. 83 Gastinel-Coural, “Cabinet de platine,” 193–194. 84 Most prominent among Sitel’s creditors was Pierre-Auguste Forestier. Their dispute is discussed at length by Gastinel-Coural. The current pendule in the cabinet was created in 1827 and purchased by Ferdinand VII during the Spanish Restoration period. The platinum cabinet 125 85 See Sarah D. Coffin et al., Rococo: The Continuing Curve, 1730–2008 (New York: Cooper- Hewitt; National Design Museum; Smithsonian Institution, 2008). 86 For a discussion of the division of labor in traditional boiserie techniques in the eighteenth century, see Anne Foray-Carlier, Les Boiseries du Musée Carnavalet/Wood Paneling in the Carnavalet Museum (Paris: Éditions Vial, 2010). On sculpture and its relationship to decorative woodcarving, see Martina Droth, ed., Taking Shape: Finding Sculpture in the Decorative Arts (Los Angeles; Leeds, UK: Getty Publications; Henry Moore Institute, 2009). 87 On the centrality of the renaissance to Percier and Fontaine’s published work, see Jean- Philippe Garric, “La renaissance perfectionnée. La Cinquecento dans Palais, maisons et autres édifices modernes dessinés à Rome de Charles Percier et Pierre Fontaine,” in Letizia Tedeschi and Orietta Rossi Pinelli, eds., Ricerche di Storia dell’arte 105/2011 (Feb. 2012; special issue): 25–41. 88 BIF, Ms. 1014. See Chapter 2. 89 BIF, Ms. 1014. 90 Zorach, Blood, Milk, Ink, Gold. On Cybele as a charged female allegory at Fontainbleau and its significance for the French monarchy, see her Chapter 3, “Milk,” 83–134. 91 On Bidauld and the development of plein air landscape paintings at the end of the eighteenth century in France, see Asher Miller, “Paths of Nature: French Paintings from the Wheelock Whitney Collection, 1785–1850,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 70/3 (Winter 2013). 92 On the practice and advent of oil sketches on paper, see Jennifer Tonkovich, ed., Studying Nature: Oil Sketches from the Thaw Collection (New York: Morgan Library & Museum, 2011). 93 Desiré Raoul-Rochette, “Notice historique sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. Bidauld” (Paris: Institut National de France, 1849), 45. 94 Anne Lafont, “À la recherche d’une iconographie ‘incroyable’ et ‘merveilleuse’: Les panneaux décoratifs sous le Directoire,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française “Les arts et la Révolution” 340 (Apr./Jun. 2005): 5–21. Lafont argues that themes of nature such as the four seasons and hours of the day, often in the form of female personifications, represented a stylistic continuity stretching from the renaissance to the Directory period, which she argues reflected the essentially conservative nature of decorative arts production (despite the French Revolution and the fundamental ways in which it transformed structures of patronage). On Boucher’s paintings of the times of day, see Colin Bailey et al., The Age of Watteau, Chardin, and Fragonard: Masterpieces of French Genre Painting (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 2003), 226, catalog entry no. 54. 95 Jacques Kuhnmunch, Girodet à Compiègne (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux, 2005), 24. 96 The medallions are positioned approximately at eye height. 97 Pérez painted the ceilings of several rooms in the east wing. See Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 166–172. 98 For images of Maella’s paintings in situ, see Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 113–114. 99 Shaw, Time and the French Revolution, 70. 100 On Girodet’s play with lighting in his work and the (pseudo) scientific theories of the period, see Adrien Goetz, “‘The amorous light of the goddess of night,’ Mythological Exactitude and Astronomical Divagations: Girodet, Heavenly Bodies, and Ghosts,” in Sylvain Béllenger, ed., Girodet 1767–1824 (Paris: Gallimard, Musée du Louvre Éditions, 2006). On Girodet’s “independent” politics, see in the same volume, Stéphane Guégan, “Royalist or Revolutionary? Girodet and the New Order,” 109–119. 101 Sarah Burns, “Girodet-Trioson’s Ossian: The Role of Theatrical Illusionism in a Pictorial Evocation of Otherworldly Beings,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts XCV (1980): 13–24. 102 Barbara Maria Stafford, “Revealing Technologies/Magical Domains,” in Barbara Maria Stafford and Frances Terpak, eds., Devices of Wonder: From the World in a Box to Images on a Screen (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2001), 84–89. 103 Stafford, “Revealing Technologies,” 86. 104 On the political “errors” that led to Charles IV’s abdication and exile, see Luis Smerdou Altolaguirre, Carlos IV en el exilio (Pamplona: Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, 2000). 105 Quoted in Albert Sorel, L’Europe et la Révolution française: Le Blocus continental,le grand Empire 1806–1812 (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1904), vol. 7, 263–264. 126 The platinum cabinet 106 Compiègne during the last days of the ancien régime is discussed in Emmanuel Starky, dir., Louis XVI et Marie-Antoinette à Compiègne (Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 2006). 107 On Charles IV’s homes in exile and his continuing penchant for collecting, see José Luis Sancho, “Coleccionista hasta la muerte: Casas y obras artísticas de Carlos IV in Francia y Roma, 1808–1819,” Reales Sitios. Revista del Patrimonio Nacional 175 (2008): 4–25. 108 Kuhnmunch, Girodet à Compiègne, 17–18. 109 On the problem of power in exile in the context of the Enlightenment and the Ottoman Empire, see Nebahat Avcioglu, Turquerie and the Politics of Representation (Farnham, UK and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011). On the body politic and corporeal metaphors during the French Revolution, see Antoine de Baecque, The Body Politic: Corporeal Metaphor in Revolutionary France 1770–1800 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997). 110 Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina, La Real Casa, 123. 111 Ramon Andrada, “Restauraciones en la Casa del Labrador,” Reales Sitios Revista del Patrimonio Nacional 5/15 (1968): 29–36. 150 Tent and throne

Notes 1 See Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992). 2 Meredith Martin, Dairy Queens: The Politics of Pastoral Architecture from Catherine De’ Medici to Marie-Antoinette (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 230. 3 On history painting and Napoleonic propaganda, see Christopher Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting: Antoine-Jean Gros’s La Bataille d’Eylau (Oxford; New York: Clarendon Press; Oxford University Press, 1997). See also David O’Brien, After the Revolution: Antoine-Jean Gros, Painting and Propaganda under Napoleon (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006). 4 Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting, 32. He discusses bricolage in relationship to the visual porosity of Napoleonic propaganda, a freedom of movement not afforded in the heavily censored press under the Napoleonic police state. On bricolage as an anthropological concept denoting a patchwork epistemology (versus the engineer), see Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966). 5 See Andrew Roberts, Napoleon: A Life (New York: Viking, 2014). 6 Louis Marin, “Classical, Baroque: Versailles, or the Architecture of the Prince,” Yale French Studies (Jan. 1991): 167–182. 7 Giorgio Agamben carefully disaggregates the French origins of the état de siège (state of siege) from the absolutist state, tracing it to a 1791 decree made by the Constituent Assembly that unified civil and military authority under one source of executive power, its decisions positioned above the law. Constitutional laws would be suspended in order to make possible the execution of those emergency decisions. Agamben writes, “The subsequent history of the state of siege is the history of its gradual emancipation from the wartime situation to which it was originally bound in order to be used as an extraordinary police measure to cope with internal sedition and disorder, thus changing from a real, or military, state of siege to a fictitious, or political one.” Giorgio Agamben, State of Exception (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 5. 8 Quoted in Jonathan P. Ribner, Broken Tablets: The Cult of the Law in French Art from David to Delacroix (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 37. 9 See Ribner, Broken Tablets, 30. As Ribner notes, Napoleon shifted legal reforms to the realm of private civil law rather than constitutional law. 10 The état d’urgence and état de siège, along with pouvoirs exceptionnels du Président granted to the executive, form parts of the modern state of emergency. 11 See Agamben, State of Exception, 24–31, where he discusses the two interpretations of the Latin expression (necessity does not recognize any law or necessity creates its own law). 12 Christian Dupavillon, La tente et le chapiteau (Paris: Éditions Norma, 2004). 13 Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte: With Explanatory Notes (New York: International Publishers, 1963), 82. 14 Denis Woronoff, The Thermidorian Regime and the Directory 1794–1799 (Cambridge: Éditions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme and Cambridge University Press, 1984), 188–189. Needless to say, there are multiple accounts of this episode of the French Revolution. See also Thierry Lentz, Le 18-Brumaire: Les coups d’état de Napoléon Bonaparte (novembre–décembre 1799) (Paris: Jean Picollec, 1997). 15 Denis Woronoff, Thermidorian Regime, 188–189. The executive power during the Directory was helmed by five directors with circumscribed powers. The Council of Five Hundred and the Council of the Elders were the elected legislative bodies during the Directory, the former in charge of creating laws and the latter body, composed of 250 members, in charge of rejecting or accepting them. 16 Woronoff, Thermidorian Regime, 191. 17 Woronoff, Thermidorian Regime, 191. 18 Quoted in Ribner, Broken Tablets, 30. 19 For transformations in Napoleonic propaganda, see most recently Tim Clayton and Sheila O’Connell, eds., Bonaparte and the British: Prints and Propaganda in the Age of Napoleon (London: The British Museum, 2015). 20 Jean-Pierre Samoyault and Colombe Samoyault-Verlet, Le mobilier du Général Moreau: Un ameublement à la mode en 1802 (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux, 1992), 10–14. Tent and throne 151

21 Anthony Halliday, Facing the Public: Portraiture in the Aftermath of the French Revolution (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), 179. 22 Halliday, Facing the Public, 180. 23 Uwe Fleckner, “Napoleons Hand in der Weste: Von der ethischen zur politischen Rhetorik einer Geste/Napoleon’s Hand in the Waistcoat: From the Ethical to the Political Rhetoric of a Gesture,” Daidalos 64 (Jun. 1997): 122–129. 24 On property and voting eligibility, see Jennifer Heuer, The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789–1830 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005), 129–130. 25 Bernard Chevallier, L’impératrice Joséphine (Paris: Presses de la Renaissance, 1988), 76. The house on the rue des Victoires belonged to Josephine. 26 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Journal, 1799–1853 (Paris: École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, 1987) vol. I, 7. 27 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 7. This episode and the decoration of the Invalides is described in Jean- Philippe Garric, “Le Recueil de décorations de Charles Percier et Pierre Fontaine,” in Michaël Decrossas and Lucie Fléjou, eds., Chefs d’oeuvre d’ornements. Les recueils de la collection Jacques Doucet (Paris: Éditions Mare et Martin/INHA, 2014), 259–260. 28 Halliday, Facing the Public, 184. 29 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 52. 30 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Résidences de souverains: Parellèle entre plusieurs résidences de souverains de France, d’Allemagne, de Suède, de Russia, d’Espagne, et d’Italie (Paris: Authors, 1833; [Reprint] Hildesheim, Germany: G. Olms, 1973), 6. 31 Bernard Chevallier, Malmaison: Château et domaine des origines à 1904 (Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1989), 71. 32 AN AJ/52/95. Pluviôse XIV. There were no drawings submitted for the proposed competition. 33 On the hôtel as building type, see Michael Dennis, Court & Garden: From the French Hôtel to the City of Modern Architecture (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1986). 34 Jacques-François Blondel, De la distribution des maisons de plaisance, et de la décoration des édifices en général (Paris: Charles-Antoine Jombert, 1737–1738 [reprint]), 7. 35 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Choix des plus célèbres maisons de plaisance de Rome et ses environs (Paris: Pierre Didot l’aîné, 1809–1813), 2. 36 On the physiocrats in the context of Enlightenment science, see Jessica Riskin, Science in the Age of Sensibility: The Sentimental Empiricists of the French Enlightenment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 105–137. On Ledoux and the physiocrats, see Anthony Vidler, Claude- Nicolas Ledoux: Architecture and Social Reform at the End of the Ancien Régime (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1990). 37 Jean-Nicolas-Louis Durand; David Britt, trans., Précis of the Lectures on Architecture with the Graphic Portion of the Lectures on Architecture (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2000), 174. 38 See, for example, the introduction in Durand, Précis of the Lectures. 39 On the prehistory of graph paper before Durand’s method, see Peter Collins, “The Origins of Graph Paper as an Influence on Architectural Design,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 21/4 (Dec. 1962): 159–162. 40 Percier and Fontaine, Résidences de souverains, 6. 41 Chevallier, Malmaison, 72. 42 Chevallier, Malmaison, 72–73. 43 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 52. 44 Chevallier, Malmaison, 82. 45 Chevallier, Malmaison, 81. 46 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, “Projet pour l’entrée du château de Malmaison,” Sotheby’s, Lot 262, Collection Fabius Frères, Paris, October 26, 2011. It is also possible that the drawing is not for the principal entrance as indicated in the auction catalog, but for the greenhouse. 47 Samoyault and Samoyault-Verlet, Le mobilier du Général Moreau, Annexe 1, “Etat des meubles et effets répartis dans l’hôtel du général Moreau, rue d’Anjou, à Paris.” 48 Chevallier, Malmaison, 92. 152 Tent and throne

49 Chevallier, Malmaison, 92. 50 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Recueil de décorations intérieures (Paris: Authors, 1801–1812), plate 55. 51 Chevallier, Malmaison, 92. 52 Chevallier, Malmaison, 158. 53 Fontaine, “Mia Vita,” 61. 54 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 31. 55 Dora Wiebenson, The Picturesque Garden in France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978). 56 Nils G. Wollin, Desprez en Suède: Sa vie et ses travaux en Suède, en Angleterre, en Russie, etc., 1784–1804 (Stockholm: Bokförlags aktiebolaget Thule, 1939), 72. 57 Alain-Charles Gruber, Les grandes fêtes et leurs décors à l’époque de Louis XVI: 1763–1790. (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1972), 2. 58 Gruber, Les grandes fêtes, 8. 59 Marc-Henri Jourdan, “Les décors des divertissements et des cérémonies de la cour,” in Emmanuel Guigon and Henry Ferreira-Lopes, eds., Le cabinet de Pierre-Adrien Pâris: Architecte, dessinateur des Menus-Plaisirs (Besançon; Paris: Musée des Beaux-Arts et d’Archéologie de Besançon; Hazan, 2008), 60. 60 Jourdan, “Les décors des divertissements,” 61. 61 Jean Stern, À l’ombre de Sophie Arnould: François-Joseph Belanger architecte des Menus-Plaisirs (Paris: Libraire Plon, 1930) vol. I, 6. Belanger began working at the Menus-Plaisirs in 1767 as a secondary architect to Charles-Michel-Ange Challe. 62 Quoted in Rachel Alison Perry, “Francois-Joseph Belanger, Architect (1744–1818): ‘Amant Passioné de son art’” (PhD Diss., Courtauld Institute of Art, 1998), 446. 63 Sylvia Lavin, Quatremère de Quincy and the Invention of a Modern Language of Architecture (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1992), 109. 64 Lavin, Quatremère de Quincy, 73. 65 Cornelius de Pauw, Recherches philosophiques sur les Égyptiens et les Chinois. Pour servir de suite aux recherches philosophiques sur les Américains. Nouvelle édition exactment corrigée (Amsterdam and Leiden: Chez Barth. Vlam. and J. Murray, 1773), vol. II, 3. 66 de Pauw, Recherches, vol. II, 5. 67 Taha Al-Douri, “The Constitution of Pleasure: François-Joseph Belanger and the Château de Bagatelle,” RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics 48 (Oct. 2005): 155–162. 68 AN/O2/421. See Jehanne Lazaj, “Un palais tissé repos et stratégie sous la tente,” in Jehanne Lazaj, dir., Le bivouac de Napoléon: Luxe impérial en campagne (Milan; Ajaccio: Silvana; Ville d’Ajaccio: Palacio Fesch-musée des beaux-arts, 2014), 18. 69 This popular image of Napoleon is discussed in Barbara Ann Day-Hickman, Napoleonic Art: Nationalism and the Spirit of Rebellion in France (1815–1848) (Newark; London: University of Delaware Press; Associated University Presses, 1999). 70 Christiane Naffah-Bayle, “Le bivouac de Napoléon Ier dans les collections du Mobilier national,” in Lazaj, Le bivouac de Napoléon, 10. 71 Lazaj, “Un palais tissé,” 18. 72 Lazaj, catalog no. 19, in Le bivouac de Napoléon, 84. 73 See Zirwat Chowdhury, “An Imperial Mughal Tent and Mobile Sovereignty in Eighteenth-Century Jodhpur,” in Art History “Special Issue: Objects in Motion in the Early Modern World” 38/4 (Sept. 2015): 668–681. 74 Bernard O’Kane, “From Tents to Pavilions: Royal Mobility and Persian Palace Design,” Ars Orientalis 23 (Jan. 1993): 249–268. 75 Gülru Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power: The Topkapi Palace in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (New York: Architectural History Foundation, 1991), 24–48. 76 Justin Beaugrand-Fortunel, “Le lit de campagne de Napoléon,” in Lazaj, Le Bivouac de Napoléon, 33. 77 Beaugrand-Fortunel, “Lit de campagne,” 39. 78 Woronoff, Thermidorian Regime, 62–82. 79 Henry Havard, Dictionnaire de l’ameublement et de la décoration depuis le XIIIe siècle jusqu’à nos jours (Paris: Ancienne Maison Quantin, May & Motteroz, 1887–1890), vol. 2, 1075–1081. Tent and throne 153

80 Anne Dion-Tenenbaum, L’orfèvre de Napoléon: Martin Guillaume Biennais (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux, 2003), catalog no. 7. 81 On the history of this difficult and lengthy film, see Kevin Brownlow, Napoleon: Abel Gance’s Classic Film (London: Photoplay Production, 2004). 82 Emil Ludwig, Napoleon (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1926), 335. 83 On the carriage, see Bernard Chevallier, ed., Musée national des châteaux de Malmaison et Bois- Préau (Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux: Musée national des châteaux de Malmaison et Bois-Préau, 2006), 98–99. 84 Ludwig, Napoleon, 335. 85 What Hegel actually wrote upon seeing Napoleon was slightly different, but the misquote nonetheless captures the spirit of his expression. See Prendergast, Napoleon and History Painting, 186. 86 For the bidet, see catalog no. 53 in Lazaj, Le bivouac de Napoléon, 106. 87 Heinrich Heine; Frederick Carter, trans., Florentine Nights (London: Gerald Howe, 1933), 95. See David A. Bell, The First Total War: Napoleon’s Europe and the Birth of Warfare as we Know it (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Co., 2007), on the concept of total war in the Napoleonic context. For an expanded notion of total war, see also Jean-Yves Guiomar, L’invention de la guerre totale: XVIIIe–XXe siècle (Paris: Félin, 2004). 88 See the introduction in Benjamin Constant; Biancamaria Fontana, ed., Political Writings (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). 89 Constant, Political Writings, 59. 90 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 80. 91 Thierry Lentz, ed., Le Sacre de Napoléon, 2 décembre 1804 (Paris: Nouveau Monde, 2003), 78. 92 Victoria Kahn, “Political Theology and Fiction in The King’s Two Bodies,” Representations 106/1 (Spring 2009): 77. 93 Carl Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1985), 36. 94 Susan L. Siegfried, “Part II: Ingres’s Napoleon I on His Imperial Throne,” in Todd Porterfield and Susan L. Siegfried, Staging Empire: Napoleon, Ingres, and David (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), 31. 95 Siegfried, “Ingres’s Napoleon,” 27. 96 Siegfried, “Ingres’s Napoleon,” 45. 97 Agamben, State of Exception, 23. 98 On the development of a codified architectural discourse in ancien régime France, see Werner Szambien, Symmétrie, goût, caractère: Théorie et terminologie de l’architecture à l’âge classique, 1550–1800 (Paris: Picard, 1986). 99 On discourses of feminine sacrifice as a founding act of the state in the context of the Terror, see Caroline Weber, Terror and its Discontents: Suspect Words in Revolutionary France (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), especially Chapter 1 on Rousseau. 100 Édouard Colmet de Santerre, Institut de France. Académie des sciences morales et politiques. Le divorce de l’empereur et le code Napoléon (Paris: A Picard, 1894), 9. 101 Chevallier, Malmaison, 109–112. 102 Martin, Dairy Queens, 261. 103 Chevallier, Malmaison, 164. 104 Chevallier, Malmaison, 158. 105 Chevallier, Malmaison, 162. 106 Letter from Soulange-Bodin to Eugène de Beauharnais, July 5, 1815, P.U.L. B.C., Box 98, reprinted in Chevallier, Malmaison, 183. 107 Chevallier, Malmaison, 229. 108 Agamben’s juridical analysis is not completely unrelated to Marx’s classic account of Napoleon III’s usurpation of power in the coup d’état of 1851, particularly in what he describes as the conflation of military and economic crises as characteristic of the modern state of exception. See Agamben, State of Exception. This luxury industry did not spring up until the Empire period, explained in part by the ambiguous role of the military campaigns in revolutionary foreign policy. See 15. 109 Aamir Mufti, “Zarina Hashmi and the Arts of Dispossession,” in Saloni Mathur, ed., The Migrant’s Time: Rethinking Art History and Diaspora (Williamstown, MA: Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute, 2011), 175. 154 Tent and throne

110 On the notion of a pure revolutionary violence in contrast to the theo-juridical concept of violence advanced by Schmitt, see Walter Benjamin, “Critique of Violence,” in Walter Benjamin; Edmund Jephcott, trans., Reflections: Essays, Aphorisms, Autobiographical Writings (New York: Schocken Books, 1986), 277–300. See also Horst Bredekamp, “From Walter Benjamin to Carl Schmitt, via Thomas Hobbes,” Critical Inquiry 25/2 “‘Angelus Novus’: New Perspectives on Walter Benjamin” (Winter 1999): 247–266. 162 Coda Notes 1 Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Journal, 1799–1853 (Paris: École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, 1987), vol. I, 494. 2 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 525. 3 Jean-Philippe Garric, Percier et Fontaine: Les architectes de Napoléon (Paris: Belin, 2012), 161. Nonetheless, it appears that he still worked in a semi-official capacity, as is suggested by a set of undated colored drawings of the coronation ceremony of Louis XVIII by Percier at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 4 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 525. 5 Kristin Ross, The Emergence of Social Space: Rimbaud and the Paris Commune (London: Verso, 2008), 11. 6 Charles Percier and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Résidences de souverains: Parellèle entre plusieurs résidences de souverains de France, d’Allemagne, de Suède, de Russia, d’Espagne, et d’Italie (Paris: Authors, 1833; [Reprint] Hildesheim, Germany: G. Olms, 1973), 74. 7 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 440. 8 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 526. 9 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 156. 10 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 157. 11 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 158. 12 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 158. 13 Fontaine, Journal, vol. I, 561. 14 On Père Lachaise in the context of French funerary architecture, see Richard Etlin, The Architecture of Death: The Transformation of the Cemetery in Eighteenth-Century Paris (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1984). 15 Louis-Marie Normand, Monuments funéraires choisis dans les cimitières de Paris et des principales villes de France (Paris: chez Normand fils, 1832), viij. 16 Normand, Monuments funéraires, vj. 17 Normand, Monuments funéraires, 11. 18 Garric, Percier et Fontaine, 159. 19 Mona Ozouf, L’École de la France: Essais sur la Révolution, l’utopie et l’enseignement (Paris: Gallimard, 1984), 93. 20 Fontaine, Journal, vol. II, 701. 21 Fontaine, Journal, vol. II, 701. 22 Jean-Michel Leniaud, “La Chapelle expiatoire et le pathos en architecture,” in Sabine Frommel, Jean-Philippe Garric, and Elisabeth Kieven, eds., Charles Percier e Pierre Fontaine: Dal Soggiorno romano alla trasformazione di Parigi (Milano: Silvana Editoriale, 2014), 157. 23 Jean-Michel Leniaud, “La Chapelle expiatoire,” 153. 24 Commune de Paris, Bulletin des lois, arrêtés, décrets et proclamations de la Commune de Paris; recueil de tous les actes officiels du 26 mars au 23 mai 1871 (Paris: A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven et cie, 1871), 87. Selected bibliography

Abbreviations AN Archives nationales de France, Paris BIF Bibliothèque de l’Institut de France, Paris BNF Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris ENSBA École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts, Paris GRI Special Collections, Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles

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