A 'Man of Radical Compassion'
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The NDP's Approach to Constitutional Issues Has Not Been Electorally
Constitutional Confusion on the Left: The NDP’s Position in Canada’s Constitutional Debates Murray Cooke [email protected] First Draft: Please do not cite without permission. Comments welcome. Paper prepared for the Annual Meetings of the Canadian Political Science Association, June 2004, Winnipeg The federal New Democratic Party experienced a dramatic electoral decline in the 1990s from which it has not yet recovered. Along with difficulties managing provincial economies, the NDP was wounded by Canada’s constitutional debates. The NDP has historically struggled to present a distinctive social democratic approach to Canada’s constitution. Like its forerunner, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the NDP has supported a liberal, (English-Canadian) nation-building approach that fits comfortably within the mainstream of Canadian political thought. At the same time, the party has prioritized economic and social polices rather than seriously addressing issues such as the deepening of democracy or the recognition of national or regional identities. Travelling without a roadmap, the constitutional debates of the 80s and 90s proved to be a veritable minefield for the NDP. Through three rounds of mega- constitutional debate (1980-82, 1987-1990, 1991-1992), the federal party leadership supported the constitutional priorities of the federal government of the day, only to be torn by disagreements from within. This paper will argue that the NDP’s division, lack of direction and confusion over constitution issues can be traced back to longstanding weaknesses in the party’s social democratic theory and strategy. First of all, the CCF- NDP embraced rather than challenged the parameters and institutions of liberal democracy. -
Francis Andrew Brewin, “He Who Would Valiant Be”: the Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist
Francis Andrew Brewin, “He Who Would Valiant Be”: The Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist JOHN BREWIN1 Francis Andrew Brewin (1907-1983) was a formative figure in the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and later in the New Democratic Party. He helped to shape a party that shaped Canada. FAB, as I shall refer to him, was a lifelong “practising” Anglican. He represented a significant Anglican contribution to the Canadian polity. His religious sensibilities led to his decision to join the CCF in 1935 and determined the nature of his participation. This paper focuses on FAB’s decision to join the CCF, and examines the cultures that interacted to produce that decision. It will be argued that his religion and his politics were completely integrated. In his context it made sense for FAB to become a democratic socialist of the Canadian variety. The paper’s methodology is influenced by the approach of Clifford Geertz, as described by Aletta Biersack.2 The decision by FAB to join and to become active in the CCF is best understood as a cultural event, the convergence of cultures that gave FAB his world-view and informed his actions. I will, therefore, look at each of the main sources of FAB’s cultural perspective. In revisiting the way in which one Christian of a particular tradition responded to the problems of his day, one might glimpse how we might respond to the almost overwhelming social, economic and environmental challenges of our own day. Historical Papers 2000: Canadian Society of Church History 74 The Makings of a Canadian Anglican Christian Socialist Family FAB’s family background was very English and very Canadian. -
Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy
Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy Annual Report 2019–20 2 munk school of global affairs & public policy About the Munk School Table of Contents About the Munk School ...................................... 2 Student Programs ..............................................12 Research & Ideas ................................................36 Public Engagement ............................................72 Supporting Excellence ......................................88 Faculty and Academic Directors .......................96 Named Chairs and Professorships....................98 Munk School Fellows .........................................99 Donors ...............................................................101 1 munk school of global affairs & public policy AboutAbout the theMunk Munk School School About the Munk School The Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy is a leader in interdisciplinary research, teaching and public engagement. Established in 2010 through a landmark gift by Peter and Melanie Munk, the School is home to more than 50 centres, labs and teaching programs, including the Asian Institute; Centre for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies; Centre for the Study of the United States; Centre for the Study of Global Japan; Trudeau Centre for Peace, Conflict and Justice and the Citizen Lab. With more than 230 affiliated faculty and more than 1,200 students in our teaching programs — including the professional Master of Global Affairs and Master of Public Policy degrees — the Munk School is known for world-class faculty, research leadership and as a hub for dialogue and debate. Visit munkschool.utoronto.ca to learn more. 2 munk school of global affairs & public policy About the Munk School About the Munk School 3 munk school of global affairs & public policy 2019–20 annual report 3 About the Munk School Our Founding Donors In 2010, Peter and Melanie Munk made a landmark gift to the University of Toronto that established the (then) Munk School of Global Affairs. -
Annual Report (August 23, 2019 / 12:00:07) 114887-1 Munkschool-2018-19Annualreport.Pdf .2
(August 23, 2019 / 12:00:06) 114887-1_MunkSchool-2018-19AnnualReport.pdf .1 Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy 2018–19 Annual Report (August 23, 2019 / 12:00:07) 114887-1_MunkSchool-2018-19AnnualReport.pdf .2 The Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy The Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy at the University of Toronto is a leader in interdisciplinary research, teaching and public engagement. Established as a school in 2010 through a landmark gift by Peter and Melanie Munk, the Munk School is now home to 58 centres, labs and programs, including the Asian Institute; Centre for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies; Centre for the Study of the United States; Trudeau Centre for Peace, Conflict and Justice and the Citizen Lab. With more than 230 affiliated faculty and nearly 1,200 students in our teaching programs, including the Master of Global Affairs and Master of Public Policy degrees, the Munk School is known in Canada and internationally for its research leadership, exceptional teaching programs and as a space for dialogue and debate. Visit munkschool.utoronto.ca to learn more. (August 23, 2019 / 12:00:07) 114887-1_MunkSchool-2018-19AnnualReport.pdf .3 Education in Action A place where students and teachers come together to understand and address some of the world’s most complex challenges. Where classrooms extend from our University of Toronto campus around the globe. Research Leadership Attracting top scholars. Examining challenging problems and promising opportunities. Bridging disciplines and building global networks. Public Engagement An essential space for discussion and debate. We invite scholars, practitioners, public figures and the wider community to join us in discussing today’s challenges and tomorrow’s solutions. -
The Canadian Parliamentary Crisis of 2008-09: Searching for a Left Response
Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 7(1/2) Spring/Fall 2011: 318-328 Copyright © 2011 The Author(s) REVIEW ESSAY The Canadian Parliamentary Crisis of 2008-09: Searching for a Left Response MURRAY COOKE York University Russell, Peter H. and Lorne Sossin, eds. 2009. Parliamentary Democracy in Crisis. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN: 978-1-4426- 1014-9. Paperback: 24.95 CAD. Pages: 201. Topp, Brian. 2010. How We Almost Gave the Tories the Boot: The Inside Story Behind the Coalition. Toronto: Lorimer. ISBN: 978-1-55277- 502-8. Paperback: 24.95 CAD. Pages: 192. Is it time to abolish Canada’s ties to the monarchy? Can we move beyond “responsible government” and parliamentary democracy? These are questions raised, perhaps indirectly, by these two books. Following the October 2008 federal election, Canada experienced a remarkable series of political events. Faced with the threat of a non- confidence motion and the prospect of a Liberal-New Democratic Party (NDP) coalition supported by the Bloc Québécois (BQ), Prime Minister Stephen Harper sought and received the prorogation of Parliament after it had sat for a total of only thirteen days. Once Parliament reconvened seven weeks later and the Conservative minority government introduced its budget, the Liberals blinked and the coalition fell apart. Thus, with Governor General Michaëlle Jean’s acquiescence, Harper’s Conservative minority government was able to dodge the non- confidence threat and carry on, subsequently winning a majority government in May 2011. This episode raised serious questions about the practice of responsible government and the role of the governor general (GG). -
A New Canada: an Identity Shaped by Diversity
11 THE CRIC PAPERS A New Canada: An Identity Shaped by Diversity By Andrew Parkin and Matthew Mendelsohn OCTOBER 2003 Table of Contents 1 Preface 2Introduction 3 PART 1: Diversity Attitudes Toward Diversity The Broad Base of Support Some International Comparisons 6 PART 2: Discrimination Racism and Prejudice Fairness in the Workplace The Police Gender 10 PART 3: Identity National Identity Personal Identity Ethnicity Without Walls Changes in Quebec Religion 18 Conclusion Preface This CRIC paper looks at a country in transformation, METHODOLOGY a Canada where many values and attitudes prevalent 40 years ago have been replaced with a fresh CRIC, The Globe and Mail, and the Canadian Opinion outlook. At the beginning of the 1960s, a majority Research Archive designed the survey. It was carried thought Canada should keep in place the restrictive out between April 21 and May 4, 2003 by Ipsos-Reid. immigration policy that kept non-whites out of the A representative sample of 2,000 randomly selected country.1 Today, such a view would be resolutely Canadians was interviewed by telephone. A survey rejected, as most Canadians, and an overwhelmingly of this size has a margin of error of plus or minus large majority of younger Canadians, not only accept 2.2 percent, 19 times out of 20. The survey sample the country’s diversity, they celebrate it. In fact, included 1,000 respondents between the ages of Canada stands out from other western countries in 18 and 30, and 1,000 respondents 31 years and older. terms of the extent of its comfort with cultural pluralism. -
Charles Dickens Opens His Classic, a Tale Of
Charles Dickens opens his classic, A Tale of Two Cities, by observing: ‘[i]t was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness’.1 Read in a modern context, one could be forgiven for assuming he was talking about minority government. Since 2004, a series of minority governments were elected in Westminster systems. Canada initiated the trend electing a minority parliament for the first time in 25 years. Australia and the United Kingdom quickly followed, electing their own minority parliaments in 2010. Minority governments are not particularly novel outside of the Westminster systems. Indeed, most legislative assemblies operate on some power-sharing agreement between coalition partners. Yet, when they occur in a Westminster system—Canada or Australia—they are news. This is due, in part, to the novelty of the occurrence, since it happens so rarely. In the analysis that follows, I attempt to draw some lessons from the years 2004 to 2011 when Canada elected three successive minority governments. I begin with a discussion of the election campaigns and major events of the 38th, 39th and 40th Canadian Parliaments. I then turn my attention to potential lessons that can be drawn from this seven-year span paying special attention to: political parties, managing parliament, and the importance of the marginal seats. I argue that there are lessons to be learned from other Westminster parliaments when dealing with minority government. Four elections in seven years Like Australia, the Canadian Government is based on the Westminster parliamentary system. -
1 September 29Th, 2015 Toronto, Ontario Professor Bryan Karney
September 29th, 2015 Toronto, Ontario Professor Bryan Karney Chair, Presidential Advisory Committee on Divestment from Fossil Fuels Office of the President Simcoe Hall, Room 206 University of Toronto Toronto, ON, M5S 1A1 [email protected] Dear members of the Presidential Advisory Committee on Divestment from Fossil Fuels, We, the undersigned members of the Massey College community, unite our voices to request your committee to unanimously recommend to President Gertler to instruct the University’s investment managers to stop making new investments in fossil fuel companies and to begin to divest from direct stock holdings in fossil fuel companies. Massey College is a cherished and integral part of the University of Toronto community. Our membership represents a diverse and multi-disciplinary community of graduate students, senior scholars, distinguished senior fellows, and eminent members of society beyond the academic world. Prestigious universities like the University of Toronto must rise to the challenge and help lead efforts to stop climate change using the resources at their disposal. By becoming the first Canadian university to divest from fossil fuel companies, in recognition of our shared responsibility to prevent the harmful consequences of climate change, we are convinced that we can set an important example for the rest of the world to rise up to “one of the greatest challenges of our time”.1 On June 4th, 2015, the Presidential Advisory Committee on Divestment from Fossil Fuels published a Consultation Notice and Call for -
Bishop's Charge
BISHOP’S CHARGE By The Right Reverend Anne Germond B.A. (Hons.), B.Th. BISHOP OF ALGOMA TO THE FORTY-EIGHTH SESSION OF THE SYNOD OF THE DIOCESE OF ALGOMA Anglican Church of Canada Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario May 4, 2017 Bishop’s Charge to the 48th Synod of the Diocese of Algoma May 4th- 6th 2017 God our Father, Lord of all the world, through your Son you have called us into the fellowship of your universal Church; Hear our prayer for your faithful people that in their vocation and ministry each one may be an instrument of your love. Give to your servant Anne, our Bishop, the needful gifts of your grace. May she rightly serve you and share the transforming Gospel of Jesus Christ with the people in and around Algoma and beyond. Equip us, with our new Bishop, to be a church that is joyful in worship, united in witness, and one which serves the world to the glory of your name. This we ask through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who is alive and reigns with you, in the unity of the Holy Spirit, one God, now and forever. Amen. Dear friends in Christ, Welcome one and all to the 48th Synod of the Diocese of Algoma. 2017 is quite the year with celebrations underway for Canada’s 150th birthday, and the commemoration of the 500th anniversary of the Reformation. To those for whom this is your first Synod I hope it will be a life giving and uplifting experience and that we will leave on Saturday with fresh energy and a renewed sense of mission for the church. -
The Canadian War Museum and the Military Identity of an Unmilitary People
Canadian Military History Volume 19 Issue 3 Article 3 2010 The Canadian War Museum and the Military Identity of an Unmilitary People Norman Hillmer Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/cmh Part of the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Norman Hillmer "The Canadian War Museum and the Military Identity of an Unmilitary People." Canadian Military History 19, 3 (2010) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Canadian Military History by an authorized editor of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. : The Canadian War Museum and the Military Identity of an Unmilitary People The Canadian War Museum and the Military Identity of an Unmilitary People Norman Hillmer he Canadian War Museum was having invented peacekeeping, and its country’s first national history Abstract: Late in the twentieth politicians for decades after tried to T century, intent on a new vision and museum, but also one of the most repeat his success. There was hardly new building for their museum, neglected of federal institutions. Its Canadian War Museum planners a peacekeeping mission in the second usual fate was pedestrian quarters, crafted an interpretative scenario half of the twentieth century that did meagre financial resources, and a that emphasized the military as a not have Canadian participation.4 miniscule staff. Canada, after all, national symbol and the importance Peacekeeping might constitute a of war and conflict in the shaping of styled itself as the very opposite very small part of the defence budget, Canada and Canadians. -
The New Democratic Party and Press Access: Openings and Barriers for Social Democratic Messages
THE NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND PRESS ACCESS: OPENINGS AND BARRIERS FOR SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MESSAGES by Ian Edward Ross Bachelor of Arts, University of Western Ontario, 2000 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the School of Communication O Ian Ross 2003 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY September 2003 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL NAME: Ian Ross DEGREE: MA TITLE OF THE NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND PRESS EXTENDED ESSAY: ACCESS: OPENINGS AND BARRIERS FOR SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MESSAGES EXAMINING COMMITTEE: CHAIR: Prof. Gary McCarron Prof. Robert Hackett Senior Supervisor, School of Communication, SFU - Prof. Catherine Murray Supervisor, School of Communication, SFU Prof. Kenne y Stewart Examiner, B Assistant Professor in the Masters of Public Policy Program at SFU Date: p 2-00? PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my wriien permission. -
Small Worlds and Local Strongholds in Canadian Federal Politics: Deviations from General Patterns of Party Support in the 2000 Election
Small Worlds and Local Strongholds in Canadian Federal Politics: Deviations from General Patterns of Party Support in the 2000 Election Munroe Eagles (SUNY – Buffalo) [email protected] and R.K. Carty (UBC) [email protected] Abstract It is striking that in all parties some candidates manage to enjoy local support that is considerably greater than their party's average performance in similar electoral districts. In this paper we identify who these candidates were in 2000 and explore the basis of their success. We begin by developing an ecological model that incorporates a range of socio- demographic, economic, political, and geographic variables to estimate the general pattern of support for each party. The ten most highly positive residuals (the difference between the actual level of party support and that predicted by the model) identify candidates and ridings which did significantly better than they should have. The magnitude of these deviations, and the variety of plausible explanations for them, draw attention to the complexity of Canadian election campaigns, and remind us of the need to incorporate influences from different geographic scales (including the local) if we are to fully understand electoral processes and outcomes. Paper prepared for the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, May 30 – June 1st, 2003. Introduction Conventional accounts of federal elections and campaigns in Canada emphasize the importance of national factors in the determination of election outcomes. National party offices develop elaborate marketing schemes and distribute these to their candidates, infusing a national message in all corners of the country (Bell and Fletcher, 1991).