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SSStttooonnnyyy BBBrrrooooookkk UUUnnniiivvveeerrrsssiiitttyyy The official electronic file of this thesis or dissertation is maintained by the University Libraries on behalf of The Graduate School at Stony Brook University. ©©© AAAllllll RRRiiiggghhhtttsss RRReeessseeerrrvvveeeddd bbbyyy AAAuuuttthhhooorrr... Transgenic Crops, Environmental Contamination, and Peasant (De)Mobilization in Argentina A Dissertation Presented by Pablo Lapegna to The Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology Stony Brook University May 2011 Copyright by Pablo Lapegna 2011 Stony Brook University The Graduate School Pablo Lapegna We, the dissertation committee for the above candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree, hereby recommend acceptance of this dissertation. Michael Schwartz – Dissertation Co-Advisor Professor, Department of Sociology Javier Auyero – Dissertation Co-Advisor Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long Professor of Latin American Sociology Department of Sociology University of Texas at Austin Ian Roxborough – Chairperson of Defense Professor, Department of Sociology Marc Edelman – Professor Department of Anthropology Hunter College and The Graduate Center City University of New York This dissertation is accepted by the Graduate School Lawrence Martin Dean of the Graduate School ii Abstract of the Dissertation Transgenic Crops, Environmental Contamination, and Peasant (De)Mobilization in Argentina by Pablo Lapegna Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology Stony Brook University 2011 Based on archival research and ethnographic fieldwork in northeast Argentine province of Formosa, this dissertation examines the dynamics of popular mobilization and demobilization in cases of environmental contamination. Drawing on the sweeping advance of genetically modified (GM) soybeans in Argentina I reconstruct and compare different responses of peasants to agrochemical exposures to address the following question: Why, when facing an environmental onslaught, do people from the same community sometimes react by organizing transgressive protests while at other times failing to engage in disruptive action? The analytic goal is to explain the ways in which people think, feel, and act (or fail to act) when affected by environmental problems. I argue that this variation in responses to environmental damage is explained by the certification and/or decertification of authorities, the evaluation of collective action‘s effectiveness, and people‘s perceptions of politics and environmental contamination. By exploring how people address their grievances through patronage politics and/or social movements, the study shows the continuities and interpenetrations between these two political phenomena which are usually understood as distinct and opposing spheres. The dissertation‘s Introduction elaborates the overarching argument, presents definitions of key concepts, and details the methods used for the analyses. Chapter Two discusses the relevant literatures relating to social movements, patronage politics, and biotechnology in agriculture. Chapter Three provides the background on neoliberalization processes in Argentina, the expansion of GM crops, the history of Formosa and its peasant organizations, and the communities of Monte Azul, Moreno, and Bermellon. Chapter Four presents a diachronic comparison of transgressive mobilization and demobilization in Monte Azul. Chapter Five presents a synchronic comparison of transgressive mobilization in Moreno and contained mobilization in Bermellon. Chapter Six presents an ethnography of the everyday life of a peasant organization, showing the interconnections between social movements and patronage politics. The Conclusion iii summarizes the dissertation‘s main arguments and findings, and proposes avenues for future research. iv Dedication Page To the memory of my grandparents, Elda Durí de Calógero and Eduardo H. Lapegna. v Table of Contents List of Figures ………………………………………………………………………….. x List of Tables …………………………………………………………………………... xi List of Illustrations …………………………………………………………………… xii List of Abbreviations ………………………………………………………………… xiii Preface ………………….……………………………………………………………... xiv Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………………….... xv CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………... 1 THE CASES …………………………………………………………………………….. 1 DEFINITIONS ..…………………………………………………………………..…….. 3 Actors …………………………………………………………………………… 3 Actions …………………………………………………………………………... 4 METHODS AND SOURCES …………………………………………………………... 6 Data Collection and Analysis …………………………………………………… 7 WHAT LIES AHEAD? ………………………………………………………………..... 9 CHAPTER 2: (DE)MOBILIZATION, PATRONAGE POLITICS, AND TRANSGENIC-BASED AGRICULTURE …………………………………... 12 DYNAMICS OF MOBILIZATION AND DEMOBILIZATION ……………………... 13 The Social Movements Field: Refining the Gaze at the Cost of Losing Sight … 13 Framings, Political Opportunities, Culture, and Demobilization ……………… 17 Methods‘ Advantages and Shortcomings ……………………………………… 23 The Limits of Theoretical Definitions: Social Movements, The Polity, and the State ……………………………………………………….. 26 PATRONAGE AND POOR PEOPLE‘S POLITICS ………………………………….. 34 The Connected Lives of Patronage Politics and Collective Action ……………. 35 Clientelism, Politics, and Social Movements in Latin America ……..………… 38 vi TRANSGENIC AGRICULTURE AND AGROCHEMICAL USE …………………….. 42 From Green Revolution to ―Gene Revolution‖ ……………………………….. 42 Debates on the Consequences of Transgenic Agriculture and Agrochemical Use …………………………………………………………. 45 From the ―Bottom-Up‖ ….…………………….…………………………….…. 48 CHAPTER 3: NEOLIBERALIZATION AND THE DARK SIDE OF THE BOOM ……………………………………………………………….. 49 AGRARIAN NEOLIBERALIZATION IN ARGENTINA ……………………………. 50 The ―Dark Side of the Boom‖ ………………………………………………..... 59 Neoliberalization Processes: Between State Retrenchment and Reregulation ……………………………………………………………….. 62 A BRIEF SOCIAL HISTORY OF FORMOSA ……………………………………….. 65 Cotton, Cattle, and Concentration ………………………..……………………. 66 Politics and Peasant Organizations during Democratization ………………...... 70 An Overview of Neoliberalization in Formosa …………………….………….. 74 The Rural Communities of Monte Azul, Bermellon, and Moreno …………….. 78 CHAPTER 4: CONTAMINATION AND (DE)MOBILIZATION IN MONTE AZUL ……………………………………………………………………. 81 GM SOY PRODUCTION IN MONTE AZUL: SOY RUSH AND SKIN RASHES …………………………………………………………..……… 82 CONTAMINATION AND MOBILIZATION …………………..…………………….. 85 Contamination and Transgressive Collective Action ………………………….. 91 Health Problems and Misrecognition ……………..……………………………. 95 Controversy, Reason-Giving, and Counter-Framings …………………………. 98 Misrecognition and Contention ………………………..……………………… 102 Outcomes and Consequences ………………………..………………………... 108 vii CONTAMINATION AND DEMOBILIZATION ………………………..………….. 110 Peasant Complaints and Authorities: Reaction and Recognition …………….. 112 Social Movements‘ Alliances and the State ………………………………….. 116 Contentious Identity, Collective Action, and Contamination ……………….. 121 CONCLUSIONS ……………………..………………………..……………………... 126 CHAPTER 5: TRANSGRESSIVE AND CONTAINED CONTENTION IN MORENO AND BERMELLON ………………………………………………... 128 CONTAMINATION AND TRANSGRESSIVE CONTENTION IN MORENO …… 130 GM Soy Production in Moreno ………………………..……………………… 132 The Lead-Up to Contention …………………………………………………... 134 From Requests to Transgressive Contention ………………………………..... 136 Environmental Problems and Poor People‘s Perspective …………………….. 141 CONTAMINATION AND CONTAINED CONTENTION IN BERMELLON …….. 145 GM Soy Production and Agrochemicals in Bermellon ………………………. 146 From Individual Problems to A Public Issue …………………………………. 149 The Public Audience ………………………..……………………………....... 154 Contention, Organizations, and Authorities ………………………………..… 157 CONCLUSIONS ………………………..………………………..…………………... 160 CHAPTER 6: PATRONAGE, EVERYDAY POLITICS, AND “DOUBLE PRESSURE” ON SOCIAL MOVEMENTS …………………… 165 PATRONAGE POLITICS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ……………………..…... 167 Patronage Pervasiveness: Language, Ambivalence, and Informal Connections ……………………………………………………. 168 Resource Distribution and Problem-Solving within MoCaFor ………………. 172 Pressures ―From Above‖ ………………………..……………………………. 177 Resemblances and Differences ……………..………………………………… 180 viii DISCUSSION ………………………..……………………………………………….. 183 CONCLUSIONS ………………………..…………………………………………… 187 Future Research ……………..………………………..………………………. 189 BIBLIOGRAPHY ……………….………………………..……………………….... 192 APPENDIX 1– PICTURES AND MAPS ………………………..……………….... 220 APPENDIX 2 – DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS ……………….……… 238 ix List of Figures Figure 1. Soybean Production in Argentina 1969-2009, in metric tons ……………….. 55 Figure 2. Area harvested with soybeans in Argentina 1969-2009, in hectares ….……. 57 Figure 3. Area harvested with cotton (in hectares), Formosa, 1969-2009 ……….…… 80 Figure 4. Cotton Production, Formosa (in metric tons), 1969-2009 …………………. 80 x List of Tables Table 1. Argentina. Soy exports by country and region, 2006…………………………. 53 Table 2. Formosa, % of rural properties according to extreme sizes…………………… 66 Table 3. Formosa, % of area occupied by extreme sizes of properties……………….... 66 Table 4. Timeline of Contentious Actions in Monte Azul, 2003……………………… 87 xi List of Illustrations Map 1 – Pampa Region, Argentina …………………………..….……………..……... 220 Map 2 – Formosa Province, Northeast Argentina ……………………………………. 221 Map 3 – Location of three communities: Monte Azul, Bermellon, and Moreno …….. 222 Picture 1 – Entrance to Monte Azul seen from the paved road ………………………. 223 Picture 2 – Local family farm 1 ………………………………………………………. 224 Picture 3