One Hundred Rare Americanum

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c atalogue 300

william reese co.

409 t empl e st r ee t

ne w h av en, connecticut 06511 203/789·8081 his catalogue, the 300th issued by this firm, comes thirty-three years after Tmy first as William Reese Company in February 1980. Prior to that I had been a rare book dealer in other formats for five years. A run of Reese Company catalogues now occupies more than ten feet of shelf; the books, manuscripts, and other material which have passed through our hands would fill a warehouse. In all of this I have been ably aided by Terry Halladay, Leslie Warner, Pat Godek, Joe Cretella, Nick Aretakis, Leslie Arthur, Teri Osborn, Siobhan Geist, and Cliff Sahlin, as well as a number of alumni now working in the trade or in libraries. I won’t attempt to enumerate the items listed herein; they speak for themselves. While this is something of a “high spot” catalogue, I’ve made no special effort to reserve material for it—it’s what’s in stock, in the Americana section of our business. Hopefully the reader will find some of these items interesting and tempting. In 1972, when I was first involved with rare books, I wrote various dealers asking for catalogues. One of these was the then dean of the Texas book trade, William Morrison, of Waco. In return I received a copy of his catalogue 300, simply entitled, “Thank you, Lord.” Exactly. William Reese New Haven, February 2013

Visit our website at www.reeseco.com for some of our catalogues and bulletins, and a portion of our stock. terms Material herein is offered subject to prior sale. All items are as described and are considered to be on approval. Notice of return must be given within ten days unless specific arrangements are made. Connecticut residents must be billed state sales tax. Postage and insurance charges are billed to all nonprepaid domestic orders. Overseas orders are sent by air unless otherwise requested, with full postage charges billed at our discretion. Payment by check, wire transfer or bank draft is preferred, but may also be made by MasterCard or Visa. William Reese Company 409 Temple Street New Haven, Connecticut 06511 Phone: (203) 789-8081 Fax: (203) 865-7653 E-mail: [email protected]

Front cover: 20. Catesby: The Natural History of Carolina, Florida . . . London. 1771. Rear cover: 18. Bauman: To His Excellency Genl. Washington. . . . Philadelphia. 1782. A Classic of Early American Natural History 1. Abbot, John, and Sir James Edward Smith: THE NATURAL HISTORY OF THE RARER LEPIDOPTEROUS INSECTS OF GEORGIA. INCLUDING THEIR SYSTEMATIC CHARACTERS, THE PARTICULARS OF THEIR SEVERAL METAMORPHOSES, AND THE PLANTS ON WHICH THEY FEED. COLLECTED FROM THE OBSERVATIONS OF MR JOHN ABBOT, MANY YEARS RESIDENT IN THAT COUNTRY, BY JAMES EDWARD SMITH. London: Printed by T. Bens- ley for J. Edwards, Cadell and Davies and J. White, 1797 [text watermarked 1794; plates watermarked 1817–1821]. Two volumes. Parallel titles and text in French and English. 104 handcolored engraved plates by John Harris after Abbot, some heightened with gum-arabic. Folio. Expertly bound to style in half calf over contemporary marbled paper covered boards, spines gilt extra, leather labels stamped in gilt. Fine. A fine copy of John Abbot’s masterpiece: the earliest illustrated monograph devoted to the butterflies and moths of North America. John Abbot was one of the most important and prolific of the early American natural history artists. Born in London in 1751, Abbot developed his interest in natural history and drawing as a child. His curiosity about the natural world was encouraged by his parents, who were relatively wealthy (at one time the family library included copies of Mark Catesby’s Natural History of Carolina, Florida and the Bahama Islands as well as George Edwards’ Natural History of Uncommon Birds and Gleanings of Natural History). Having received sponsorship from the Royal Society of London and collectors Thomas Martyn and Dru Drury, Abbot sailed for Virginia in July 1773, with orders for both actual specimens and drawings of the local insects. For the next two years he continued to collect and paint, sending home three insect collections, although only one arrived safely. The loss of these two valuable collections at sea together with the worry over political unrest in Virginia led Abbot to move to Georgia. He settled in St. George Parish (later Burke County), Georgia in December 1775. Abbot travelled widely throughout Georgia devoting his time to the study of the natural flora and fauna. The constant flow of specimen collections and watercolors of insects, and later of birds, ensured that his name became known to many of the foremost natural scientists and collectors of the day, both in America and Europe. Sir James Edward Smith, co-founder and first president of the Linnaean Society of Lon- don, recognized Abbot’s talents, and responded enthusiastically to Abbot’s desire to publish an illustrated work on the butterflies and moths of Georgia, agreeing to edit the work for Abbot. Smith, in the preface to the present work, praised Abbot highly as the first author “since the celebrated Merian,” to illustrate and describe the lepidop- tera of the American continent scientifically, including both representations of the cat- erpillars and “the plants on which each insect chiefly feeds.” The work is also valuable for the numerous firsthand comments and observations that Abbot has added. Like the Botfield copy, this copy was issued circa 1822, with the plates on J. Whatman Tur- key Mills wove paper. Abbot’s watercolors are among the finest natural history illustrations ever made: elegant and scientifically accurate, they rank with those of his famous contemporaries, William Bartram and Alexander Wilson. William Swainson described Abbot as one of the United States’ most important natural history artists, “a most assiduous collector, and an admirable draftsman of insects. [This] work is one of the most beautiful that this or any other country can boast of” (quoted by Sabin). ARNOLD ARBORETUM, p. 27. BM (NH) I, p. 2l. DUNTHORNE 287. Pamela Gilbert, John Abbot Birds, Butterflies and Other Wonders (London: Natural History Museum, 1998). NISSEN (ZBI) 2. Vivian Rogers-Price, John Abbot in Georgia: The Vision of a Naturalist Artist (Madison, Ga.: Madison-Morgan Cultural Center, 1983). SABIN 25. $67,500. A Presentation Copy of the Greatest Rarity of Presidential Books: “I was very much pleased with the perusal . . .”—George Washington 2. [Adams, John]: LETTERS. [London. 1786]. [4], 74pp., printed on thick paper. Half title only, as issued. Contemporary straight-grained red morocco with boards, spine, edges, and dentelles all elaborately gilt. Light shelf wear and rubbing, else fine. A presentation copy of a great rarity, the privately printed, true first edition of John Adams’ Twenty-six Letters . . . , in which the founder sets forth his views on the nature of the American Revolution, the qualities of the American character, and the potential of the United States after the Revolution. We are able to locate only six other copies of this rare, privately-printed edition. This is by far the greatest rarity of Presidential books, many times rarer than the privately printed edition of Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on the State of Virginia, and arguably more important as a political statement of one of the most important founders and second president. In many ways, John Adams’ Letters bears striking similarities to Jefferson’s Notes. They are both early and important works from founding fathers and future presidents of the United States. Jefferson’s Notes also had its origins in a series of queries from a prominent European, curious about the United States and the American character. Jefferson’s work was also privately published, appearing first in a French edition the year before Adams commissioned this printing of his Letters. Both Jefferson and Adams were initially intent on not having the work widely circulated, and Adams writes in the preface of the present work that “these papers are now printed, in order to preserve them; but by no means to be made public, for the present.” Both works would go on to be published and were very popular in their own day, though the privately printed editions are superlatively rare. The most important similarity between the two books, however, is in their content and in what they reveal about their authors. Both works show their authors attempting to describe the material qualities of their nation, its resources and potential for growth, and the characteristics of the “American.” Adams presented this copy to his cousin, Ward Nicholas Boylston (1749–1828), as indicated by a manuscript note on the half title reading: “Presented to W. N. Boylston by his affectionate friend the author.” This copy is beautifully bound in red straight- grained morocco, tooled in gilt on the boards and the spine, presumably bound by Boylston to signify it as a special copy. Born in Boston, Boylston spent some twenty- five years in London, engaged in various lines of trade, before returning to the United States in 1800 and settling in Princeton. He endowed a chair at Harvard in Rhetoric and Oratory, with the condition that John Quincy Adams would be installed as professor. John Adams arrived in the Netherlands in July 1780, sent there to explore the possibility of financial assistance from the Dutch Republic to the American cause. He quickly acquainted himself with several of the prominent citizens, including Hendrik Calkoen, a leader in Amsterdam’s legal community. Calkoen was sympathetic to the American cause and saw the American rebellion against the British as analogous to the Dutch revolt against Spanish rule. During a dinner with Adams on August 28, 1780, Calkoen questioned him about the American Revolution, their chances for success, and several other issues. The two men agreed that Calkoen would write his questions to Adams, and that the latter would reply. Three days later Calkoen wrote Adams a letter putting forth twenty-nine questions, to which Adams replied in a series of twenty- six letters written in October 1780. In the preface to the printed version of the letters, Adams explains that Calkoen read his responses to “a society of gentlemen of letters, about forty in number, who met sometimes in Amsterdam; and by its means just sentiments of American affairs began to spread in that country.” Adams continued his efforts at securing assistance from the Dutch, signing a treaty of amity and commerce, by which the Dutch recognized American independence (becoming only the second nation to do so, after France) and obtaining a loan of two million dollars. Adams’ responses to Calkoen cover a wide variety of topics, including the motivations and sentiments that led to the American Revolution; discussions of American military strength; questions about finance, debt, and taxation; a consideration of domestic manu- factures; and the desires of the colonists for peace. Interestingly, Adams downplayed his expectations of America’s economic potential so as not to alarm Dutch merchants of the threat that an independent United States might pose to Dutch trading concerns. In the letters Adams also sought to encourage a sense of republican fraternalism with the Dutch. Despite the differences between the two nations, Adams noted that both the Netherlands and the United States shared a love of freedom and a hatred for despotism. Two years passed before Adams began to contemplate publishing his letters to Calkoen. In 1782 and again in 1783, Adams wrote to Edmund Jennings, expressing his desire to retrieve his letters to Calkoen for the purpose of having them “preserved.” It was not until October 1786, however, that Adams had this privately printed edition of his letters to Calkoen published in London (the prefatory “advertisement” is dated October 12, 1786 at Grosvenor Square) under the simple half title, Letters (there is no titlepage in this edition). It is at the top of this half title page that Adams has inscribed this copy to Boylston. An edition printed “for the subscribers” and titled Twenty-six Letters, Upon Interesting Subjects . . . was later published without a date or place of publication identified. Most bibliographers have dated this edition to London 1786, based on the date in the “advertisement,” but it seems likely that, as Evans asserts, this edition was printed in New York in 1789 by John Fenno, who published a third edition of the book that same year. The exact number of copies that Adams had printed of this private edition is unknown, but it was undoubtedly very few. We can locate six other copies of the work: at the Boston Athenaeum (George Washington’s copy), Princeton, the Massachu- setts Historical Society, the British Library (inscribed by Adams to Brand Hollis), the American Antiquarian Society, and a copy in a private collection. Of these seven total copies, only three have clear provenance information: the present copy, the copy sent to George Washington, and the copy inscribed to Brand Hollis. It is likely that the copy at the Massachusetts Historical Society descended in the Adams family, and the copy at Princeton has had the upper portion of the half title clipped away, eliminating presentation information. Upon receiving his copy of Adams’ Letters (forwarded to him by General Benjamin Lincoln), George Washington wrote Lincoln: There is good sense in the answers given by Mr. Adams to the questions of Dr. Calkoen, combined with an extensive knowledge of the interests and resources of this Country. If there be in some instances an exaggeration of our force, it is not a matter of wonder—but the tenor of the whole performance rather affords a subject for admiration that so much accuracy should have been discovered in representations, mostly drawn from recollection. Indeed I was very much pleased with the perusal and doubt not but the work must have been well calculated to answer the good purposes for which it was intended. A remarkably rare and significant work, in an excellent presentation copy. CATALOGUE OF THE WASHINGTON COLLECTION IN THE BOSTON ATHENAEUM, pp. 2–3. OCLC 32080566. BRINLEY SALE 3931. The following references are all for later editions, not mentioning the present edition: HOWES A66. SABIN 252. CHURCH 1233. EVANS 21624. $275,000.

John Adams Writes Mercy Otis Warren 3. Adams, John: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO MERCY OTIS WARREN]. Quincy [Ma.]. Nov. 24, 1813. [2]pp. Quarto. Old fold lines. A few small spots of foxing, faint stain from wax seal. Very good. In a folio-sized half morocco and cloth clamshell box, leather labels. A warm letter from former President John Adams to his dear friend and writer, Mercy Otis Warren, with whom he had been recently reconciled after their long falling out. Throughout the Revolutionary period, historian, poet, and dramatist Mercy Otis Warren actively corresponded on political matters with numerous leaders, including Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, George Washing- ton, and especially John Adams, who became her literary mentor in those early years of unrest. In 1805 her literary career culminated with the publication of The History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution. The book’s sharp criticisms of Adams—that his passions and prejudices often debilitated his judgment and that he had demonstrated a distinct leaning toward monarchy during his sojourn in Eng- land—led to a heated correspondence and a breach in their friendship in 1807. After nearly five years Elbridge Gerry managed to effect a reconciliation between Mercy and Abigail and John. It was Mrs. Adams who sent word to Mercy on Sept. 15, 1813 that her daughter, Nabby, had died of breast cancer a month earlier. Adams’ opening salutation in this letter likely refers to condolences sent by Warren, and suggests that Nabby’s death prompted an invitation to visit her: I am very much obliged to you for your civilities to my wife, my son, Coll Smith and my granddaughters. My girls have long expressed an earnest desire to see Madam Warren, and have been highly gratified by their visit and very grateful for the kind hospitality, the social enjoyments and instructive conversations they experienced. I congratulate you Madam on the happy marriage of a granddaughter who once obliged us with a very short visit. I was delighted with her manners and accomplishments, and found her visit much too short. May every blessing attend her and all your family, in whose prosperity I take a constant interest. Adams moves beyond the opening exchange of family pleasantries to discuss Thomas McKean’s comments on Mrs. Warren’s late brother, the brilliant but erratic James Otis, Jr., at the 1765 Stamp Act Congress. “Governor M. Keans notice of your brother I thought worth preserving in your family. The oddity of the dialogue and the particular moment of its composition were the circumstances that made it rather an object of curiosity than use. I think however the traits of character are correct.” In a letter from McKean to Adams dated Aug. 20, 1813, McKean reminisces about the Stamp Act Congress that convened in New York on Oct. 7 to elect a president of that body: “In the Congress of 1765, there were several conspicuous characters. Mr. James Otis appeared to be the boldest and best speaker. I voted for him as our President, but Briga- dier Ruggles succeeded by one vote, owing to the number of the committee from New York, as we voted individually” (The Works of John Adams, X, pp. 60–62). Adams then moves on to further reflection on the rest of her family of ardent patriots: “I know not madam what your father [James Otis, Sr.], your husband [James Warren] or your brother would think of these times.” Adams, however, is reluctant to conjecture about what the future might hold for America. “A mighty effort of nature is in operation that no understanding below that Providence which superintends and directs it, can com- prehend. An entire separation, in government at least, between America and Europe seems to be commencing: but what will be its course when and how it will terminate; and what influence it will have upon Asia and Africa, no living man, I believe will pre- tend to foresee.” Nevertheless, Adams believes that he, Mercy, and their fellow patriots had long since laid the necessary groundwork for the political sanguinity of America, but whose fate no longer lay in their hands, due to advanced age. “We have acted our parts. The curtain will soon be drawn upon us. We must leave the future to that Provi- dence which has protected us in the past. This sentiment of duty and interest I doubt not, Madam, will be approved by you; as I hope it is reallized [sic] with gratitude, and entire confidence and submission by your old friend and respectful humble servant.” A cordial letter to an old friend, showing a more mature and philosophical John Adams. Warren was eighty-five at the time—she was older than Adams—and she died less than a year later. $42,500.

John Quincy Adams on the First Amendment: “. . . the expression of sentiments, proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence as the Law of God and Nature against oppression . . .” 4. Adams, John Quincy: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN QUINCY ADAMS AS A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, TO CONSTITUENT ANTHONY COLLAMORE, REGARDING TWO OF THE PREEMINENT ISSUES OF THE ANTEBELLUM ERA—SLAVERY, AND THE FIRST AMENDMENT RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE TO PETITION GOVERNMENT FOR THE REDRESS OF GRIEVANCES]. Washington, D.C. April 3, 1837. [3]pp. autograph letter, signed, on a folded folio sheet. One vertical and two horizontal folds. Neat, early repairs along the folds (mostly the horizontal fold). Light staining on (blank) fourth page. Very good. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell box. A remarkable John Quincy Adams letter—being the former president’s long, detailed, and passionate defense of the First Amendment right of the American people to petition the government for the redress of grievances. Written in his post-presidency, while he was serving as a member of the House of Representatives from Massachusetts, the letter is also indicative of Adams’ views on slavery and slave holders. This letter to a constituent melds Adams’ strident defense of the right to petition with his personal opposition to slavery. As David Frederick observes, “more than any other congressman, Adams seized on the relationship between slavery and the right of petition and best articulated the idea that the bondage of blacks in the South infringed the freedom of white petitioners in the North.” Of John Quincy Adams’ defense of the right to petition the government, biographer Paul Nagel writes that it was a cause that “would benefit the American republic, as well as humanity at large.” Nagel asserts that Adams’ stand was often so unpopular in Congress “that Adams had the pleasure of thinking he stood alone against all the malevolence in the universe.” The right to petition government is enshrined in the First Amendment to the Constitution, alongside the provisions for the right to free speech, to freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of assembly. In this powerful and moving letter, John Quincy Adams shows that he held the right to petition in equal esteem with the other rights guaranteed therein, and he would prove himself to be its foremost champion. John Quincy Adams was personally opposed to slavery, but not a vocal public abolitionist. Regardless, as early as 1831—his first year in Congress—he began submitting petitions to the House of Representatives that were sent to him by citizens who sought to abolish the slave trade in the District of Columbia. Though not an ardent or vocal abolitionist, Adams was a firm supporter of the right of citizens to petition the government. The mid-1830s saw a great rise in petitions to Congress to abolish slavery, especially calling for an end to the slave trade in the District of Columbia (the belief being that Congress could exercise this power in the District, if not in individual states). As a result, the right to petition came under assault beginning in late 1835, and Adams worked to defend the right against the efforts of southern slave holders and northern supporters of Andrew Jackson. Adams’ efforts “made him the most famous—or notorious—of combatants on the floor of Congress during the next decade” (Nagel). In May of 1836 the House of Representatives passed the Pinckney Resolutions, the third of which contained the so-called “Gag Rule,” which instructed that all petitions or memorials relating to slavery in any way would be laid on the table without being printed, discussed, or referred to committee. Adams’ vocal opposition to the Gag Rule only increased the flood of anti-slavery petitions that poured into his office. The present letter was written less than a year after the passage of the Gag Rule. Two months before he wrote the letter, Adams attempted to submit to the House what he said was a petition from Virginia slaves, and southern congressmen responded by threatening to censure Adams for his attempt. Adams was no doubt still smarting from the experience when he wrote the present letter to Dr. Anthony Collamore of Pem- broke, Massachusetts, with whom Adams exchanged a few letters in the 1830s, mostly on the subject of Revolutionary War pensions. Collamore apparently sent Adams a letter on March 10, inquiring about legislation on Revolutionary veteran pensions, and expressing support for Adams’ efforts on behalf of abolitionist societies to petition the federal government for the abolition of slavery. Adams used the opportunity to vent his feelings on the right of petition, and also to decry the actions and motivations of the pro-slavery forces. Adams writes that citizens who live in states that forbid slavery are blessed with “uncontaminated freedom,” and he calls slavery an “enormous evil.” He also describes, in deeply personal terms, his intellectual journey toward support of the right of the abolitionists to petition their legislators and his remorse over his slow- developing opposition to slavery. The letter is also wonderfully illustrative of Adams’ relationship with his constituents, and his deep sensitivity to their concerns and beliefs. Adams writes: The assurances of your approbation to the course pursued by me in the House of Rep- resentatives of the last Congress in defence of the right of Petition, is very gratifying to me. If I have a political sin to answer for before Heaven it is for discountenancing beyond measure the Petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and all abolition movements in the United States blessed with uncontaminated freedom. I have perhaps some apology to make to the warm hearted and well-meaning abolitionists, whose zeal for the suppression of an enormous evil has been more fervent than my own. I have certainly none to make to the ruffian Slaveholder, who would burn me at the stake or send me to the Penitentiary, for asking the question, whether among the rights of human nature, of which the American slave is robbed by his master is included the right of Petition to Congress. I know that the vast majority of my constituents, were not inclined to countenance the petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, nor disposed to favour any of the movements of the abolition societies. I had favoured none of them myself. But when the popular feeling against them, broke out into riotous disturbances of their meetings—into demands from Governors of Slave States, that free citizens should be delivered up to be hung for the expression of sentiments, proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence as the Law of God and Nature against oppression, when I saw the President of the United States spurring Congress to acts of tyranny for the suppression of the freedom of the press and of correspondence by mail, I could join in no such measures to silence the mere voice of Petition. My indignation was roused by the Resolutions reported by H. L. Pinckney, and adopted by the House, smothering all discussion of them on the 25th and 26th of May 1836. . . . I resisted the repassage on the 18th of January last, of the Resolution to nail upon the table, without discussion all Petitions and Papers relating to slavery or the abolition of slavery; and I persisted in presenting them as long as the house would receive them. For the last four weeks the majority of the House deliberately and inflexibly refused me the permission to present these Petitions, and upwards of one hundred and fifty of them signed by more than twelve thousand names, were left upon my hands at the close of the session. The Massachusetts Delegation generally Governor Lincoln Mr. Lawrence and Mr.Briggs particularly supported me throughout this trial; but I received no support from any other quarter of the House, and nothing was left to sustain me, but the approving voice of my constituents. Your letter therefore was cheering to me, not only as the expression of your opinion, but as an index of the opinions of many other respectable persons The proceedings of the Legislature of the Commonwealth upon the subject have also served to confirm me in the conviction that whatever flinching from the cause of human freedom, and the rights of American citizens there may be in other parts of the Union, Mas- sachusetts will be true to her principles, and the descendants from the Pilgrims of Plymouth will not dishonour their forefathers. Adams begins the letter with a paragraph addressing the main subject of Collamore’s most recent letter: Revolutionary War pensions. He writes that he is sending Colla- more printed copies of the two most recent Congressional Acts regarding pensions, those of July 4, 1836 and March 3, 1837. He writes: “I was desirous of extending the provisions of the Latter act to every living widow of a revolutionary soldier, whether married before or after the service, and without excepting those remarried since the death of their husbands. I prepared an amendment to that effect but the Bill passed on the last night of the session, when the pressure of any amendment would have hazarded the fate of the Bill itself.” The Gag Rule was not rescinded until December 1844, when the House of Repre- sentatives approved John Quincy Adams’ resolution repealing it, 108 to 80. This letter is an outstanding statement of the former President’s ardent defense of a bedrock constitutional principle—the right of the people to petition their government—and an eloquent discourse on the corrupting effects of slavery on the American character. One of the greatest letters by Adams, and a statement of First Amendment rights that resonates today. David C. Frederick, “John Quincy Adams, Slavery, and the Disappearance of the Right of Petition” in Law and History Review, Vol. 9, No. 1 (Spring 1991), pp. 113–55. William Lee Miller, Arguing About Slav- ery. The Great Battle in the United States Congress (New York, 1996). Paul C. Nagel, John Quincy Adams. A Public Life, A Private Life (Cambridge, Ma., 1999), pp. 354–81. $125,000.

The Aitken Bible, First English Bible Printed in America 5. [Aitken Bible]: Aitken, Robert (printer & publisher): THE HOLY BIBLE, CON- TAINING THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS,: NEWLY TRANSLATED OUT OF THE ORIGINAL TONGUES. . . . Philadelphia: Printed and sold by Robert Aitken, 1781–1782. Two parts bound in one volume. [1452]pp. Unpaginated, the Old Testament collates [pi], A–ZZ in twelves, Aaa5. The New Testament collates A-Dd in sixes (including a W signature). Complete with the title-leaves to both the Old and New Testaments, along with the certification leaf from Congress. 12mo. Original calf, skillfully rebacked with original spine laid down, corner tips repaired. Minor foxing and staining, skillful repairs to a few leaves, leaves A 3-4 of the New Testament with slight loss to the foredge of the leaves, affecting a few letters of text. Final leaf of text and rear fly leaf reinforced with Japan tissue. Overall a quite good copy of this fragile book, seldom found in the original binding and with contemporary provenance. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt. The Aitken Bible is one of the most celebrated American Bibles, being the first complete English Bible printed in America. During the colonial era the monopoly on printing English Bibles belonged to the Royal Printer, and the colonies were supplied entirely with Bibles printed in England. The first Bible printed in the British colonies in America was the famous Eliot Indian Bible, in Algon- quin, issued in Cambridge in 1661–63 and reprinted in 1680–85. The 18th century saw the printing of Bibles in German. With the American Revolution, the British monopoly on English-language Bibles naturally ended, and the embargo on goods from England acted to create a shortage. Aitken, a Philadelphia printer, undertook the task, producing the New Testament in 1781 and the Old Testament in 1782. On completion, he petitioned the Continental Congress for their endorsement and received it in September 1782. Because of this official endorsement and the reasons behind its production, the Aitken Bible is often referred to as “The Bible of the Revolution.” A major rarity in American Bibles and American printing, this book has become very difficult to find in any condition. The present example, despite minor faults, is a very good copy of a work usually found in poor condition, in an attractive contemporary American binding. This copy of the Aitken Bible is also interesting for its evidence of contemporary ownership, with the inscription “William Mahany His Book July 7th 1788” on the front fly leaf, and the further annotation “William Mahany his book the 1st day of the 6th mo. Anno Domini One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty Nine 1789” on the second blank fly leaf. The last two leaves contain biographical information noting the death of his wife and daughter in 1812. Mahany, a Quaker, lived in Chester County, Pennsylvania. DARLOW & MOULE 928. SABIN 5165. EVANS 17101, 17473. HILDEBURN 4126, 4184. NAIP w004490. HILLS 11. O’CALLAHAN, p. 31. $150,000.

One of the Rarest of All Revolutionary War Narratives 6. Allen, Ethan: A NARRATIVE OF COLONEL ETHAN ALLEN’S CAPTIVITY, FROM THE TIME OF HIS BEING TAKEN BY THE BRITISH . . . TO THE TIME OF HIS EXCHANGE . . . CONTAINING, HIS VOYAGES AND TRAVELS . . . INTERSPERSED WITH SOME POLITICAL OBSERVATIONS. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF AND NOW PUBLISHED FOR THE INFORMATION OF THE CURI- OUS IN ALL NATIONS. Philadelphia: printed, Boston: re-printed: by Draper and Folsom, 1779. 40pp. Early 20th-century blue morocco by Macdonald, gilt inner dentelles, raised bands, spine gilt, a.e.g. Lightly edgeworn, raised bands rubbed. Stained and tanned. Trimmed close, costing several catchwords and occasionally shaving a running headline, page number, or letter of text. Overall, good. In a half morocco and cloth folding case, spine gilt. The excessively rare second edition of Ethan Allen’s Revolutionary War captivity narrative. Four editions were printed in 1779, all of which are extremely rare. The Phila- delphia edition printed by Bell is designated by Evans as the first edition, and this Bos- ton printing is called the second edition. We have never seen a copy of the Bell edition offered for sale, and the North American Imprints Project locates only two copies of that edition—it is so rare as to be virtually unobtainable. This is only the second copy of the Boston edition that we have ever seen offered for sale. As leader of the Green Mountain Boys, Ethan Allen played a crucial role in the attack on Fort Ticonderoga, and proved to be a constant source of difficulty to the British in the Northeast. He was captured in September 1775 while leading a group of New Englanders and Quebecois in an attack on Montreal, and suffered two years of brutal captivity in British prisons, aboard prison ships, and in the New York City jail. Allen was finally exchanged for a British prisoner and wrote this account of his ordeal, excoriating the British for their cruelty and calling on Americans to forsake any thought of compromise in the revolutionary cause. Allen’s narrative was very popular “and is rated second among best-selling books of the revolutionary period after Thomas Paine’s Common Sense” (ANB). It was reprinted several times in the following decades. The great 19th-century Americana collector, George Brinley, possessed three copies of this Boston edition, all of which were sold at the auction of his collection some 120 years ago. All three of those copies, however, were defective in some way, and the catalogue description still referred to this Boston printing as being “excessively rare.” Nei- ther Thomas W. Streeter, E. D. Church, or Herschel Jones, three of the greatest Amer- icana collectors of the 20th century, were able to obtain any 1779 edition of Allen’s narrative. The ever-bold Charles Heartman offered a copy of this Boston edition in 1930 (at the onset of the Depression) for $975. Very rare, and an essential Revolutionary War narrative. HOWES A136, “b.” GILMAN, p. 5. SABIN 793. EVANS 16181. NAIP w013736. ANB I, pp. 309–10. $35,000.

With the Text Printed in Gold 7. Allen, John Fisk: VICTORIA REGIA; OR THE GREAT WATER LILY OF AMER- ICA. WITH A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF ITS DISCOVERY AND INTRODUCTION INTO CULTIVATION: WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY W ILLIAM SHARP, FROM SPECIMENS GROWN AT SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A. Boston: Printed and Published for the Author by Dutton & Wentworth, 1854. Letterpress title (verso blank), 1p. dedication to Caleb Cope (verso blank), 12pp. text (numbered [5]–16); 1p. index, plate list, note and errata (verso blank). The text printed in gold throughout. Six chromolithographed plates by Sharp & Sons of Dorchester, Massachusetts (five after William Sharp, one after Allen). Folio. Early half calf over purple pebbled cloth boards by F. Sissons of Worksop, England (with their label on the front pastedown), with contemporary red morocco gilt title label on the upper cover. Very good. A monument to American color printing, a work which launched the age of chromolithography as an art in the United States, and one of the most beautiful flower books ever produced. This is an extraordinary copy, with the text printed in gold throughout, believed to have been done for presentation and known only by Allen’s own copy. Victoria Regia; or the Great Water Lily of America provides an appropriate showcase for this gigantic water lily, first discovered along the Amazon River and then taken to Britain for cultivation. The so-called “vegetable wonder” was first described by Sir R. H. Schomburg in 1837. From the details he gave, botanist John Lindley suggested that the lily was a new genera and put forward the name Victoria Regia in honor of Queen Victoria during the first year of her reign. “The giant water-lily is a spectacular flower; nineteenth century commentators describe with amazement the vast dimensions of its floating leaves, which could exceed two meters in diameter, and its great white flower, which opened in the evening and closed again at dawn in a truly lovely spectacle”—Oak Spring Flora. In 1853, Allen, a well-respected horticulturalist and author of a treatise on viticul- ture, cultivated a seed from the lily given him by Caleb Cope, president of the Penn- sylvania Horticultural Society, and the man in whose garden the lily first flowered in America on August 21, 1851. Working at his home in Salem, Massachusetts, Allen tended the seed from January to July, when, on the evening of July 21st, the flower finally bloomed. Motivated by his success, Allen hoped to make the glory of the water lily available to a wider audience, and engaged the services of William Sharp, a British- born artist and pioneer of chromolithography then working in Boston. Sharp had been practicing with the new technique of chromolithography as early as 1841, the first person to do so in the United States. His amateur effort is evident in Mattson’s The American Vegetable Practice (1841), but, as McGrath states, those chromolithographs are merely “passable.” Fortunately, Sharp improved in his craft, and his next major project, the plates for Hovey’s The Fruits of America (1852), announced to all who viewed them the colorful and dramatic potential of chromolithography. Still, the process was in its infancy, and it would take a work of tremendous ambition to satisfac- torily popularize the technique. Allen’s proposed book on the water lily provided such a vehicle. Though the first plate of Victoria Regia is based on a sketch Allen composed himself, the remaining six plates, which show the plant in gradual stages of bloom, are wholly attributable to Sharp. Superlative in concept, color, and execution, they became the first benchmark of the art. “In the large water lily plates of Victoria Regia, Sharp printed colors with a delicacy of execution and technical brilliance never before achieved in the United States”—Reese. This extraordinary copy of the great work has the text printed in gold throughout. The only other similar copy which we could locate is recorded in the May 5, 1913 Annual Report of the Essex Institute (now part of the Peabody Essex Museum): “From the estate of Misses Elizabeth C. and Marion C. Allen of this city the Institute has received Mr. John Fisk Allen’s own copy of his finely illustrated monograph on the Victoria‘ Regia’ which was printed in gold ink.” That the author’s own copy was similarly printed in gold confirms that such copies were of a very special nature and were likely for presentation. While the provenance of this copy prior to Foljambe is unknown, it seems likely that this copy had been sent to England by Allen to a botanist as esteemed as Joseph Hooker or Joseph Pax- ton, or another as intimately involved in the cultivation of the famed water lily. GREAT FLOWER BOOKS (1990), p. 69. HOFER BEQUEST 72. HUNT, PRINTMAKING IN THE SERVICE OF BOTANY 56. NISSEN (BBI) 16. REESE, STAMPED WITH A NATIONAL CHARACTER 19. STAFLEU & COWAN TL2 85. AN OAK SPRING FLORA 106. $75,000.

An Extraordinary Ephrata Musical Manuscript, with Superb Fraktur Titlepage 8. [American Music]: [German Americana]: DIE BITTRE SUSE ODER DAS GESANG DER EINSAMEN TURTEL TAUBE, DER CHRISTLICHEN KIRCHEN HIER AUF ERDEN . . . [manuscript title]. Ephrata. 1747. [264]pp. plus 7pp. printed register. Small quarto. Contemporary three-quarter calf and marbled boards. Spine heavily worn, split in center. Later 19th-century ownership inscription on front fly leaf. Slight wear and foxing to some leaves, and some ink burn, resulting in splits, to some leaves. Very good. In a half morocco slipcase. A unique and spectacular manuscript hymnbook created by the religious community at Ephrata, Pennsylvania, founded by Johann Conrad Beissel. This manuscript is from the period when the community was at its zenith, and is an outstanding example of the Fraktur- schriften for which the Ephrata Cloister is known. It contains over 250 pages of manuscript music, some of it likely original compositions. The printed register at the end contains 375 hymn listings, and an additional fifteen pieces of music precede the main body of the work. Johann Conrad Beissel (1692–1768) was born in Germany and orphaned at an early age. A charismatic and engaging personality, he tried on several religious movements, and eventually emigrated to Pennsylvania in 1720 after being banished from his home- land for radical religious beliefs. Beissel spent part of the 1720s with the Dunkards in Germantown and Lancaster County before his controversial beliefs about celibacy and Sabbath-keeping caused a rift with his fellow congregants. He then established himself as a hermit on the banks of the Cocalico River, where he was eventually joined by other like-minded individuals who wished to follow his teachings, and so founded the Ephrata Cloister in 1732. “What began as a hermitage for a small group of devoted individuals grew into a thriving community of nearly 80 celibate members supported by an estimated 200 family members from the region at its zenith in the mid-18th century. During that period much of the activity surrounded the charismatic founder and leader, Conrad Beissel. His theology, a hybrid of pietism and mysticism, encouraged celibacy, Sabbath worship, Anabaptism, and the ascetic life, yet provided room for families, limited industry, and creative expression”—Ephrata website. “Both within and without Ephrata, Beissel aroused controversy. His opposition to the institution of marriage early divided his congregation, as did his refusal to tolerate the community’s money-making indus- tries. His adoption of the Jewish sabbath and work on Sunday violated provincial laws and aroused the opposition of civil officials. That women left their husbands and homes to be with Beissel produced their husbands’ ever-lasting hostility and even provoked one to attack Beissel physically. Beissel’s willingness to permit women to spend nights in his cabin and his initial housing of men and women in the same building led to rumors of sexual promiscuity that prompted a neighbor to try to set fire to the cloister”—ANB. The community became known for its self-composed a cappella music, Germanic cal- ligraphy known as Frakturschriften, and the complete publishing center which included a paper mill, printing office, and book bindery. Printing at Ephrata began in 1745, the third geographical location of printing in Pennsylvania. In fact, the largest book printed in America before 1800, numbering more than 1,500 pages, was published at the Ephrata printing shop in 1748. The first printed hymnbook of the cloister was called the “Turtle- Taube (Turtle Dove),” and contained more than 400 of the community’s hymns, most of which Beissel had written. It was issued in 1747, the same year as this manuscript. In addition to the press, the Cloister also had a scriptorium which produced beautiful manuscript hymnals and other works. Beissel composed many original hymns for the community, which then produced manuscript volumes containing both the words and, separately, the music. He is said to have composed more than 4,000 lines of poetry, almost all of it religious, some of it set to music also of his composition. “For the community’s worship, he developed distinctive types of choral harmony and antiphonal singing, and he frequently required the members to sing in this style on late night walks around Ephrata”—ANB. Manuscript production at Ephrata was used as a form not only of book production, but also as a meditation and spiritual act. Beissel established a monastic style of living for the Cloister in 1735, three years after its founding, and the earliest output of the scriptorium dates to this time. Most of the fine manuscript work was likely done by the Sisters (the Cloister was segregated by gender), while the Brothers maintained the printing press. The scriptorium flourished during the 1740s and 1750s, declining near the end of that decade. The present manuscript was produced while the scriptorium was at the pinnacle of its output and handiwork. This volume, with its elaborate fraktur titlepage, was likely a presentation copy rather than a standard, everyday hymnbook. The Ephrata community produced virtually the only original hymn texts and tunes during the colonial era. It was meant to be used with the printed words from the 1747 edition of Das Gesang der Einsamen und Verlassenen Turtel-Taube. . . . A bearded face has been drawn in each of the two upper corners of the fraktur, a highly interesting and unusual feature of the work. It is inscribed on the front fly leaf with a later ownership inscription which reads, “Abm. Burger’s Book / January 29, 1830,” which is followed by a gift inscription: “A Pres- ent of a Music Book from / Abm. Burger / to / Elder Lucius Crandal / Plainfield / Essex County / N.J. / December 17th 1854.” These lines were probably written by Abraham Berger (1795–1856), a member of the Snow Hill Congregation in Quincy, Pennsylvania, an offshoot of the Ephrata community located about ninety miles to the southwest. When Ephrata was in its decline in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, Snow Hill was in its prime, and as a result, many of the books and manuscripts were transferred from Ephrata to Snow Hill. This would explain how and why Berger may have acquired the volume. The gift recipient, Lucius Crandall (1810–76), was an elder and minister in the Sev- enth Day Baptist Church, first at Plainfield, New Jersey, and later at congregations in Rhode Island and New York. The Ephrata Cloister congregation, following its incor- poration in 1814, became known as the Seventh Day Baptists of Ephrata, also referred to as the German Seventh Day Baptists. While Ephrata had no official ties or affiliation to the Seventh Day Baptist Church with which Crandall was affiliated, the two denom- inations formed a close relationship. This was true to the extent that in the later 19th century, Crandall’s denomination included the annual reports of the Ephrata and Snow Hill congregations in their own annual reports. Ministers and members would travel from Crandall’s Seventh Day Baptist Church to the Cloisters at Ephrata for feast days and baptisms, etc., providing a link between the two men. The Winterthur Library and Museum in Delaware has a significant collection of these hymnals, as noted by Kari Main in her excellent 1997 article on the subject (she compares eight hymnals). Columbia University has half a dozen manuscript hymnals, as well, and further collections can be found at the Ephrata Cloister, The Free Library of Philadelphia, the Library of Congress, and the Hershey Museum. Many of these derive from the great Samuel Pennypacker collection, dispersed at auction in 1908. Such manuscript works are incredibly rare on the market today, and the present copy is an especially fine example of these remarkable manuscripts. Kari M. Main, “From the Archives: Illuminated Hymnals of the Ephrata Cloister” in Winterthur Portfolio, Vol. 32, No. 1, pp. 65–78. ANB (online). Website of the Ephrata Cloister, http://www.ephratacloister. org/history.htm. $48,500.

A Very Rare and Nearly Forgotten American Color Plate Book 9. [American Naval Color Plate Book]: Walker & Duval (lithographers & publishers): SAILORS ON SHORE, BEING THE HUMOROUS ADVENTURES OF DICK HAULYARD AND HIS SHIPMATES, ON A LAND CRUZE [sic]. EXEMPLIFIED IN EIGHT PLATES. BY PETER PASQUIN [wrapper title]. Philadelphia: Published by Walker & Duval, [ca. 1845]. Seven handcolored lithographs (of eight), 11 x 14 inches, drawn on stone by James Queen, printed by Peter S. Duval. Unbound as issued in original green pictorial wrappers. Very good. In a dark green half morocco box, spine gilt. A great rarity of American color plate books and illustrated maritime Americana, the first copy that we have ever encountered. Issued as a book, in pictorial wrappers and with eight color plates (only the first seven of which are present in this copy), this work depicts the humorous adventures of eight American sailors on shore leave as they enjoy their liberty, drink and dance, get involved in various brawls and scrapes, and eventually end up in jail. Text below the images describes their escapades in detail. The individual plates are numbered one through eight, and are entitled: 1) “In Sight of Port.” 2) “Casting Anchor.” 3) “Half Seas Over.” 4) “Run Aground with a Stiff Breeze.” 5) “An Engagement, with a Storm.” 6) “The Victory.” 7) “A Dead Calm.” The eighth plate, “Performing Quarantine,” which shows the group of sailors in jail, is not contained in the present collection. One of the four sailors is named “Dick Haulyard,” a parody of the name given by sailors and soldiers to a kind of unleavened hard biscuit or sea bread, though also sometimes used to refer to a rope or tackle for hoisting or lowering yards, sails, flags. His three shipmates are named “Tom Steady,” “Jack Staysail,” and “The Younker.” Peter S. Duval was a Philadelphia lithographer “of the greatest importance . . . a pioneer in color printing”—Peters. Duval, a French emigrant, was the first to intro- duce many new techniques to American lithography, and was involved with some of the most significant illustrated works published in antebellum America. The illustrations were lithographed by James Queen (born 1824), whom Peters calls “an excellent lithographer.” We date this work to circa 1845 because Peters lists Duval as working at No. 7 Bank Alley (the address listed on the wrapper and plates) at that time. Peters does not, however, list the firm of “Walker & Duval” in America on Stone. OCLC locates only two copies of this book, in the Mariners’ Museum Library and the Clements Library (which is in pink paper wrappers and contains all eight plates). The Clements Library copy comes from the collection of noted maritime collector Hubert S. Smith. This series of plates is not listed in any of the standard reference works on American naval prints, nor is it located in the collections of Irving S. Olds or Edgar Newbold Smith. As a color plate book, it is unknown to Bennett or McGrath, and this is the only copy we know of to appear for sale. OCLC 82864287. PETERS, AMERICA ON STONE pp. 163–68. $21,000. A Remarkable Collection of Virtually All of the Significant British Parliamentary Acts of the American Revolution from Before the Stamp Act through the Recognition of the United States 10. [American Revolution]: [COLLECTION OF OFFICIAL PRINTINGS OF 159 BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY ACTS DIRECTLY RELATING TO THE AMERI- CAN COLONIES AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, COMPRISING VIRTU- ALLY EVERY SIGNIFICANT BRITISH MEASURE ENACTED BETWEEN THE STAMP ACT AND THE CONCLUSION OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR]. London. 1751–1817. Folio. 159 printed Acts, running from 3 to 51 pages each. A full list of all the Acts included is available on request. Dbd. and laid into folders. In generally fine condition. In seven large folio half morocco and cloth boxes, spines gilt. An outstanding collection of 159 British Parliamentary Acts relating to the American colonies during the period of the American Revolution. The Acts contained in this collection are an unparalleled guide for understanding and following the British legislative actions of the 1760s and 1770s that led to the American grievances that culminated in the American Revolution. The Acts show how the British government sought to exert authority over the American colonies, and to raise financial resources from American sources, to punish the colonies for their actions, to prosecute the war against them, and finally to resolve the conflict. While the earliest Act in this collection is dated 1751 and the latest 1817, the great majority of the British laws contained herein encompass the years from the end of the French and Indian War in 1763 through the conclusion of the Revolutionary War in 1783, and contain all the British Parliamentary Acts of consequence that related to America in the period of the Revolution. In summary, the Acts present here are grouped as follow: 1) The Acts surrounding the Grenville budget of 1764, when Parliament first attempted to make the colonies raise the revenue needed for their defense and government. 2) The legislation surrounding the Stamp Act of 1765 and its repeal, with the assertion of the Parliamentary right to tax in the Declaratory Act of 1767. 3) The annual Mutiny Acts, which contained within them the right to quarter troops and provision them at public expense, in North America. 4) The Townsend Acts, seeking to raise money through North American customs duties, including, most famously, tea, but effectively taxing a broad range of goods. 5) Acts to suppress the colonial government of New York in their arguments with Parliament over paper money and quartering troops. 6) The Intolerable Acts of 1774, the five Acts which followed the Boston Tea Party, which closed the port of Boston, suspended the government of Massachusetts, made it possible for colonists to be sent to England for trial, quarter more troops in Massachusetts, and bar settlement by the colonies in the West (the Quebec Act). These were the catalyst for colonial unification and the first Continental Congress. 7) A series of Acts, which continued throughout the Revolution, to bar trade by the colonies and strangle their commerce until they submitted. 8) A series of Acts to arrest persons for treason. 9) A series of Acts to prosecute the War against the former colonies, including privateering, further taxation, detaining prisoners, and supporting military operations. 10) A series of Acts seeking to end the War, beginning with the abortive Carlisle Peace Com- mission in 1778 and ending with the conclusion of peace in 1783. 11) A series of Acts aiding and compensating Loyalists who had suffered in the War. 12) A variety of Acts touching on aspects of the British situation in North America in 1763–83. As Peter Thomas writes: The Stamp Act of 1765 is conventionally taken as the commencement of the sequence of events immediately comprising the American Revolution. But it was only the most famous of the series of policy decisions concerning the colonies enacted by George Grenville’s ministry of 1763–5. For by 1763, after a generation of war and a century of neglect, the British Government had turned its attention to America. The measures enacted during the next two years forced the colonies to face up to the implications of imperial rule. After the conclusion of the French and Indian War in 1763, the French continued to maintain a large military force (some 20,000 men) in the West Indies. As a result, the British government of Lord Bute decided to continue to garrison a large force (some 7500 to 10,000 men, eventually costing £350,000 annually) in North America. Though these forces would largely be stationed outside the thirteen colonies—in Canada, the Floridas, the Mississippi and Ohio frontiers—the British government decided that the American colonists should bear a large part of the financial burden of paying for these forces. Though this policy was devised by Lord Bute’s administration, it was inherited and enacted by the Grenville administration that came to power in 1763. The implications of these imperial policies are clearly stated in the first document in the present collection, which sets forth Lord Grenville’s economic presumptions regarding the taxation of the colonies. The “Grenville Budget” of 1764 is entitled (in part) “An Act for granting certain Duties in the British Colonies and Plantations in America . . . for applying the Produce of such Duties, and of the Duties to arise by virtue of the said Act, towards defraying the Expences of defending, protecting, and securing the said Colonies and Plantations . . . and more effectually preventing the clandestine Conveyance of Goods to and from the said Colonies and Plantations, and improving and securing the Trade between same and Great Britain.” This budget act contains the so-called “Sugar Act,” which is the first deliberate and direct attempt to tax the Ameri- can colonies in order to pay for the British military presence in North America. The Sugar Act levied a tax of three pence per gallon on the importation of foreign molasses (molasses from the British West Indies would be exempt from the tax). This budget act levies a number of additional taxes and fees as well. The final part of the title of the Act was Grenville’s response to the British Customs Board’s estimate that the annual revenue from American customs was a paltry £1800. Grenville, whose guiding principles were strict adherence to legality and financial solvency, found this state of affairs to be intolerable. Existing trade regulations, designed to raise greater revenue, would be more rigidly enforced, with incentives offered to naval officers and customs officials. This Budget Act of 1764 set the tone for many of the British policies and measure that followed. The Budget Act is accompanied here by three additional acts, dated 1768, 1778, and 1780, which extend, amend, and explain its various provisions. Most famous among the policies that followed the 1764 Grenville budget was the Stamp Act, which was enacted in 1765 and which is included in this collection. The idea that American colonists should, like British subjects in England, be required to pay a duty on printed material, had been bandied about before 1763, but the idea did not really gain traction until 1764. The plan stalled on its way through Parliament as the Grenville regime met with American colonial agents to devise alternate and less objectionable fund-raising methods. However, news of colonial protests against Parliamen- tary authority in 1764 contributed to the passing of the law in 1765, over the protests of colonial agents in London, including Benjamin Franklin from Pennsylvania and Jared Ingersoll of Connecticut. “By the time the Stamp Bill was introduced into Parliament the chief motive of the Grenville ministry had changed from the collection of revenue to the assertion of sovereignty”—Thomas. The Stamp Act levied a tax on all legal and commercial papers, pamphlets, newspapers, almanacs, cards, and dice. Nine pages in the Act are taken up with descriptions of what type of printed materials would be subject to the tax. A Stamp Office was created in Britain, and Stamp Inspectors were to be assigned to each colonial district. Colonists wishing to purchase or use any of the materials covered in the Act would be required to buy a stamp. The outrage in the colonies at this form of taxation was immediate and overwhelming, and the Stamp Act was repealed in 1766. The law repealing the Stamp Act is also included in this collection, as is another law of 1766 indemnifying those who had incurred penalties for refusing to comply with the Stamp Act. Another crucially important measure of 1765 included herein is the “Act for punish- ing Mutiny and Desertion; and for the better Payment of the Army and their Quarters,” better known as the Quartering Act. The act was passed in response to a letter from Thomas Gage, the British commander in America, who complained of the difficulties of quartering and feeding his troops, due to colonial obstruction. Though the law that was ultimately passed attempted to take account of colonial objections, the act was highly controversial in America, where it was believed that it authorized the billeting of soldiers in private homes. Parliament continued to pass annual Mutiny Acts, regulating the conduct and provisioning of British forces in America; this collection contains more than thirty such Acts. Passed in 1766, the so-called “Declaratory Act,” included herein, directly addresses the question of American resistance to Parliamentary acts. This brief law is a forceful assertion of British sovereignty over America and notes that, despite the fact that certain colonial legislatures have “passed certain Votes, Resolutions, and Orders, deroga- tory to the Legislative Authority of Parliament . . . the said Colonies and Plantations in America have been, are, and of Right ought to be, subordinate unto, and dependent upon, the Imperial Crown and Parliament of Great Britain.” The law concludes by stating that “all Resolutions, Votes, Orders, and Proceedings, in any of the said Colo- nies or Plantations, whereby the Power and Authority of the Parliament of Great Brit- ain, to make Laws and Statutes as aforesaid, is denied, or drawn into Question, are, and are hereby declared to be, utterly null and void to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever.” Lord Grenville resigned as Prime Minister in July 1765, replaced by the Rocking- ham administration, which lasted only a year. The Pitt ministry began in July 1766, but the mental deterioration of Lord Pitt made Charles Townshend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) the de facto Prime Minister. Townshend’s name is associated with another series of Parliamentary acts that were deplored in the colonies, and are also included herein. The Townshend Acts, which came after the highly loathed Stamp Act of 1765, levied further antagonizing duties on the American colonies for such imports as glass, lead, paint, and tea. They also created a reorganized Board of Customs Com- missioners in Boston to collect taxes and to enforce other revenue measures. The tensions resulting from these acts led to writings such as John Dickinson’s famous Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (1768) and then to the bloodshed of the Boston Massacre. The Townshend Acts were not, however, intended simply to raise funds for the Brit- ish treasury. Some were meant to be clearly punitive, and to again assert Parliamen- tary control over the colonies. Among these was the New York Restraining Act, which punished New York resistance to the Mutiny Act of 1765 and sapped the power of its Assembly. The full title of the act (included herein) is “An Act for restraining and pro- hibiting the Governor, Council, and House of Representatives, of the Province of New York, until Provision shall have been made for furnishing the King’s Troops with all the Necessaries required by Law, from passing or assenting to any Act of Assembly, Vote, or Resolution, for any other Purpose.” By all accounts the Townshend Acts were an important element in the British government’s alienation of the colonies that led to the American Revolution. New York was not the only colony that was directly targeted by British laws in the late 1760s and early 1770s—Massachusetts also suffered greatly from its resistance to Parliamentary acts. The Tea Act, the Boston Port Bill, the Administration of Justice Act, and others, all included here, are indelibly associated with Massachusetts and its resistance to imperial authority. There are several acts relating to tea duties in this collection, dating to the “Act for taking off the Inland Duty . . . upon all Black and Singlo Teas consumed in Great Britain; and for granting a Drawback upon the Exportation of Teas to Ireland, and the British Dominions in America” of 1767. The notorious Tea Act of 1773, which culminated in the Boston Tea Party of the following December is, of course, included in the collection. The Boston Tea Party provoked a strong reaction in the British government, then led by the ministry of Lord North. As David Ammerman writes, “Crowd action . . . was not unusual in the eighteenth century and the Boston Tea Party was a classic example of this phenomenon. The decision of the North ministry, however, to use the event as a justification for closing the port of Boston, restructuring the government of Mas- sachusetts Bay, and ordering changes in the system of justice was unprecedented.” Par- liament’s response to the Tea Party was a series of laws known as the “Coercive Acts” (also called the “Intolerable Acts”). They are generally considered to consist of five laws, all included here. Among them are the Boston Port Act, which closed the port of Boston until compensation had been made for the tea. The Massachusetts Government Act fundamentally altered the system of government in the colony, providing that the upper house (or council) would be appointed by the King rather than the governor, and brought local administration more directly under the control of the governor. It also limited town meetings to once a year. The Justice Act protected government officials from local juries, and the Quartering Act allowed the governor to take over unoccu- pied public buildings for the use of troops. Also considered part of the Coercive Acts, and included herein, is the Quebec Act, which galled American colonists by adding the Old Northwest Territory—where many of the thirteen colonies had land claims—to the Province of Quebec. Parliament was not unalterably punitive toward the colonies in the period from 1765 to 1775, and several of the most objectionable Acts of the period were rescinded or amended by Parliament (as the Stamp Act was in 1766). Those amendatory or rescinding laws are also included in this collection, grouped together with the offending original law. With the formal outbreak of hostilities the British government once again turned overtly punitive, and a number of the Acts included herein directly reflect the methods by which the British government sought to conduct the war in America. Among these is an act, passed in 1775, restraining American access to Newfoundland fisheries. There are also a number of acts cutting off trade with all the colonies, foremost among them 1776’s “An Act to prohibit all Trade and Intercourse with the Colonies . . . during the Continuance of the present Rebellion with in the said Colonies. . . .” This law effectively ended British exports to the colonies, aiming to starve the rebels into submission. Other acts are clearly punitive, such as “An Act to impower His Majesty to secure and detain Persons charged with, or suspected of, the Crime of High Treason, committed in any of His Majesty’s Colonies or Plantations in America, or on the High Seas, or the Crime of Piracy” of 1777. In 1782 were passed two Acts which focused on other military aspects of the conflict: “An Act for the better detaining, and more easy Exchange of American Prisoners brought into Great Britain,” and “An Act more effectually to prevent his Majesty’s Enemies from being supplied with Ships or Vessels from Great Britain.” These are just a pair of several Acts which touched on the military aspects of the war that are included herein. Several British budget acts from throughout the Revolutionary period are included as well. In 1778 Parliament passed an act to appoint a commission to negotiate with the Americans, which led to an aborted peace overture led by the Earl of Carlisle. That act is included here, as is the 1782 “Act to Enable His Majesty to Conclude a Peace or Truce with Certain Colonies in North America” which led to the end of the Revolution and the formal recognition of the independence of the United States. In the post-Rev- olutionary period there are many acts to compensate Loyalists who lost property as a result of their fidelity of England during the war. There are also a number of Acts that sought to restore relations with the United States in the postwar era, including laws regulating trade and intercourse. Foremost among these is the “Act to repeal so much of Two Acts, made in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Years of the Reign of His Majesty, as prohibits Trade and Intercourse with the United States of America.” This law, rein- stating trade with the now independent United States, directly repeals the Act of 1776 mentioned in the preceding paragraph. It would be incredibly difficult to assemble a similarly thorough collection. A complete and detailed inventory of all the Acts included in the collection is available. In all, a truly remarkable collection of British Parliamentary Acts pertaining to America throughout the period of the American Revolution—the laws that led to the deeds that led to freedom for the American colonies. Peter D. G. Thomas, “The Grenville Program, 1763–1765” in Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole (editors), The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Ma., 1994), pp. 107–12. David L. Ammerman, “The tea crisis and its consequences, through 1775” in Ibid., pp. 198–210. $135,000.

A Fundamental Work of Great Rarity on the American Revolution: The First Continental Printings of Common Sense, the Declaration of Independence, and the Articles of Confederation, Greatly Influenced by Franklin 11. [American Revolution]: [Genêt, Edmé-Jacques, editor]: AFFAIRES DE L’ANGLETERRE ET DE L’AMÉRIQUE. Antwerp [i.e. Paris]. 1776–1779. Fourteen volumes (of fifteen) in eleven. Complete collation available upon request. Contemporary French half calf and boards, spines gilt, leather labels. Spines professionally restored, some neatly repaired. Light wear to corners and boards. Light scattered foxing to text. Overall, a very good copy of a rare set. A monumental and fundamentally important set of documents tracing the early course of the American Revolution and events on the North American continent. Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique contains among the earliest, and in some cases the first, European printings of many of the most basic documents in American history, including the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Paine’s Common Sense, the Articles of Confederation, and several state constitutions. The series was produced by the French government in order to inform the French public of the origins and course of the American Revolution, and to build and justify support among the French aristocracy and bureaucracy for an eventual Franco-American alliance. With the crucial editorial assistance of Benjamin Franklin and John Adams, the Affaires . . . helped accomplish this goal, as well as providing the French people with their first taste of American democratic philosophy. Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique, though bearing an Antwerp imprint, was actually produced by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was available from the French bookseller, Pissot. The false imprint and the anonymity maintained by the editor served to hide the fact that it was issued by the French government and helped maintain a facade of impartiality. The first issue appeared on May 4, 1776, and publication proceeded through October 1779. The series was edited by Edmé-Jacques Genêt, chief interpreter to the French Foreign Minister, Charles Gravier, the Comte de Ver- gennes. Genêt was the father of Edmund Charles “Citizen” Genêt, who later caused so much discord in French-American relations during his tenure as minister plenipotentiary to the United States in the 1790s. Edmé-Jacques Genêt produced a similar journal during the French and Indian War, using correspondents in Britain, Spain, and the German states to gather news and information on events in the various fields of battle. He called upon some of those same sources, and cultivated American contacts as well, for Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique. Chief among Genêt’s American sources was Benjamin Franklin, who arrived in Paris on Dec. 21, 1776, as one of the American representatives seeking an alliance with France. Among the first documents Franklin provided to Genêt was a copy of John Dickinson’s draft of the Articles of Confederation. In the United States these were still secret documents which had only circulated in committee in the Continental Con- gress. The Articles were translated in full and appear in the Dec. 27, 1776 edition of the Affaires . . . , constituting “the first unrestricted publication in any language of the Articles of Confederation” (Echeverria). Franklin also provided Genêt with American newspapers, copies of his own correspondence, and old essays, all documenting the development of the rift between Great Britain and her American colonies in a light very favorable to the colonists. Franklin also contributed an original essay, Compari- son of Great Britain and America as to Credit, in 1777, to Genêt’s journal (printed in the Oct. 18, 1777 “Banker’s Letter”). John Adams arrived in Paris in the spring of 1778, and was also very active in supplying Genêt with newspapers, copies of his own letters, and rebuttals to British propaganda. Laura Anne Bédard, a recent student of Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique, notes that the journal took a markedly pro-American tinge once Franklin began his contributions. This emphasis carried through the negotiation of the Franco-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, all the way to the end of the journal’s publication in October 1779. With such well placed American contacts, it is not surprising that Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique contains some of the earliest appearances of many of the basic works of the Revolutionary era. The number of important publications contained in the journal is nevertheless remarkable. The publication of John Dickinson’s draft of the Articles of Confederation has already been mentioned. The Declaration of Inde- pendence appears in the Aug. 16, 1776 issue of the Affaires . . . (in the “Banker’s Let- ter”) and is the first European printing of that landmark document, preceding other French and British printings by one to two weeks. Durand Echeverria mistakenly identifies a printing of the Declaration in the Aug. 30, 1776 edition of the Gazette de Leyde as the first French translation, missing its appearance a full two weeks earlier in the Affaires. . . . Thomas Paine’s incredibly influential and wildly popularCommon Sense was the first purely political essay published in the Affaires . . . , appearing in the issue of June 15, 1776. It does not appear in a word-for-word translation, but Genêt reprinted the majority of Paine’s text, summarizing the sections he excluded. Gimbel notes only one other French language printing of Common Sense in 1776, bearing a Rotterdam imprint. This is almost certainly its first continental appearance. Genêt also printed several state constitutions as soon as they became available, usually supplied by Frank- lin and translated by the Duc de la Rochefoucauld d’Enville. The Affaires . . . includes the first European printings of the constitutions of Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Virginia. Echeverria notes that the two earliest separate French publications printing American constitutions, appearing in 1778, were word-for-word copies, including footnotes, from Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique. In the Oct. 2, 1778 issue Genêt reproduced the full text of the Franco- American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, concluded the previous February and not yet ratified. Echeverria accurately calls the Affaires . . . one of the two “most important publications of American political documents in France during the American war.” Along with these vital documents, Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique is filled with thousands of pages of fascinating documents tracing the development of the conflict between Great Britain and her American colonies, and following the actual course of the war. Most issues contain two sections, a “Journal” devoted to the latest news from abroad, and a section of commentary in the form of a “Letter From a London Banker,” actually written by Genêt himself. The Journal sections contain excerpts from newspapers, periodicals, and other reports on military campaigns (including letters from British, German, and American soldiers), debates in the British parliament, and accounts of British finances. Included are discussions of British troop strength and reports from numerous British government ministers and parliamentarians including Pitt, Grenville, Burke, Wilkes, and North, among several others. Many of the documents are included in order to gauge British political and popular support for operations in North America, and to discern British financial strength. The contents cover the full range of affairs in North America, from naval strength to Hessian activities, battlefield reports, Indian loyalties, and Canadian affairs. The information is presented in an impartial and balanced manner, with little editorial comment. The pro-American bias comes through, however, in the commentary section in which Genêt, in the guise of the “British banker,” transmits opinions on the history and course of the conflict. This section includes political documents and essays, expanded by Genêt’s editorial notes. It is in the “Banker’s Letters” that Common Sense is excerpted and the Declara- tion of Independence printed. It also marks the first French appearance of British dis- senter Richard Price’s important work, Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, in which he supports American independence. Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique was issued intermittently in parts. It can be bound in a varying number of volumes, and bibliographer Paul L. Ford calls it “one of the most intricate and puzzling studies in collation.” Howes notes that sets are made up of “twenty-four parts divided into fifteen volumes,” but are usually bound in seventeen volumes. Sabin concurs on twenty-four parts, while LeClerc catalogued an incomplete set of only thirteen parts. Ford throws out the notion of “parts” entirely, giving a complete collation in fifteen volumes. Obadiah Rich asserts that the series was “an imi- tation or translation of Almon’s Remembrancer,” but Sabin and Howes both correctly refute this utterly incorrect notion. Howes calls it a “counterpart” to the Remembrancer, while Sabin notes that it is “quite different” from Almon’s work. As we have noted, it is a wholly original collection of documents, assembled to provide close reports on the progress of the American Revolution and to pave the way toward the French alliance with the rebellious Americans. The present set is a nearly complete run of Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique, containing some ninety-five percent of the entire text. It lacks one volume late in the series, identified as the fifteenth volume in Ford’s collation. Several of the indexes are also lacking, as are two small sections of text earlier in the series. As Bédard notes, however, 1779 constituted the waning days of the Affaires . . . , and most of the information in the final volumes is made up of accounts of French and Spanish military affairs, and they contain little in the way of significant American documentary material. This is only the third copy that we have seen of this extremely rare set. There are complete sets at the University of Virginia, the Library of Congress, the Biblio- thèque Nationale, the John Carter Brown Library, and Yale. Paul Ford, in his 1889 article on the work, located incomplete sets at Harvard, Massachusetts Historical Soci- ety, the Department of State, New York State Library, Thomas Crane Public Library in Quincy, Massachusetts (which has John Adams’ incomplete set), and one in a private collection. Many of these are no longer at these locations (for example, the New York State Library set was probably destroyed in their 1911 fire, the State Department Library has been dispersed, etc.). “So little known, that no satisfactory account of it exists”—JCB. “Essential for the Revolutionary period”—Sabin. “Of singular importance for the history of the period covered; but, owing to its rarity, and to the extreme bibliographical confusion in its parts and volumes, it has been singularly neglected as historical material”—Larned. “Collection des plus importantes pour la periode de la revolution des Etats-Unis”—LeClerc. A rare and fundamentally important collection of documents on the early years of the American Revolution, in many cases containing the earliest European printings of several iconic works of American history. HOWES A85, “b.” LeCLERC 2464. SABIN 491. JCB 1(III):2185. FORD, FRANKLIN BIBLIOG- RAPHY 326. LARNED 1210. Laura Anne Bédard, Les Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amerique: A French Journal Covering the American Revolution from France (Unpublished Master’s Thesis, 1986), especially chapters 2 and 3 and appendices. Durand Echeverria, “French Publications of the Declaration of Independence and the American Constitutions, 1776–1783” in Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, Vol. 47, pp. 313–38. Paul Leicester Ford, “Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique” in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1889, pp. 222–26 has the clearest collation. Will Slauter, “Construc- tive Misreadings: Adams, Turgot, and the American State Constitutions” in Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, Vol. 105, No. 1, pp. 33–68. $60,000.

Seizing Goods from Loyalists and Appealing to Patriots for the Troops at Valley Forge: The Only Known Copy 12. [American Revolution]: [Valley Forge]: IN COUNCIL OF SAFETY. LANCASTER, NOVEMBER 8, 1777. O RDERED, THAT . . . BE AUTHORISED AND REQUIRED TO COLLECT WITHOUT DELAY FROM SUCH OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE COUNTY OF . . . AS HAVE NOT TAKEN THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE AND ABJURATION, OR WHO HAVE AIDED OR ASSISTED THE ENEMY, AND FROM SUCH WELL-AFFECTED PERSONS AS MAY BE ABLE TO SPARE THEM, ARMS AND ACCOUTREMENTS . . . FOR THE ARMY. . . . Lancaster: Printed by Francis Bailey, [1777]. Broadside, 13 x 8¼ inches. Old folds. Small separation at center cross- fold. Old 2½ x 2-inch stain in center. Very good. In a half morocco box. A remarkable circular letter from the Pennsylvania Council of Safety, authorizing the seizure of goods from American Loyalists so that those items could be given to the bedraggled Continental Army, which would soon be wintering at nearby Valley Forge. Patriotic Americans are also asked to give what they can of arms and clothing for the war effort. We are unable to locate any other copies of this rare and significant directive. The Pennsylvania Council of Safety evacuated Philadelphia when the British occupied the city in September 1777. On October 21, 1777, having removed to Lancaster, they issued a proclamation authorizing the confiscation of the estates and property of any American who fought in the British army, and of anyone who provided material comfort and support to the British occupiers. The present proclamation, also issued from Lancaster, directs eleven men, whose names are provided in manuscript, to collect goods that would be of the utmost importance for Washington’s troops at Valley Forge. Among the specific items listed are “arms and accoutrements, blankets, woolen cloth, linceywoolsey, linnen, shoes and stockings for the army.” These goods were to be collected from any inhabitant of the county “as have not taken the oath of allegiance and abjuration, or who have aided or assisted the enemy.” Patriotic Americans able to contribute goods for the Continental Army are also asked to give what they can. The specific county in which these collections are to take place has not been filled in in this copy of the Council’s circular letter. Added in a contemporary manuscript hand at the conclusion of the printed text is the following note: “all officers civilian & military are hereby required and directed on application from the Commissioners above or any of them to be aiding and assisting in the execution of these orders.” The text is signed in print by Thomas Wharton, Junior, President of the Council of Safety. No copies of this broadside circular are listed in Evans, Bristol, Shipton & Mooney, NAIP, or ESTC. Rare, and highly evocative of the deprivation that Washington’s troops faced at Valley Forge in the winter of 1777–78, and the desperate measures taken to support them. $27,500.

The Papers of the English Commissary General in North America, 1774–77 13. [American Revolution]: Chamier, Daniel: [ARCHIVE OF ORIGINAL MANU- SCRIPT DOCUMENTS RECORDING THE WORK AND ACCOUNTS OF DAN- IEL CHAMIER, COMMISSARY GENERAL OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN NORTH AMERICA DURING 1774—1777, DETAILING THE FUNDS EXPENDED FOR PROVISIONING THE BRITISH ARMY DURING THREE CRITICAL YEARS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION]. [London, New York, Baltimore, & Newport, R.I. 1778–1798]. One manuscript document on a long vellum roll made up of fourteen skins, totaling 516 x 11½ inches (i.e. 43 feet in length). Plus an additional twenty-one manuscript documents on folio and quarto sheets, as described below. Light wear, some occasional foxing or soiling. Overall, in very good condition. In two half morocco and cloth clamshell cases, one quarto and the other folio in size, gilt leather labels. A remarkable collection of manuscript documents, detailing the accounts of Daniel Chamier, the Commissary General of the British Army in North America during the Revolutionary War, and showing how the British forces in America were provisioned from 1774 to 1777. The axiom (variously attributed to Napoleon and to Frederick the Great) that “an army travels on its stomach” is a truism borne out by centuries of military history. The accounts of Daniel Chamier’s service as Commissary General for British forces from Nova Scotia to Florida during the Revolutionary War provide an invaluable guide for understanding how the British Army was provisioned in the early years of the war, and for understanding how and why General William Howe’s forces did, or did not, “travel.” Daniel Chamier lived for several years in Maryland, holding public offices in the colony and apparently accumulating a sizeable personal fortune. Before the actual outbreak of fighting during the Revolution he offered his services to the British Army, and became Commissary General of the Army in North America. He served in that position from 1774 to 1777, and then as Auditor-General from 1777 until his death a year later. The work of the Commissary General was of supreme importance in the functioning of the British Army in North America, and Chamier’s efforts often had direct impact on British decision-making at the highest levels. When and where to attack, when to retreat, where to camp—these decisions were often based on a consideration of supplies. Chamier’s accounts provide incredibly detailed information on how the British Army was provisioned in the early years of the Revolution, and include expenses for forces under the command of generals Howe, Cornwallis, Clinton, Gage, and many more. The documents in this collection were created and assembled by Chamier’s heirs and family members after his death in an effort to gain reimbursement for the thousands of pounds sterling from his personal fortune that Chamier expended during his service. Chamier’s commission records that he was Commissary General for all British forces employed in North America, though in fact forces in mainland Canada had their own Commissary General. Chamier’s responsibility was for the provisioning of British forces from Nova Scotia to Florida, and he held the position for three crucial, early years of the Revolution, from February 1774 to February 1777, during which time many important battles were fought, and the British were generally considered to have the upper hand in the conflict. Chamier was responsible for receiving provisions sent from Britain and then distributing them to British troops in America, and for securing provisions in America as he could. From March 1777 on, Chamier held the position of Auditor- General (or Comptroller of Accounts) to the British forces in America, and at the time of his death, on November 27, 1778, he was still recorded on staff records as Comptrol- ler. Chamier was assisted in his duties as Commissary General by a number of deputies, with specific assistants in charge of provisions, fuel, cattle, forage, etc. His headquarters were in New York, though he sometimes accompanied the army in the field. Of primary importance with regard to Chamier’s career, and to the present archive, is the issue of funding and the expenditure of funds. Chamier and his assistants were paid a small salary, but little more. Most often, Chamier was required to use his own considerable fortune to secure necessities such as flour, rice, beef, and other provisions, as well as for rents, postage, travel charges, books and stationery, and a variety of other expenses for the army throughout the American colonies. Records cited by historian Edward Curtis show that the value of the provisions Chamier received from abroad from 1775 through 1777 amounted to some £65,000. The manuscript records in this collection detailing his total disbursements, however, record that Chamier’s Commissary General office made payments in the amount of more than £300,000. The manuscript records in this collection record the names of hundreds of provisioners who were paid hundreds of thousands of pounds for their services to the British Army in America, as it grew from a relatively small force to an army that controlled large parts of the American colonies by the end of 1777. In 1775 the British Army had some 8,000 soldiers stationed in North America, about one-sixth of their total force. By comparison, some 12,000 British soldiers were stationed in Ireland. Supply and transport services to America were described by one historian as being in only a “crude and embryonic” state. By 1781 the number of British soldiers in America and the West Indies had grown seven-fold, to 56,000. From soldiers’ pay to food, clothing, weapons, etc., the state of accounts of the British army was complicated, confusing, and ripe for corruption. Curtis notes that “a Parliamentary commission appointed in 1780 to investigate the finances of the army is said to have abandoned its task in despair.” During the war Chamier’s accounts would have been scrutinized by the Comptrol- lers of Army Accounts in London. Edward Curtis writes that “more than one commissary general fell under suspicion of being engaged in doubtful transactions at the expense of the government,” and Chamier did not escape this suspicion. For example, Chamier often complained about the quality of provisions shipped over from the Brit- ish Isles, and of their being damaged or spoiled in transport. But he was in turn criticized for leaving provisions on the docks, where they would be exposed to the elements and could spoil. At other times he was accused of selling spoiled goods, only to buy them back to serve to troops. In other instances Chamier’s complaints were found to be dated prior to his inspection of supplies, and he often failed to specify which provisioners were responsible for sending spoiled goods. The bulk of the provisions for the British Army in America came from the Brit- ish Isles—they did not live off the land as did their French counterparts during the Napoleonic wars. However, provisions were sometimes purchased in America, at high prices. Meat, flour, rice, and other provisions could sometimes be purchased or seized locally, and prize vessels would sometimes yield much needed goods. Adding to the many frustrations of Chamier’s position was the tendency of American merchants to raise their prices to exorbitant levels when offering goods to the British Army. The twenty-two manuscript items in this collection document Daniel Chamier’s efforts to provision British forces in America from 1774 to 1777, and the efforts of his heirs to be compensated for the monies he personally spent. The two primary account- ings of Chamier’s work are contained in the first two documents below; the twenty items that follow describe the efforts made by Chamier’s heirs after his death to clear up his accounts, and to be compensated for hundreds of thousands of pounds that they claimed were owed to Chamier by the British government for monies he paid himself as part of his duties during the Revolution. At his death in 1778, Chamier’s estate was held by the Chancery Court, and a final settlement was not made until 1794. Amounts paid out by him during the war for which there were no vouchers were charged against his estate, and his heirs were left with only £2000 out of an estate valued at approximately £1 million. The documents in the collection are as follow: 1) In the Roll of Foreign Accounts of the XXXIIIIth Year of King George the Third . . . Daniel Cham- ier . . . His Account Thereof Between 25th May 1774 and the 24th May 1777 . . . . The centerpiece of the collection is a vellum scroll, referred to in the later documents as the “Quietus,” made up of fourteen joined skins and measuring forty-three feet in length. It constitutes a detailed accounting of Daniel Chamier’s expenditures as Commissary General for the period from May 25, 1774 to May 24, 1777. The expenditures record costs for provisions for forces under a number of British generals, including Howe, Clinton, Gage, Cornwallis, Haldimand, Eyre Massey, and Percy. The total payments recorded on this vellum scroll amount to more than £307,409, and record hundreds of specific payments to scores of assistants, deputies, and suppliers. A wide geographic area is covered, from Nova Scotia to Florida, and includes New York, Detroit, Fort Erie, Crown Point, Boston, Charlestown, Albany, Ticonderoga, Flushing, Brooklyn, Staten Island, Savannah, St. Augustine, Rhode Island, and many others. The payments cover a wide variety of costs for many different types of provisions, including beef, pork, flour, rum, vinegar, rice, potatoes, turnips, corn, butter, and much more. There are numerous costs beyond foodstuffs, including costs for transport, slaughtering cattle, printing stationery and advertisements (including work done by New York Loyalist printers Hugh Gaine and James Rivington), postage, laborers, coopers, storage, the costs involved in building a brewery, etc. The accounts are, overall, incredibly detailed and provide a wealth of information. For example, one of the hundreds of items listed is for a payment of nearly £820 to Loyalist Brigadier General Oliver De Lancey for “37,566 rations of provisions purchased on Long Island for the use of his Brigade between 25th December 1776 and 24th March 1777 & £1252.4.0 more to him for hay and corn delivered for the troops in the town of West Chester and for the use of the Commanding Chief Brigadier General Agnew and the Staff Officers of the Army in November 1776.” Another item records the costs of collecting, retrieving, and distributing cattle on Staten Island in 1776. One expense describes a cost of £1381.1.4 to “Andrew Barkley of his Majesty’s ship Scarborough in full for several orders drawn upon him by Major James Grant of the 40th Regiment of foot in favor of Masters of English merchant ships who had victualled part of the detachment under his command whilst on board for their protection in Savannah River in Georgia in March 1776, £84.3.4 more to the said Andrew Barkley for flour & rum said to be delivered to the transport ships Symmestry and Whitby for the use of the forces under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Grant.” Cham- ier’s relative, Daniel Chamier, Jr., who was the “Deputy Commissary at Fort Augustine,” was paid £322 for his disbursements for “labourers & for boats employed in unloading the ship Triumvirate’s cargo of provisions at St. Augustine Bar.” The breadth of Chamier’s duties are evidenced in such expenses as costs for provisioning troops in Cumberland in Nova Scotia, as well as the costs of provisioning Hessian troops. In all there are hundreds of specific transactions listed. Other expenditures seem to be beyond the realm of Chamier’s office, and indicate why his administration of his office was often suspect with regard to financial malfeasance. For example, noted is an expense for £1033.10 paid to George William Tryon “for so much by him expended for provisions, the value of vessels taken by the enemy or lost and sundry other expenditures for his Majesty’s service.” Other accounts are quite vague, such as an expense of more than £82 for “several persons for pilotage between 25th September 1776 and 24th May 1777,” and a charge of £323 to “several persons for sundry petty expenses and disbursements” over the same period. The text of this lengthy vellum document is dated July 16, 1794. It is also signed at the end by Thomas Lowten, Deputy Clerk of the Pipe, who has dated his signature August 14, 1795. Lowten was a respected solicitor, who was contracted to verify the accuracy of the accounts. This vellum document was prepared by Chamier’s heirs and descendants, led by John Chamier, in the 1790s in an attempt to be compensated for what they asserted to be more than £300,000 of expenses paid personally by Daniel Chamier in the course of his duties as Com- missary General. It is supported by another lengthy document detailing hundreds of payments: 2) Acct. of Moneys Expended on the Public Service by Danl. Chamier Esq. Dec’d, Late Comy. Genl. Together with the Final Arrangement of These Accts. with Government. . . . Also the Pay Rec’d. from Treasury on the Acct. Pay Due to the Late D. Chamier . . . and Likewise the Bankers Acct. . . . [manuscript title]. This fifty-seven-page manuscript on folio sheets is another lengthy and detailed accounting of Chamier’s expenses, in a different format than on the preceding vellum scroll. Thirty-eight pages contain the amounts paid out to various deputies, assistants, provisioners, etc., over the period 1774 to 1777, giving the names of those paid, the amounts, and the particulars of the transaction, whether they be for goods or for labor. Examples include £10.5.4 paid to J. Carew for “244 biscuits & 100 pieces pork purchased for the use of the Royal Artillery on board the Brig. Bristol Packet,” a payment of more than £50 to John Butler, Deputy Commissary at Halifax, “his disbursements for office, rent, storage cellars, rent & accounts,” nearly £100 to John Ireland for grinding wheat, and £1091 to Richard Cunningham, the cost of “42 head cattle, 3 calves & 4 hogs for the Army & Navy.” At the conclusion of this document is the copied declaration of John Chamier, dated 1798, accepting the paltry final settlement offered by the British government. These two documents provide what certainly must be the most detailed and comprehensive record of the expenses paid for provisioning the British Army in America during the crucial years of 1774 to 1777. 3) [Manuscript Eulogy]. [2]pp. on a folded folio sheet. The anonymous author of this eulogy extols Daniel Chamier’s virtuous character, his loyalty to the British crown during his service, and his kindness toward captured American prisoners. The author of his eulogy is unidentified, but he calls Chamier his “most faithful affectionate friend, the most generous humane benefactor.” The eulogy may have been written by Daniel Chamier’s brother, Anthony Chamier (1725–80), a financier and friend of Samuel Johnson. The eulogy is dated February 11, 1779 and was sent to the printer of the Morning Post. 4) [Autograph Letter, Signed, from Deputy Commissary John Morrison in Newport, Rhode Island, to Daniel Chamier]. Newport. Jan. 30, 1778. [2]pp. on a folded folio sheet. Mor- rison asks Chamier to receive General Howe’s approval of several warrants he has paid for personally. He then goes on to describe his efforts to provide bread for General Clinton’s army: “With the consent of Genl. Clinton I baked, for the Army, on the same footing the bakers at N. York did, that was to deliver a pound of bread, for every pound of flour; and had Mr. Fraser been the man I took him for, great advantages might have been made, without the Crown’s being in the least injured, and it is very immaterial to the public, whether a Com- missary or a Baker receives the profit.” 5) [Manuscript Copy of a Letter, Signed by Daniel Chamier]. New York. Aug. 8, 1777. [2] pp. on a folded folio sheet. Chamier reports that he certified Samuel Rogers to be Deputy Commissary of Stores and Provisions at Perth Amboy beginning in December 1776 and continuing to the following May, “during which time the great number of troops in garrison there and at Brunswick being upwards of ten thousand men, rendered it necessary to place very large quantities of provisions in his care.” Chamier praises the work done by Rogers in his “quick dispatch of business and exactness in his accounts,” but notes that bad weather has brought on a “rheumatic complaint” that would require him to be relieved of his duties. 6) [Manuscript Power of Attorney Document, Signed by Achsah Chamier, the Widow of Daniel Chamier]. Baltimore. 1784. [2]pp., followed by a [1]p. notary’s statement with paper seal. Chamier’s widow (elsewhere identified as “Esther” Chamier), residing in Baltimore, here gives power of attorney to Daniel Chamier, Jr. and Samuel Sterrett of London, allowing them to receive all “sums of money, debts, goods, wares, accounts and other demands whatsoever, which are or shall be due, payable and belonging to me.” 7) [Autograph Letter, Signed, from Daniel Chamier to John Chamier, Secretary of War in Madras, India]. London. Jan. 10, 1787. [3]pp. on a folded folio sheet. Daniel Chamier apprises his relative, stationed in India, of the steps he has taken with the Office for Auditing the Public Accounts in clearing up the accounts of Daniel Chamier, formerly the Commissary General. He includes the text of a letter Jonathan Wigglesworth in the Public Accounts Office. 8) State of the Money Attached by Government Belonging to Dl. Chamier [manuscript title]. [N.p., but likely London. n.d., but ca. 1790]. [2]pp. on a folded folio sheet. This manuscript appears to have been prepared by Chamier family lawyer Edward Smith, and considers several aspects of the settlement of the Chamier estate. Among the scenarios posed are the different possible outcomes if Chamier had died in England as opposed to America, if his widow had since died, and if Chamier still had property in places other than America. The document also includes an extract from Chamier’s will, dated 1774. 9) State of the Money Attached by Government Belonging to the Estate of Danl. Chamier Esq. Late Comy. Genl. in America [manuscript title]. [2]pp. on a folded folio sheet. [with:] [Manuscript Enclosures to the Previous Document]. [4]pp. on a folded folio sheet. Though undated, these documents were likely prepared in London circa 1793 by Edward Smith, council representing the Chamier estate and heirs. As in document 8 above, it considers various scenarios relating to the Chamier estate, and also contains a four-page manuscript addendum, detailing some of the Chamier accounts. 10) [Autograph Letter, Signed, from Daniel Chamier, Jr., Apparently to John Chamier, Regard- ing the State of the Chamier Accounts]. London. Jan. 22, 1789. [2]pp. on a folded folio sheet. Daniel Chamier, Jr. sends information to John Chamier, nephew of the deceased Commis- sary General. He writes that he has been quite busy with the case, and that “the examination of the vouchers though only a cursory one took up several months, but it enabled me to form a judgement of the sum that would be allowed on the final settlement; furnished me with the Names of such persons whose vouchers had been lost, mislaid or had never been taken. . . .” He also discusses reports of King George III’s deteriorating health and mental capacity, and the potential political implications. 11) An Exact Calculation of the Pay Due to Mr. Chamier on His Two Last Commissions [manuscript title]. London. January 1789. [2]pp. on a folio sheet. This document was apparently prepared by Daniel Chamier, Jr., likely as an enclosure to his letter to John Chamier of January 22 (see item 10, above). It calculates pay due to Daniel Chamier during his service as Commissary General and Auditor-General from April 1776 through his death in November 1778. Chamier was paid £2 per day through January 1777, and £3 per day after that, for a total salary owed him of £2610. 12) [Autograph Letter, Signed, from Daniel Chamier, Jr., to John Chamier, Regarding Recent Events in Settling the Estate of Daniel Chamier, and a Request to be Paid for His Services]. London. May 25, 1790. [3]pp. on a folded folio sheet, addressed for mailing on the fourth page. Tears from folding, costing a few letters of text. Chamier in London writes to his relative, now serving as Secretary to the Military Department at Fort St. George on the coast of Coromandel. He asks if John Chamier will authorize his attorneys to provide a salary of one guinea per week to Daniel Chamier, Jr., for the work he has been undertaking on settling the estate of Daniel Chamier, noting that his request for compensation from the government has been rejected. 13) An Exact Account of Monies Impressed to Mr. Chamier, During His Commissariat, by Warrants from the Several Commanders in Chief [manuscript title]. [London. ca. 1790]. [3]pp. on a folded folio sheet. Prepared by Daniel Chamier, Jr., and likely an enclosure to one of his letters to John Chamier (items 10 or 12 above), this document tallies the accounts of monies in the warrants issued to Chamier by generals Haldimand, Howe, and Gage during the Revolu- tion, totaling some £175,000. Tallies on the following two pages show “A List of Accounts delivered into the Auditor’s Office supported by Vouchers,” as well as a brief accounting of the “Personal Estate of the Deceased.” 14) [Autograph Letter, Signed, from Jonathan Wigglesworth in the Office for Auditing the Public Accounts, to Edward Smith, Attorney for John Chamier]. [London]. March 26, 1791. [1]p. on a folded folio sheet, addressed for mailing on the fourth page. Wigglesworth writes: “In answer to your letter of the 11th of February, desiring to be informed as to the length of time it may probably take to examine the Accounts of Danl. Chamier Esquire, late Commis- sary General in North America, I am directed by the Commissioners for Auditing the Public Accounts to acquaint you, that there is no general State of the Account delivered, that it appears by the Army Accounts that Mr. Chamier stands In Super for £175,644.8.9’2, and that it cannot at present be ascertained what part of that sum is properly accounted for but by an accurate examination, which from the magnitude of the sum and nature of the Service, will take up a considerable length of time.” 15) [Manuscript Draft of a Letter by Edward Smith to the Board for Auditing Public Accounts Regarding the Accounts of Daniel Chamier]. [with:] [Manuscript Copy of the Same Letter, in a Secretarial Hand, and Signed by Edward Smith]. London. Nov. 30, 1792. [4]pp. and [3] pp. on folded folio sheets. The attorney for the Chamier estate writes the Board for Auditing Public Accounts, sending them an updated statement of the charges on the account of Daniel Chamier in his service as Commissary General (see following item) and begs the Board to accept this further evidence. He further asks them to forgive the fact of certain unaccounted for expenses: “still there appear to be sums for which vouchers are wanting, but of which there are such strong corroborating evidence of payment that I should hope the particular difficulties these accounts labor under from the want of local knowledge on the part of the family, added to the known loss of vouchers in the conveyance, will induce your Board to consider the Family as worthy of your recommendation.” 16) Statement of Surcharges in the Accounts of Mr. D. Chamier Comy. Genl. in America with Mr. Smith’s Remarks on the Various Articles, Enclosed in His Letter Dated 30th Nov. 1792, to the Honble. Board for Auditing Public Accot. [manuscript title]. London. Nov. 30, 1792. [4]pp. on a folded folio sheet. This is the supporting evidence referred to by Smith in the previous letter, giving further details on the amounts owed to the Chamier estate. Smith admits that most of the amounts listed in this detailed report have no supporting vouchers. 17) Letter to Auditors Public Accts. on Settl. of D. Chamier’s Acct. 30 Nov. 1792 [docket title]. [7] pp. on folded folio sheets. This appears to be Edward Smith’s rough draft of the Statement of Surcharges sent to the Board for Auditing the Public Accounts (item 16 above), and seems to contain more information than in the final document. 18) List of Surcharges in the Account of Daniel Chamier Esqr. Late Commissary General in North America from 25th May 1774 to 24 May 1777 [manuscript title]. [6]pp. on folded folio sheets, [preceded by:] [Letter in a Secretarial Hand, from Jonathan Wigglesworth in the Office for Auditing Public Accounts]. [1]p. [London]. June 14, 1793. Wigglesworth sends Chamier family lawyer Edward Smith this accounting of the surcharges on the account of Daniel Chamier, showing that there is a balance due from him of £17,608.13.11 in “New York currency.” This document gives details on scores of sums reimbursed to Chamier in his duties, with information on amounts, dates, and who delivered the services or goods. 19) [Autograph Letter, Signed, from Charles Long, Secretary to the Treasury, to Edward Smith]. [London]. Aug. 14, 1793. [1]p. on a folded folio sheet. Charles Long, later Baron Farnborough, writes to Edward Smith, lawyer for the Chamier family, and requests a meeting with him prior to delivering the report of the Commissioners for Auditing Public Accounts to the Lords of the Treasury. 20) [Manuscript Draft of a Letter in the Hand of Edward Smith, Written to Treasury Secretary Charles Long]. [London]. Aug. 16, 1793. [2]pp. on a folio sheet. This is Smith’s retained draft of his reply to Long’s letter of August 14 (item 19 above). Smith informs Long that he is not in London but in the country, due to issues of health, and asks Smith to meet with Jonathan Wigglesworth of the Office for Auditing Public Accounts to discuss the Chamier case. Smith discusses certain aspects of the case, including the particular circumstances that resulted in relatively slight record-keeping and paucity of vouchers, and begs the Treasury Board to have faith in the verity of the claims of the Chamier estate. 21) [Manuscript Draft of a Letter in the Hand of Edward Smith, Written to the Lords of the Treasury]. [London]. Nov. 21, 1793. [4]pp. on a folded folio sheet. This is Smith’s letter to the Lords of the Treasury on the “final adjustment of the Accts. of the late Mr. D. Chamier,” in which he enclosed more supporting material on Chamier’s expenditures while Commissary General in North America. 22) [Partially Printed Letter, Completed in Manuscript and Signed by Jonathan Wigglesworth of the Office for Auditing Public Accounts, to Edward Smith]. London. July 16, 1794. [1] p. on a folded folio sheet. This printed form letter, completed in manuscript, appears to be final resolution in the accounts of Daniel Chamier. Wigglesworth writes that “the account of the late Dan’l. Chamier Esqr. Commissary General in North America between 25 May 1774 and 24 May 1777 was this day declared by the Chancellor of His Majesty’s Exchequer, with a balance due to the public of £9,467.10.4.” Wigglesworth goes on to inform Smith that “it may be proper to apprize you that the said Account cannot be finally settled until it is lodged in the Pipe Office where the Quietus must be made out. . . .” The “Quietus” refers to item 1 in the present collection, the long vellum scroll detailing the accounts of Daniel Chamier, which was signed by Thomas Lowten, Deputy Clerk of the Pipe, on August 14, 1795. The logistical aspects of the British military effort during the Revolutionary War— how the British Army was provisioned and how those provisions were arranged, dis- bursed, and paid for—is an under-examined aspect of the history of the American Revolution. The Chamier papers are an incredible collection of manuscripts detailing the accounts of the Commissary General of the British Army in America during the Revolutionary War, offering an unparalleled opportunity to study and understand how the British Army was provisioned during the early, crucial years of the conflict. Edward E. Curtis, The Organization of the British Army in the American Revolution (New Haven, 1926), especially pp.81–119. $75,000.

A Remarkable Archive of Boston Theatre Broadsides 14. [American Theatre]: [Boston Museum]: [SIGNIFICANT ARCHIVE OF 345 THEATRE BROADSIDES FROM THE BOSTON MUSEUM]. Boston. [1854–1855]. 345 broadsides. Several printed on yellow or pink paper. Minor scattered soiling, but generally quite clean. Very good plus. A fabulous, large, archive representing a nearly complete run of playbills for the theatrical performances held at the Boston Museum between April 7, 1854 and July 30, 1855. Included in the year’s entertainment were productions based on Charles Dickens’ novels Hard Times and Oliver Twist, Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, several different Shakespeare plays, and various other classical standards, as well as lesser known popular works. Fourteen of the broadsides are for productions of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, while twenty reference the works of Shakespeare. A further nineteen are for the magician and ventriloquist, Sig Blitz, whose act included ventriloquism with canaries. The other performances for the year include follies, singing by Jenny Lind, and plays featuring key actors and actresses of the time. The Boston Museum, also called the Boston Museum and Gallery of Fine Arts, was a popular theatre, wax museum, natural history museum, zoo, and art museum. Founded by Moses Kimball in 1841, with theatrical performances beginning two years later, the theatre was in operation until 1903. The condition and consecutive nature of this archive leads one to suppose that it may have come from the offices of the theatre itself or that of the printer, Hooton’s Press. These are clearly uncirculated copies and have been preserved as an archive since 1855. A remarkable documentation of an important theatre in a major American city in the mid-19th century. $29,500.

The First Work of a Major Early Geographer, Describing an Early World Map of Which No Copy Survives 15. Apianus, Petrus: ISAGOGE IN TYPUM COSMOGRAPHICUM SEU MAPPAM MUNDI. Landschut: Joannem Weyssenburger, [1521]. [8]pp. Woodcut map on titlepage. Small quarto. Modern three-quarter vellum and marbled boards, leather label on cover. Very good. In a red half morocco and cloth slipcase. First edition of geographer Peter Apianus’ first printed work, describing a large world map of which no copy has survived. The ellipsoidal map herein described is thought to have been based on the great Waldseemüller map of 1507, the first world map to use the term “America.” Published about four years before his Cosmographicus Liber (which passed through thirty-five editions in the 16th century), the Isagoge is divided into twelve “Propositiones” showing how to use the map. Many of the comments and instructions in this guide are intended to explain the use of the map for astronomical and calendrical calculations. In his preface he mentions his “Cosmography,” which was not published until 1524 and which still stands as a foundational work on the subject. The preliminary section of the Isa- goge was reissued in part in his Declaratio et Usus Type Cosmographici at Regensburg, probably the next year. “Harrisse, who knew this ‘rare pamphlet’ only in the copy in the Bibliothèque Natio- nale, Paris, believed that it could not describe the 1520 map and argued ingeniously that the 1520 map was published at the expense of Luc Alantse, whereas the Isagoge was dedicated to the Duke of Saxony. Ducal patronage would almost certainly supersede that of a private citizen. The James Ford Bell catalogue dates the Isagoge to 1520. Weys- senberger was the publisher of both the Isagoge and the Cosmographicus Liber. The map described in the Isagoge, although no copy is known, is a landmark in the history of the geography of the New World and this pamphlet describing it is an Americanum of the greatest rarity and cartographical significance”—Nebenzahl. Apianus was a Professor of Mathematics in Vienna, as well as a mapmaker, writer, and leading authority on cosmography—a subject encompassing astronomy, geography, and cartography. The woodcut map on the title of the Isagoge shows Europe, Asia, and Africa, with Venice, Portugal, and “Callicut” (i.e. Kozhikode) identified. Very rare in the market, with only three copies traced for sale in the last century. EUROPEAN AMERICANA 521/2. BELL CATALOGUE A-280. VAN ORTROY, BIBLIOGRA- PHIE DE L’OEUVRE DE PIERRE APIAN 10. HARRISSE, HISTORY OF AMERICA, p. 534. BAGROW, HISTORY OF CARTOGRAPHY, p. 130. STILLWELL I:22. NEBENZAHL CATA- LOGUE 12:9. LeCLERC 31. SHIRLEY, MAPPING OF THE WORLD 45 (ref). $85,000.

Four Crucial Documents in the History of Virginia and America, Ordered Printed by the Virginia Assembly in 1784 16. [Articles of Confederation]: [Virginia]: THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION; THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS; THE CONSTITUTION OF THIS COMMON- WEALTH, AND THE ARTICLES OF THE DEFINITIVE TREATY BETWEEN GREAT-BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Published by order of the General Assembly. Richmond: Printed by Dixon and Holt, [1784 or 1785]. 25pp. 12mo. Original wallpaper wrappers of deep blue, black, and white gold block-print design, sewn as issued. Wrappers starting to split along spine. A fresh, uncut, unopened copy. In a half morocco slipcase. An exceptional copy of this rare and important official publication of the Common- wealth of Virginia, a collection of four foundational government documents of Virginia and the United States. Commissioned by the Virginia General Assembly, which ordered it “to be printed and bound together” and distributed throughout the state so it may be “accessible to all who may think proper to consult them.” The work contains the first Virginia printings of the ratified Articles of Confederation (America’s first national constitution, which Virginia was the first state to ratify) and the Treaty of Paris (the peace treaty between Great Britain and the United States that ended the American Rev- olution). It also contains the first Virginia printings since 1776 of two of the most profoundly important documents in American history: the Virginia Declaration of Rights (the first American Bill of Rights and a direct influence on the Declaration of Indepen- dence), and the Virginia Constitution (the first permanent state constitution). The Virginia General Assembly commissioned and paid for the printing of this work, and page 2 contains the text of the resolution (approved by the House of Delegates on November 27, 1784 and the Senate on December 8, 1784), ordering that these four specific documents “be printed and bound together” and distributed “through the several counties in like manner and proportion as the laws are directed to be distributed; and that the Executive be moreover required to send one copy to every County Court Clerk, to be by him kept among the records of the same, accessible to all who may think proper to consult them.” The work was printed in late 1784 or early 1785 in an edition of 1800 copies, and printers Dixon and Holt submitted a voucher to the Assembly in March 1785 requesting payment (Swem, p. 1075). This work contains the first Virginia printing of the ratified Articles of Con- federation (earlier Virginia printings, in 1777 and 1778, were years before the final ratification). The Articles of Confedera- tion was America’s first national constitution, providing the governmental framework for the embattled new nation during the Revolution and the tumultuous years that followed. The Articles created a loose confederation between the thirteen states, each retaining its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and a very weak central government with only limited powers. Acting on the instructions from the Fifth Virginia Convention, in June 1776, Rich- ard Henry Lee introduced a resolution in the Second Continental Congress proposing that the colonies declare independence, form foreign alliances, and create “a plan for confederation” of the colonies. The Articles of Confederation were initially drafted by a committee headed by John Dickinson in 1776. After much debate and almost complete rewriting, they were adopted by the Continental Congress in November 1777 and sent to the states for ratification. Virginia was the first state to ratify the Articles, in December 1777; but other the states, fearful of central authority and of each other, delayed final ratification until 1781. The Articles remained in effect from March 1781 until March 1789, when they were replaced by the U.S. Constitution. This work also contains the first Virginia printing of the Treaty of Paris, the peace treaty between Great Britain and the United States that ended the Revolutionary War, recognized American independence, and established borders for the new nation. After the British defeat at Yorktown, peace talks began in Paris in April 1782 with American negotiators Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and John Jay. The treaty was signed in September 1783 and ratified by Congress in January 1784. Two of the most profoundly important documents in American history are the Vir- ginia Declaration of Rights (adopted June 12, 1776), the first American Bill of Rights; and the Virginia Constitution (adopted June 29, 1776), the first permanent state constitution. These historic documents were critical precursors and direct influences on other major American founding documents, including the Declaration of Indepen- dence (parts of which “were copied more or less directly from the Virginia Declaration of Rights” [Lutz, p. 154]), the constitutions of nearly all the states, and the U.S. Con- stitution and Bill of Rights. Though George Mason was the primary author of both documents, James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, and other founders made significant contributions. The Declaration of Rights was “the first protection of the rights of the individual to be contained in a constitution adopted by the people acting through an elected convention. . . . The Virginia Declaration was the first document that may truly be called an American bill of rights” (Schwartz, pp. 67, 72). Most of the rights later protected by the federal Bill of Rights were first constitutionally guaranteed in the Vir- ginia Declaration of Rights, including “the First Amendment’s assurance of the free exercise of religion and freedom of the press, the Second Amendment’s guarantee of the right to bear arms, the Fourth’s ban on unreasonable searches and seizures, the assurance of due process of law . . . and the privilege against self-incrimination found in the Fifth Amendment” (George Mason Lectures, p. 18). The appearance of these two critical documents here are the first since their 1776 printings in the excessively rare Ordinances of the fifth Virginia Convention. This printing of the Declaration of Rights is significant because all of the 1776 printings (in the official Proceedings and Ordinances of the Fifth Virginia Convention, in broadsides, in newspapers) have always been extraordinarily rare and are now virtually unobtainable. “Despite the widespread fame of the Virginia declaration, it was almost impossible to come by a copy of the official text in America for nearly forty years. . . . Because the Convention adopted and published the Declaration of Rights separately from the Virginia constitution, even though the delegates intended the declaration as a foreword to the constitution, subsequent compilations often overlooked the former”— Selby, 103–4. This work very rarely appears on the market; this is one of only four copies that have been at auction in the last thirty-five years. EVANS 19349, 18818. SABIN 100039. SWEM 7430. ESTC W38296. $75,000.

A Key Revolutionary Battle Map Used in the Field: Lord Percy’s Annotated Copy of Part of the Famed Ratzer Map of New York, with Positions in the Battle of Long Island Noted 17. [Battle of Long Island]: [Percy, Lieut. General Earl]: Ratzer, Bernard: PLAN OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, IN NORTH AMERICA: SURVEYED IN THE YEARS 1766 & 1767 [lower half only, depicting the theatre of war for the Battle of Long Island and with the Davies view of New York]. London: Jefferys & Faden, Jan. 12, 1776. Copper- engraved map and view, engraved by Thomas Kitchin. Sheet size: 23¼ x 34¼ inches. Sec- tioned and linen-backed at a contemporary date. Some separations at folds, evidence of old dampstaining, else very good. Provenance: General Hugh Percy, Earl Percy, later 2nd Duke of Northumberland (1742–1817). Manuscript annotations in red on the map, inscription on verso “L:d Percy. Part of Long Island,” Percy bookplate on verso). In a black chemise and black morocco folding box. A highly important Revolutionary battle map used in the field, the lower section of the famed Ratzer Map of New York, from the collection of General Hugh Percy, one of the key British officers in North America at the time, and one of the British commanders at the Battle of Long Island in August 1776, where Percy used and annotated this map to mark positions on Long Island, in what is now Brooklyn, in the course of the British Army soundly defeating the American forces led by George Washington. The Ratzer map is a cartographic masterpiece, the finest map of any American city produced in the 18th century, and is one of the most important iconographic symbols of the city of New York. Its artistic virtuosity and unrivalled accuracy define it as the apogee of a sequence of great maps of the city produced just before and during the Revolutionary War with a sharpness and sensitivity of draftsmanship that makes it stand alone from any other American maps of this period. Extremely rare, the present example is exceptional, used and annotated by a leading British officer at the critical Battle of Long Island in August 1776. The Ratzer map originally was created because of concerns of the British military, during the Stamp Act crisis, over the security of the city and the need for an accurate map of Brooklyn and Manhattan. Drafted by Swiss-born officer Bernard Ratzer in 1766 and 1767, it was by far the most accurate map of the area produced in the 18th century. In the printed map, a sweeping view, “A South West View of the City of New York Taken from Governor’s Island,” was added to the bottom of the map, providing a broad panorama of the city and its harbor, from the Jersey shore over to Brooklyn. It depicts a prosperous city, with many churches, and a port visited by numerous sailing vessels, linking New York to a grand network of international trade. Originally painted by a British officer, Thomas Davies, who produced a celebrated series of views of North America, it shows the city as it appeared around 1760. Above the view, in the lower half of the full map present here, is the cartouche and a detailed map of Brooklyn extending north to just below the present Brooklyn Bridge. Also shown is Governor’s Island. This was the critical theatre in which Percy employed the map. The northern, Manhattan, section, not involved in the battle, is not present here. The Ratzer map was first published in London by Thomas Kitchin in 1776, but only two copies of this first issue survive today. The rising tide of the American Revolution led directly to the production of the second state of the map, as detailed cartography of key American cities became a military imperative. The original engraved plates were taken over by London’s leading cartographic enterprise, Jefferys & Faden, who were already producing a series of important maps of the American colonies. They began the printing of the present map at the beginning of 1776 (their engraving is dated January 12, 1776). Aware that their position in Boston was untenable, the British Army and Navy were devis- ing plans to invade Patriot-held New York, the most logical military base for subduing the rebellious colonies. The Ratzer map was the only map to accurately and in depth depict the topography and placement of the New York harbor. Lord Percy’s use of the map dem- onstrates the very important role it played in the development of strategy by British commanders during their successful capture of the city in August and September, 1776. General Hugh Percy, Earl Percy, was one of the primary British commanders in North America in the early phases of the Revolution. He arrived in Boston in the summer of 1774 as the commander of the 5th Regiment of Foot. In April 1775 he commanded the relief column sent out to rescue the British troops in their retreat from Lex- ington and Concord, and he is generally considered to have prevented disaster by his cool performance. Along with the rest of the British army he evacuated Boston for Hal- ifax in March 1776, and accompanied the expedition to seize New York, which landed on Staten Island in early July. Washington, in the meantime, left Boston shortly after the British did, and by mid- April was hard at work trying to fortify the city. In his greatest error of military judgment of the war, he placed the bulk of his army on Long Island, in modern Brooklyn, a strategy that left no clear line of retreat if his undisciplined troops were overwhelmed by the crack British troops. He placed his faith in forts and batteries on the Brooklyn shore and Brooklyn Heights, which he hoped would command the harbor. He continued to build these defenses as he and the British attempted to negotiate; by now news of the Declaration of Independence had reached both sides. On August 22 the British moved, landed twenty thousand troops at Gravesend Bay in the next two days, outnumbering the Americans three to one. But rather than attack directly, the British troops under Generals Clinton, Cornwallis, and Percy made a daring night march to Jamaica Plain, outflanking the American forts. They attacked before dawn on the 27th. The battle quickly became a rout, and it was left for Washing- ton to salvage the catastrophe. This he managed to do, evacuating most of his army to Manhattan. Two weeks later the British struck again, seizing most of Manhattan, and concluded the campaign by taking Forth Washington, at the northern end of the island, in an operation commanded by Percy. Percy’s copy of the Ratzer map is annotated in red ink to mark significant features of the Battle of Long Island. Numbers along the Brooklyn shore, in the Heights, and on Gov- ernor’s Island mark the positions of American forts and batteries. Other numbers mark key points in the advance of the British troops after their night flanking operation. In all likelihood Percy carried this map with him, and the British benefited hugely from Ratzer’s detailed and accurate cartography—just as they might have anticipated a decade earlier. The Battle of Long Island and the capture of Manhattan marked the end of Percy’s American military career. He quarreled with the British commander, Lord Howe, and went home in early 1777. He sat in Parliament until he succeeded his father as the 2nd Duke of Northumberland in 1786. This map, along with other relics of his military career, were preserved at the family seat of Alnwick Castle until sold by his descendants. An extraordinary battle map of the Revolution, owned and annotated by a key par- ticipant, employing one of the most celebrated pieces of American cartography, and containing the finest view of New York City of the era. Cumming, “The Montresor-Ratzer-Sauthier Sequence of Maps of New York City, 1766–76” in IMAGO MUNDI 31, pp. 55–65, specifically map 9(b), pp. 66–64. DÉAK, PICTURING AMERICA 121. GUTHORN 92/3. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG, p. 192. SELLERS & VAN EE, MAPS & CHARTS OF NORTH AMERICA & WEST INDIES 1108. Stevens & Tree, “Comparative Cartog- raphy” in Tooley, THE MAPPING OF AMERICA 40(b). STOKES, ICONOGRAPHY OF MAN- HATTAN I, p. 341, pl. 41. MANHATTAN IN MAPS, pp. 73–77. DEGREES OF LATITUDE 46. $58,000.

“A cornerstone document of our national heritage”—Nebenzahl 18. Bauman, Sebastian: TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENL. WASHINGTON COM- MANDER IN CHIEF OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMER- ICA. THIS PLAN OF THE INVESTMENT OF YORK AND GLOUCESTER HAS BEEN SURVEYED AND LAID DOWN, AND IS MOST HUMBLY DEDI- CATED BY HIS EXCELLENCY’S OBEDIENT AND VERY HUMBLE SERVANT, SEBASTN. BAUMAN, MAJOR OF THE NEW YORK OR 2nd REGT OF ARTIL- LERY. Philadelphia. 1782. Copper engraving, with original hand-coloring. A “References to the British Lines” is set within a scroll in the upper right corner. At lower center is a Lengthy key or “Explanation” of the battlefield, which identifies and describes eighteen key locations on the battlefield. The explanation is set within a rococo frame, which in turn is enclosed by the flags of the United States and France, cannon, arms, and other spoils of battle. Image size (including text): 25½ x 17⁷/₁₆ inches. Sheet size: 27 x 18⅞ inches. Some minor creases on verso from previous folding, restoration to margins beyond plate mark. Else very good. Reproduced on back cover. Within three days of the British surrender on October 19, 1781, Major Sebastian Bau- man, an American artillery officer, took the field and carefully surveyed the terrain and battle positions at Yorktown. A native of Germany, Bauman had emigrated to America after service in the Austrian army. During the Revolution he served in the campaigns in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and was in command of the artillery at West Point, before joining Washington at the siege of Yorktown. Bauman spent six days surveying the battlefield at Yorktown. His manuscript draft was quickly sent to Philadelphia, where it was engraved by Robert Scot to be sold by subscription. The map was advertised in The New York Packet and the American Advertiser in March 1782: Major Bauman of the New York, or Second Regiment of Artillery, Has Drawn a Map of the Investment of York and Gloucester, in Virginia. Shewing how those posts were besieged in form, by the Allied army of America and France; the British lines of defence, and the American and French lines of approach, with part of York River, and the British ships as they then appeared sunken in it before Yorktown; and the whole encampment in its vicinity. / This Map, by desire of many gentlemen, will shortly be published in Philadelphia, in order that the public may form an idea of that memorable siege. Those gentlemen who incline to become subscribers will apply to the printer hereof; where the conditions will be shewn, and subscription money be received. This was the only detailed battle plan of Yorktown published in America. As a par- ticipant for the winning side, Bauman was able to spend more time surveying the field than the British engineers who were bottled up in Yorktown. Thus he was able to include an extensive area to the south of the town that does not appear on the best Brit- ish plans, such as those published by Faden and Des Barres. The location of the French and American positions is necessarily more detailed and informed. As it appeared in print before the British plans, it was the first survey of the Siege of Yorktown made available to the American public. Margaret Pritchard notes that the plan was also an effective piece of propaganda: In addition to providing substantial detailed military information, this map is also interesting for its artistic composition. Yorktown, Gloucester Point, and troop positions are confined primarily to the top half of the map. The lower half is dominated by the explanation that is embellished with ornaments of war. The shape of the scrollwork cartouche surrounding the explanation, with flags and banners that thrust upward from both sides, force the eye to the center of the image. Here, in an open space, is the very heart of the map, ‘The field where the British laid down their Arms.’ It is this field that is omitted from all of the British battle plans of Yorktown. Bauman’s plan is a legendary rarity which almost never appears on the market. Its scarcity is due to the fact that it was separately published by subscription only. Relatively few sheets were printed, and very few of those survived. Wheat & Brun locate eight institutional copies, but not one in Virginia. To these we can add four copies known to us in private American collections. Perhaps Nebenzahl best summarized the importance of the map: “Bauman’s splendid map, dedicated to General Washington, reflects his formal European training in topographical engineering. It is the only American survey of the culmination of the great struggle for independence and a cornerstone document of our national heritage.” Alexander O. Vietor, The Bauman Map of the Siege of Yorktown. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG, p. 199. DEGREES OF LATITUDE 68. NEBENZAHL, PRINTED BATTLE PLANS OF THE AMERI- CAN REVOLUTION 189. NEBENZAHL, ATLAS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 48. WHEAT & BRUN 541. FITE & FREEMAN, A BOOK OF OLD MAPS, pp. 287–88. STOKES & HASKELL, AMERICAN HISTORICAL PRINTS, pp. 57–58. VIRGINIA MAGAZINE OF HIS- TORY & BIOGRAPHY 39 (1931), reproduced opp. p. 104. $250,000. One of the Greatest American View Books 19. Beyer, Edward: ALBUM OF VIRGINIA; OR, ILLUSTRATION OF THE OLD DOMINION. Richmond [but actually Dresden & Berlin]: Edward Beyer [but printed by Rau & Son of Dresden and W. Loeillot of Berlin], 1858. Lithograph titlepage (with five vignettes) plus forty tinted lithograph plates. Oblong folio. Original gilt cloth boards bound onto larger modern three-quarter morocco and cloth. Titlepage lightly soiled and edgeworn. A few plates with closed marginal tears, expertly repaired; titlepage and each plate backed by tissue. [with:] [Beyer, Edward]: DESCRIPTION OF THE ALBUM OF VIRGINIA: OR THE OLD DOMINION, ILLUSTRATED. VOL. I [all published]. Richmond: Enquirer Book and Job Printing Office, 1857. [79]pp. Original half calf and cloth boards, gilt title on front board. Text volume very clean internally. Overall a very good, handsome copy of a book very difficult to find in clean condition, here with the scarce accompanying text volume. Both volumes housed in folding cloth box. The Beyer album is one of the foremost American view books created in the 19th century. “This is a major outstanding item, the rarity of which is by no means fully appre- ciated”—Bennett. Edward Beyer was a German artist who visited the United States in the early 1850s. He chose to concentrate his work on Virginia and Kentucky, spending three years in Virginia working on the original drawings for this book. Although the titlepage asserts Richmond was the place of printing, the book was actually produced in Germany, with the plates being prepared in Dresden and the letterpress in Berlin. The superb tinted lithograph views include beautiful natural scenes, Harpers Ferry, White Sulphur Springs, railroad bridges and tunnels (e.g. Highbridge near Farmville), views in Wey- er’s Cave, and scenes at many of the fashionable resorts which were nestled amid the mountains of Southwest Virginia. “He was taken by the beauty of the Virginia landscape, particularly by the elegant settings of some of the region’s watering places . . . Virginians responded warmly to Beyer’s enterprise and often gave him advance access to architectural plans when these could be of help to him. There was probably no Virginia county that Beyer left unvis- ited in his zeal to present what is, in fact, an affectionate family album of an entire state”—Deák. Deák praises Beyer’s “delicate and precise style” and “characteristic refinement of proportion.” It is one of the foremost works of American scenery. This copy of Beyer is notable for being accompanied by the small volume of explanatory text, separately published in Richmond in 1857. This volume is quite rare and almost never found with the album. HOWES B413, “b.” SABIN 5125. BENNETT, p. 10. DEÁK, PICTURING AMERICA 721. $45,000.

Foundation Stone of Early American Natural History 20. Catesby, Mark: THE NATURAL HISTORY OF CAROLINA, FLORIDA, AND THE BAHAMA ISLANDS, CONTAINING THE FIGURES OF BIRDS, BEASTS, FISHES, SERPENTS, INSECTS, AND PLANTS, PARTICULARLY, THOSE NOT HITHERTO DESCRIBED, OR INCORRECTLY FIGURED BY FORMER AUTHORS, WITH THEIR DESCRIPTIONS IN ENGLISH AND FRENCH. TO WHICH IS PREFIXED, A NEW AND CORRECT MAP OF THE COUNTRIES; WITH OBSERVATIONS ON THEIR NATURAL STATE, INHABITANTS, AND PRODUCTIONS. BY THE LATE MARK CATESBY, F.R.S. REVISED BY MR. EDWARDS . . . TO THE WHOLE IS NOW ADDED A LINNAEAN INDEX OF THE ANIMALS AND PLANTS. London: Printed for Benjamin White, 1771 [plates on wove paper watermarked 1815–1816]. Two volumes. Titles and text in English and French. 220 handcolored engraved plates by or after Catesby, three plates (61, 80, 96 in volume 2) by Georg Dionysius Ehret; double-page handcolored engraved map of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands. Folio. Expertly bound to style in half diced russia over contemporary marbled paper covered boards, spines gilt, red speckled edges. Light age toning. Very good. Illustrated also on front cover. “Catesby’s Natural History is the most famous color plate book of American plant and animal life . . . a fundamental and original work for the study of American specie”— Hunt. A lovely and vastly important work by the founder of American ornithology, this book embodies the most impressive record made during the colonial period of the natural history of an American colony. This is undoubtedly the most significant work of American natural history before Audubon. This copy is a fine example of a later issue of the third edition.

Trained as a botanist, Catesby travelled to Virginia in 1712 and remained there for seven years, sending back to England collections of plants and seeds. With the encouragement of Sir Hans Sloane and others, Catesby returned to America in 1722 to seek materials for his Natural History . . . ; he travelled extensively in Carolina, Georgia, Flor- ida, and the Bahamas, sending back further specimens. His Preface provides a lengthy account of the development of this work, including his decision to study with Joseph Goupy in order to learn to etch his plates himself to ensure accuracy and economy. The end result is encyclopedic: Catesby provides information not only on the botany and ornithology of the area, but also on its history, climate, geology and anthropology. Catesby writes in the preface (vol. I, p. vi) about his method of working: As I was not bred a Painter, I hope some faults in Perspective, and other niceties, may be more readily excused: for I humbly conceive that Plants, and other Things done in a Flat, if an exact manner, may serve the Purpose of Natural History, better in some Measure, than in a mere bold and Painter-like Way. In designing the Plants, I always did them while fresh and just gathered: and the Animals, particularly the Birds, I painted while alive (except a very few) and gave them their Gestures peculiar to every kind of Birds, and where it could be admitted, I have adapted the Birds to those Plants on which they fed, or have any relation to. Fish, which do not retain their colours when out of their Element, I painted at different times, having a succession of them pro- cured while the former lost their colours. . . . Reptiles will live for many months . . . so that I had no difficulty in painting them while living. First issued in parts between 1730 and 1747, this 1771 third edition appeared in at least two issues. The first was produced in 1771, and was printed throughout on laid paper. The present copy is a later issue, with the text still on laid paper, but the plates on What- man wove paper. This wove paper was ideal for the printing of engraved plates as the smooth surface takes an impression much more correctly than the earlier laid paper, where the chain lines produce slight corrugations in the paper surface. Copies vary in the quality of coloring; in the present copy the coloring is superb. GREAT FLOWER BOOKS (1990), p. 85. ANKER 95. DUNTHORNE 72. ELLIS/MENGEL 478. JACKSON, BIRD ETCHINGS, p. 76. FINE BIRD BOOKS (1990), p. 86 (ref). NISSEN (BBI) 336. NISSEN (IVB) 177. NISSEN (ZBI) 842. SABIN 11509. HUNT 486 (1st ed). WOOD, p. 282. Amy Meyers & Margaret Pritchard, Empire’s Nature, Mark Catesby’s New World Vision (Williamsburg, 1998). TAXONOMIC LITERATURE 1057. MEISEL III:340. $170,000.

A Wonderful Presentation Copy, from Franklin to DuPont 21. Cavallo, Tiberius: THE HISTORY AND PRACTICE OF AEROSTATION. London: Printed for the author, 1785. viii, 326, [8]pp. plus two engraved folding plates. Dbd. (most of original rear wrapper is intact). Some loosening of gatherings at spine. Light wear and soiling to titlepage. Presentation inscription by Benjamin Franklin on titlepage; other contemporary inscriptions. Minor soiling to text. About very good. In a calf clamshell box, tooled in blind, spine gilt. Provenance: George Morland (signature); unidentified collector (sale, Christie’s, Dec. 14, 1984, lot 195). An influential scientific account of early aero- nautical experiments, and the first English- language treatise on the subject. This copy has a presentation inscription from Benja- min Franklin to Pierre Samuel DuPont, followed by a presentation inscription from DuPont to his cousin. Written on the titlepage, the inscriptions read: “To Mr. DuPont de Nemours from his obliged and obedt. servt. B. Franklin”; and beneath that, “A ma chere cousin en Carolina, Aoust 1799, DuPont de Nemours Souvenir de ‘BonHomme Richard.’” Though the inscription by Franklin is faint, it was authenticated by Edwin Wolf in his survey of books which had belonged to Benjamin Franklin. Since Franklin gave the book away in his lifetime, it would not have been part of the final library he assembled in Philadelphia at the end of his life. While serving as American plenipotentiary in France, Franklin took a keen interest in the first balloon ascents made by the Montgolfier brothers, witnessing the first unmanned ascent in August 1783, and the first manned flight in November of that year. Franklin was among the eminent scientists who signed an official certification for the Montgolfiers (noted by Cavallo on page 50 of this work). Franklin wrote detailed accounts of the experiments in letters to Sir Joseph Banks, who showed little interest in them, though Franklin cautioned him that such balloon experiments could lead to greater achievements beyond imagination. Cavallo describes the early balloon experiments in France and England, speculates on the scientific principles they employ, and envisions applications of the nascent science. Much of the work is devoted to the Montgolfier brothers. When asked by a skeptical observer what practical use a hot-air balloon might be, Franklin famously responded, “What is the use of a new-born baby?” Franklin made the acquaintance of Pierre Samuel DuPont in France, spending a good deal of time in his company and offering high praise for DuPont’s first major work of political philosophy, Physiocracy. By 1799, Pierre’s son, Victor Marie, was a resident of Charleston, as French consul for the Carolinas and Georgia. He also spent some time in Philadelphia where he, too, met Franklin. He returned to France in the summer of 1799 to assist his family in their immigration to America. ESTC T131745. WOLF & HAYES, LIBRARY OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 563. MAGGS BROS. 387:85. Carr, The DuPonts of Delaware, pp. 16–17. $55,000. Champlain Takes on the Iroquois: A Foundation Work of New France 22. Champlain, Samuel de: VOYAGES ET DESCOUVERTURES FAITES EN LA NOUVELLE FRANCE, DEPUIS L’ANNEE 1615. JUSQUES A LA FIN DE L’ANNEE 1618. PAR LE SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN. . . . Paris: Chez Claude Collet, 1619. Engraved and letterpress titlepages followed by [6],158 leaves (including four full-page engraved plates on text leaves), plus two folding plates. Lacks the final two blank leaves (V7 & V8), as did the Siebert copy. Small octavo. Early 20th-century crushed red morocco by Riviere & Son, with a double-rule border on front and rear boards, spine gilt with raised bands, a.e.g.. Minute tears in edges of titlepages and dedication leaves. Very small, unobtrusive wormhole in upper outer margin of final thirty-four leaves (not affecting text). Folding plates trimmed close along outer edge (one with a short closed split along the fold). A very good copy. First edition of Samuel de Champlain’s work, his third, with the first reports of his explorations of 1615 to 1618. Written primarily to encourage the continued patronage of New France by Louis XIII, this volume gives much information on Native Americans of the St. Lawrence Valley and their customs, and the topography of upstate New York. “It describes his introduction to the Recollet Fathers as missionaries to the Indians, his exploration of the Ottawa River, Lake Huron, and Lake Ontario; the attack on the Iroquois fort in New York state; and his winter among the Hurons. The work also contains Champlain’s incom- parable essay on the Hurons and other neighboring tribes. It includes Brule’s narrative of his experiences among the savages on the southern borders of New York, near the Penn- sylvania line, and an account of the events which occurred in the settlements at Quebec”— Winsor. The engravings show Champlain’s attack on an Iroquois fort, male and female Indian costumes, a deer hunt, an Indian dance, and a burial. “The plates, illustrative of scenes in Indian life, are beautiful specimens of the engraving of the period”—Field. This is one of the most difficult of Champlain’s works to find. We note only three copies appearing at auction in the past thirty years. The Siebert copy sold for $51,750 in 1999 (to this firm), and then brought $74,400 when it reappeared at auction in 2009. EUROPEAN AMERICANA 619/35. CHURCH 375. HARRISSE NOUVELLE FRANCE 32. FIELD 273. SABIN 11836. WINSOR 4:132. LANDE 117 (1627 ed). $85,000.

A Remarkable Collection of Chromolithographic Progressive Proof Books of American Cigar Labels 23. [Chromolithography]: [Cigar Labels, American]: [COLLECTION OF OVER 500 CHROMOLITHOGRAPHIC PROGRESSIVE PROOF BOOKS FOR CIGAR LABELS PRINTED BY THE AMERICAN LITHOGRAPHIC Co. AND SCHMIDT & Co.]. New York. [ca. 1900–1910]. Approximately 500 individual proof books. With an approximate list of the items, by number and title. Mostly oblong octavo. Some wear and soiling throughout the collection, but generally in very good condition and quite clean. A fascinating and significant collection of progressive proof books for cigar labels printed by the American Lithographic Co. and Schmidt & Co., both lithographic printing firms based in New York, dating to the first decade of the 20th century. Cigar box labels, as well as other product advertising, were a huge part of the business of any lithography firm in this era. In the 1890s the American Lithographic Co. consolidated most of the major cigar label printers, rendering them the number one producer of such items. This archive dates to an important period in the history of chromolithography, when it was being set aside for many illustration processes by the half-tone revolution. However, chromolithography continued to be used heavily into the mid-20th century for printing such products as box labels. The so-called “progressive proof” books in this collection show each label as the separate stones are applied in the printing process, showing the inking of each separate stone (one page shows the black ink, another the cyan, a third the gold, and so on), to the final result. In this way, one can see exactly which tones are used and how they were layered to achieve the ultimate product. The collection is divided about equally between the proof books printed by the American Lithographic Co. and Schmidt & Co. The American Lithographic Co. was one of the largest printing companies in America in its day. By the 1890s the lithographic printing market was saturated with an excess of firms, with many business fail- ures and low profits for the industry as a whole. “In 1892 Joseph P. Knapp, president of Knapp & Company, set out to restore economic stability. He organized the Ameri- can Lithographic Company, which included, in addition to his own firm, G. H. Buek & Company; Donaldson Brothers; the Giles Company; Harris & Sons; Heppenheimer Sons; Linder, Eddy & Clauss; Schumacher & Ettlinger, and Witsch & Schmidt. The new company, capitalized at twelve million dollars, was estimated at the time to represent about three-quarters of the productive capacity of the American lithographic industry; in particular, it supplied the huge market for cigar box labels”—Last. They quickly dominated the lithography market and were an important printer of product labels, prints, and later on, World War I posters. Their proof books are bound in plain paper wrappers and stamped with a letter and number code (K908, for example), sometimes with other markings on the covers. The initial leaf shows the completed design, and the leaves that follow show each stage of the printing process; books are generally twenty to thirty leaves in length, representing the same number of separate printing stones. Schmidt & Co., of New York and Chicago, were in business from 1875 to 1915. As with many other lithography firms, product labels were a significant part of their business. Their proof books are generally neatly enclosed in a printed folder which indicates in manuscript what item number, the name of the label, and the colors used in the process. Each book contains a copy of the finished label, as well as the progressive proof prints; books are usually ten to fifteen leaves in length. Interestingly, most of these are marked at the bottom of the outer folder “Grind off,” with initials and a date, indicating that the stones had been ground down for other uses and were no longer viable for production. These are usually dated sometime in 1943, perhaps indicating that Schmidt & Co. was purchased by another firm and this material, along with the stones, was archived. A remarkable collection, extensively detailing the chromolithographic printing process. An approximate list (i.e. 99% accurate) of the cigar labels in the collection is available. Jay T. Last, The Color Explosion, p. 32. $55,000.

A Rarissima of American Cartography: One of the Few Maps Produced in America in the Revolutionary Period 24. Churchman, John: TO THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY THIS MAP OF THE PENINSULA BETWEEN DELAWARE & CHESOPEAK [sic] BAYS WITH THE SAID BAYS AND SHORES ADJACENT DRAWN FROM THE MOST ACCURATE SURVEYS IS INSCRIBED BY JOHN CHURCHMAN. [Philadelphia or Baltimore. ca. 1778–1779]. Engraved map (engraving attributed to Henry Dawkins), original handcoloring in outline. Sheet size: 22½ x 18 inches. Very good. A great American cartographic rarity: the first issue of John Churchman’s map of the Chesapeake Bay and its environs, with emphasis on Delaware and the eastern shore of Maryland, separately published during the American Revolution. It is a highly important map of the centerpiece of the middle Atlantic region, and one of only a handful of maps produced in the Revolutionary era, when the printing trades had largely ceased ambitious projects. Its primary reason for being was to aid another ambitious project, a canal connecting the Chesapeake and the Delaware bays. In 1764, Chester County, Pennsylvania resident Thomas Gilpin, Sr. first proposed a canal through the northern portion of the Delmarva Peninsula to connect the head of the Chesapeake with the Delaware River. The advantages of such a canal were huge; the commerce of Philadelphia could flow directly into the Chesapeake region and that of the Bay northward without the long voyage to the mouth of the Bay. Toward that end, according to the 1821 Memoir by his son Joshua, Gilpin “with the assistance of some gentlemen in the neighborhood, made surveys and estimates, for a canal from Duck Creek to the Head of Chester” (Gilpin, p. 3). It seems highly likely that John Churchman participated in these surveys. Churchman had grown up in the surveying business; his father George began such work in Chester County in the 1750s, and he would have assisted from his childhood. Gilpin’s proposal, along with another proposal for a canal from the Bohemia River to Appoquinimink River across Cecil County, Maryland, and New Castle County, Dela- ware, were submitted to the American Philosophical Society. Gilpin was a member of that learned body that included Benjamin Franklin, David Rittenhouse, and the other leading American scientists and thinkers of the day. “As there was at that time no board established for public improvements of the kind, the Philosophical Society was the natural repository of all the ideas suggested by ingenious men on the subject”—Gilpin, p. 4. In 1769 the Society first formed a committee to investigate the possibility of such a canal, with a subsequent committee the following year exploring additional routes through Cecil and New Castle counties, viz. between Broad Creek and Red Lion Creek and Elk Creek to Christiana Bridge. The results of these surveys, as well as estimates on the costs of the con- structions of the canals, are given in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Volume 1 (Philadelphia, 1771). In addition, that report cites an additional route from Long Creek to Red Lion Creek. A very small engraved map within that volume of the Transac- tions shows the proposed routes, but with very little surrounding detail. On July 29, 1779 the proceedings of the American Philosophical Society record that “Mr. Churchman gave in a memorial relative to a map of the peninsula between Delaware & Chesapeake bays including thirteen counties, asking its examination and recommendation to the public.” This provides clear evidence that Churchman’s map existed by this time. A committee was formed to review his map, consisting of David Rittenhouse, John Lukens, John Ewing, Owen Biddle, and Dr. Smith. They reported on August 20 of that year their opinion that Churchman “is possessed of sufficient materials, both astronomical observations and actual surveys, to enable him to con- struct an accurate map, and have no doubt but that he has executed his design with exactness & care, but we can not help expressing our desires of seeing the map laid down upon a much larger scale, which would render it more serviceable for promoting the Knowledge of Geography.” The first issue of Churchman’s map is undated, but has traditionally been ascribed to be circa 1778 (though 1779 seems more likely given the date of the above American Philosophical Society proceedings). The map is centered on the Delmarva Peninsula, with its thirteen Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia counties each named and handcolored in outline. The map includes all principal towns and roads on the peninsula, as well as the numerous creeks and rivers on both the peninsula and on the Virginia, western Maryland and New Jersey shores. An engraved note on the left side of the map states: “The proposed canals are described by dotted lines.” The five aforemen- tioned routes through Maryland and Delaware are identified (from North to South): Elk Creek to Christiana Bridge, Long Creek to Red Lion Creek, Broad Creek to Red Lion Creek, Bohemia River to Appoquinimink Creek, Chester River to Duck Creek (a canal was ultimately opened by the northernmost route in 1829). The map is untitled but includes a dedication (given above as the title) to the Ameri- can Philosophical Society within an elaborate armorial frame. A scale of miles (ten miles to an inch) appears to the left of the dedication. A stylized compass rose in West New Jersey and a lone three-masted ship in the Atlantic are the other decorations. Stauffer attributes the engraving of the map to Henry Dawkins, among the most talented engravers in America during the Revolution. Phillips suggests the place of publication as Baltimore, although Philadelphia seems far more likely. The map is among the earliest American maps of Delaware and the eastern shore of Maryland, and is one of only seven separately-issued maps created in America during the American Revolution (the others being Wheat & Brun 203, 205, 261, 304, 476, 541; all of extraordinary rarity). A second issue of the map was published in 1786, with a slightly altered title (the word “humbly” being added before the word “inscribed”) and with the Susquehanna River extended farther into Pennsylvania, among other minor changes (see Wheat & Brun 479). Churchman would go on to become a celebrated figure. During the time of his surveying work, he became interested in problems concerning the variation of the compass, and endeavored to create a map showing its magnetic variations, publishing several editions of his findings. His work would be submitted to the American Philo- sophical Society, he would correspond with Thomas Jefferson, Sir Joseph Banks, and others on the subject, and lecture in Europe on his discoveries. Churchman’s map of the Chesapeake and Delaware bays, however, would be his first published work. The map is a notable American cartographic rarity. Eight institutional copies are known: British Museum, Library of Congress, Clements Library, New-York Historical Society, New York Public Library, Philadelphia Historical Society, American Philosophical Society, and the Library Company of Philadelphia. We know of no copies in private hands. PHILLIPS MAPS, p. 263. WHEAT & BRUN 477. BRISTOL 6264. STAUFFER 465. Mathews, “The Maps and Mapmakers of Maryland” in Maryland Geological Survey, pp. 508–9. BATSCHELET, EARLY AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL LITERATURE 450. Futhey, History of Chester County, Vol. 2, p. 497. Johnston, History of Cecil County Maryland, pp. 525–26. Gilpin, A Memoir on the Rise, Progress and Present State of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal (Wilmington, 1821). $120,000.

A Remarkable Archive of the Hampton Roads Peace Conference, the Only Face-to-Face Discussion Between President Lincoln and Confederate Leaders, with Original Manuscript Notes of One of the Participants 25. [Civil War]: [Hampton Roads Peace Conference]: [Campbell, John A.]: [ARCHIVE OF LETTERS AND DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE HAMPTON ROADS PEACE CONFERENCE, AT WHICH PRESIDENT ABRAHAM LINCOLN SOUGHT AN END TO THE CIVIL WAR IN EARLY FEBRUARY 1865]. [Various places in Virginia, and Washington, D.C. January—February, 1865]. Eleven manuscript items totaling some [28] pages, plus additional printed items described below. Item 4 below a modern photocopy; item 11 below with some closed tears along splits, repaired in a few instances. Some very minor wear, but on the whole in near fine condition. In a cloth slipcase, gilt morocco labels. A significant group of letters and other documents relating to the Hampton Roads Peace Conference, a confidential meeting between Abraham Lincoln and Confederate leaders, held on board a steamship in Hampton Roads, Virginia on February 3, 1865. The documents in this collection describe the genesis and proceedings of the conference, adding depth to our knowledge of this significant instance of Civil War diplomatic negotiations. Especially important is the lengthy memorandum of Confederate negotiator John A. Campbell, giving a firsthand report on the proceedings of the conference. Campbell’s account is particularly valuable, since it was agreed that the conference would be informal and that there would be no formal notes of the proceedings. Also of importance are the letters showing the roles played by General Ulysses S. Grant in literally bringing the two sides together, and by Major Thomas Eckert (head of the Telegraph Office in the War Department) as Lincoln’s personal emissary to the Confederate Commissioners. The United States was represented at the Hampton Roads Conference by President Abraham Lincoln and Secretary of State William Seward, while the Confederate States of America were represented by Vice President Alexander Stephens, former Confeder- ate Secretary of State and current Virginia Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, and Assistant Secretary of War John A. Campbell, who had formerly been an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court. The conference was initiated after Lincoln had written newspaper mogul and political fixer Francis P. Blair, Sr. on January 18, 1865, instruct- ing Blair that he could tell Jefferson Davis that Lincoln was ready to “receive any agent who he, or another influential person now resisting national authority, may informally send to me, with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country.” By the winter of 1864–65 many in the North and the South longed for peace, but the conference was doomed to failure by Lincoln’s refusal to treat with the Confederate States of America as a sovereign nation, and by the Confederacy’s refusal to negotiate with the United States on any other basis. The proposal for a peace conference between the United States and the Confeder- acy came from politician and newspaper magnate Francis Preston Blair. Blair hoped that reconciliation between North and South might be achieved by the two sides joining together in a common aim—specifically, to invade Mexico to remove the French- installed Emperor Maximilian. Lincoln wanted no part of Blair’s Mexican invasion scheme, but was prepared to meet with Confederate representatives “with the view to securing peace to the people of our one common country.” On this basis he allowed Blair to travel to Richmond to meet with rebel leaders. Confederate President Jefferson Davis was not interested in any kind of peace on Lincoln’s terms, but saw the proposal as an opportunity to discredit the Southern peace movement by identifying it with what Davis perceived as Lincoln’s humiliating terms of surrender. Davis authorized his three-man commission, consisting of Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, to meet with Union representatives to “enter into conference with a view to secure peace to the two countries.” All the Confederate representatives were prominent proponents of negotiation, and Campbell and Hunter would in fact meet with Lincoln again in Virginia in early April 1865 to discuss peace, as the subject of Southern submission became an ever more stark reality. The Hampton Roads Conference took place in Virginia on Febru- ary 3, 1865 on board the steamer River Queen, and lasted four hours. Ultimately, there were many intractable issues that scuttled any hope for peace being made at Hampton Roads, but the fundamental disagreement between Lincoln and Davis with regard to the notion of “one common country” versus “two countries” would be the prime factor in the failure of the negotiations. Jefferson Davis specifically prohibited his representatives from agreeing to any solution that involved reunification. Lincoln had originally intended to send Secretary of State William H. Seward as his representative, but at the last minute he decided to attend the conference as well, and to meet the Confederate negotiators face to face. Among the divisive subjects discussed at the meeting were Lincoln’s insistence on national reunification and the restoration of federal authority throughout all the states, his insistence on what the Confederacy considered “unconditional surrender” (which included the disbanding of all hostile forces), and the irrevocability of the Emancipa- tion Proclamation. On this final point, however, Lincoln and Seward intimated that there might be some flexibility as to the timing of when the Thirteenth Amendment might go into effect, though Campbell’s memorandum on the proceedings (see item 11 below) calls this notion into question. Lincoln also floated the idea that the Congress might reimburse Southern slaveholders for the loss of their slave property. The documents in this collection describe the genesis and result of the conference, adding depth to our knowledge of this significant instance of Civil War diplomatic negotiations. The items in the collection are as follow: 1) Manuscript letter, signed by the three Confederate commissioners, Alexander H. Stephens, J.A. Campbell, and R.M.T. Hunter. [1]p. on a quarto sheet of blue paper, affixed at the top and sides to a slightly larger sheet. Dated at Petersburg, Virginia, January 30, 1865, this letter is addressed to Ulysses S. Grant, and requests that Grant gives them safe conduct through Union lines. The text reads, in full: “We desire to pass your lines under safe conduct, and to proceed to Washington, to hold a conference with President Lincoln, upon the subject of the existing war and with a view of ascertaining upon what terms it may be terminated; in pursuance of the course indicated by him in his letter to Mr. F. P. Blair of the 18th Jan’y. 1865 of which we presume you have a copy; and if not, we wish to see you in person, if convenient, and to confer with you upon the subject.” 2) An official copy of the same letter, [1]p. on a quarto sheet of white paper, ruled in blue, written in the hand of T. S. Bowers, Assistant Adjutant General. 3) Manuscript letter, signed by Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton. [1]p. on a quarto sheet of white paper, ruled in blue, with War Department letterhead. Dated at Washington, January 30, 1865, this letter was originally addressed to Major General Edward Ord, but “Major” has been crossed out and replaced with “Lt.” and “Ord” crossed out and replaced with “Grant,” showing that it was redirected to Ulysses S. Grant. The text reads: “The President desires that you will please procure for the bearer, Major Thomas L. Eckart [sic], an interview with Messrs Stevens Hunter and Campbell,—and if on his return to you he requests it, pass them through our lines to Fortress Monroe by such route and under such military precautions as you may deem prudent, giving them protection and comfortable quarters while there; and that you let none of this, have any effect upon your military movements or plans.” This letter shows Lincoln’s deft hand in assuring Grant that while he might be willing to meet Confeder- ate representatives, the military should not divert from its concerns. The letter is accompanied by its original envelope, franked by Stanton and directed to General Ord, courtesy of Major Eckart [sic]. The envelope has the later penciled endorsement: “Rebel Commission Papers.” 4) Modern photocopy of an official manuscript copy of Grant’s January 31, 1865 letter to the three Confederate commissioners, executed in the hand of Assistant Adjutant General T. S. Bowers, and written on a folded folio sheet. [1¼]pp. Written on the letterhead of the “Head Quarters Armies of the United States,” Grant responds to their letter of the previous day (item 1, above) and advises the three that he is awaiting instructions from Lincoln on how to proceed. Meanwhile, Grant writes, “I will instruct the Commanding Officer of the forces near Petersburg to receive you, notifying you at what point of the line and the time when and where conveyance will be ready for you.” He concludes by promising them safe passage back through Union lines, should the planned meeting not occur. 5) Manuscript letter, signed by the three Confederate commissioners, Alexander H. Stephens, R.M.T. Hunter, and J.A. Campbell. [1]p. on an octavo sheet of white paper ruled in blue. Dated February 1, 1865, at City Point, Virginia, and addressed to Ulysses S. Grant. The three write: “Sir, We desire to go to Washington City to confer informally with President Lincoln personally, in reference to the matters mentioned in his letter to F. P. Blair Esq. of the 18th Jan’y. ult. without any personal compromise on our questions in the letter. We have the permission to do so from the authorities in Richmond.” 6) Manuscript letter, a retained copy of Major Thomas Eckert’s February 1, 1865 letter, written at City Point, Virginia, to the Confederate Commissioners. With manuscript copies of two additional letters. [2]pp., on a folded folio sheet of white paper, ruled in blue. Eckert advises the commissioners that President Lincoln’s understanding is that they are passing through Union lines “for the purpose of an informal conference” based on his January 18 letter to Blair. Eckert also promises them protection, safe conduct, and safe return. On the verso is the text of Lincoln’s January 18 letter to Francis Blair, and following this text is a manuscript memorandum by Eckert, dated February 1 at City Point, noting that he delivered the two letters to the Confederate Commissioners, and that they were read by him in his presence. 7) Manuscript letter, dated February 1, 1865 at City Point, Virginia, signed by the three Confeder- ate Commissioners in response to Thomas Eckert’s letter of the same day (item 6 above), which includes the text of Confederate President Jefferson Davis’s instructions to the Commissioners. [3]pp., on a folded quarto sheet of white paper ruled in blue. The Commissioners write Eckert, explaining that their instructions are contained in a letter of January 28, from Jefferson Davis, the text of which they include here. Included in Davis’ instructions is the crucial phrase, “upon the issues involved in the existing war and for the purpose of securing peace to the two countries.” This letter is excellent evidence that even before the conference of two days later, the two sides had hardened into intractable negotiating positions. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell go on to state: “our instructions contemplate a personal interview between President Lincoln and ourselves at Washington City, but with this explanation we are ready to meet any person or persons that President Lincoln may appoint at such place as he may designate. Our earnest desire is that a just and honorable peace may be agreed upon, and we are prepared to receive or to submit propositions which may, possibly, lead to the attainment of that end.” 8) Autograph telegram to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, signed by Thomas Eckert, written in pencil on three half-sheets of paper, each 5¼ x 8 inches, dated at City Point, Virginia, February 1, 1865, 10:30pm. Eckert transmits to Stanton the details of the note from the Con- federate Commissioners (item 7, above). Eckert concludes by referencing the contentious issue of “our common country” (Lincoln’s phrase) and “the two countries” (Davis’s phrase): “They say the ending of letter I delivered to them is the only objectionable point & one that, in their opinion, should be left out of both the letter they bring as well as the one they receive, adding if they accept the latter & terms are not agreed upon, it would be an acknowledgment that might prejudice future interests of people they represent.” 9) Manuscript letter, signed by the three Confederate Commissioners and written to Thomas Eckert, dated February 2, 1865 at City Point, Virginia. [3]pp. on a folded quarto sheet of white paper, ruled in blue. They write: “In reply to your verbal statement that your instructions did not allow you to alter the conditions upon which a passport could be given us, we say that we are willing to proceed to Fortress Monroe and there to have an informal conference with any person or persons that President Lincoln may appointment on the basis of his letter to Francis P. Blair of the 18th Jan’y ult, or upon any other terms, or conditions that he may hereafter propose not inconsistent with the essential principles of self government and popular rights upon which our institutions are founded. It is our earnest wish to ascertain after a free interchange of ideas and information, upon what principles and terms, if any, a just and honorable peace can be established without further effusion of blood, and to contribute our utmost efforts to such a result.” The letter ends with a note of diplomatic caution: “We think it better to add that in accepting your passport we are not to be understood as committing ourselves to anything but to carry to this informal conference the views and feelings above expressed.” 10) A pencil sketch by Thomas Eckert showing the seating arrangement of the Hampton Roads Peace Conference held in the salon of the River Queen on February 3, 1865. Drawn in pencil on a sheet of white paper, 4¾ x 7¾ inches. The commissioners are shown seated around a stove, Lincoln and Seward on one side and Stephens sitting opposite, with Campbell on his right and Hunter on his left. 11) Autograph Memoranda by Confederate Commissioner John A. Campbell, docketed “Draft of Conversations at Hampton.” [11]pp. on folded folio sheets and quarto sheets. This is a detailed account of the Hampton Roads Peace Conference, recorded by one of the five men who participated, John A. Campbell. As such, it constitutes a highly important firsthand account of the negotiations. This appears to be Campbell’s initial draft, with corrections, additions, etc., throughout. It was later published as part of Campbell’s Reminiscences and Documents Relating to the Civil War During the Year 1865 (Baltimore, 1877). As previously stated, the meeting at Hampton Roads was all along intended to be “informal,” with no official record kept. Campbell’s notes show that the meeting began with some personal conversation about the former common affiliations of the commissioners (among others, Lincoln and Stephens had both worked for the election of President Zachary Taylor). The topic at hand was then taken up, and Lincoln immediately made his position clear: “At a very early stage in the conversation Mr. Lincoln announced with some emphasis, that until the national authority be recognized within the Confederate States that no consideration of any other terms of conditions would take place. . . . He was not disposed to entertain any proposition of any armistice or cessation of hostilities until they were determined by the reestablishment of the national authority over the United States.” Campbell continues: “Mr. Stephens then suggested if there could not be some plan devised by which that question could be adjourned & to let its settlement await the calm that would occur in the passions & irritations that the war had created. That it was important to divert the public mind from the present quarrel to some matter in which the parties had a common feeling & interest & mentioned the condition of Mex- ico as affording such an opportunity.” Stephens’ suggestion that the “two Confedera- cies” might unite to fulfill the Monroe Doctrine by appropriating “the whole of the North American continent” was not entertained by Lincoln, however, who stated that “he could make no treaty with the Confederate States because that would be recognition of those States.” Furthermore, “Lincoln answered that the settlement of the existing difficulties was of supreme importance & that he was not disposed to entertain any proposition for an armistice or cessation of hostilities until they were determined by the reestablishment of the national authority over the United States.” Lincoln makes it clear throughout the discussion, as reported by Campbell, that his primary goal is to bring “the existing struggle to a close.” The conversation, at Campbell’s instigation, then moved to the question of what a reconstruction policy might look like, provided all the Southern states agreed. Follow- ing that there was a discussion of emancipation and the implementation thereof, and Seward for the first time took an active part in the discussion. However, when Hunter “spoke of the cruelty of such measures [immediate emancipation] to the slave population especially, in localities in which the men had been removed—That the women & children were a tax on their masters, & if emancipated would be helpless & suffering,” it fell to Lincoln to respond “with a story.” According to Campbell, Lincoln told “of a man who had planted potatoes for his hogs, & left them in the ground to be rooted for—the ground froze, but the master said the hogs must root nevertheless.” Campbell’s notes are highly important, as well, on the topic of the Thirteenth Amend- ment, which was moving through Congress when the Hampton Roads Conference took place. Alexander Stephens, in his memoirs, writes that Lincoln suggested to him that Stephens should return to his native Georgia, where they could elect representatives to the United States House and Senate and ratify the Amendment “prospectively,” so as to take effect in five years. Such a suggestion, if made by Lincoln, would have been contrary to all his actions up to that point, and this would have been a significant moment in the conference. Campbell does not record it in his notes, however, which casts doubt on Stephens’ account. Other topics of discussion as related in Campbell’s memoranda included the boundary of Virginia (Lincoln insisting that West Virginia remain recognized) and the possible indemnification of slave owners for their lost property in slaves. The conference adjourned on the understanding “that none of the parties were to be held to anything they had said & that the whole was to be in confidence.” 12) Also included is a small group of ancillary material, including a copy of Jefferson Davis’ Message of the President . . . of February 6, 1865. [Richmond. 1865]. 4pp. Davis submits to the House and Senate of the Confederate States of America the report of the Confederate commissioners, and concludes that “the enemy refused to enter into negotiations . . . or to give our people any other terms or guaranties than those which a conqueror may grant, or to permit us to have peace on any other basis than unconditional submission to their rule, coupled with the acceptance of their recent legislation, including an amendment to the constitution for the emancipation of all the negro slaves.” PARRISH & WILLINGHAM 940. Also included is a contemporary woodcut cartoon of the conference titled “The Peace Commission: Flying to Abraham’s Bosom”; two photographs of Thomas Eckert; and a copy of Lincoln’s Account of the Hampton Roads Conference with Facsimiles from the Original Documents in the Collection of Judd Stewart. Privately printed. 1910. 16pp. plus facsimiles. “At Hampton Roads, Lincoln clearly spelled out his position on the cessation of hostilities, which the Confederate leadership had repeatedly failed to grasp. In so doing, the president steered a magnanimous but firm course that satisfied all Northern and border-state factions except for the most extreme elements. . . . Lincoln had sincerely hoped that the Hampton Roads meeting would lead immediately to a cessation of hostilities and reunion under his terms. Still, Lincoln in his peacemaking effort had demonstrated the recalci- trance of the Confederate leadership in accepting minimum Union terms, thereby rally- ing greater support for the war in the North and ending the debate over abolition. Like other Republicans, Radicals were greatly relieved that the president made no concessions to the rebels at Hampton Roads. Thus, Lincoln’s handling of the Hampton Roads Peace Conference, including events leading up to it, brought him the kind of broad support and even acclaim in the North that had eluded him for most of the war.”—Harris. An outstanding collection of documents detailing the preparations and proceedings of the Hampton Roads Peace Conference of February 3, 1865, at which Abraham Lincoln met with Confederate leaders in an attempt to bring the Civil War to a peaceful settlement. William C. Harris, “The Hampton Roads Peace Conference: A Final Test of Lincoln’s Presidential Leadership” in The Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, No. 21, Winter 2000, pp. 31–61. James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York & Oxford, 1988), pp. 821–25. David Herbert Donald, Lincoln (New York, 1995), pp. 557–61. James G. Randall & Richard N. Current, Lin- coln the President: Last Full Measure (New York, 1955), pp. 326–40. Edward Kirkland, The Peacemakers of 1864 (New York, 1927), pp. 197–251. John G. Nicolay & John Hay, Abraham Lincoln. A History (New York, 1890), Vol. X, pp. 91–129. Alexander H. Stephens, A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (Philadelphia, 1868–70), pp. 589–622. sol d

The First American Atlas 26. Clark, Matthew: [A COMPLETE SET OF CHARTS OF THE COAST OF AMERICA FROM CAPE BRETON TO THE ENTRANCE OF THE GULPH OF MEXICO]. [Boston: Matthew Clark, 1790]. Eighteen map sheets engraved by Joseph H. Seymour (fl. 1791–1822) or John Norman (1748–1817), joined to form nine large irregularly-shaped charts, each within an archival quality mat. Letterpress dedication, with text and certificate of recommendation (amended and signed in manuscript by Osgood Carleton) on the verso. Matted. Very good. Printed Americana of the greatest rarity: a highly important marine atlas and an outstanding example of enterprise and artistry from the early Federal era. “The first totally American production of its kind”—Beatrice B. Garvan. Of only eight known copies of this atlas, seven are in American institutional libraries: Yale, John Carter Brown, Bos- ton Athenaeum, Boston Public Library, Library Company of Philadelphia, New York Public Library, and the Library of Congress. No copy is listed as having sold at auction in the last sixty years, and this copy (deaccessioned from the Philadelphia Free Library) is likely to be the last complete example that is ever offered on the open market. By the end of the Revolution, a limited choice of charts of American waters was available “to mariners planning voyages to or along the coast of the United States. Most were British, published in The English Pilot (The Fourth Book), The North-Amer- ican Pilot, and The Atlantic Neptune. The latter . . . [conceived and published by J. F. W. Des Barres, but subsidized by the British government] . . . was recognized in the United States as a standard of accuracy against which others were compared as late as the third decade of the 19th century. . . . “The need for coastal charts found a response in the small enterprising Boston community of publishers, compilers, engravers, printers, and others in related fields. . . . A project to publish charts was initiated by Matthew Clark (1714–98), a Boston trader and auctioneer with merchant marine associations. . . . Clark’s proposal to publish a set of charts of the coast of America, his first venture of this kind (at the age of 76 years), was advertised in the Boston Gazette of July 5, 1790 noted that it had ‘just been published.’ The . . . charts were offered for sale separately, or as an untitled volume, the first page of which was a dedicatory epistle: ‘To His Excellency, John Hancock, esquire, Governor and Commander in Chief of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.’ The title [as given above, was] omitted from the dedication and volume, [but] was described in the proposal. . . . The charts inherited their form, conventions, and inspiration from British publications, augmented with local data, principally in the waters of Nantucket, and Vineyard Sound. The charts are fairly uniform in design, but vary in scale. They [are] . . . joined in pairs so that adjacent shorelines could be viewed to greatest advantage, and their identification could be aided by the included shore profiles”—Guthorn, p. 7. “American navigational cartography benefited [greatly] from this Matthew Clark atlas. The charts were large in scale, specifically coastal, and small in overall size . . . important local knowledge was added to the latest English surveys, and comparisons with later geodetic surveys show the charts to be fairly accurate where information is given. Instead of merely adding charts, the attempt to produce from single maps only the American coastline and to scale it up from a variety of variously designed sources, was clever. . . . Previous to this period atlases had been used, added to, yet hardly revised for generations . . . [this atlas] is a good example of . . . Federal America’s growth, grasp of new technology, and enterprise . . . [it] was a significant step between the earlier singly produced area maps and subsequent works leading to the geodetic surveys of the nineteenth century”—Garvan, p. 66. The atlas is made up as follows: A.) Chart numbers 1 and 2, joined, irregular shape, 25 x 43⅞ inches. 1) “Chart / of the Coast of / America / From Port Howe to C Breton / From the latest Surveys / . . . / J. Seymour Sculp.” Imprint: “Publishd & sold By M. Clark” Sheet size: 25 x 19 inches. With 5-line engraved endorsement from Osgood Carleton. 2) “Chart / of the Coast of America / From Charlotte Bay to Port Howe / From the Lat- est Surveys / . . . / J. Seymour Sculp.” Imprint: “Boston Published and Sold by M Clark.” Sheet size: 19¾ x 27⅛ inches. With 5-line engraved endorsement from Osgood Carleton. B.) Chart numbers 3 and 4, joined, 33⅝x 25 inches. 3) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / from / Cape Forchu to Liverpool B / From the latest Surveys.” Imprint: “Boston / Published and Sold by Mattw. Clark.” Sheet size: 17 x 25 inches. With 6-line engraved endorsement from Osgood Carleton. 4) “Chart / Of the Coast of / America / From Mouse Harbr. To Mahone bay / From the latest Surveys / . . . / Josh. Seymour Sculp.” Imprint: “Published & Sold By M. Clark.” Sheet size: 17¼ x 25⅛ inches. With 4-line engraved endorsement from Osgood Carleton. C.) Chart numbers 5 and 6, joined, irregular shape, 33¾ x 33½ inches. 5) “Chart / of the Coast of America from C. Eliz to Mouse Harbour from the latest Surveys / . . . / Josh. H. Seymour Sc.” Imprint: “Boston / Published and Sold by M. Clark.” Sheet size: 16⅞ x 28¼ inches. With 4-line engraved endorsement from Osgood Carleton, and six coastal profiles. 6) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / From / Cape Cod / to / Cape Elizabeth / From the latest Surveys.” Imprint: “Printed for and Sold by Mattw. Clark Boston Octbr. 1789.” Sheet size: 19¼ x 25⅛ inches. With 5-line engraved endorsement from Osgood Carleton. With an inset with details of five harbors, and four coastal profiles. GARVAN, p. 50.

D.) Chart numbers 7 and 8, joined, irregular shape, 24 x 48¾ inches. GARVAN, p. 50. GUTHORN, p. 43. 7) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / From / [Ge]orge’s Bank to Rhode Island / including / Nantucket Shoals &c. / From the latest Surveys / J. Norman Sc.” Imprint: “Printed for & Sold by Matthew Clark Boston Octbr. 1789.” Sheet size: 19½ x 25¼ inches. With 9-line engraved endorsement from Osgood Carleton, and 6-line endorsement from three “Branch Pilots,” all with the surname Dagget. With an inset of Plymouth Bay, and five coastal profiles. 8) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / From / New York / to / Rhode Island / from the latest Surveys / J. Norman Sc.” Imprint: “Printed for and Sold by Mattw. Clark / Bos- ton Octbr. 1789.” Sheet size: 19½ x 24¾ inches. With 7-line engraved endorsement from Osgood Carleton, and 3-line endorsement from Thomas Barnard. With an inset of the East River, and four coastal profiles. RISTOW, p. 225. E.) Chart numbers 9 and 10, joined, irregular shape, 33⅞ x 28⅛ inches. 9) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / From / New York Harbour / to / Cape May.” Imprint: “Boston Published & Sold by Matthew Clark.” Sheet size: 17¾ x 27 inches. With 4-line engraved endorsement. GARVAN, p. 50. 10) “[Chart] / of the / Coast of America / From / Cape May / to / Machapungo Sound.” Imprint: “Boston Published & Sold by Matthew Clark.” Sheet size: 17⅛ x 25 inches. GARVAN, p. 49. F.) Chart numbers 11 and 12, joined, irregular shape, 38⅜ x 25 inches. 11) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / From / Cape Henry / to / Albermarle Sound.” Imprint: “Boston Published / and Sold by M Clark.” Sheet size: 17 x 25 inches. With 4-line engraved endorsement. GARVAN, p. 49. [12]) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / From / Albermarle Sound / to / Cape Look- out.” Imprint: “Boston Published & Sold by Matthew Clark.” Sheet size: 22⅞ x 19 inches. With 4-line engraved endorsement.

G.) Chart numbers 13 and 14, joined, irregular shape, 27¾ x 32⅝ inches. GARVAN, p. 49. GUTHORN, p. 96. 13) “Chart of the Coast / of America from Cape / Fear to Cape Look Out / From the latest Surveys.” Imprint: “Boston Published / and Sold by M Clark.” Sheet size: 25 x 18 inches. With large inset titled “A Plan of the Harbour / and Entrance / of Cape Fear and the / Shoals.” [14]) “Chart / of / The Coast of America / From / Cape Fear to Helens / Sound.” Imprint: “Boston Published and Sold by M Clark.” Sheet size: 27¾ x 16½ inches. With 5-line engraved endorsement. H.) Chart numbers 15 and 16, joined, irregular shape, 48¾x 23¾ inches. [15]) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / From the / Nd of St Augustin / to / Ayes Inlet.” Imprint: “Boston Published & Sold by Matthew Clark.” Sheet size: 24 x 19 inches. With 3-line engraved endorsement. 16) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / From / St Helens Sound / St Johns River.” Imprint: “Boston Published & Sold by Matthew Clark.” Sheet size: 25⅝ x 19⅝ inches. With 4-line engraved endorsement.

I.) Chart numbers 17 and 18, joined, irregular shape, 39⅝ x 25 inches. GARVAN, p. 49. 17) “Chart / of The / Coast of America / Through the / Gulph of Florida / To the Entrance of the / Gulph of Mexico.” Imprint: “Boston Published & Sold by Matthew Clark.” Sheet size: 24⅛ x 18⅜ inches. With 4-line engraved endorsement. 18) “Chart / of the / Coast of America / Thro the / Gulph / of / Florida.” Imprint: “Boston Published & Sold by Matthew Clark.” Sheet size: 16⅞ x 25 inches.

J.) Dedication/endorsement leaf, 24⅞ x 16⅜ inches. GARVAN, pp. 45–48. a) recto: 17 lines of letterpress text, starting “To His Excellency, / John Hancock, esquire, / Governor and Commander in Chief of the Commonwealth / of Massachusetts. / . . . ,” and ending “Sir, / Your most obedient, / Humble Servant, / Matthew Clark.” b) verso: text in five sections, under the following headings: I. “Remarks / Upon the Navi- gation from Newfoundland to New-York . . . / . . . By Dr. Franklin.”; II. “Directions for sailing between the Middle Ground and / the Horse Shoe, at the entrance of Cape Henry.”; III. “Setting of the Tides within the Capes of Delaware-Bay.”; IV. “Tide-Table for Dela- ware-Bay.”; V. “Advertisement” (with text of endorsement) and manuscript signature in ink of Osgood Carleton, together with his manuscript correction. All of the dedication/endorsement leaves signed in manuscript by Osgood Carleton (1742–1816 “Teacher in Mathematics in Boston”), but this copy is one of four examples of the first issue of this leaf with the printed text corrected in manuscript: the sentence “These Charts, I believe to be the most accurate of any before published” has been corrected to read “these Charts, I believe to be more accurate than any before published.” The text continues with an explanation from Carleton that “Although these Charts are sold singly to some, and for that reason, a Certificate of the examination is engraven on each plate; yet as the whole are bound together in this Book, and have all passed the same inspection, it is presumed, that signing this [leaf] will be satisfactory, without putting my name to each particular chart.” Beatrice B. Garvan, “Matthew Clark’s Charts One Significant Example of Yankee Enterprise” in Phila- delphia Printmaking American Prints Before 1860 . . . Edited by Robert F. Looney (West Chester, Pa., 1976), pp. 43–69. GUTHORN, pp. 7, 43, 96. PHILLIPS ATLASES 3667. RISTOW, p. 224. $650,000. A Highly Important Manuscript Collection of Early High Arctic Voyages 27. Coats, William: CAPTAIN WILLIAM COATS’S REMARKS IN MANY VOYAGES TO HUDSONS BAY [manuscript title]. [England. ca. 1751?]. [137]pp. Folio. Contemporary vellum. Light foxing and toning. Some minor scattered soiling. Very good. In a blue half morocco and cloth clamshell box, spine gilt extra. This manuscript is a remarkable compilation of Captain William Coats’ many explorations and travels in Hudson Bay over a quarter of a century, describing annual voyages every summer between 1727 and 1751. Coats’ legacy is commemorated by a sizable island named for him at the entrance to the Bay (thought to have been the last outpost of the Dorset Eskimo people). Except for 1749, when he accompanied Thomas Mitchell on a Company exploring expedition, he commanded one of the three supply ships that the Hudson’s Bay Company sent out each season to Churchill, Albany, and York Fac- tory. This manuscript is one of the most extensive narratives of high Arctic travel and exploration from the first half of the 18th century to survive, and is crucial to the contemporary questions regarding whether or not Hudson Bay had a western outlet into a northwest passage. On his first voyage, while conveying Thomas Maclish to York Factory as the new governor of Hudson Bay, Coats lost his ship off Cape Farewell. Everyone was saved into the Hannah, one of the consorts, commanded by Charles Middleton. For the next thirteen seasons Coats, Middleton, and George Spurrell were the supply ship commanders, but in 1741, Middleton was engaged by the Admiralty, at the urgings of Arthur Dobbs, to search for a northwest passage in H.M.S. Furnace. To Dobbs’ frus- tration, Middleton only discovered Wager Bay; a written war ensued in the form of a pamphlet exchange, for which Middleton is best remembered today. The argument between the two men is referred to by Coats at the commencement of the manuscript, in which he appears to side firmly with Middleton: “What Mr. Dobbs has thought fitt to call a description of Hudsons bay, is so erroneous so superficial and so trifling in almost every circumstance. So contrary to the experience and concurrent testimony . . . that when it first Appeared it was matter of astonishment, to all those who be supposed to be competent Judges.” Coats refers to the claims and counterclaims of Middleton and Dobbs, regarding the fall of tides in Hudson Bay, in the body of the manuscript. In 1749, Coats was excused from the supply voyage, and was asked instead to accompany Thomas Mitchell, who was to continue his previous exploring expedition, now under the auspices of the Hudson’s Bay Company. In 1744 the expedition had been sent to examine the Eastmain, or eastern coast of Hudson Bay. The 1749 expedition found the coast just as intimidating as its predecessor had, but nonetheless charted the Rich- mond Gulf and the coast between Cape Digges and Little Whale River. The Eastmain is described in the manuscript from observations in 1749. The manuscript, addressed to Coats’ son, was drawn up after the 1750 voyage, which is the last voyage referred to. The majority of the text (and all of the Append- age where the references give the year of the journal from which they were extracted) contains sailing directions, latitude and longitude, and description of the important landfalls and many capes, bays, and islands from Cape Resolution into Hudson Bay, together with information on ice (especially its avoidance) and tides. In addition there is information on the differences between the various tribes of Indians and Inuit groups encountered by Coats, and knowledge of the hinterland of Hudson Bay including conjectural conclusions (e.g. that a large lake or sea named “Winipeggon” was said to lay to the west of Churchill, and that this could explain the extraordinary tides on the west coast of Hudson Bay, and the belief that this [Lake Winnipeg] connected with the Bay). Apart from the geography of the Bay, Coats provides descriptions of the natives, including detailed accounts of their clothing and demeanor. He even notes that the features of the Eskimos are similar to that of the Chinese: “I have often thought this people are of the lineage of the Chinease, in the many features I think I see in them, their bloated, flatt faces, little eyes, black hair, little hands & feet.” Coats describes artifacts of the culture: canoes, toys, hunting implements, music, and costume; he writes about diet, means of hunting, and their lack of Christian religion. On the latter topic he writes: That they are idoliters I am perswaided for I have had a bone Deity which they seldom are without in their canoes. The rising sun summons all on their knees, [at which point] you hear such a contrast of vocal musick . . . with such energy and noble contempt as lift these people in idea above the common level of all mankind, and I dare say they think themselves the favorite people of God, and look on us with more compassion and contempt than we do them. He makes similar observations about the natives at other points in the text. This remarkable manuscript came into the hands of celebrated Arctic explorer Sir Edward Parry, who passed it to Francis Beaufort, who in turn passed it to the fledgling Hakluyt Society in the person of John Barrow Jr. (1808–98), a founding member of the Society, Keeper of the Records at the Admiralty, and member of the Arctic Council dedicated to solving the mystery of Sir John Franklin. Barrow edited the manuscript as the eleventh volume of the Hakluyt Society’s First Series under the manuscript’s subtitle: The Geography of Hudson’s Bay (1852). To this was added an appendix containing extracts from the log of Capt. Middleton on his voyage for the discovery of the North-West Passage in 1741–42. Not all of the manuscript was published. The text that Barrow chose to edit out is lightly marked in pencil, consisting primarily of nautical observations along the British coast. A major manuscript account of Arctic exploration in the first half of the 18th century, by a man who probably made more Arctic voyages in the period than any other sailor. $125,000.

The First American Road Atlas: A Legendary Rarity 28. Colles, Christopher: A SURVEY OF THE ROADS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. [New York]. 1789. Two volumes. Engraved titlepage plus eighty-three single- page maps, engraved on copper by C. Tiebout, numbered 1–33 and 40–86, plus the 45, 46, and 47 bis plates, as issued. Small quarto. Bound in contemporary brown (first volume) and blue-grey (second volume) wrappers, string-tied. Both volumes laid into a contemporary paper-covered boards portfolio with string ties. Original broadside prospectus for the work affixed to interior of portfolio. Minor repairs to portfolio spine. Leaves lightly tanned and foxed, occasional offsetting. Overall, in near fine, original condition. With the contemporary ownership signature of “Edm. Morwood” on the front board of the portfolio. First edition of a major American cartographic and technological rarity—the earliest American road guide. As an accurate guide for helping people and goods travel around the new United States, Colles’ work was of invaluable assistance to commerce and personal mobil- ity. The first parts were published in the year George Washington was sworn in as the nation’s first president. Colles’ guide was an important step toward national integra- tion, and was emblematic of so many of his projects, in which he sought to improve transportation and communication through systems of roads and canals. In his introduction to a modern edition of the work, Walter Ristow calls Colles’ survey “one of the most detailed and comprehensive historical records of the United States at the time of its Constitutional establishment.” The Library of Congress recently chose Colles’ work as one of the “works that shaped America.” Colles map-sheets are in the form of “strip maps,” arranged side by side, two or three to a plate. The maps are divided into ten series depicting the roads connecting the major cities from Connecticut to Virginia: New York to Stratford, New York to Pough- keepsie, Stratford to Poughkeepsie, Poughkeepsie to Albany, Albany to Newborough, New York to Philadelphia (via Trenton), New York to Philadelphia (via Allen town and Mount Holly), Philadelphia to Annapolis, Annapolis to York, and Williamsburgh to Hooe’s Ferry. The total distance covered by the maps is some 1000 miles. Each map shows twelve miles of road drawn to the same scale (one inch equaling four-sevenths of a mile) and is keyed to show the locations of Episcopal and Presbyterian churches, town houses, mills, taverns, blacksmith shops, bridges, and jails, and gives the names of inhabitants of houses near the road. The maps are numbered from 1 to 86, with three additional maps numbered 45*, 46*, and 47; the maps numbered 34 to 39 are not found in any copies, and undoubtedly were never issued. The expected advantages of Colles’ Survey are discussed in the broadside Proposals for the work, which is affixed to the interior of the portfolio of this copy: A traveller will here find so plain and circumstantial a description of the road, that whilst he has the draft with him it will be impossible for him to miss his way: he will have the satisfaction of knowing the names of many of the persons who reside on the road; if his horse should want a shoe, or his carriage be broke, he will by the bare inspection of the draft be able to determine whether he must go backward or forward to a blacksmith’s shop. . . . It is expected many other entertaining and useful purposes will be discovered when these surveys come into general use. Colles was able to create these very accurate maps by using a perambulator of his own invention, which measured mileage by adding up the revolutions of a wheel trailed behind a carriage. The maps for New York and Connecticut almost certainly drew on Colles’ own surveys. For the maps in Virginia, Colles drew on manuscript maps that George Washington’s engineers had made during the Yorktown campaign. Colles’ Maryland and New Jersey maps were derived from the manuscript maps of Robert Ers- kine and Simeon DeWitt, whose work was also commissioned by Washington in 1781. Burdened by a lack of capital, Colles relied on subscriptions to keep his road guide in production, and appealed unsuccessfully to the New York legislature for funds. Despite the support of the Post Office department, the United States Congress also denied him funds. Colles produced his maps between 1789 and 1792, a total of eighty-three in all. Cornelius Tiebout, one of the first American-born engravers, is identified on the titlepage as the engraver of the work, but it seems evident, due to variations in style and symbolism, that more than one engraver was employed. In the end, the project was a financial failure. Born in Ireland, Christopher Colles (1739–1816) worked as an engineer, aiding in the construction of canals. He arrived in Philadelphia in 1771, advertised his services as a machine designer, surveyor, architect, and mathematics tutor, and worked at developing a steam engine. In 1774 he proposed a plan to replace New York City’s wells and springs with a water system of reservoirs and pipes. Sympathetic to the American cause, Colles fled New York City when the British occupied it. During the Revolu- tion he travelled around New York state, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Connecti- cut, likely making personal surveys of the roads he travelled. Colles may have also instructed a few Continental Army artillery officers in mathematics. In the early 1780s, Colles unsuccessfully proposed a plan to George Washington for improving the navi- gability of the Ohio River, and he is credited with first proposing a system of canals connecting the Hudson River with Lake Erie, which saw its fruition in the construction of the Erie Canal. This copy of Colles’ Survey has the original broadside prospectus for the work affixed to the interior of the portfolio. The Library of Congress copy as well as the Streeter, Church, and Brinley copies also contain the prospectus. The text of the broadside in this copy is in the second state, identifying Colles as “of New-York” and containing an additional paragraph of text (as in the Library of Congress copy). Ristow, in his census of Colles’ Survey of the Roads of the United States of America locates only fourteen complete copies, and another nine copies lacking from one to sixty-six plates. NAIP also locates apparently complete copies at Harvard and Rutgers. There is also an incomplete copy in the David Rumsey collection. The present copy is complete, as issued, with the full complement of eighty-three maps. “One of the most valuable historical records of the United States for the Revolutionary War years and those immediately following. It is not only the earliest American road book, but ranks also as one of the first private map publishing ventures”—Ristow. This copy, in remarkable original condition, seems to have been originally owned by Edmund Morewood (1770–1861), a well-known New York merchant who later settled in Stamford, Connecticut. Barrett, in the fifth volume of Old Merchants of New York, writes of Morewood: “He was famous in field sports—shooting, fishing, &c. and was a most remarkable pedestrian. Even in his old age, he might be seen in his black spencer pacing off his fifteen or twenty miles.” An important collection of American maps, the first guide to American roads, and a great cartographic rarity. EVANS 21741. NAIP w022401. SABIN 14411 (mentioning only 74 plates). HOWES C584, “c.” CHURCH 1236. STREETER SALE 3963 (to Sessler, for $3500 in 1969). BRINLEY SALE 4818. RINK 5376. RISTOW, pp. 158–62. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG, pp. 209–10, plate 130. PHILLIPS MAPS, pp. 867–68. AMERICA EMERGENT 81. VIRGINIA IN MAPS, pp. 61, 116–77. PAPENFUSE & COALE, pp. 45, 65. SNYDER, MAPPING OF NEW JERSEY, pp. 78–83. Deborah Epstein Popper, “Poor Christopher Colles: An Innovator’s Obstacles in Early America” in Journal of American Culture (28:2, June 2005), pp. 178–90. Walter Ristow, editor, A Survey of the Roads of the United States of America (Cambridge, Ma., 1961). Broadside Proposals: EVANS 21740. NAIP w010191. RINK 5375. $150,000.

The Confederate Constitution in Its Final Draft 29. [Confederate Constitution]: CONSTITUTION OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA [caption title]. [Montgomery, Al.: Shorter & Reid? March 9, 1861]. 29 galley proof leaves measuring 14 x 8½ inches, printed on recto only. Several instances of manuscript corrections. String-tied at top edge. Minor edge wear, a bit of light soiling on the first and final leaves. Horizontal fold. Very good. In a half morocco and cloth box, spine gilt. One of “100 copies ordered to be printed” of the final draft of the Confederate Con- stitution, printed for the use of the Committee on Constitution, with lines numbered and spaces added between lines to facilitate editing. This printing precedes numerous ones produced for public use and distribution after the adoption of the constitution on March 11, 1861. Preliminary drafts of twenty-seven leaves were altered by Congress before attaining this present form. The present copy contains several instances of manuscript corrections: inserting words and correcting misspellings or poor grammar. In fact, nearly half the leaves contain some manuscript marks or additions, with a total of nineteen instances of corrections in all. For example, the first sentence of the preamble begins, “We, the people of the Confederate States, each acting in its sovereign and independent character. . . .” In this copy, the word “state” has been inserted in manuscript between “each” and “acting.” Once secession became a reality in late 1860, the rebellious states had to decide what form of government they would take. As in 1787, when the original thirteen states wove themselves into the United States through a constitution, the South wove itself into a Confederacy by creating their own constitution. In early February 1861 representatives of the seceded states met in Montgomery, quickly approving a provisional constitution, and then moving on to the task of drafting a permanent constitution. The present document is the final draft of the permanent Confederate Constitution, finalized by the drafting committee on March 9, 1861 and approved by the Provisional Congress two days later. It is a striking document in its similarities to—and differences from—the United States Constitution, a subject that has been much studied by recent scholarship. In fact, the goal of the Confederate Congress was to create a document that took the best parts of the Federal constitution, but tried to eliminate its perceived weak- nesses. Power was decentralized, away from the central government and toward the individual states. The President of the Confederacy was limited to a single six-year term, and was given a line-item veto of Congressional appropriations. The power of the Con- gress to impose taxes was greatly limited, and general treasury funds were prohibited from being used to fund local internal improvements. Government subsidies to industry and tariffs on imports were prohibited, reflecting the southern preference for free trade. Also, “the institution of negro slavery as it now exists in the Confederate states, shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the territorial government.” Several of the provisions of the federal Bill of Rights were also incorporated into the Confederate Constitution, including the right to keep and bear arms, protection from unreasonable search and seizure, the right to trial by jury and against excessive bail, etc. Of the present final draft of the Confederate Constitution, only five copies are known: the Streeter copy was sold for $4250 and now is located at the Boston Ath- enaeum; this firm sold a copy to the Virginia State Library in 1988 for $25,000 (these are the two copies located in Parrish & Willingham). A copy sold at Sotheby’s in 1993 and reappeared at Christie’s in 2003, where it sold for $190,000 hammer ($220,300 all in). Two others are in private hands (including this one). The present copy belonged to Albert Gaius Hills, a war correspondent for the Boston Journal, who served for a three- month period in 1863 as a first lieutenant in the Union Army, and who was present in the South as a reporter during the Civil War, spending several months with Union troops in New Orleans. This copy descended in his family. Thomas W. Streeter, unaware of other copies, wrote of his: “This seems to be an unrecorded copy of the final draft of the Constitution as reported by the Committee.” The great expert on Confederate imprints, Richard Harwell, wrote: “The Constitution of the new government is an inevitable selection for . . . Cornerstones of Confederate Col- lecting. It is the truly representative document of the deliberations at Montgomery and a succinct demonstration of the political faith of the South in 1861, significant not only for its deviations from the old Constitution but also for its general adherence to it.” A landmark document in the history of the Civil War and American political thought. PARRISH & WILLINGHAM 7. STREETER SALE 1275. HARWELL, CORNERSTONES OF CONFEDERATE COLLECTING, p. 8. HOWES C672 (ref). $175,000.

The Continental Congress, in a Reply Drafted by Jefferson with Franklin, Adams, and Lee, Rejects a Parliamentary Attempt at Compromise in the Spring of 1775 30. [Continental Congress]: [Jefferson, Thomas]: THE SEVERAL ASSEMBLIES OF NEW-JERSEY, PENNSYLVANIA AND VIRGINIA, HAVING REFERRED TO THE CONGRESS A RESOLUTION OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS OF GREAT-BRIT- AIN, WHICH RESOLUTION IS IN THESE WORDS . . . [caption title]. [Philadelphia: William and Thomas Bradford, July 31, 1775]. 8pp. Modern half calf and marbled boards, gilt leather label. Minor foxing. Very good. The Continental Congress’ response to the “Conciliatory Resolution” set forth by the British Parliament, in an attempt to reach a peaceable settlement with the colonies, immediately preceding the outbreak of the Revolution. Not a binding law, but a resolution proposing a line floated by the pro-American elements in the House, it passed on February 20, 1775. The document was sent to each of the thirteen colonies, intentionally bypassing the extralegal Continental Congress. It stated that so long as the colonists were willing to provide for the defense and administration of the colonies, they would be spared any but those taxes necessary for the regulation of normal commerce. Referred to the Continental Congress by the Assemblies of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Vir- ginia, this statement was drafted in response, rejecting Britain’s proposal of peace. If there had been any possibility of the Parliamentary feeler making headway, it was gone by the time it reached America. The spring saw the open outbreak of war at Lex- ington and Concord and Bunker Hill, and by the time the colonies had passed the Res- olution on to Congress in July, it was met with a blistering response. This text was prepared by a committee comprised of Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and Richard Henry Lee, though authorship is primarily attributed to Jefferson. It is dated July 31st, [1775]. It reads, in part: That the colonies of America are entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege of giving and granting their own money . . . so are they entitled at all times to enquire into their application, to see that they be not wasted among the venal and corrupt for the purpose of under- mining the civil rights of the givers. . . .That this privilege of giving or of withholding our monies is an important barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative, which, if left altogether without controul, may be exercised to our great oppression; and all history shews how efficacious is it’s intercession for redress of grievances and re-establishment of rights, and how improvident it would be to part with so powerful a mediator. We are of the opinion that the proposition contained in this resolution is unreasonable and insidious. . . . In the closing paragraph, the American Con- gress states its complete defiance of the Resolu- tion, citing its falsity as declared by the military actions already underway in the colonies: The proposition seems also to have been calculated more particularly to lull into fatal security, our well-affected fellow-subjects on the other side the water, till time should be given for the operation of those arms, which a British minister pronounced would instantaneously reduce the ‘cowardly’ sons of America to unreserved submission. But, when the world reflects, how inadequate to justice are these vaunted terms; when it attends to the rapid and bold succession of injuries, which, during the course of eleven years, have been aimed at these colonies; when it reviews the pacific and respectful expostulations, which, during that whole time, were the sole arms we opposed to them; when it observes that our complaints were either not heard at all, or were answered with new and accumulated injuries; when it recollects that the minister himself, on an early occasion, declared, ‘that he would never treat with America, till he had brought her to his feet,’ and that an avowed partisan of ministry has more lately denounced against us the dreadful sentence, ‘delenda est Carthago;’ that this was done in presence of a British senates and being unreproved by them, must be taken to be their own sentiment, (especially as the purpose has already in part been carried into execution, by their treatment of Boston and burning of Charlestown;) when it considers the great armaments with which they have invaded us, and the circumstances of cruelty with which these have commenced and prosecuted hostilities; when these things, we say, are laid together and attentively considered, can the world be deceived into an opinion that we are unreasonable, or can it hesitate to believe with us, that nothing but our own exertions may defeat the ministerial sentence of death or abject submission. A bold and important piece of rhetoric from a crucial moment in the Revolution, in which the committee that ultimately drafted the Declaration of Independence, led by Jefferson, honed their invective.ESTC locates only ten copies. EVANS 14583. ESTC W7619. $45,000.

The Extremely Rare Original Printing of the Congressional Journals for Early 1776: The “Cartridge Paper” Edition 31. [Continental Congress]: THE JOURNALS OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. HELD AT PHILADELPHIA, FROM JANUARY TO MAY, 1776. Philadelphia: Printed by R. Aitken, 1776. Four parts bound in one volume. [2], 93; 70; 73–146; 147–237pp. Original drab paper boards. Corners lightly worn, some soiling. Text lightly toned with some scattered foxing. Closed tear to p. 113 of third part. Discreet library release stamp on rear pastedown. Very good, in original condition. Untrimmed. In a half morocco box. Through 1775 the Bradford family had the contract to print the Journals of Congress, but beginning with these Journals the contract was moved to Robert Aitken. He issued these Journals in monthly parts, although whole runs generally disposed with the monthly titles issued in February and March (as here; none were issued in January and April). After April, Aitken was told to cease publication. According to his “Waste Book” at the Library Company of Philadelphia, Aitken sold a total of eighty copies of this edition. In the fall of 1776, Congress charged Aitken to reprint all of its earlier Journals from 1774 through April 1776 as the first volume of a collected journals of Congress. With this publication in the works (it ultimately appeared with a 1777 imprint), Aitken disposed of the leftover original January to April edition as waste paper to the Army to be used for cartridges—hence the name “Cartridge Paper” edition. Given that only eighty copies survived, this is possibly the rarest of all early Journals of Congress. Needless to say, the Journals of the first four months of 1776 cover some of the most critical early moments of the Revo- lution. Included are communications with Washington at Boston, provisions for raising troops and supplies to fight the war, the beginning of sanctioning privateering, discussion of Indian relations, information from and letters to Committees of Correspondence, first actions against Loyalists, discussions of the failure of the assault on Canada, and many other things relative to the conduct of the war. EVANS 15145. $45,000.

The Pivotal Moment of the Revolution: Congress Rallies the New Nation in the Spring of 1778 32. [Continental Congress]: AN ADDRESS OF THE CONGRESS TO THE INHAB- ITANTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA [caption title; text then begins:] FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN, THREE YEARS HAVE NOW PASSED AWAY, SINCE THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE PRESENT WAR. . . . Hartford: Watson & Goodwin, [1778]. Broadside, 16½ x 10½ inches. Old fold lines. Light wear and separation at some folds. Corners clipped; some light soiling and foxing. Docketed on verso in a contemporary hand. Very good. In a half morocco box. This Address to the American people, issued by the Continental Congress on May 7, 1778, was read and heard by much of the colonial American population. This moment, when the country’s outlook was at its lowest, is a key point in American history. Con- gress encourages the American people to take heart, arguing that because the cause is just, and the Americans staunch, the United States will prevail. It is the very pivot of the Revolution. The Address was as widely circulated as other key early texts of the Revolution, appearing in nine different broadside editions in May and June of 1778, making it the most widely circulated Congressional proclamation of the war years after the Declaration of Independence itself. In the Spring of 1778 things were looking especially bleak for the fledgling United States. In the fall of 1777 the British had captured Philadelphia, causing the Congress to flee to York, Pennsylvania; Washington and the Continental Army had spent a harrowing winter at Valley Forge; and, the much awaited French alliance had yet to materialize. When news of Franklin’s successful negotiation of the Treaty of Alliance arrived at the beginning of May, Congress swiftly ratified it and issued this Address to the nation telling them to take heart. On May 3, 1778, four days prior to the passage of this Address, Congress had unani- mously ratified the French treaty. The Address emphasizes that America had sought compromise “with the Earnestness of humble intreaty,” having “supplicated a Redress of our Grievances,” but to no avail. Now, in the midst of war, “On one side we behold Fraud and Violence labouring in the Service of Despotism; on the other, Virtue and Fortitude supporting and establishing the Rights of human Nature.” After denouncing the actions of the British in America at length, the broadside calls for the “strenuous unremitted Exertions” of the populace, proclaiming that “It hath now become morally certain that if we have courage to persevere, we shall establish our Lib- erties and Independence.” The Address goes on to discuss financial and economic matters, both of the nation and the individuals: They tell you, it is true, that your money is of no value; and your debts so enormous they can never be paid. But we tell you, that if Britain prosecutes the War another campaign, that single campaign will cost her more than we have hitherto expended. . . . It becomes you deeply to reflect on this subject. Is there a country on earth, which hath such resources for the payment of her debts as America? Such an extensive territory? So fertile, so blessed in its climate and productions? Surely there is none. . . . The sweets of a free commerce with every part of the earth will soon reimburse you for all the losses you have sustained. The full tide of wealth will flow in upon your shores, free from the arbitrary impositions of those, whose interest, and whose declared policy it was to check your growth. Your interests will be fostered and nourished by governments that derive their power from your grant, and will therefore be obliged by the influence of cogent necessity, to exert it in your favor. The broadside closes with this bold statement: “Thus shall the power and happiness of these sovereign free and independent states, founded on the virtue of their citizens, increase, extend and endure, until the Almighty shall blot out all the Empires of the Earth.” The broadside is signed in type by Henry Laurens as President of Congress, followed by the resolve that it should be read by all ministers of every faith following church service, in order that it reach as wide an audience as possible. The Address was swiftly circulated and printed in nine separate broadside printings in the two months after its issuance on May 7, 1778. Editions appeared in York and Lancaster in Pennsylvania; Williamsburg, Baltimore, Hartford, Providence, Exeter, and two separate Boston editions. This Hartford printing is known in only one other copy, at the Connecticut Historical Society. All of the other printings of the Address are quite rare as well. Within the months after the issuance of the Address, the fortunes of the United States changed dramatically. On June 18 the British evacuated Philadelphia and were harried across New Jersey by Washington as they retreated to New York. A French fleet appeared off New York on July 11. The Address was not, to paraphrase Churchill, the end of the war, or even the beginning of the end; but it was the end of the beginning. A rare and important broadside, recording a pivotal moment in American history. EVANS 16101. NAIP w034393. $50,000. President of the Confederacy on the Run: The Reward Poster for the Fleeing Jefferson Davis 33. [Davis, Jefferson]: Wilson, James H.: $100,000 REWARD! IN GOLD. . . . ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS REWARD IN GOLD, WILL BE PAID TO ANY PERSON OR PERSONS WHO WILL APPREHEND AND DELIVER JEF- FERSON DAVIS TO ANY OF THE MILITARY AUTHORITIES OF THE UNITED STATES. . . . Macon, Ga. May 6, 1865. Broadside, 20¼ x 16¼ inches. Paper chipped (costing three and one half words of text, see below) and with old stains and folds. Backed by old linen and board. In good condition overall. A remarkable—and remarkably rare—artifact, documenting one of the greatest manhunts in American history—the hunt for Confederate President Jefferson Davis. While wanted posters for the Lincoln assassins appear on the market with some regularity, this is the first copy of this reward poster for Jefferson Davis that we have ever seen in the market. No copies appear in auction records. Early April, 1865 saw a momentous string of events that signaled the final crumbling of the Confederacy—from the fall of Richmond on April 2 to the surrender of Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia to Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox on April 9 and the disbanding of Lee’s army a few days later. Jefferson Davis fled Richmond on April 2nd, and President Lincoln did not immediately act to apprehend him, considering his capture irrelevant to the larger task of ending the war. Indeed, the Federal authorities may have wished for Davis to escape the country and free them from the thorny question of how to treat him. This changed with Lincoln’s assassination on April 15th, and the federal government focused on Davis not only as a traitor but a possible conspirator in the President’s assassination. After the death of John Wilkes Booth on April 26th, a primary focus of Union forces became the capture of Jefferson Davis. The hunt for Davis began in earnest in early May 1865. During his flight south from Richmond, Davis at times enjoyed the protection of hundreds of armed men. By early May, Davis was in Georgia, and one of the chief Union officers in pursuit of him was Major-General James H. Wilson, whose cavalry command was headquartered in Macon. On May 2nd, President Andrew Johnson announced a $100,000 reward for Jef- ferson Davis’ capture (coincidentally the same amount that had been offered for the apprehension of Lincoln’s assassins). On May 6th Wilson had this broadside printed, presumably at Macon, announcing in large letters “$100,000 Reward! in Gold” for the delivery of Davis to any of the military authorities of the United States. The text of the broadside goes on to assert that “several millions of specie, reported to be with him, will become the property of the captors.” Chips in the paper have cost the first three words of that sentence, and the letters “spe” in “specie.” Rumors had been circulating that Davis was carrying with him a fortune in Con- federate gold (he was not), and the promise of the glory of capturing the most wanted man in America, claiming the rich reward, and getting one’s hands on the fortune in gold spurred Union troops on in the chase for Davis. On May 9 General Wilson issued a second broadside, announcing a cumulative $360,000 reward for the capture of Davis and five others who were alleged to have conspired with him in plotting Lincoln’s assassination. By this time the orders were that Davis was to be caught dead or alive. Davis was captured the following day, May 10, 1865, in southern Georgia by members of the Fourth Michigan Cavalry. Word quickly spread throughout the United States of his capture, and the rumor grew that Davis was apprehended wearing his wife’s dress and bonnet as some sort of disguise. In truth, he was wearing Varina Davis’s waterproof sleeveless raglan coat and a shawl. We are unable to locate any other copy of this rare and important broadside. The only record in OCLC is for a photostat copy of an original owned by the great Con- federate collector, Richard Harwell. The entry for that photostat gives the title as $1,000,000 Reward . . . , likely a typographical error on the part of the cataloguer at the holding institution, the University of Virginia. This broadside is not listed in Hum- mel’s bibliography, Southeastern Broadsides Before 1877, though he does locate a single copy of the $360,000 reward poster issued on May 9th, at Emory University. An image of another copy of the present broadside is reproduced in James Swanson’s recent book, Bloody Crimes: The Chase for Jefferson Davis and the Pageant for Lincoln’s Corpse. That copy also has paper loss and is trimmed at the bottom edge, costing the information giving Wilson’s rank. That image was taken from an illustration in the Century magazine from early in the 20th century. We have been unable to establish the location of the original broadside illustrated in Swanson’s book. A rare and dramatic American broadside, marking the waning days of the Confed- eracy and the pursuit of Jefferson Davis. OCLC 26784921 (ref). HUMMEL 565 (ref). Swanson, Bloody Crimes . . . , pp. 296–332. $50,000.

Presentation Copy from William Henry Harrison of the Main Biographical Work on Himself 34. Dawson, Moses: [Harrison, William Henry]: A HISTORICAL NARRATIVE OF THE CIVIL AND MILITARY SERVICES OF MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM H. HARRISON, AND A VINDICATION OF HIS CHARACTER AND CONDUCT AS A STATESMAN, A CITIZEN, AND A SOLDIER. WITH A DETAIL OF HIS NEGOTIATIONS AND WARS WITH THE INDIANS, UNTIL THE FINAL OVER- THROW OF THE CELEBRATED CHIEF TECUMSEH, AND HIS BROTHER THE PROPHET. Cincinnati. 1824. viii, 464, [8]pp. plus 24-line errata slip. Contemporary calf, rebacked, corners repaired. Inscribed by Harrison on the dedication leaf. Light scattered foxing and soiling. Good. In a brown half morocco and cloth slipcase. “This is certainly one of the most thorough, complete, and authentic treatises, relating to the Border Wars of the West, ever printed. The fine portraiture of aboriginal character, the narration of the minutest incidents of camp, treaty, and war, and the style of simple candor adopted by a scholarly mind, all commend the narrative to our judgment, and attract our interest in its progress”—Field. “Not only the principal authority on Harrison, but also one of the most exhaustive and dependable sources on events of the War of 1812 in the western country, Tecumseh’s uprising, etc.”—Howes. “The work is scarce and each year increases in price”—Thomson. This copy is particularly desirable, having been inscribed by Harrison to William L. Stone: “To Wm. L. Stone, Esq. With the respects of W. H. Harrison.” Stone (1792–1844) was a New York State printer and newspaper editor, an anti-slavery advocate, and an author of several notable historical works, including the life of Joseph Brant. He was appointed by President Harrison as the U.S. Minister to the Hague in 1841, but recalled shortly thereafter by President Tyler, following Harrison’s death. HOWES D158, “aa.” STREETER SALE 1333. THOMSON 312. SABIN 18956. GRAFF 1026. FIELD 407. $20,000.

A Superb Set of the Latin Edition of De Bry 35. De Bry, Theodor; Johann Theodor De Bry; and Johann Israel De Bry: [THE GREAT OR AMERICAN VOYAGES IN LATIN, PARTS I–XII]. Frankfurt or Oppen- heim: Theodor De Bry and his heirs (see below), 1590–1624. Twelve parts bound in twelve volumes (see below for collations). Uniform modern dark blue straight-grained morocco gilt, covers with gilt border of double fillets and a decorative roll; spine in seven compartments with raised bands, lettered in gilt in the second, numbered in the fourth, the other compartments with repeat tooling in gilt, brown endpapers. Very good. The Great or American Voyages in Latin, Parts I–XII (of thirteen, and without the Elenchus), comprising: I. [Hariot, Thomas]: Admiranda Narration Fida Tamen, de Commodis et Incolarum Ritibus Virgin- iae . . . Anglico Scripta Sermone a Thoma Hariot. Frankfurt: Johann Wechel, 1590. First edition, mix issue but mostly first issue. Colophon leaf F6, blank D6. Engraved title to text, letterpress title to plates, engraved arms on dedication leaf, folding engraved map of Virginia, engraved plate of Adam and Eve (the second state with inscription in the plate reading “Iodocus a Winghe in Io. Theodore de Bry sc.”), twenty-eight very fine engraved plates after John White (including five plates of Picts). A foundation work on the early exploration and delineation of America, describing and illustrating the first British colony to be established there. This volume is the first issued by the publisher, Theodor De Bry, in his extraordinary series, Grand Voyages, describing the exploration of the New World. The elegant production, combined with the critically important text, make this volume one of the most important relating to the early discovery of North America. This work recounts the history of the abortive Roanoke colony established by the British in North Carolina in 1585. Thomas Hariot’s text, describing the country of Vir- ginia and North Carolina, was first published in London in 1588 (only six copies are known) and here republished in Latin. Hariot, like the artist, John White, was part of the Roanoke expedition and wrote his account from actual observation. It is the first description of the Virginia and Carolina country. The map which accompanies the volume is the first really good map of the Virginia coast and Carolina capes, showing the coast from the mouth of the Chesapeake to Wilmington, North Carolina. John White’s illustrations are among the most famous of early American images. White was the lieutenant-governor of the abortive colony, and a skilled artist. His carefully executed watercolors, gleaned from close observation and remarkably accurate renderings of the Carolina Indians and their customs, costumes, rituals, hunting prac- tices, and dwellings, are here expertly engraved by De Bry. No other artist so carefully rendered American Indians until Karl Bodmer worked on the Missouri in the 1830s. Besides these illustrations, there are plates showing White’s conception of the ancient Picts of Scotland, to whom he wished to compare the American natives. A remarkably important Americanum. CHURCH 140. II. [Le Moyne, Jacques, and others]: Brevis Narratio Eorum Quae in Florida Americae Provincia Gal- lis Acciderunt… Auctore Jacobo Le Moyne. Frankfurt: Johann Wechel, 1591. First edition. Two engraved titles, engraved arms on dedication leaf, engraved text illustration of Noah sacrific- ing, double-page engraved map of Florida. Forty-two engraved plates. Lacking blank leaf K6. A fine copy of this seminal work for early North America, with Jacques Le Moyne’s spectacular series of images. Part II from Theodor De Bry’s Grand Voyages, this work collects together various accounts of the attempted settlement of Florida by French Protestants in the 1560s. The text is drawn from the accounts of Jean Ribaut, René de Laudonnière, and Dominique de Gourgues; and describes the foundation of the colony in 1562 and its difficult existence until the massacre of the settlers by the Spanish in 1565. The chief glory of this work is the series of engravings after the watercolors of Jacques Le Moyne, depicting the life and ceremonies of the Florida Indians. As ethnographic documents, these are second only to those of John White as records of American Indian life in the 16th century, and like White’s work, these illustrations remained unrivalled until centuries later. Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, was born in Dieppe, France in about 1533. He was appointed artist to the Huguenot expedition to Florida, led by René de Laudonnière, which sailed in April 1564. Arguably the first western artist to visit the New World, French painter Le Moyne recorded the scenery of Florida and the lives of the Timucua Indians in great detail, as well as charting the coastline of Florida. The French colony was seen as a threat by the Spanish, and in September 1565 they overran the colony, and most of Le Moyne’s drawings were destroyed. However, he escaped, made copies from memory of what he had seen, and returned to France. By about 1580 he had settled in London, and he later came into contact with Sir Walter Raleigh and with John White, the artist of the first English colony of Virginia. The former commissioned him to illustrate the Florida enterprise, and Le Moyne went on to produce the images that were published by De Bry after Le Moyne’s death in about 1588. CHURCH 145. III. [Staden, Hans, and Jean Lery]: Americae Tertia Pars Memorabilem Provinciae Brasiliae Histo- riam Continens Germanico Primum Sermone Scriptum a Ioane Stadio. Frankfurt: Theodore de Bry, 1592. First edition, second issue with De Bry imprint. Two engraved titles (the second title with imprint “in officina Sigismundi Feirabendii”), engraved arms on dedication leaf, engraved plate of arms without virtues, folding engraved map of Peru and Brazil, full-page engraved text illustration of Adam and Eve (first state without “Io.” in the inscription, see part I), forty-five engraved in-text illustrations (made up of thirty different images, some of them repeated once or twice for a total of forty-five). Lacks final blank Qq4. A fine copy of a fundamental work on the history of Brazil, with an important map. The third part of De Bry’s Grand Voyages, this volume being devoted to the history of Brazil, and particularly the observations of Hans Staden and Jean Lery, the two most reliable 16th-century accounts of that country. Staden, a German sailor, describes his two voyages to Brazil in 1546–48 and 1549–55, including his long captivity among the Tupinimba Indians. His account of the manners and customs of the Indians is one of the primary American ethnological documents, and its accompanying illustrations, although somewhat dressed up here by the engravers, provide an invaluable illustrated record with many useful clues to artifacts and rituals. Staden’s work originally appeared in German in 1557, and the early editions are exceedingly rare. Jean Lery was a French missionary in Brazil in 1556-58, and he is credited by Levi-Strauss and others with being the most acute early observer of the Brazilian Indians. His work first appeared in 1578, and the Latin translation was probably prepared by him. Besides the Staden and Lery narratives, this volume prints two letters from Nicholas Barre, who was with the Villegagnon expedition in 1552. The map, titled Americae Pars Magis Cognita. Chorographia Nobilis & Opulentae Peru- anae Provinciae, Atque Brasiliae… (Frankfurt: De Bry, 1692), is one of the most accurate maps of South America issued to date. Since De Bry was not a cartographer, this map was probably derived from an unknown manuscript map, though the northern portions (now the southern United States) come from Le Moyne. The modified lump swelling from Chile, which Ortelius had eliminated from his maps in 1587, is an odd inclusion. The map has a great deal of topographical detail, with suppositious jungles, rivers, and mountain ranges in the interiors of both continents, but some of the actual river systems are indicated. The map is elegantly engraved in an almost extravagant Ortelius mode, with elaborate strap-work decorated cartouches and swash lettering. The title is written on a banner and displayed by a cherub. A whale/fish with a dorsal fin spouts water, and a three-masted ship sails towards the Cape.CHURCH 149. IV. [Benzoni, Girolamo, part one]: Americae Pars Quarta Sive, Insignis & Admiranda Historia de Reperta Primum Occidentali India a Christophoro Columbo Anno Mccccxcii Scripta Ab Hieron- ymo Benzono. Frankfurt: Ad invistiss. Rudolphus II . . . , 1594. First edition, with third issue title (Church 155) but plate points of both first and second editions. Blank leaf R6 present. Two engraved titles, engraved text illustration of arms with virtues, double-page engraved map of West Indies, engraved text illustration of Columbus led by marine deities, engraved text illustration of world map with medallion portraits of Columbus and Vespucci, twenty- four engraved plates numbered in Roman numerals within plates. Blank leaf F6 lacking. CHURCH 153. V. [Benzoni, Girolamo, part two]: Americae Pars Quinta, Nobilis & Admiratione Plena Hieronymi Bezoni… Secunae Sectionis Hi[stori]a[e] Hispanorum Tum in Nigrittas Servos Suos, Tum in Indias Crudelitatem, Gallorumq[ue] Pirataru[m] de Hispanis Toties Reportata Spolia. Frank- furt: Theodore de Bry, 1595. First edition, second issue with both corrections in title “Hia” and “Invictis.” Two engraved titles, engraved portrait of Columbus with eleven lines of text, engraved double-page map of New Spain, twenty-two engraved plates. CHURCH 156 (note). VI. [Benzoni, Girolamo, part three]: Americae Pars Sexta, Sive Historiae Ab Hieronymo Be[n] zono . . . Scriptae, Sectio Tertia. Frankfurt: Theodore de Bry, 1596. First edition. Blank leaf G6. Two engraved titles; double-page engraved map of Western Hemisphere with figures of Columbus, Vespucci, Magellan, and Pizarro; double-page engraved view of Cuzco; twenty- eight engraved plates. CHURCH 158. Benzoni’s work was first published in Italian in Venice in 1565. The chief glory of the De Bry edition is the extraordinary series of plates and maps with which De Bry illustrated the work, creating one of the most enduring collections of early images of the Western Hemisphere. The three parts that make up De Bry’s rendition of Benzoni record the events surrounding Columbus’ discovery, relations with Native Americans, atrocities committed by Indians and Europeans, Pizarro’s exploits in Peru, etc. Chauveton’s anti-Spanish slant provided De Bry with the gory details of Spanish barbarity which are brought to life in the meticulous engravings that illustrate this volume. De Bry’s sensationally illustrated edition of Benzoni has stood as a solid landmark of illustrated Americana, so much so that centuries later historians and editors have been compelled to copy the plates in new publications. Such scenes as Columbus’ meeting with Ferdinand and Isa- bella, or the Spanish atrocities toward the Peruvian Indians, though not based on firsthand experience, have survived the centuries largely for their compelling visual rendition of events. These images have become history. Part one (Part IV of De Bry) includes a detailed and handsome folding map of the West Indies, “Occidentalis Americae partis . . . Anno MDXCIIII,” which depicts the Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico from northern Florida to the South American coast. Part two (Part V of De Bry) contains a folding map of Mexico, “Hispanae Novae Sive Magnae, Recens et Vera Descriptio.” Part three (Part VI of De Bry) contains an important and very beautifully illustrated map of the Western Hemisphere, “America Sive Novvs Orbis Respectueuropaeorum Inferior Globi Terrestris Pars,” which includes full-length figure portraits of Columbus, Vespucci, Magellan, and Pizarro at the corners. This latter map shows the unknown “Terra Australis” as a huge conglomerate of land covering much of the southern part of the globe, and the Pacific coast of North America as a bulging mass not quite under control. A cornerstone history of early voyages of discovery, and one of the most wonderfully illustrated, whose early European depictions of America are among the most widely duplicated in history. VII. [Schmidel, Ulrich]: Americae Pars VII. Verissima Et Iucundissima Descriptio Praecipuarum Quarundam Indiae Regionum & Insularum. Frankfurt: Theodore de Bry, 1599. First edition. Blank leaf H4. Engraved title, engraved text illustration. The important early account of Latin America describing the voyages of Ulrich Schmidel to Brazil and Paraguay in 1535–53. The text was translated from Schmidel’s Neuwe Welt, first published in Frankfurt in 1567. “Schmidel’s account was included in many collections of voyages. Owing to his importance for the study of the history of the regions of Rio de la Plata and Southern Brazil several modern editions exist and there is a considerable amount of literature about him”—Borba de Moraes. A handsome copy of Part VII of De Bry’s Grand Voyages, with important Brazilian content. CHURCH 161. VIII. [Drake, Francis; Thomas Cavendish; and Walter Raleigh]: Americae Pars VIII. Continens Primo, Descriptionem Trium Itinerum . . . Francisci Draken . . . Secundo . . . Thomae Candisch . . . Tertio . . . Gualtheri Ralegh. Frankfurt: widow & sons of Theodore de Bry, 1599. First edition, second issue. e4 blank. Letterpress title to text with engraved vignette map of world showing Drake’s circumnavigation, letterpress title to plates, double-page engraved map of Guiana with Latin and many German inscriptions, engraved map of the world on the verso of leaf KK4 showing Cavendish’s circumnavigation, engraved map of North Atlantic on leaf Aa2, eighteen plates. This volume contains relations of six different voyages, by Drake, Cavendish, and Raleigh, with a map and illustrations never before published. These accounts describe Drake’s famous circumnavigation of the world and Caribbean raids, Cavendish’s circumnavigation, and the famous search for El Dorado. The three voyages of Sir Francis Drake recounted here are of the greatest importance. The first is a description of the famous voyage of circumnavigation of 1577–80, only described in print up to that time by Hakluyt, here based on the account of Nuno da Silva. Drake’s Caribbean raid of 1585–86 is also reported, based on the account of Walter Bigges, as well as the final voyage of 1595–96, directed against the Spanish at Panama. This is the first extensive account of the last voyage, during which Drake died off Panama, and it is evidently based directly on his log, continued by others after his death. Besides these texts, the titlepage of the volume has an extraordinary double hemisphere world map, showing the track of Drake’s circumnavigation, with an inset portrait of Drake. Illustrations relating to Drake include engravings of his landing on the coast of Patagonia and his reception by California Indians during the circumnavigation voyage, as well as engravings after Boazio showing his captures of Santiago, Santo Domingo, Cartagena, and St. Augustine during the 1855–86 Caribbean raid. The St. Augustine view is the earliest view of any North American town. Sir Thomas Cavendish’s circumnavigation of 1586–88 was the third voyage around the world, and the account published here on pages 43–78 is one of the first to appear (accounts were issued in Amsterdam almost concurrently). This account is by Francis Pretty. The voyage followed a track similar to that of Drake, and was certainly based on knowledge gleaned from his trip. Three plates illustrate Cavendish’s experiences in the Pacific. The remainder of the volume describes two voyages to the Caribbean and South America, one by Sir Walter Raleigh undertaken in 1595 in his famous search for El Dorado, and another of the following year to the same place, attributed to Raleigh but actually undertaken by Laurence Kemys. The large folding map illustrates this part of the volume, and provides the most detailed version of the cartography and imagined cartography of the Orinoco, Amazon, and Guiana region published up to that time. Five of the illustrations also relate to the Guiana exploration. One of the most difficult parts of the De Bry Grand Voyages to obtain, with descriptions of the second and third circumnavigations of the world. CHURCH 164. IX. [Acosta, Joseph, and others]: Americae Nona & Postrema Pars. Qua de Ratione Elementorum: de Novi Orbis Natura...Copiose Petractatur. Frankfurt: for Mathias Becker, 1602. First edition. Leaves YY6 and ddd4 blank. Letterpress title within engraved border, four letterpress section titles of which two have engraved vignettes, engraved arms on dedication leaf, engraved map of Magellan Straits, thirty-nine engraved plates numbered I–XXV and I–XIV. This contains a number of important accounts relating to Latin America and the Pacific, including the work of Acosta, and the Pacific voyages of Oliver van Noort and Sebald de Weert. Although De Bry died in 1598, his vast illustrated publishing endeavor was carried on by his widow and two sons, Johann Theodor and Johann Israel, who issued parts seven, eight, and the present ninth part, intending it to be the final installment or “postrema pars” of the monumental Grand Voyages series. This would of course not be the case, as the series extended to a total of thirteen parts, but part ten was not published until 1619. The Grand Voyages has been described by Boies Penrose as “stately... the cornerstone of every library of Americana.” The seven books of Acosta’s Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias (first published Seville, 1590) is the first work included here, and is regarded as one of the most important source books on the Indians of Mexico and Peru. Based on Acosta’s time in the missions of both countries from 1571 to 1588, the Historia Natural provided a vital picture of the Spanish plundering of the New World to a European readership. Streeter states that Acosta’s work “operated more strongly than any other in opening the eyes of the rest of Europe to the great wealth that Spain was draining from America.” The fourteen De Bry engravings which relate to this section depict in vivid (and at times exaggerated) detail the customs of the Aztecs and Incas and their violent confronta- tions with the Spaniards. Includes engravings of Indians working Potosi mines, llamas as beasts of burden, Aztec religious rites, games, human sacrifices, funerals, etc. These are some of the most exquisite of early ethnographic illustrations of Native Americans, nothing really approaches the detail and quality of these pictures until the 19th century. Also included is the account of Olivier van Noort’s Pacific voyage, describing a journey to the Moluccas via the Straits of Magellan. Olivier entered the Straits on Sept. 5, 1599, and as a consequence of terrible weather conditions did not make it into the Pacific until Feb. 29, 1600. He continued along the coast of Chile, to Peru and New Spain, stopping at the Mariana Islands, Manila, Borneo, and Java, returning to Rotter- dam in August of 1601. The voyage was first published in Rotterdam and Amsterdam in 1602 and then translated into German. The Additamentum . . . has its own engraved titlepage illustrated with a portrait of van Noort with the New and Old Worlds represented on two globes, with two standing figures, a Native American and a tattooed Pacific Islander. Eleven plates relate to the van Noort voyage, including wonderful depictions of native South Americans, views of places visited, Dutch interaction with Indians, clubbing penguins, etc. Finally there is the account of Sebald de Weert’s voyage of the same object as the van Noort voyage. On June 20, 1598, De Weert sailed from Amsterdam on a vessel which was part of the fleet sent to the Moluccas by way of the Straits of Magellan. The voyage met with disaster, the commander of the expedition died, and de Weert’s ship was the only one that returned. One fortunate side note to this voyage was the discovery of three islands located about sixty miles from the South American continent, appropriately named the Sebaldines. The separate titlepage for the Relatio Historica . . . includes a handsome engraving of the five ships which formed the fleet. Fourteen beautiful engraved plates correspond to the Relatio Historica . . . , depicting incidents from the voyage, ports visited, including Rio de Janeiro and San Sebastian, as well as hostile natives met along the route through the Straits. The total of thirty-nine plates and the map of the Straits of Magellan contained in this volume represent a treasure of classic American ethnographic illustrations. De Bry’s sons equal and perhaps exceed the work of their master father, and the art of depicting the historical scenes of discovery and conquest in the New World is carried out to the highest order. A classic volume of American ethnographic illustration, including two little-known Pacific voyages.CHURCH 168. X. [Vespucci, Amerigo; Ralph Hamor; and John Smith]: Americae Pars Decima: Qua Continen- tur, I. Duae Navigationes D[omi]n[i] Americi Vesputii . . . II. Solida Narratio de Moderno Pro- vinciae Virginiae . . . Authore Raphe Hamor . . . III. Vera Descriptio Novae Angliae . . . a Capita- neo Johanne Schmidt. Oppenheim: Hieronymus Gallerus, 1619. First edition, first issue. Leaf I4 blank. Letterpress title to text with engraved vignette, letterpress title to plates, twelve engraved plates. Lacking blank leaf c4. The tenth part of the Grand Voyages was issued seventeen years after part nine, when the series was resumed by De Bry’s son-in-law. It contains illustrated editions of three major narratives. The first are the letters of Vespucci relating to his explorations of South America in the decade after Columbus. The other two are major narratives of the English settlement of North America. Hamor’s description of the infant Virginia colony was originally published in London in 1615, and here appears with illustrations. John Smith’s foundation work, A Description of New England, was published in London in 1616 and also appears here in illustrated form. CHURCH 170. XI. [Schouten, Willem, and Joris van Spilbergen]: Americae Pars Undecima: Seu Description Admirandi Intineris a Guillielmo Schouten . . . Peracti. Oppenheim: Hieronymus Gallerus, 1619. First edition. Blank leaves F6, D6 and e6. Two letterpress titles with engraved vignettes, two letterpress section titles, three engraved maps (one small format folding map of New Guinea, one folding map of the south Pacific, and one of the straits of Magellan), twenty- nine plates. Lacking original engraved map of “Mar di India,” but present as a facsimile. The De Bry edition of the first two Dutch circumnavigations, both voyages of the greatest magnitude. Schouten sailed with Jacob le Maire around the world in 1615–17, and Spilbergen accomplished the same task in 1614–18. Both added greatly to knowledge of the South Pacific and southern South America.CHURCH 172. XII. [Herrera, Antonio, and others]: Novi Orbis Pars Duodecima. Sive Descriptio Indiae Occi- dentalis, Auctore Antonio de Herrera. Frankfurt: for heirs of Johann Theodore de Bry, 1624. First edition. Letterpress title with engraved border, letterpress title, double-page map of the western hemisphere, nineteen engraved text illustrations, fourteen engraved maps (one double-page). Lacks initial blank leaf and blank leaf Cc8. A collection of important voyages in the West Indies and around South America, most notable for the collection of maps of different parts of the Americas which accompany Herrera’s work. Besides this, there is a series of accounts of different voyages in the Straits of Magellan between Magellan in 1519 and the Nodal brothers in 1618. CHURCH 173. A magnificent set of the most famous and influential of all collections of voyages, including a particularly fine copy of the highly esteemed first part, Hariot’s Virginia. The iconography disseminated through De Bry’s popular compilation of travel narratives dominated the European view of the New World for more than a century after their publication. The exceptional ethnographic engravings in the first two parts are of special importance for the study of Native American life at the time of the first encroachment of Europeans. Throughout the set, however, many engravings include images of flora, fauna, and topography that provide interesting details about the way America looked in the 16th century and the way Europeans saw her. $450,000. The First Printing of the English Bill of Rights, with Other Critical Acts Establishing the Modern English System of Government, and the Theoretical Basis for the American Revolution 36. [English Bill of Rights]: William III (King of England, 1689–1702) and Mary II (Queen of England, 1689–94): AN ACT DECLARING THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE SUBJECT, AND SETTLING THE SUCCESSION OF THE CROWN. [contained in:] [BOUND VOLUMES OF 106 PARLIAMENTARY ACTS]. London. 1689–1694. Three volumes, containing 106 acts. Folio. Contemporary paneled calf. Slight wear to corners and hinges. Scattered light toning and soiling. Contem- porary notations to some Acts. With the bookplate of Charles Bill. A handsome set. A set of three volumes containing 106 Parliamentary Acts, covering the early portion of the reign of William and Mary, including the first printing of the English Bill of Rights, passed by Parliament in December 1689. The English Bill of Rights was the culmination of the coup d’état known as the Glori- ous Revolution, in which James II was deposed and William of Orange and his wife Mary (daughter of James II) were brought in to replace him. James II, a Catholic monarch, fathered a legitimate son in 1688, creating the possibility of a Catholic succession in Prot- estant England. James II had already ruffled quite a few feathers by trying to reestablish Catholicism, displacing Anglicanism as the only official church in England; he was also considered to be too pro-French and was highly autocratic. The leading Whig noblemen, joined by a few key members of the Tory party, called on William of Orange to lead an army from the Neth- erlands to claim the throne. James II fled England in December, 1688, leaving the Protestant William and Mary to rule the kingdom jointly. The new monarchs came to power accepting the principle of a constitutional monarchy, a fundamental evolution in English government that greatly decreased the power of the throne and opened the door for the modern parliamentary system. A wave of legislation formally embodied the principles of the so called “Glorious Revolution” of 1688. Foremost among this legislation was the English Bill of Rights, actually entitled an “Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject. . . .” It provides for several immutable political and civil rights, including the freedom from unilateral royal interfer- ence with the law, including the imposition of new taxes; freedom to petition the monarch; freedom of election of Parliamentary members, and freedom for those members to speak out freely and without reprisals while in Parliament; freedom for Protestants to bear arms; and freedom from a standing army in times of peace, requiring Parliament’s consent to convene the army. It also specifically overturns several of the Acts passed by James II as unlawful and unjust. Not only did the English Bill of Rights add to the rights set forth in the Magna Charta, it also established very clearly the order of succession to the reign of William and Mary. The throne would go to any of Mary’s heirs or issue, thence to her sister Anne of Denmark, and finally to any of William’s heirs by later marriages. It also specifically barred a Catholic from the throne, stating: Whereas it hath been found by experience, that it is inconsistent with the safety and welfare of this Protestant kingdom, to be governed by a Popish Prince, or by any King or Queen marrying a Papist . . . it may be enacted that all and every person and persons that is, are, or shall be reconciled to, or shall hold communion with the See or Church of Rome, or shall profess the Popish religion, or shall marry a Papist, shall be excluded, and be for ever unca- pable to inherit, possess, or enjoy the Crown and government of this realm. . . . The monarch was also now required to swear an oath to uphold the Protestant religion. The enactment of this new set of laws was the beginning of modern-day British Par- liamentary government, moving power out of the hands of the monarch and into that of Parliament and a ministerial system. The English Bill of Rights also served as a model for the founding documents of both the United States and Canada. Some of the other Acts in the sammelband which lead up to the passing of the Bill of Rights are of particular note, and also key pieces of legislation in establishing the new relationship of the Crown, the Parliament, and the people: “An Act for the Abrogating of the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, and Appointing Other Oaths.” April 4, 1689. This Act negates legal loyalties to the previous sovereign, swearing fealty to the current rulers, William and Mary, and also swearing to “abhor, detest, and abjure as impious and heretical” the position that persons excommunicated or otherwise condemned by the Pope may be murdered by their subjects with impunity. “An Act for Establishing the Coronation Oath.” April 9, 1689. A new coronation oath was needed in order to remove the absolute power from the hands of the monarchy. Under the new oath, the monarch swears “to govern the people of this kingdom of England, and the dominions thereto belonging, according to the statutes in Parliament agreed on, and the laws and customs of the same.” Under this new oath, the monarchy was answerable to and bound by the laws passed by Parliament, rather than having free license to act on any tyran- nical whim which may occur. “An Act for the Better Securing the Government by Disarming Papists and Reputed Papists.” May 11, 1689. An Act mandating the disarming of anyone subscribing to the Roman Catholic faith, removing from their possession “any Arms, Weapons, Gunpowder or Ammunition.” The other Acts present here cover a wide range of subjects. Some repeal previous Acts passed by James II, while others govern trade or the military. Others deal with the complete cessation of trade with France and impending conflict with that nation. At least half a dozen acts deal with the taxation on wine, beer, or spirits, and some with the taxation of tobacco. Overall, an illustrious collection of English laws, including the foundational document of British and American government. ESTC R236544. $25,000.

A Landmark American Map, Printed by Benjamin Franklin 37. Evans, Lewis: GEOGRAPHICAL, HISTORICAL, POLITICAL, PHILOSOPHICAL AND MECHANICAL ESSAYS. THE FIRST, CONTAINING AN ANALYSIS OF A GENERAL MAP OF THE MIDDLE BRITISH COLONIES IN AMERICA; AND OF THE COUNTRY OF THE CONFEDERATE INDIANS: A DESCRIPTION OF THE FACE OF THE COUNTRY; THE BOUNDARIES OF THE CONFEDERATES; AND THE MARITIME AND INLAND NAVIGATIONS OF THE SEVERAL RIV- ERS AND LAKES CONTAINED THEREIN . . . The Second Edition. Philadelphia: B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1755. Folding handcolored engraved map by James Turner after Lewis Evans. Quarto. Full tan polished tree calf by Riviere, covers with a gilt roll tool border, spine in six compartments with raised bands, red morocco label in the second compartment, the others with an overall repeat decoration in gilt, marbled endpapers, a.e.g. Map backed on linen. Very good. One of the most important maps of the British colonies done prior to Independence, a landmark in American cartography and an important Franklin printing. Lewis Evans’ map, titled “A General Map of the Middle British Colonies in Amer- ica,” shows the east coast of North America from Montreal and New England to the northern border of North Carolina, and includes the Ohio valley in the west. The Evans map appeared in 1755, the same year as John Mitchell’s famous map, with Evans drawing from his original surveys and Fry and Jefferson’s 1753 map of Virginia. Evans’ map acknowledges French claims to all lands northwest of St. Lawrence Fort, resulting in criticism from New York, notably the New York Mercury. Despite the controversy, Evans’ work was very popular (there were eighteen editions between 1755 and 1814), and was famously used by General Braddock during the French and Indian War. Evans gives a detailed geographical description of the middle and southern colonies, particularly notable for an early description of the Ohio country, and gives a good description of the Carolina back country. He was also eager for the British to expand into the South, especially West Florida, to challenge the French and Spanish in the Gulf. According to Governor Pownall, writing in 1776, the map was the authority for settling boundary disputes in the region, as it so accurately depicted the area. The present example is a very fine copy of the second edition, first issue of the text published by Benjamin Franklin (i.e. without an additional London imprint below that of Franklin), and contains a rare example of the first issue of the map (i.e. without “The Lakes Cataraqui” just north of Lake Ontario). Significantly, the map present in this copy is with lovely full period hand-coloring. Sabin notes that many copies of Evans’ tract do not include the map, and that only some copies are fully colored, as is this copy. About this second edition of the text, published the same year as the first, Miller notes: “This revised second edition of Evans’ analysis of his General Map of the Middle British Colonies is virtually a page-for-page resetting of the first edition with sub-titles added on pp. 6 and 11, and the numeral 2 inserted to the left of the signature on the directional line of the first two leaves of each quire in fours.” “The map is considered by historians to be the most ambitious performance of its kind undertaken in America up to that time, and its publication was a milestone in the development of printing arts in the colonial period”—Schwartz & Ehrenberg. MILLER 606. CAMPBELL 543. EVANS 7412. SABIN 23175. HOWES E226, “b.” CHURCH 1003. WHEAT & BRUN 298. BROWN, EARLY MAPS OF THE OHIO VALLEY 41. CRESSWELL, “COLONY TO COMMONWEALTH,” pp. 53–54, 82. DEGREES OF LATITUDE 34. GARRISON, CARTOGRAPHY OF PENNSYLVANIA, pp. 269–74. Philadelphia: Three Centuries of American Art, pp. 64–67. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG, p. 165. STEPHENSON & McKEE, VIRGINIA IN MAPS, p. 82. SUAREZ, SHEDDING THE VEIL 57. THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED 255. Klinefel- ter, “Lewis Evans and his Maps” in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 61, No. 7 (1971). Stevens, Lewis Evans and His Map (London, 1905). $280,000. Benjamin Franklin on Writing His Au tobiogr a ph y: “. . . . that such a Life written by my self may be useful to the rising generation. . . .” 38. Franklin, Benjamin: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO DR. EDWARD BANCROFT, REGARDING THE WRITING OF FRANKLIN’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY, AND REFLECTING ON AMERICA’S COM- MERCIAL PROMISE, SHAY’S REBELLION, AND THE NEED FOR A UNIFYING NATIONAL CONSTITUTION FOR THE UNITED STATES]. Philadelphia. Nov. 26, 1786. [2]pp. manuscript on a single quarto sheet. Slight trace of mounting paper along the left edge, old fold lines, a few light fox marks. Near fine. In a green half morocco and cloth folding case, spine gilt. A superb Benjamin Franklin letter, written to his friend, the physician Edward Ban- croft in London. Franklin gives insight into the ongoing writing of his famed Autobi- ography, one of the most quintessential of American books. He also discusses attempts by others to write his biography, and reflects on the current state of American politics, including rural insurrections, the need for a unifying national constitution, and his optimistic view of the nation’s future. The letter was written from Franklin to his friend, double-agent Edward Bancroft, an American who, when he lived in England in the early 1770s, provided intelligence information to Franklin helpful to the American cause. Later in the decade and in the early 1780s, Bancroft assisted Franklin as secretary to the American peace commissioners, but was also acting as a spy for the British, sending information to London on American negotiations with the French. Benjamin Franklin completed the earliest section of his autobiography, chronicling his life up to 1731 (when he was age twenty-five) in 1771. However, the growing crisis that led to the American Revolution, as well as his manifold other interests and duties, conspired to delay the completion of the work. In 1786, back in the United States and putting his affairs in order, he received a request from the British publisher, Charles Dilly, to produce a new, uniform edition of his works. Franklin comments on this request in his letter to Bancroft, criticizes recent biographical sketches of him written by others, and reflects on the work of writing his own autobiography. Significantly, he concedes that the example of his life, “may be useful to the rising generation.” Franklin writes: Dear Sir, I received your kind letter of Sept. 5 informing me of the intention Mr. Dilly has of printing a new edition of my writings, and of his desire that I would furnish him with such additions as I may think proper. At present all my papers and manuscripts are so mixt with other things by the confusion occasioned in sudden and various removals during the late troubles, that I can hardly find any thing. But having nearly finished an addition to my house, which will afford me room to put all in order, I hope soon to be able to comply with such a request; but I hope Mr. Dilly will have a good understanding in the affair, with Henry & Johnson, who having risqu’d the former impressions may suppose they thereby acquir’d some right in the copy. As to the Life propos’d to be written; if it be by the same hand who furnish’d a sketch to Dr. Lettsom, which he sent me, I am afraid it will be found so full of errors for either you or me to correct. And having been persuaded by my friends Messrs. Benja. Vaughan, M. Le Veillard, Mr. James of this place, and some others, that such a Life written by my self may be useful to the rising generation, I have made some progress in it, and hope to finish it this winter. So I cannot but wish that project of Mr. Dilly’s Biographer may be laid aside. I am nevertheless thankful to you for your friendly offer of correcting it. The names mentioned in this paragraph are a roll call of Franklin’s English publishers: In 1787 Charles Dilly issued Franklin’s Philosophical and Miscellaneous Papers; David Henry had published an edition of Franklin’s Experiments and Observations on Electricity in 1769, and had earlier co-published Franklin’s New Experiments and Observations on Electric- ity . . . ; and Joseph Johnson had and would publish several works by and about Franklin. In the final paragraph of the letter, Franklin turns to American public affairs. Impor- tantly, he discusses the disorder caused by the individual state constitutions, but firmly believes (six months before the convening of the Constitutional Convention, to which he was a delegate) that “those we shall mend.” Franklin also discusses the productivity of the American economy, the necessity of England to trade with her former colonies, and the “little disorders,” (i.e. Shay’s Rebellion) then going on. He writes: As to Public Affairs, it is long since I gave over all expectations of a commercial treaty between us and Britain; and I think we can do as well or better without one than she can. Our harvests are plenty, our produce fetches a high price in hard money, and there is in every part of our country incontestible marks of public felicity. We discover indeed some errors in our general and particular Constitutions; which it is no wonder they should have, the time in which they were formed being considered. But those we shall mend. The little disorders you have heard of in some of the states, rais’d by a few wrong heads are subsiding, and will probably soon be extinguish’d. Franklin wrote this letter to his friend, Edward Bancroft. Bancroft (1745–1821) was born and raised in New England, and apprenticed to a Connecticut physician. He lived for several years in Dutch Guiana before moving to England in the 1760s. There he met Benjamin Franklin and Joseph Priestley, wrote on natural history, and was elected to the Royal Society. After the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, he settled in France and worked for a time as secretary to the American commissioners in Paris, where he moved in the same circles as his friend Franklin, John Adams, John Paul Jones, and the marquis de Lafayette, among others. It was during this period that he began passing information to the British. He never fell under suspicion for his activities during his lifetime, but at the end of the war he settled permanently in England, where he was well known as a chemist and for his work on natural dyes. Bancroft maintained a warm correspondence with Franklin until the latter’s death. An outstanding Franklin letter, in which he reflects on the writing of his famous Autobiography, and offers his optimistic vision for the nation’s future. $135,000.

First Edition of a Great American Maritime Rarity, with Important Contemporary Provenance, and Eight Pages of Manuscript Sailing Instructions 39. Furlong, Lawrence: THE AMERICAN COAST PILOT; CONTAINING, THE COURSES AND DISTANCES FROM BOSTON TO ALL THE PRINCIPAL HARBOURS, CAPES AND HEADLANDS INCLUDED BETWEEN PASSAM- AQUADY AND THE CAPES OF VIRGINIA—WITH DIRECTIONS FOR SAIL- ING INTO, AND OUT OF, ALL THE PRINCIPAL PORTS AND HARBOURS . . . ALSO—COURSES, DIRECTIONS, DISTANCES, &c. &c. FROM THE CAPES OF VIRGINIA, TO THE RIVER MISSISSIPPI, FROM THE LATEST SURVEYS AND OBSERVATIONS. (APPROVED BY EXPERIENCED PILOTS AND COASTERS.). Newburyport, Ma.: Blunt and March, 1796. [8],125pp., plus eight pages of contemporary manuscript notes on endpapers (see below). Original plain front wrapper, rear wrapper lacking, as is much of the spine paper. Wrapper soiled and edgeworn. Lightly tanned, an occasional fox mark, some light staining in lower margin of half the text. Many corners folded. In all, a very good copy, in untouched original condition. In a half morocco box. First edition of the primary American navigational guide, the first such book to be compiled and printed in the United States. This copy bears an exceptional early provenance, having belonged to Portland, Maine ship’s captain Lemuel Moody. Furlong’s work includes detailed sailing directions to many of the east coast harbors and ports, listing courses and distances from Cape Cod and Cape Ann to the mid-Atlantic and all the way south to the Florida Keys. A section at the conclusion gives courses and distances between Passamaquoddy Bay and the Mississippi River. Not only a path-breaking American book, it was also crucially important in facilitating trade and commerce in the early years of the Republic. Publisher Edmund Blunt was the moving force behind the publication of Furlong’s work, and he also published Nathaniel Bowditch’s New American Practical Navigator in 1802 and the first American edition of John H. Moore’s New Practical Navigator in 1799. Fur- long’s work takes pride of place as the earliest and rarest of native American navigational guides. There are many who have proposed that Lawrence Furlong did not exist, but was instead a pseudonym for Blunt himself. Law- rence Wroth, however, showed that Captain Furlong (1734–1806) was known as a sailor as early as 1758. Oth- ers have asserted that Blunt wrote the majority of the work, and only used Furlong’s name for credibility. John Campbell lays all questions to rest in his extensive study of Furlong’s and Bowditch’s works. Campbell writes that Furlong prepared the manuscript for Blunt in 1795, and in February, 1796 deposited the work with the Newburyport Marine Society for the approbation of respected navigators. “Whatever may have been the origin of the Furlong book, there is no question as to the degree of success with which it met, from the beginning, in its busy maritime world”—Wroth. This copy bears the ownership signature on the front free endpaper of “Lemuel Moody 1796 Portland.” Moody (1767–1846) came from a prominent Portland family. As a young boy during the Revolution he carried water to American troops, and later began a career as a ship’s captain. In 1799 he and his crew aboard the “Betsey” were captured by French privateers during the “Quasi-War” between the United States and France. Shortly thereafter Moody retired from the profession of sailing, and put his energies into the construction and operation of the Portland Observatory, an important maritime signal tower, which served the merchant community of Portland for decades and which helped identify British ships in the area during the War of 1812. In 1825 Lemuel Moody published a detailed and significant map of Casco Bay, and he was also instrumental in the construction of Portland’s Mt. Joy Hospital, and in the Portland Marine Society. Moody has corrected the text in several places, following the instructions in the errata. More significantly, this copy contains eight pages of manuscript notes in Moody’s hand giving directions, for example, for anchoring in Cape Cod, for negotiating Sail Rock Passage in Maine, for Sombrero Passage near Anguilla, and for the leeward passage of Antigua. Other manuscript entries give “soundings on Georges Marsh,” as well as “Latitudes of Sundries Places observed near to by L. M. corrected.” “The first edition of the first book of sailing directions to be compiled and printed in the United States”—JCB. “A work whose influence upon American shipping is inesti- mable”—Rosenbach. All early editions of The American Coast Pilot are quite rare, and this first edition is superlatively rare, with only three other copies appearing at auction in the past forty years. The only copies to appear since 1991 sold for $57,600 (at the Frank Streeter sale) in 2007 and for $74,500 in 2011. This is an outstanding, unsophisticated copy, with a noteworthy contemporary provenance and manuscript navigational notes. CAMPBELL 1. HOWES F421, “b.” EVANS 30464. SABIN 26218. NAIP w037187. JCB MARITIME HAND-LIST 447. ADAMS & WATERS 1128. ROSENBACH 19:72. WROTH, SOME AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ART OF NAVIGATION, pp. 34–36. $95,000.

Gifford’s San Francisco Panorama: The Most Ambitious Western View of the Period 40. Gifford, Charles B.: SAN FRANCISCO, 1862. FROM RUSSIAN HILL. San Fran- cisco: Printed by L. Nagel, published by A. Rosenfield, 1862. Tinted lithograph, in five sections, 14¾ x 108 inches, printed on thin paper, linen-backed. Title leaf printed on blue paper and mounted to verso of first section. “Historical Sketch of California” mounted to pastedown of front board. Bound into original folio-sized blue cloth boards, gilt device of “Buswell & Co. S.F.” on front board. Front board detached, final panel affixed to rear board. Varnished (possibly contemporarily). Sectional titles trimmed close, affecting imprint. Overall, very good. In a folding cloth box. This extraordinary lithograph—actually five sheets joined together totaling nine feet in length—is the first panorama of San Francisco, one of the most striking early views of that city, and the most ambitious city view undertaken in the American West up to that time. Not until Eadweard Muybridge’s photographic panorama of San Francisco several decades later was the city shown so completely in a single view. “One of the rarest and most important of items relating to San Francisco”—Eberstadt. Gifford’s view, taken from Russian Hill, was executed in five separate sections, each with full title information, and a text of numbered locations runs across the bottom of the entire panorama, with 121 places identified. The Presidio, Marin headlands, Mount Tamalpais, and a very underdeveloped portion of San Francisco can be seen in section one; Alcatraz and the area between Russian and Telegraph hills (including Meiggs Wharf) in section two; and Telegraph Hill and the first heavily built-up streets in section three. Section four includes the most densely settled area, along Market and Mission, stretching into section five, which goes to Mission Dolores and beyond, and which also features the Jobson Observatory on Russian Hill. Details of buildings, streets, and other features are rendered with great exactness and a stunning wealth of detail. Churches, synagogues, hospitals, the Masonic temple, wharves, and streets are all identified. “. . . [I]t took an ambitious project like Charles Gifford’s multisectioned panorama to record completely the city’s tremendous growth”—Deák.

Item 40: detail The artist, Charles Gifford, came to California in 1860, and was active until 1877. According to Reps, “Gifford’s finest and most ambitious view was a sweeping panorama from Russian Hill.” The view was lithographed by Louis Nagel, who had been well-known as a lithographer in New York before coming to San Francisco in 1856. Reps and Woodbridge note that the publisher, Rosenfield, made the panorama available in three versions in 1862: one, as here, printed on thin paper and mounted on cloth; another printed on single sheets on heavier paper; and a third mounted on cloth and fastened to wooden rollers. Deák and Reps locate six copies of this panorama (MWA, DLC, CU-B, CSmH, Wells Fargo, California State Pioneers). Peters calls it “important and rare.” It is an incredible production, both as a landmark in western lithography, and as a view of a major American city in the midst of a period of tremendous growth. DEÁK, PICTURING AMERICA, 776. REPS, VIEWS & VIEWMAKERS 290–295. PETERS, CAL- IFORNIA ON STONE, pp. 167–68. PETERS, AMERICA ON STONE, pp. 195, 291. STREETER SALE 2872. BAIRD & EVANS, HISTORIC LITHOGRAPHS OF SAN FRANCISCO 38a. WOOD- BRIDGE, SAN FRANCISCO IN MAPS & VIEWS, pp. 68–71. EBERSTADT 133:236. $48,000.

The Great Classic of Constitutional Thought 41. Hamilton, Alexander; James Madison; and John Jay: THE FEDERALIST: A COLLECTION OF ESSAYS WRITTEN IN FAVOR OF THE NEW CONSTITU- TION, AS AGREED UPON BY THE FEDERAL CONVENTION, SEPTEMBER 17, 1787 New York: Printed and sold by John and Andrew M’Lean, 1788. Two volumes bound in one. vi, 227; vi, 384pp. 12mo. Contemporary sheep, spine with plain gilt rules. Expertly rebacked, with original spine laid down, boards somewhat rubbed. Light foxing and toning. Pencil notes on free endpapers. Small tear in pp.49/50 with no loss. Overall very good, with the bookplate of F. Olcott. In a blue half morocco and cloth clamshell box with chemise. The rare first edition of the most important work of American political thought ever written and, according to Thomas Jefferson, “the best commentary on the principles of government.” The first edition of The Federalist comprises the first collected printing of the eighty- five seminal essays written in defense of the newly-drafted Constitution. The essays were first issued individually by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay in New York newspapers under the pseudonym Publius to garner support for the ratification of the Constitution. The first thirty-six numbers of The Federalist were here published in book form in March 1788, with the remaining forty-nine, together with the text of the Constitution, in May of that year. Upon its publication, George Washington noted to Alexander Hamilton that the work “will merit the Notice of Posterity; because in it are candidly and ably discussed the principles of freedom and the topics of government, which will always be interesting to mankind” (George Washington, letter to Hamilton, August 28, 1788). The genesis of this “classic exposition of the principles of republican government” (Bernstein) is to be found in the “great national discussion” which took place about the ratification of the Constitution, and the necessity of answering the salvos in print from the Anti-Federalists and other opponents of a strong federal government. The original plan was that James Madison and John Jay were to help Hamilton write a series of essays explaining the merits of their system, whilst also rebutting the arguments of its detractors. “Hamilton wrote the first piece in October 1787 on a sloop returning from Albany . . . He finished many pieces while the printer waited in a hall for the completed copy”—Brookhiser. In the end, well over half of the eighty-five essays were written by Hamilton alone. Despite the intense time pressures under which the series was written “what began as a propaganda tract, aimed only at winning the election for delegates to New York’s state ratifying convention, evolved into the classic commentary upon the American Federal system”—McDonald. The Federalist is without question the most important commentary on the Consti- tution, the most significant American contribution to political theory and among the most important of all American books. EVANS 21127. GROLIER AMERICAN 100, 19. STREETER SALE 1049. CHURCH 1230. HOWES H114, “c.” COHEN 2818. SABIN 23979. FORD 17. PRINTING AND THE MIND OF MAN 234. R.B. Bernstein, Are We To Be a Nation? The Making of the Constitution (1987), p. 242. R. Brookhiser, Alexander Hamilton: American (1999), pp. 68–69. F. McDonald, Alexander Hamilton: A Biography, p. 107. $185,000.

A Primary Work of New World Exploration, and a Foundation Map of American Cartography 42. Hennepin, Louis: DESCRIPTION DE LA LOUISIANE, NOUVELLEMENT DECOUVERTE A SUD OUEST DE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE. . . . Paris: Chez la Veuve Sebastian Hure, 1683. [12], 312, 107pp. plus folding map. 12mo. Contemporary French calf, spine richly gilt in six compartments, raised bands, gilt title on spine, marbled paper pastedowns, edges of text block speckled. Boards lightly worn. Front and rear free endpapers with very slight worming (but no worming to text leaves). Two closed tears in the map near the gutter (one of three inches, the other of two inches; both confined to the cartouche), neatly mended and with no loss. Very clean and fresh internally. A handsome copy. The first book by the famous Recollet missionary and explorer, Father Louis Hennepin, and a foundation work of Canadiana and Americana, particularly for the Great Lakes region. Unlike some of Hennepin’s later works, the truthfulness of his narrative herein is accepted by historians. Hennepin accompanied the great French explorer, the Sieur de la Salle, on his 1678– 79 expedition from Fort Frontenac to Niagara, then on to the Illinois country where Hennepin was directed to explore further on his own. He ultimately ascended the Mis- sissippi River as far as the Falls of St. Anthony, near where he was captured by the Sioux and held for some time before being released. This book is the narrative of all these adventures, and is notable for its many “firsts”: the first use of the name “Loui- siana”; the first good account of the Illinois country and upper Mississippi; the first detailed account of the Sioux; and the first navigation of the Great Lakes. The map, titled “Carte de la Nouuelle France et de La Louisiane Nouuellement Découuerte,” is equal to the text in terms of descriptive firsts, and is one of the most important American maps of the colonial era. “[It shows] for the first time La Louisiane, Sault de St. Antoine de Padou (on the site of present-day Minneapolis), and Lac de Pleurs [lake of tears], present Lake Pepin. A faint dotted line indicating the surmised course of the lower Mississippi River is approximately located”—Schwartz & Ehrenberg. This line is of particular note. As Wheat points out, La Salle and later French cartographers recorded the course of the river as progressing further west, making Hennepin’s map remarkably accurate in this regard for its time. Given the combined significance of the text and map, few works in the history of American exploration are of greater importance. A handsome copy of a foundation work, very rare in the original edition, with a fine example of the equally rare map. HOWES H415, “c.” EUROPEAN AMERICANA 683/96. GRAFF 1858. GREENLY, MICHIGAN 8. HARRISSE NOUVELLE FRANCE 150. JONES 330. SABIN 31347. TPL 81. VAIL 222. LANDE S1057. WHEAT TRANSMISSISSIPPI 62. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG, p. 130. STREETER SALE 102. DAVIDSON COLLECTION 52. BELL H93. $56,000.

The First Major Work on Commerce and Economics Published in the New World 43. Hevia y Bolaños, Juan de: LABYRINTHO DE COMERCIO TERRESTRE Y NAVAL. DONDE BREVE Y COMENDIOSAMENTE SE TRATA DA LA MERCAN- CIA Y CONTRATACION DE TIERRA Y MAR. . . . Lima: Francisco del Canto, 1617. [16], 799, [45]pp. Small quarto. Later vellum with pigskin ties, manuscript title on spine, brand on top edge. Modern bookplate on front pastedown. Internally clean. Near fine. In a cardboard slipcase. First edition of the “first American work with substantial portions devoted to law of the sea and customs regulating sea-borne commerce” (JCB Maritime Books 459). A general encyclopedia of legal knowledge concerning trade by land and sea, it was drawn up for the use of merchants, agents, navigators, lawyers, and consuls. It was reprinted nine times in Spain in the 17th century and fifteen more times in the 18th century. By the nature of its subject, it clearly was an important and heavily used reference, and consequently has become rare, especially in fine condition. This is the first major work on commerce, banking, and trade published in the New World, and stands among a mere handful of books to be first printed in the Americas and then exported to Spain. At the time of publication there were only three presses in the New World, in Mexico City, Puebla, and Lima. The book’s printer, Francesco del Canto, was the successor to Peru’s first printer, Antonio Ricardo, who began printing in South America in 1585. This is the most extensive work published in South America up to the time, and surpassed only by a few works published in Mexico in all of the New World. A very rare work, with only two copies traced at auction in at least 100 years. Not in HAS, Salva, Kress, or Sabin. A lovely copy of an early Lima imprint and an America- num of surpassing importance. MEDINA (LIMA) 73. PALAU 114526. $90,000.

“Without question the finest printed cartographic document relating to North America to be published to date”—Burden 44. Holme, Thomas: A MAPP OF YE IMPROVED PART OF PENSILVANIA IN AMERICA DIVIDED INTO COUNTYES TOWNSHIPPS AND LOTTS. [London]: “Surveyed by Tho: Holme Sold by P. Lea at ye Atlas and Hercules in Cheapside,” [ca. 1688]. Sheet size: 20½ x 24 inches. Copper engraving, handcolored in outline. Inset plan of “The City of Philadelphia two miles in Length and one in Breadth” at upper center. Tables of “References to the Settlements of the Inhabitants of Chester and Bucks counties” at upper center. Dedication to “William Penn Esq. Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylva- nia by J. Harris” at upper right. 112 numbered and lettered references in Chester County, 29 numbered references in Bucks County, 36 numbered and lettered references in Philadel- phia County, and hundreds of land holders identified on the map itself. Very good. Very rare: the first issue of Holme’s map of Pennsylvania—the first map of Pennsylva- nia. This copy a superb example with contemporary outline color and wide margins on all sides. Thomas Holme was appointed surveyor general of Pennsylvania by William Penn in April 1682, the year after the colony was chartered. It was his responsibility to supervise the surveying of all tracts of land that had been sold. In May 1687, at Penn’s request, he forwarded a manuscript map in London that gave a detailed portrait of the extent of settlement at that date. “This was published first as a very large and later as a small engraving. In both, the grid plan of the city was carefully inserted in recognition of the fact that Philadelphia was the focal point and that the city plan had strong sales value in all promotion of the province generally”—Snyder. The manuscript survey was published as a six-sheet wall map in late 1687, of which only a handful of copies have survived. The present version, finely engraved by John Harris, was published by Philip Lea shortly thereafter. Although reduced in size from the wall map, the engraver maintained the extraordinary detail. Virtually every first purchaser is identified, either on the map itself or via the numbered and lettered references. The present copy is the rare first state of the map, issued by P. Lea sometime between 1687 and 1699 (though likely circa 1688 as the map was an integral part of William Penn’s promotion of his tract). On the later states, Lea’s imprint has been erased from the plate and another imprint added at the lower left on the New Jersey side of the Delaware River. The map is the most detailed and complete for any English American colony of the seventeenth century. Penn intended the map for promotional purposes, and it shows the boundaries and names the owner of every settled tract in the colony. The plan of Philadelphia at upper center is taken from Holme’s original survey map of 1682, from which the city was laid out. Holme’s was the first map of Philadelphia, and in its printed form, the first obtainable for any English American city. DEGREES OF LATITUDE, Custis atlas, entry 71. BURDEN 669. Corcoran, Thomas Holme, 1624– 1695 (Philadelphia, 1992). Hough, “Captain Thomas Holme” in PMHB Vol. 19. Klinefelter, “Surveyor General Thomas Holme’s ‘Map of the Improved Part of the Province of Pennsilvania’” in Winterthur Portfolio, Vol. 6. PHILLIPS, p. 670. SNYDER, COI 7A. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG 121 (1st issue). STEVENS & TREE 68b. STREETER SALE 945 (1st issue). DEÁK, PICTURING AMERICA 72. $75,000.

A Major Early Map of Ohio, and the First to Show All Surveys 45. Hough, Benjamin, and Alexander Bourne: A MAP OF THE STATE OF OHIO FROM ACTUAL SURVEY. Philadelphia: John Melish, 1815. Folding map, 46 x 51 inches, partially handcolored, backed on linen. Laid in original three-quarter roan and marbled boards, linen ties affixed to spine. Contemporary signature on front board. Minor insect damage to linen, not affecting map. A very nice copy in fine contemporary condition. In a cloth clamshell case, leather label. The second map devoted to the state of Ohio, a greatly expanded and revised version of the first, issued in 1807. Hough and Bourne were General Land Office surveyors who took over and improved the work of the surveyor general of the United States, Jared F. Mansfield. Because of his position, Mansfield had access to original working materials of government agents. However, when he issued his Map of the State of Ohio from the Returns in the Office of the Surveyor General (1807), he issued it privately. Hough and Bourne evidently bought the copyright to Mansfield’s work after he was killed in the War of 1812, then substantially expanded it, evidently based on their own work. This map, with their revisions, is “the first map of Ohio to show all the actual surveys within the inhabited part of the state” (Ristow). “This large and detailed map of Ohio shows rapid progress of the township grid from the original surveys in the eastern part of the state in the 1790s. In southern Ohio some of the areas claimed by land companies established in the colonial period were surveyed and parceled out prior to 1795, and their irregular patterns, conforming more to topography than geometry, are in strong contrast to the tyranny of the grid. Similar collisions of old and new systems of land tenure and surveying can be seen elsewhere in the country, particularly along the lower Mississippi where a pattern of plantation strips running back from the river established by the French settlers encounters the later American squares. Such patterns in the landscape are best seen from airplanes; they reward the traveller with an atlas and a window seat”—Reese & Miles. The present copy contains the ownership signature of Charles Shaler, Esq., the former U.S. District Attorney for the Western District of Pennsylvania during the period from 1853 to 1857. A quite rare map, with no copy appearing in Antique Map Price Records, nor is there a copy in Rumsey. The Streeter copy, the last to appear in book auction records, was sold by this firm to the Yale Map Collection in 1982. REESE & MILES, CREATING AMERICA 57. OCLC 16881206. STREETER SALE 1354. PHIL- LIPS MAPS, p. 627. SMITH, MAPPING OF OHIO, p. 159. RISTOW, p. 146. $75,000.

Rare Large Paper Issues of the First American Chromolithographic Book 46. Hovey, Charles M.: THE FRUITS OF AMERICA, CONTAINING RICHLY COL- ORED FIGURES, AND FULL DESCRIPTIONS OF THE CHOICEST VARIET- IES CULTIVATED IN THE UNITED STATES. New York & Boston: [Vol. I] C.C. Little & Jas. Brown and Hovey & Co. in Boston and D. Appleton & Co. in New York; [Vol. II] Hovey & Co., [1847]–1856. Two volumes. 2pp. list of subscribers. Titles with wood- engraved vignettes by A. Roberts. Two lithographed portrait frontispieces (Hovey and Sharp) on India paper mounted, ninety-six fine chromolithographed plates by William Sharp (seventy-two on India paper mounted, twelve on card stock mounted, twelve on full sheets) numerous text illustrations of trees, leaves and fruit. Half title in first volume. Large quarto. Contemporary half green morocco over green cloth covered boards, spine with raised bands in six compartments, lettered in the second and fourth, the others with a repeat decoration in gilt, marbled endpapers, bound by John C. Moore of Rochester, NY (binder’s ticket in each volume). Very good. The very rare large-paper issue of the first extensive monograph with color plates devoted to American fruit. The most lavish ante-bellum work on the fruit trees of America and “the first major work executed entirely in chromolithography” (Reese). Charles Hovey was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts in 1810 and with his brother Phineas established a nursery there in 1832. By 1845 his huge collection of fruit trees included a thousand pear trees and four hundred apple trees. A keen plant breeder, he also produced a number of new varieties of Camellia. His literary output brought him to the forefront of horticultural writers with the American Gardeners’ Magazine (renamed the Magazine of Horticulture) which enjoyed great popularity between 1834 and 1868. The present work was intended by Hovey as an international show-case for what Ameri- can pomologists had achieved, as well as an essential reference guide. It is his masterpiece and originally appeared in parts between 1847 and 1856. “Hovey’s work on American fruits was the most lavish treatment of the subject prior to the Civil War . . . [and] can claim to be the first major publication illustrated with chromolithographs”—Reese. The ninety-six varieties featured include ninety-three fruit trees (fifty-three pear, twenty apple, seven cherry, seven peach, and six plum) and three strawberry varieties. The plates were all executed by the Boston firm headed by William Sharp and are accompanied by text which gives the history of each variety, a full description, its growing habit, flower and fruit, and advice on its cultivation. Each entry is headed by cross-references to the other standard European and American books and periodicals. The illustrations generally comprise a thumb-nail sketch of the growing habit of each tree, an outline of the fruit and occasionally an image of the flower. The work was issued in two formats: a regular issue and a “quarto” or large paper issue. An idea of the rarity of this large paper issue can by gained from studying the list of subscribers: 219 subscribers for 220 copies of Hovey’s work are recorded. Of these only eighteen subscribed for the present issue, making it just over twelve times as rare as the normal octavo issue (indeed none of the twenty-two auction records for sets or part sets sold, going back to 1975, are for this large paper issue). The text is printed from the same setting but with much greater space in all the margins, but the chief dif- ference is in the plates. The high quality India paper allows for much finer detail to be shown as well as displaying the many colors applied by the chromolithographer to their full advantage. Interestingly, the first twenty-four plates in the first volume are not on India paper (as issued), suggesting that the publisher and author were still working out the details of production when the first parts were published. The present copy is bound by a Rochester, New York binder. None of the Rochester subscribers (including famed fruitman D. M. Dewey) purchased a large paper issue. In nearby Canandaigua, however, John Greig was indeed a large-paper subscriber, suggesting this to be his copy. Greig served as a U.S. Representative from New York, practiced law in the region and was President of the Ontario [County] Bank. He was also president of the Ontario Agricultural Society and owned an extensive nursery. OAK SPRING POMONA 61. McGRATH, p. 112. BENNETT, p. 59. REESE, STAMPED WITH A NATIONAL CHARACTER 20. NISSEN BBI 941. SABIN 33206. ARNOLD ARBORETUM/ HARVARD, p. 354. $22,500.

The Very Rare Boston Edition of the Most Famous History of the New England Indian Wars 47. Hubbard, William: A NARRATIVE OF THE TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS IN NEW-ENGLAND, FROM THE FIRST PLANTING THEREOF IN THE YEAR 1607, TO THIS PRESENT YEAR 1677. BUT CHIEFLY OF THE LATE TROUBLES IN THE TWO L AST YEARS, 1675 AND 1676. TO WHICH IS ADDED A DIS- COURSE ABOUT THE WARRE WITH THE PEQUODS IN THE YEAR 1637. Boston: Printed by John Foster, 1677. [14], 132, [8], 7–12, [2], 88pp., including several pagination errors. Small quarto. Sumptuously bound in 19th-century blue morocco by Pawson and Nicholson, with elaborately gilt boards and spine, gilt inner dentelles, a.e.g. Book- plates on front pastedown, early ownership signature and notes (see below). Small chips at edges of titlepage. Trimmed close, occasionally touching a page number, running title, or catchword. Occasional staining. One leaf supplied from the London 1677 edition (see below). Map supplied in facsimile. Withal, still a very good copy. The very rare first edition, printed in Boston, of William Hubbard’s crucially important history of the Indian wars of New England, a cornerstone Americanum. A London edition followed, published in the same year. Hubbard was born in England and came to the colonies in 1635, eventually becoming pastor of the church in Ipswich, Mas- sachusetts. He was closely involved in the government of the colony during King Philip’s War, and this work, along with those of Increase and Cotton Mather, is the best and fullest account of the events of the struggle in Mas- sachusetts. Hubbard and Increase Mather differed with each other on a number of points, and this book seems to have ignited the envy of the latter. “[Hubbard] was distinguished, in an age and country of bigots, for his liberality, moderation, and piety, and his narrative has always been regarded as authoritative by historians”—Church. This copy is without the incredibly rare map of New England by John Foster, the first map printed in English America, supplied here in facsimile. Of the fifty copies of the Boston printing of the book examined by Randolph G. Adams, more than half were missing the map. This is one of the first books printed in Boston, as all printing in the British colonies up to 1676 had been done in neighboring Cambridge. Most bibliographers refer to two “issues” of this 1677 Boston edition. This is the presumed “second issue” of Hubbard’s work, with the twelve-line errata on the verso of the final text leaf (other copies are known with a ten-line errata) and with extra leaves in the M signature of the first part (see Church for these and other details). Adams, however, takes the “issue” question many steps further by pointing out that there are as many as twenty- five variant “issues” of the Boston printing of the text. The first two pages of the unnumbered eight-page section in the middle of the text, “A Table shewing the Towns and Places which are inhabited by the English in New-England,” have been supplied in this copy from a copy of the 1677 London edition. Two leaves from that London edition have been joined together to make a new single leaf (resulting in a thicker sheet of paper), so the text begins on the recto of the leaf signed “*” (rather than “T” as in the Boston edition), continues onto the verso of the made-up leaf, and then properly continues onto the leaf signed “T2” of the Boston printing. This copy has a long and distinguished provenance, bearing the early ownership signature of antiquarian and editor John Farmer on the first page of the text, and several manuscript notes of a historical nature throughout. It also bears the bookplates of E. Stan- ley Hart and Roderick Terry (one of the most famous American book collectors of the early 20th century) on the front pastedown. Randolph Adams lists this copy in his study of Hubbard’s work, and notes that it was also owned by printer Theodore Low DeVinne (a founder of The Grolier Club) and by William W. Cohen. Adams further notes that this copy was probably the one used by Samuel G. Drake in editing his 1865 edition of the book. A remarkably important work, one of the earliest such histories written and published in the colonies, here in the very rare Boston first edition. EVANS 231. NAIP w013814. CHURCH 650. HOWES H756, “dd.” SABIN 33445. FIELD 731. STREETER SALE 640. STREETER, AMERICANA BEGINNINGS 14. VAIL 184. Randolph G. Adams, “William Hubbard’s Narrative, 1677: A Bibliographical Study” in Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America (Vol. 33, 1939), pp. 25–39. $42,500.

A Spectacular Early Jamaican Imprint on Economics 48. [Jamaica]: AN INQUIRY CONCERNING THE TRADE, COMMERCE, AND POLICY OF JAMAICA, RELATIVE TO THE SCARCITY OF MONEY, AND THE CAUSES AND BAD EFFECTS OF SUCH SCARCITY PECULIAR TO THAT ISLAND . . . TO WHICH IS ADDED A SCHEME FOR ESTABLISHING A PUBLIC BANK. St. Jago de la Vega, Jamaica: Printed by C. Brett and Co., 1757. [4], 88pp. Contem- porary ink manuscript note on p. 2. Tall square octavo printed in fours (likely in half-sheets). Antique-style three-quarter calf and old marbled boards. Titlepage with closed tears, repaired on verso; printer’s advertisement leaf with a closed tear in the center, but with no loss. Titlep- age and advertisement leaf a bit foxed, but otherwise fairly clean internally. A very good copy. A remarkably early, rare, and significant Jamaican imprint, known in only three other copies, and providing an informed analysis of economic and banking issues on that important Caribbean island. Any printing from the Caribbean area from this period that survives should be considered a black tulip—incredibly rare and desirable. This is the second earliest Caribbean imprint that we have ever encountered in the market, and the earliest from Jamaica. It contains an important analysis of the island’s economy, and a call for the development of a bank on Jamaica. This detailed economic work is divided into several sections, discussing the nature and properties of currency and the causes of its scarcity in Jamaica; the bad effects of such a scarcity and the sums of money needed to reinvigorate the local economy; an analysis of inland and foreign trade in Jamaica; and a proposal for a bank to be developed on the island. The draining of Jamaica’s currency by North American and Euro- pean traders was a perpetual problem for the island’s economy. The author writes that a major cause of the scarcity of money “is the illicit trade frequently carried on by the French and Dutch colonies and traders, with whom money has been chiefly exchanged for their commodities, most of them only supplies to our luxury and debauch” (p. 11). The proposal for an insular bank is a very early call for such an institution, and it was not until 1836 that the first Jamaican bank was established. The author devotes twenty pages to the discussion of the bank, and he considers the effects of lawsuits on the economy. There is also a discussion of the value of Blacks to the island’s economy, and the imports needed to sustain them. Printing in Jamaica dates to 1718 and the newspaper, The Weekly Jamaica Courant. The first forty years of printing on the island consisted largely of newspaper work, very few examples of which survive. Curtis Brett, who printed the present work, was born in Dublin in 1720 and apprenticed with printers in London before leaving for the West Indies in 1748. He worked at various clerical jobs before taking up as a printer in St. Jago de la Vega in 1756, assisted by Charles White, a former secretary in the island government. Very little of Brett’s printing survives, and this Inquiry Concerning the Trade, Com- merce, and Policy of Jamaica is his only surviving book-length work, the rest being almanacs and issues of his newspaper, the St. Jago Intelligencer. Roderick Cave attributes authorship of the present work to Curtis Brett’s partner, Charles White, though this is the only place where we have seen that attribution. Brett himself gives no hint of the tract’s authorship in the “Printer’s Advertisement” (the date of which has been corrected from 1747 to 1757 in this copy in a contemporary hand) when he writes: The manuscript of this Inquiry wrote in the year 1751, falling into our hands, and finding it contained many interesting remarks relative to the trade, commerce, and policy of this island; we flattered ourselves an edition from the press would be acceptable to the public, and meet with sufficient encouragement to defray the charge of printing, by the sale of a small number of copies, which we have accordingly struck off. This 1757 first edition is not listed on OCLC or in Goldsmiths, Kress, Black, or the Beinecke Lesser Antilles Collection at Hamilton College. Cundall locates a copy in the West India Reference Library at the Institute of Jamaica, and we can locate only two other copies, at the British Library and the Bodleian Library at Oxford. NUC locates a copy at Columbia University, but Columbia’s online catalogue indicates that they have only a microfilm. Remarkably rare and very important. SABIN 35590. CUNDALL, PRESS AND PRINTERS OF JAMAICA PRIOR TO 1820, p. 13. CUNDALL, HISTORY OF PRINTING IN JAMAICA FROM 1717 TO 1834, p. 37. CAVE, PRINT- ING AND THE BOOK TRADE IN THE WEST INDIES, pp. 212–17. KRESS 5785 (London, 1759 ed). HIGGS 1742 (citing a 1758 St. Jago de la Vega edition, of which we can find no other record, and likely an error). $57,500.

Presented by Thomas Jefferson to John Trumbull: A Key Source of Classical Images for American Neo-Classicists 49. [Jefferson, Thomas]: [Trumbull, John]: [Maréchal, Pierre Sylvain]: LES ANTIQ- UITÉS D’HERCULANUM AVEC LEURS EXPLICATIONS EN FRANÇOIS. Paris: Chez David, 1780–1781. Six volumes, being volumes I, II, IIII, V, VI, and VII (without volume III and volume VIII). With hundreds of illustrations. Contemporary mottled French calf, neatly rebacked in matching style, gilt extra, with gilt leather spine labels. A bit of light scattered foxing, but generally quite clean internally. A handsome set. An absolutely phenomenal association copy of this influential study of the antiquities of the Italian city of Herculaneum, destroyed during an explosion of Mount Vesuvius in 79 A.D. This set of Les Antiquités d’Herculanum . . . was given by Thomas Jefferson to his young protégé, the painter John Trumbull. Jefferson has inscribed it on the front fly leaf of the first volume, “Th. J. begs Mr. Trumbull will do him the favor to accept this copy of the Herculaneum.” Jefferson was instrumental in furthering Trumbull’s career at an early stage, and in encouraging him to create his painting of the presentation of the Declaration of Independence. That painting is one of Trumbull’s most important and iconic works, and in placing Jefferson at the center of that scene Trumbull helped to cement the Jefferson image in the American mind. Jefferson and Trumbull first met in London in early 1786, when Trumbull was thirty and Jefferson thirteen years his elder. At the time, Trumbull was studying painting under Benja- min West, but was planning to visit Paris to study the artworks available there. Jefferson invited Trumbull to stay with him at his Paris residence, the Hotel de Langeac, and the two quickly became close. In fact, Trumbull joined William S. Smith and Jefferson’s secretary, William Short, in the small group of people that Jefferson asked to perform tasks or “commissions” for him. Trumbull lived with Jefferson for five or six weeks at the Hotel de Langeac, and Jefferson encouraged Trumbull in his early historical paintings. Trumbull had brought with him to Paris two of his recent historical paintings, “Death of General Warren at Bunker’s Hill” and “Death of General Montgomery at Quebec,” which he wanted to arrange to be engraved. It was almost certainly at Jef- ferson’s suggestion and encouragement that Trumbull added the Declaration of Inde- pendence to his series of American historical paintings. With Jefferson’s assistance and recollection of the event, Trumbull began his painting of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. It was Trumbull’s placing of Jefferson at the center of his painting, flanked by John Adams and Benjamin Franklin, that helped cement the centrality of Jefferson’s role as author of the Declaration in the public consciousness. Merrill Peter- son asserts that “In the panegyrics of the Fourth of July . . . the popularity of Trum- bull’s masterpiece of historical portraiture, ‘The Signing of the Declaration’—Jeffer- son’s authorship of the American birthright was his certain title to immortality.” Jefferson espoused Trumbull’s talents, and introduced him to important people in Paris, and Trumbull repaid the favor in consequential ways. Jefferson’s biographer Dumas Malone writes that “Jefferson was on the most intimate terms with Trumbull until the very end of his stay in France, and he always associated him in memory with what he called ‘our charming coterie in Paris.’” That coterie included Maria Cosway, the beautiful and vivacious young wife of the English portraitist, Richard Cosway. Trumbull had already met the Cosways, and introduced them to Jefferson in Paris in August, 1786 at the Halle aux Bleds marketplace. The widowed Jefferson became enrap- tured with Maria Cosway, and spent a great deal of time with her between August and October, 1786. Trumbull was often with the pair, touring art galleries, attending con- certs, walking around Paris and journeying into the countryside. On October 12, 1786, on the occasion of the Cosways return to England, Jefferson wrote Maria Cosway an anguished letter in which he related a debate between “my head and my heart.” It was to Trumbull that Jefferson entrusted the delivery of this confidential and revealing letter. Trumbull was also an intermediary for Jefferson’s friendship with Angelica Schuy- ler Church, Alexander Hamilton’s sister-in-law. Mrs. Church and Maria Cosway were good friends, referring to each other as “sisters.” Jefferson, in fact, helped Mrs. Church secure a volume of the Herculanum in September, 1788 (see Jefferson letter of Septem- ber 21, 1788, in Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 13, pp. 623–624). It is possible the gift of this set to Trumbull took place at the same time. The friendship between Jefferson and Trumbull continued after Trumbull left Paris for London and the United States. In 1788, Jefferson commissioned from Trumbull a canvas containing lifesize busts of Francis Bacon, John Locke, and Isaac Newton, who Jefferson considered as “the three greatest men that have ever lived.” Also in 1788, Trumbull painted a portrait of Jefferson, and would later make copies of that portrait for Maria Cosway, Angelica Church, and Jefferson’s eldest daughter, Martha. In 1789, anticipating that William Short was about to move on to other endeavors, Jefferson offered John Trumbull the position of his personal secretary, and offer that Trumbull declined. Sometime after that Jefferson recommended Trumbull for the position of American Minister to the Barbary states, a post that Trumbull also declined. In 1793, Jefferson and Trumbull (a Federalist and a New England Congregationalist), had a falling out over questions of politics and religious faith, issues that came to a head at a dinner Jefferson hosted that also included the Virginia politician William Branch Giles. Trumbull and Giles already had bad blood between them, and when Jefferson seemingly took Giles’s side Trumbull recalled that “from this time my acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson became cold and distant.” Jefferson’s gift to Trumbull of this set of Maréchal’s Antiquités d’Herculanum . . . is significant on several levels. Excavations at Herculaneum, destroyed by an eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 A. D., had begun in 1738. The publication of illustrated books such as Maréchal’s, showing the antiquities preserved and discovered at Hercula- neum, had an important effect on the growing popularity of Neoclassical styles and themes in contemporary European and American art. Jefferson himself owned a set of Maréchal’s work (although it was not among the works sold to the Library of Congress; it appears in the 1828 sale catalogue of his retained library), and he not only gave this set to Trumbull but ordered a set for the library at the University of Virginia as well. And as mentioned, Jefferson also assisted in securing a volume of the set for Angelica Church in 1788. Jefferson himself was very influenced by classical styles, as evidenced in his architectural designs for Monticello and the University of Virginia. John Trum- bull was also greatly influenced by classical art, and was a central figure in the Neo- classical revival in America. This work would have been very important in the development of his artistic style. The first five volumes in Maréchal’s work (i.e. volumes I, II, IIII, and V in the present set) are devoted to painting, and volumes VI and VII are concerned with bronzes. An outstanding association copy, uniting Thomas Jefferson with one of his most talented protégés, John Trumbull, whose painting of Jefferson presenting the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1776 did so much to establish Jefferson in the pantheon of America’s Founding Fathers. William Howard Adams, The Paris Years of Thomas Jefferson (New Haven, Ct., 1997). Dumas Malone, Jefferson and the Rights of Man (New York, 1951). Merrill D. Peterson, The Jefferson Image in the American Mind (New York, 1960), p. 140. O’NEAL, JEFFERSON’S FINE ARTS LIBRARY 78. $85,000.

An American Landmark: The First Census, Signed by Thomas Jefferson as Secretary of State 50. [Jefferson, Thomas]: [Census of 1790]: RETURN OF THE WHOLE NUMBER OF PERSONS WITHIN THE SEVERAL DISTRICTS OF THE UNITED STATES. . . . Philadelphia: Printed by Childs and Swaine, 1791. 56pp., with additional printed census information affixed to p. 51 (Kentucky), and with the delayed results for South Carolina (on p. 54) printed on a separate leaf and affixed to the verso of p. 53 (as issued). Contemporary marbled wrappers, manuscript title on front wrapper. Wrappers faded and worn, spine largely perished. Later ink notes on front endpapers and first page of text. A bit of light internal staining. Very good. In a black morocco box. Signed by Thomas Jefferson as Secretary of State on the final page of text. This copy descended in the family of Gideon Granger, Postmaster General during the Jefferson administration. The titlepage erroneously states that the Congressional act authorizing the census was passed in 1791, when it was actually done in 1790; the titlepage of this copy has been corrected accordingly in an early hand. The first edition of the first federal census, a landmark government document. A decennial census was called for in the Constitution, the first instance of a nation providing by law for a periodic enumeration of its people. The first census was carried out in 1790, and its results are printed here. It only attempted to count population, and to enumerate free white males over and under the age of sixteen, free white females, all other free persons, and slaves. Populations are given by county or township. The total number of all inhabitants stood at just over four million. Jefferson signed printed copies of governmental acts and laws with some regularity as part of his duties as Secretary of State, but his signature on a copy of the first federal census is rare. In the past thirty-five years only three other copies of the first federal census signed by Jefferson have appeared on the market. The last one sold for $122,500 in 2010. Highly desirable. HOWES R220, “b.” A SOCIETY’S CHIEF JOYS 43. EVANS 23916. NAIP w029059. sol d President Thomas Jefferson Swears “On my sacred honor. . . .” 51. Jefferson, Thomas: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO SECRETARY OF WAR HENRY DEARBORN]. Washington. June 3, 1804. [1]p. plus integral address leaf. Quarto, on a folded folio sheet. Old fold lines. Minor wear and soiling. Strip of later paper on left edge verso, where letter had been tipped into an album. Very good. In a red half morocco clamshell box, spine gilt.

A remarkable letter written by President Thomas Jefferson to his Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, in which Jefferson swears “on my sacred honour” that he gives no credence to slanderous gossip circulating about Dearborn. Dearborn (1751–1829), a soldier and politician, was appointed by Jefferson to the post of Secretary of War in 1801, a position he held throughout Jefferson’s terms in office. He was moderately successful in most of his life’s endeavors, excepting his command during the War of 1812, in which he lost Detroit to the British. Jefferson acknowledges receipt of Dearborn’s recent letter regarding the slanders being spread about him by Seth Hunt, who was seeking a government appointment. The Presi- dent admits that he had learned of the defamation from Gideon Granger, his Postmaster General, but his response makes clear that his support of Dearborn is unwavering: . . . with respect to the slanders which the two Mr. Hunts were implicated, I assure you on my sacred honour that I never heard one word uttered but from Mr. Granger and one other person who does not reside in this part of the country, nor is any way connected with the government; and the sole object of his communicating with me was to engage me to endeavor to prevent the matter being carried into the public papers. From neither of these gentlemen did I learn, or ever from any other quarter, that you even knew of the slanders in circulation. Your letter is the first intimation of your having had any conusance [sic] of them. Be assured therefore that not a suggestion on the subject has ever been made to me to your prejudice, nor would any such make an impression on me. Where I have knoledge [sic] of a character myself, I place more confidence in that knoledge than in any suggestions which can be made, and am more apt to look for their source in the character & circumstances of the suggestor. The degree of confidence in you which led me to ask your aid in the administration, has never been diminished; on the contrary it is strengthened by opportunities of knowing myself what I had before taken from the information of others: and by that affection which naturally grows out of a social intercourse with worthy persons. As to what I mentioned that Mr. Seth Hunt was stated to me to have rendered himself so obnox- ious to some persons as that his appointment would scarcely be confirmed by the Senate, it was mentioned, and not a single particular was added or asked. This frank declaration is made in order to establish that mutual satisfaction of reciprocal confidence which I know to exist on my part, and I entertain no doubt of on yours. A striking letter from Jefferson as President. His use of the phrase “on my sacred honour” has particular meaning, underscoring his unwavering support for Dearborn. It was with their “sacred honour”—together with their lives and fortunes—that Jefferson and the other fifty-five Signers pledged to support the Declaration of Independence. $60,000.

Thomas Jefferson Writes News of the Lewis and Clark Expedition While It Is Underway: The Only Letter in Which He Mentions the Expedition While in Progress 52. [Jefferson, Thomas]: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER FROM PRESIDENT THOMAS JEFFERSON TO WILLIAM JARVIS, UNITED STATES CONSUL AT LISBON, TRANSMITTING RECENT NEWS ABOUT THE PROGRESS OF THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPEDITION]. Washington. July 6, 1805. [1]p. manuscript letter on a folded folio sheet. Docketed on the second page as received October 10, 1805. Addressed in Jefferson’s hand on the fourth page and with a manuscript note apparently in Jarvis’ hand giving the date the letter was sent. Address leaf neatly inlaid. A few small tears in the edges expertly repaired. Repaired closed tear in foredge of text leaf, touching a few letters but with no loss. In very good condition. In a half morocco and cloth slipcase. An outstanding Thomas Jefferson letter regarding the progress of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, likely the best that will ever appear on the market. Only a handful of Jef- ferson letters have any allusion to the Expedition, and only two have appeared on the market in the last forty years. The other letter described plans for the Expedition, while this one reports on its progress shortly after Jefferson himself was informed. As the architect of the Louisiana Purchase, Thomas Jefferson more than doubled the territory of the United States, ensuring an “empire of liberty” across the continent. Not content with merely acquiring the territory, Jefferson sought to understand all its vast resources, and organized the Lewis and Clark Expedition, as well as the expeditions of Zebulon Pike to Colorado and John Sibley up the Red River, to go west—to find a path to the Pacific Ocean, meet with Indian tribes, and report back on the natural resources of the country. In this July 1805 letter to William Jarvis, the American consul at Lisbon, Jefferson relates the latest news on the Expedition. He writes: “Capt. Lewis who has been sent to explore the Missouri to its source, & thence to pursue the nearest water communication to the South Sea, passed the last winter among the savages 1600 miles up the Missouri. Depu- ties from the great nations in that quarter (2500 miles from hence) are now on their way to visit us. Lewis finds the Indians every where friendly. He will probably get back in 1806.” The Lewis and Clark Expedition started up the Missouri River in May 1804, and Jef- ferson received sporadic news of progress during that summer. After wintering over at the villages of the Mandan tribe (in the present state of North Dakota), Meriwether Lewis sent a series of dispatches along with artifacts collected down the Missouri on April 7, 1805. Jefferson also received reports on the first year of the expedition from Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, whose department was in charge of the operation, as well as from the leading French fur trader, Pierre Chouteau, and from Amos Stod- dard, American commander of the District of Upper Louisiana. The information that Jefferson wrote Jarvis in the present letter was culled from these sources in letters he had received a few weeks earlier. In a letter to Meriwether Lewis of January 3, 1804, Jefferson alluded to the great public interest in the expedition: “The acquisition of the country through which you are to pass has inspired the public generally with a great deal of interest in your enterprise. The enquiries are perpetual as to your progress.” Despite the keen public interest, Jefferson was extremely frugal in disseminating information on the progress of the Expedition. He did not offer any official public report until his Message to Congress of February 19, 1806, and virtually none of his personal letters contain any information on the Expedition while it was still under way. In part, Jefferson’s secrecy grew out of his desire to keep news of the Expedition from reaching Spanish authorities in Mexico. This was an important precaution; the Spanish sent a troop of dragoons northward to try to intercept the Expedition, and both the Pike and Sibley expeditions further south were arrested or turned back by Spanish troops. Another reason was his own lack of information: after Lewis’ dispatches of April 1805, there was no reliable news of the expedition until its triumphal return to St. Louis in September 1806, and so he had none to convey. The present letter from Jefferson to Jarvis is clearly in Jefferson’s hand, but is not signed by him. This is unusual, but has numerous precedents. During a period in the 1790s, for example, Jefferson often withheld his signature from his correspondence, fearing that it might fall into the hands of his political adversaries. Perhaps he was concerned that this letter, bound for Portugal, might have been intercepted by Spanish authorities, and so did not sign it. A simple reason might be the most likely; having filled up virtually an entire page with his text, Jefferson ran out of room at the bottom of the letter for his signature. Jefferson’s retained copy of this letter, made on his “poly- graph” machine (in the collection of the Library of Congress) is also not signed, further supporting the belief that this letter never bore Jefferson’s signature. The recipient, William Jarvis (1770–1859), was a Boston merchant with extensive European experience, particularly in Portugal. This led Jefferson to appoint him the United States Consul in Lisbon. Before leaving for his post in August 1802, Jarvis visited Washington, D.C., where he met the President and, presumably, Jefferson’s secretary, Meriwether Lewis. It may have been Jarvis’s familiarity with Lewis that led Jef- ferson to include information on the expedition’s progress in this letter. While in Portugal Jefferson called on Jarvis to supply him with wine and other European products, and Jefferson acknowledges these services at the beginning of the letter. When Jarvis left Portugal in 1811 he famously exported a large number of prized merino sheep from Spain, some 3,500 in all, and gave Jefferson eight of the sheep as a gift. Jarvis settled in Weathersfield, Vermont, where he pioneered the cultivation of merino wool in the United States. Besides its Lewis and Clark content, this is a very interesting letter, touching on international politics, the relative isolation of the United States from the troubles of Europe, and America’s unique, providential path. At the time Jefferson wrote this letter Portugal was under the threat of invasion by Napoleon’s forces. Jefferson writes: It gives me much pleasure to see a hope that Portugal may be able to preserve her neutrality. That a government so just & inoffensive should be forced into a war with which it has nothing to do, shows the most profligate disregard to human rights. It is a great felicity to us, and it secures all our other felicities, that so wide an ocean is spread between us & the lions & tygers of Europe, as enables us to go forward in the path of justice and independence fearing nothing but our creator. The great powers of Europe could do us injury by sea & on our shores. But the spirit of independence in the country at large they can never bend. Jefferson then mentions that Spanish ships have recently been harassing American ships near the mouth of the Mississippi, and relates his strategy in response: “We are now suffering from privateers on our coast, and are therefore fitting out a naval force to go & force them to keep a reasonable distance from our shores.” Only one other Thomas Jefferson letter discussing the Lewis and Clark Expedition has appeared on the market in the past forty years, a letter from Jefferson dated January 31, 1804, to the French geologist and traveller, Barthelemy Faujus-St. Fond. That letter was purchased at auction in 1979 by the collector, Frederick Nederlander, for $18,000. It was sold by Sotheby’s on December 13, 2002, realizing a price of $1,439,500—at the time an auction record not just for Thomas Jefferson, but for any American presidential letter. That letter, however, did not contain any actual news of the expedition’s progress, being written before the Expedition began. In it, Jefferson only reports that the Expedition is being organized, and briefly discusses his hopes for its results. The present letter from Jefferson to William Jarvis, appeared in Sotheby’s April 25, 1989 sale of the celebrated Pratt Collection of Presidential Autographs, where it brought $29,700, and was purchased by a noted collector of American historical manuscripts, in whose collection it has remained until now. The combination of immediate, detailed information on the Lewis and Clark Expe- dition and the great rarity of any mention of the Expedition in Jefferson’s correspondence makes this the best Thomas Jefferson letter regarding the Lewis and Clark Expe- dition that one could ever expect to acquire. $600,000.

The Atlas of the American Revolution 53. Jefferys, Thomas: THE AMERICAN ATLAS; OR, A GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIP- TION OF THE WHOLE CONTINENT OF AMERICA; WHEREIN ARE DELIN- EATED AT LARGE ITS SEVERAL REGIONS, COUNTRIES, STATES, AND ISLANDS; AND CHIEFLY THE BRITISH COLONIES. . . . London: Printed and sold by R. Sayer and J. Bennett, 1778. Twenty-three engraved maps on thirty sheets, handcolored in outline. Folio, 21¾ x 15½. Expertly bound to style in 18th-century half russia over original marbled paper boards, spine gilt in seven compartments with raised bands, red morocco lettering piece. In a black morocco backed box, lettered in gilt. Provenance: Henry Tomkinson (armorial bookplate). In a half morocco box. The very rare 1778 issue of The American Atlas, the most important 18th-century atlas for America, and an irreplaceable snapshot of the land as it was during the birth of the United States. Walter Ristow characterizes it as a “geographical description of the whole continent of America, as portrayed in the best available maps in the latter half of the eighteenth century . . . as a major cartographic reference work it was, very likely, consulted by American, English, and French civilian administrators and military officers during the Revolution.” As a collection, The American Atlas stands as the most comprehensive, detailed, and accurate survey of the American colonies at the beginning of the Revolution. Many of the elements that make up The American Atlas came into being as a result of the British need to understand the geographic and social layout of their colonies after their victory in the French and Indian War of 1756–63. The maps that resulted from the numerous surveys proved to be by far the best contemporary records of the region. Among these distinguished maps are Braddock Meade’s “A Map of the Most Inhab- ited Parts of New England,” the largest and most detailed map of New England that had yet been published; a map of “The Provinces of New York and New Jersey” by Samuel Holland, the surveyor general for the northern American colonies; William Scull’s “A Map of Pennsylvania,” the first map of that colony to include its western frontier; Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson’s “A Map of the Most Inhabited part of Vir- ginia,” the best colonial map for the Chesapeake region; and Lieut. Ross’ “Course of the Mississipi,” the first map of that river based on British sources. Jefferys was the leading British cartographer of the 18th century. From about 1750 he published a series of maps of the British American colonies. As geographer to the Prince of Wales, and after 1761, geographer to the King, Jefferys was well placed to have access to the best surveys conducted in America, and many of his maps held the status of “official work.” Jefferys died on Nov. 20, 1771, and in 1775 his succes- sors, Robert Sayer and John Bennett, gathered these separately issued maps together and republished them in book form as The American Atlas. The first edition with only twenty-two maps on twenty-nine sheets appeared in 1775, and there were subsequent editions in 1776 and 1778. The maps are as follow (many of the maps are on several sheets, and in the Index each individual sheet is numbered; the measurements refer to the image size): 1–3) Braddock Meade (alias John Green): “A Chart of North and South America, including the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Published 10 June 1775.” Six sheets joined into three, 43½ x 49½ inches. This great wall map of the Western Hemisphere was chiefly issued to expose the errors in Delisle and Buache’s map of the Pacific Northwest, published in Paris in 1752. STEVENS & TREE 4(d). 4) Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg: “The Russian Discoveries. Published March 2nd 1775.” One sheet, 18 x 24 1/8 inches. The first official mapping results of the explorations of Bering and Chirikof in Siberia and the Pacific Northwest were issued by the Russian Imperial Acad- emy in 1758. These corrected the earlier incorrect maps including the mythical discoveries of Admiral Fonte. This is a British version of that map. 5–6) Thomas Pownall after E. Bowen: “A New and Correct Map of North America, with the West India Islands. Published 15 February 1777.” Four sheets joined into two, 45¼ inches. Thomas Pownall updated Bowen’s North America map of 1755. Pownall’s version included the results of the first Treaty of Paris drawn up after the end of the French and Indian War. STEVENS & TREE 49(f). 7) Thomas Jefferys: “North America from the French of Mr. D’Anville, Improved with the English Surveys Made since the Peace. Published 10 June 1775.” One sheet, 18 x 20 inches. STEVENS & TREE 51(c). 8) Samuel Dunn: “A Map of the British Empire in North America. Published 17 August 1776.” Half sheet, 18¾ x 12 inches. STEVENS & TREE 53(b). 9) Thomas Jefferys: “An Exact Chart of the River St. Laurence from Fort Frontenac to the Island of Anticosti . . . Published 25 May 1775.” Two sheets joined into one, 23½ x 37 inches. STEVENS & TREE 76(d). 10) Sayer & Bennett: “A Chart of the Gulf of St. Laurence . . . Published 25th March 1775.” One sheet, 19½ x 24 inches. 11) “A Map of the Island of St. John in the Gulf of St. Laurence . . . Published 6 April 1775.” One sheet, 15 x 27¼ inches. 12) James Cook and Michael Lane: “A General Chart of the Island of Newfoundland . . . Published 10th May 1775.” One sheet, 21½ x 22 inches. James Cook went on to gain renown for his Pacific exploration. 13) “A Chart of the Banks of Newfoundland . . . Published 25 March 1775.” One sheet, 19½ x 26 inches. Based on the surveys of James Cook (see above), Chabert, and Fleurieu. 14) Thomas Jefferys: “A New Map of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton Island with the Adja- cent Parts of New England and Canada . . . Published 15 June 1775.” One sheet, 18½ x 24 inches. Originally published in 1755, at the beginning of the French and Indian War, this map “proved to be important in evaluating respective French and British claims to this part of North America” (Ristow). England gained sole possession of the region by the Treaty of Paris, 1763. STEVENS & TREE 66(c). 15–16) Braddock Meade (alias John Green): “A Map of the Most Inhabited Part of New England. Published November 29, 1774.” Four sheets joined into two, 38¾ x 40¾ inches. The first large-scale map of New England. “The most detailed and informative pre-Revolutionary map of New England . . . not really supplanted until the nineteenth century” (New England Prospect 13). STEVENS & TREE 33(e). 17) Capt. [Samuel] Holland: “The Provinces of New York and New Jersey, with Part of Pensil- vania . . . Published 17 Aug. 1776.” Three insets: “A plan of the City of New York,” “A chart of the Mouth of Hudson’s River,” and “A Plan of Amboy.” Two sheets joined, 26½ x 52¾ inches. An important large-scale map of the Provinces of New York and New Jersey, by Samuel Holland, surveyor general for the Northern English colonies. With fine insets including a street plan of colonial New York City. STEVENS & TREE 44(d). 18) William Brassier: “A Survey of Lake Champlain, including Lake George, Crown Point and St. John. 5 August 1776.” Single sheet, 26¾ x 18¾ inches. Second state including naval activity on the lake up until Oct. 13, 1776. STEVENS & TREE 25(b). 19) “A New Map of the Province of Quebec, according to the Royal Proclamation, of the 7th of October 1763. From the French Surveys Connected with those made after the War, by Captain Carver, and Other Officers. 16 February 1776.” One sheet, 19¼ x 26¼ inches. STEVENS & TREE 73(a). 20) William Scull: “A Map of Pennsylvania Exhibiting not only the Improved Parts of the Province but also its Extensive Frontiers. Published 10 June 1775.” Two sheets joined, 27 x 51½ inches. The first map of the Province of Pennsylvania to include its western frontier. All earlier maps had focused solely on the settled eastern parts of the colony. 21–22) Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson: “A Map of the Most Inhabited Part of Virginia, containing the Whole Province of Maryland . . . 1775.” [nd]. Four sheets joined into two, 32 x 48 inches. “The basic cartographical document of Virginia in the eighteenth century . . . the first to depict accurately the interior regions of Virginia beyond the Tidewater. [It] dominated the cartographical representation of Virginia until the nineteenth century”—Verner. STEVENS & TREE 87(f). 23–24) Henry Mouzon: “An Accurate Map of North and South Carolina with their Indian Frontiers. Published May 30, 1775.” Four sheets joined into two, 40 x 54 inches. “The chief type map for [the Carolinas] during the forty or fifty years following its publication. It was used by both British and American forces during the Revolutionary War”—Cumming. STEVENS & TREE 11(a). CUMMING 450. 25) Thomas Jefferys: “The Coast of West Florida and Louisiana . . . The Peninsula and Gulf of Florida. Published 20 Feby. 1775.” Two sheets joined into one, 19½ x 48 inches. Stevens & Tree 26(b). A large-scale map of Florida, based upon the extensive surveys conducted since the region became a British possession by the Treaty of Paris, 1763. 26) Lieut. Ross: “Course of the Mississipi . . . Taken on an Expedition to the Illinois, in the latter end of the Year 1765. Published 1 June 1775.” Two sheets joined into one, 14 x 44 inches. The first large-scale map of the Mississippi River, and the first based in whole or part upon British surveys. STEVENS & TREE 31(b). 27) Thomas Jefferys: “The Bay of Honduras. Published 20 February 1775.” One sheet, 18½ x 24½ inches. 28–29) J.B.B. D’Anville: “A Map of South America . . . Published 20 September 1775.” Four sheets joined into two, 20 x 46 inches. 30) Juan de la Cruz Cano y Olmedilla and others: “A Chart of the Straits of Magellan. Published 1 July 1775.” One sheet, 20½ x 27 inches. HOWES J81, “b.” PHILLIPS ATLASES 1165, 1166. SABIN 35953. STREETER SALE 72 (1775 ed). Walter Ristow (editor), Thomas Jefferys The A merican Atlas London 1776, facsimile edition (Amster- dam 1974). $140,000. A John Paul Jones Letter Written On Board the Bonhomme Richard 54. Jones, John Paul: [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED BY JOHN PAUL JONES, ORDERING A MEMBER OF THE MARINES TO ATTEND A COURT-MARTIAL ON BOARD HIS SHIP, THE BONHOMME RICHARD]. On Board the Bonhomme Richard at L’Orient, France. June 14, 1779. [1]p. manuscript letter on a folded folio sheet. Docketed on the fourth page and addressed in Jones’ hand to “Captain M[atthew] Parke of the Marine troops.” Sheet strengthened around the edges, closed tear mended in the second sheet. Very good. In a half morocco and cloth folding box, spine gilt.

A very interesting manuscript letter, signed by Captain John Paul Jones as commander the American squadron off the coast of Europe, ordering Matthew Parke, a member of the Marine troops, to attend a court-martial on board his ship, the Bonhomme Richard. Jones would gain everlasting fame and glory just a few weeks after he signed this letter, when he captured the H.M.S. Serapis in the North Sea. In 1779, John Paul Jones took command of a 900-ton French East Indiaman, armed and renamed Bonhomme Richard as a compliment to his patron, Benjamin Franklin. The outfitting of the ship in the port of L’Orient consumed several months, and it was not ready for sea until June. The ship’s crew was originally formed of prisoners taken from English ships by the French. Evidently, a group of these prisoner-sailors conspired to capture the ship, and Jones ordered their court-martial to take place on June 15 on board the Bonhomme Richard. The manuscript text, signed by Jones in his own hand at the end, reads: By the Honble. John P. Jones Captain in the American Navy and Commander in Chief of the American Squadron now in Europe. Sir you are hereby required and directed to attend at a Court Martial to be held on board the Bon homme [sic] Richard tomorrow for the Trial of James Enion, John Atwood, John Lomney, John Balch, John Layton, Andrew Thompson, George Johnston, William Carmichael, Alexander Cooper, William Hanover, Thomas Cole and Nathaniel Bonner—all of whom have been put under confinement by Lieutenant John Brown for mutinous behaviour and for refusing to do their duty on board the American ship of war the Bon homme Richard. You are also to try any other person or persons belonging to the American service who may in the course of the evidence appear to have been principally concerned in that mutiny—for which this shall be your order. Given on board the Bon homme Richard at L’Orient the 14th day of June 1779. Along with the letter, laid into a compartment in the box, is a commemorative medal, 2¼ x 3¼ inches, with a portrait on the recto of Jones after the bust by Houdon, and an allegorical scene on the verso entitled “America claims her illustrious dead—Paris Annapolis 1905.” The medal was issued to commemorate the exhumation and re-burial of Jones’ body from beneath the streets of Paris to its final resting place in Annapolis, Maryland in 1905. Any substantive, Revolutionary-era John Paul Jones letters or manuscripts are extremely rare in the market. This is an especially interesting and displayable artifact of Jones’ tenure as commander of the Bonhomme Richard, with several references to the ship, where he earned his greatest fame during the Revolution. $75,000.

An Extraordinary Archive of Juarez as President of Mexico During the Darkest Days of the French Intervention, and His Struggle for Mexican Independence 55. Juarez, Benito: [ARCHIVE OF CORRESPONDENCE, INCLUDING FORTY- EIGHT AUTOGRAPH LETTERS SIGNED, EIGHT LETTERS SIGNED, AND SEVERAL ADDITIONAL ITEMS]. Various locations in Mexico. 1852–1871. Seventy-six pieces, being 122pp. manuscript and 9pp. printed. All in Spanish, though most with typed translations into English. Various sizes. Most with old fold lines, several with small tears at folds. Occasional marginal wear with slight loss to a few letters; scattered light foxing and soiling. Overall, very good. Housed in a thick binder and two clamshell boxes. An impressive archive, providing vivid insight into the turbulent Second Mexican Rev- olution, which overcame internal civil war between liberal and conservative forces, foreign interventions, and the French Army support of the puppet government of the Austrian archduke, Emperor Maximilian I, installed by Napoleon III of France and the conservative enemies of Juarez. There are forty-eight autograph letters signed by Juarez, with a further eight letters signed, and twelve more written by other important personages, such as Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, Jose Maria Iglesias, Juan Francisco Arcarate, L. C. d’Alvisi, Joaquin H. Dominguez, Ramon Corona, and Antonio Ochoa, as well as five retained autograph copies by Ochoa. After a turbulent period of virtual civil war in the 1850s, Benito Juarez became Presi- dent of Mexico in 1858, and introduced a series of drastic liberal reforms, most notably disestablishing the Catholic Church. The turmoil which ensued led to a failure to service debt outstanding to European bondholders of Mexican debt. This created a furor among European financial powers, eventually resulting in military intervention by the combined forces of Great Britain, France, and Spain in 1861. Mexican conservatives and monarchists living in exile saw their chance to regain power for themselves and the church. Spain and England quickly backed away, but Napoleon III of France, seeking a new French empire, pressed forward, taking advantage of the United States being distracted by its own Civil War. French forces seized Mexico City in June, 1863, and Juarez and his government were forced into exile, retreating further north and west as the war progressed, running the constitutional government from Chihuahua from 1864 to 1867. In the meantime, Napoleon III engineered the installation of Archduke Ferdi- nand Maximilian of Austria as Emperor Maximilian I on April 10, 1864. At the end of the American Civil War, the United States surreptitiously and unofficially began back- ing the Juarez government, while threatening France for violating the Monroe Doc- trine. With a possible invasion by the United States to restore the Republic, most of Maximilian’s supporters fled. He was captured in May and executed a few weeks later, on June 19, 1867. The French withdrew, and Juarez reestablished the constitutional government in Mexico City a month later. Though the archive spans a larger period, most of the letters herein date to the difficult years of 1864 to 1867, when Juarez had to continue the constitutional government under difficult, even primitive, conditions in the remote northern provinces of Mex- ico. The archive touches on the debt default which provided the pretext for the Euro- pean invasion of Mexico, and on the impact of the reformed constitution of 1857 which undermined the power of the clergy. Primarily, however, it offers a weekly account of the political, military, and financial conflicts, from the flight of the government into exile in 1863 through the defeat of the Emperor’s forces in 1867. These dramatic events were intimately entangled with American foreign policy during the Civil War and afterward, when the United States Army, by then the best military machine in the world, assumed a threatening position on the border, and diplomats made increasingly direct threats to France. The collection appears to have been the personal archive of Antonio Ochoa (1811– 83), governor of the state of Chihuahua, as most of the letters are addressed to him and the retained copies are in his hand. Juarez, of course, was also in Chihuahua during most of this period. The two men appear to have maintained a weekly correspondence, sharing news of troop movements, battles, political maneuvers, and foreign diplomacy, such as news of Seward’s cable to Franz Josef preventing the assembly of a new Aus- trian force to invade Mexico (in a letter dated at El Paso, June 6, 1866), and news of Lee’s surrender and Lincoln’s assassination (dated Chihuahua, May 9, 1865). A letter from the French commander in Parral asking Ochoa to intercede for peace in Chihua- hua and recognize the Emperor, dated Jan. 1, 1866, provokes two letters from Ochoa, present here in retained copies, demonstrating a gradual rise in indignation as the commander’s accusations and misinterpretations become clear to him. In some of the final letters, the downfall of the Emperor is laid out quite clearly, with cities falling to Republican forces. In a letter dated April 24, 1867, Juarez writes that the government will be reestablished in Mexico City and that the enemy in Queretaro is deprived of all reinforcements and should soon surrender. That December, he writes to Ochoa, saying, “. . . yesterday I again took possession of the presidency of the republic. . . .” Altogether an amazing collection of letters relating to the triumph and restoration of the Mexican Republic. A complete inventory, which details each letter in the correspondence, is available upon request. Charles Smart, Viva Juarez! A Biography (London, 1963). $95,000. A Major Early American Imprint: The First Book Published in New York City 56. Keith, George: TRUTH ADVANCED IN THE CORRECTION OF MANY GROSS & HURTFUL ERRORS. . . . [New York: William Bradford], 1694. 5 leaves, 1–175, 180–184pp. (pp. 176–179 omitted from pagination); 32pp. Small quarto. Full red morocco by Riviere & Son, ruled in gilt on the front and rear boards, spine richly gilt, gilt inner dentelles, a.e.g. Very minor shelf wear, bookplates on front pastedown. First four full words and upper portion of fifth word of title in expert facsimile; expert restoration done to outer edge and lower corner of titlepage, not affecting text. Overall, a beautiful copy. An American imprint of the greatest rarity and importance, being the first printed work larger than a broadside or a pamphlet produced in New York City. Truth Advanced . . . was issued from the press of William Bradford sometime early in 1694. Bradford and the author, George Keith, had left Philadelphia, where Bradford was a printer from 1685 until 1693, because of a long and virulent dis- pute between Keith and the Quaker establishment of the city over Quaker religious doctrine. During the course of this sectarian debate, Keith and Bradford had controlled the only printing press in town, and thus had the advantage of more effectively presenting their opinions to the populace. When they over- stepped their bounds into libel, they were imprisoned and tried for sedition. Although freed when the evidence against them—a tray of set type—was dropped and pied, Phil- adelphia was no longer a hospitable place. Consequently they removed to New York, where Bradford became the official printer to the colony. This book is Keith’s final summation of their troubles in Philadelphia, and of his theological disputations. Truth Advanced is known in fifteen copies, of which thirteen are in institutions, and nine of which we have examined personally. This copy contains the thirty-two-page chronol- ogy of world history found with some copies. The Chronological Account of the Several Ages of the World . . . has its own titlepage and is signed separately, and is treated by some bibliographers as being a separate publication; however, it should more rightly be considered integral to Truth Advanced (it is mentioned on the latter’s titlepage). This is the DePuy copy, with his bookplate on the front pastedown. We are aware of only one other copy of Truth Advanced in private hands. This firm sold the present copy thirty years ago, and we are pleased to offer it again now. A major monument among colonial imprints, and a great rarity of 17th-century American imprints. EVANS 691. NAIP w028400. CHURCH 745. SABIN 37224,37187. DePUY SALE 1323 (this copy). EAMES, FIRST YEAR OF PRINTING IN NEW YORK 36. ROSENBACH FOUNDATION, A SELECTION FROM OUR SHELVES 134. AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, THE PRINTER’S FIRST FRUITS 34. William S. Reese, “George Keith’s American Imprints” in Princeton Library Chronicle, Spring 1977, 22. $75,000.

The Earliest Obtainable Edition of “The Star Spangled Banner” 57. [Key, Francis Scott]: FORT McHENRY, OR, THE STAR SPANGLED BANNER, SUNG WITH GREAT APPLAUSE BY MR. HARDINGE, AT THE THEATRE BAL- TIMORE. AIR, ANACREON IN HEAVEN [caption title]. Philadelphia: Published by G. E. Blake, [1814]. [published with:] THE BATTLE OF THE WABASH. A PATRIOT SONG, WRITTEN BY JOSEPH HUTTON, TO THE FAVOURITE AIR OF ANA- CREON IN HEAVEN. [3]pp. Folio. Dbd. Tanned, dampstain in upper margin. Good. In a brown half morocco and cloth box. The rare second edition of “The Star Spangled Banner,” the national anthem of the United States, in music form. Here, all four verses of Francis Scott Key’s immortal poem are printed on the third page. It is printed with a song originally published in 1811, “The Battle of the Wabash,” written to commemorate the Battle of Tippe- canoe. That song, as well as “The Star Spangled Banner,” were meant to be sung to the tune of “Anacreon in Heaven,” also known as the “Anacreontic Ode.” This, therefore, is the first appearance of Key’s lyrics, together with the music to which it was meant to be sung. As Dichter & Sha- piro point out, this printing is also “the only appearance known of Francis Scott Key’s immortal song together with the words of the ‘Anacreontic Ode.’” The present printing follows only a Baltimore edition by Carrs Music Store, which is believed to have been issued before November 18, 1814, and possibly before October 19 (see Filby & Howard). Francis Scott Key, a Baltimore lawyer, spent the night of September 13–14, 1814, detained on a British ship in Baltimore harbor. That night, Key witnessed the British flotilla bombard Fort McHenry, an American stronghold in the harbor. From the outset of the battle a large American flag could be seen flying over the fort, but by the end the Stars and Stripes was nowhere to be seen. At dawn, the flag was seen once again, showing that Fort McHenry had not been taken by the British, and inspiring Key to write the lyrics that he initially called “Defence of Fort M’Henry.” Key meant for the lyrics to be sung to the tune of a popular song of the day, the “Anacreontic Ode,” also known as “To Anacreon in Heaven,” by British composer John Stafford Smith. Key’s lyrics first circulated as a handbill, and on September 20 were printed in a Baltimore newspaper. It soon became known as “The Star Spangled Banner,” and was performed by Hardinge’s theatre troupe in Baltimore on October 18, 1814. As is noted in the title, the song was “sung with great applause by Mr. Hardinge, at the Theatre Baltimore,” suggesting that this publication dates to late 1814. Both this Philadelphia printing of “The Star Spangled Banner” and the Baltimore printing that precedes it are very rare. Two copies of the Baltimore printing have appeared at auction since 1967: the Streeter copy, which brought $23,000 in that year, and a copy that sold at Christie’s in 2008 for $506,500. In that same time span, only one copy of this Philadelphia printing sold at auction, in 2002, when a copy at Christie’s brought $15,600. OCLC and Filby & Howard together locate a total of only eleven copies of this Philadelphia printing. A rare and early printing of “The Star Spangled Banner,” our national anthem, which stands second only to the flag as a symbol of the nation. DICHTER & SHAPIRO, p. 36. FILBY &HOWARD, S8. LEVY & FULD, p. 245. Muller, The Star Spangled Banner, pp. 52–57. WOLF 8329A. BAL, p. 247. OCLC 3823049. $29,000.

A Monument in the Description and Cartography of New France, of Importance to Early Virginia 58. Lescarbot, Marc: NOVA FRANCIA: OR THE DESCRIPTION OF THAT PART OF NEW FRANCE, WHICH IS ONE CONTINENT WITH VIRGINIA. DESCRIBED IN THE THREE LATE VOYAGES AND PLANTATION MADE BY MONSIEUR DE MONTS, MONSIEUR DU PONT-GRAUÉ, AND MONSIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT, INTO THE COUNTRIES CALLED BY THE FRENCH MEN LA CADIE, LYING TO THE SOUTHWEST OF CAPE BRETON. TOGETHER WITH AN EXCELLENT SEVERALL TREATIE OF ALL THE COMMODITIES OF THE SAID COUNTRIES, AND MANNERS OF THE NATURAL INHABITANTS OF THE SAME. TRANSLATED OUT OF FRENCH INTO ENGLISH BY P[IERRE] E[RONDELLE]. London: [Eliot’s Court Press] for George Bishop, 1609. [16],307pp. plus folding engraved map (9¼ x 19¼ inches). Small quarto. Modern dark green morocco, gilt boards and spine, a.e.g., gilt dentelles. Bound by Sangorski and Sutcliffe. Upper outer joint slightly tender. Bookplates of Boies Penrose on front pastedown (“Ex Libris Boies Penrose II”) and front free endpaper (“Old East India House Ex Libris Boies Penrose”). Slight age- toning throughout. First leaf (blank save for a single fleuron) in facsimile, a few small repairs to titlepage and first two preliminary leaves (affecting a few letters). Repaired minor tear across lower border of map. A very good copy. The rare first English edition of this premier source for the history of Canada, published the same year as the French first edition, complete with the first contemporary and detailed map of Canada. Lescarbot was a French writer and lawyer who spent the winter of 1606–7 at Port Royal, Acadia. He gives accounts of early French voyages and discoveries in America such as those of Villegagnon to Brazil; Verrazzano, Ribaut and Laudonnière to Florida, Champlain, sieurs de Poutrincourt and de Monts, Cartier, and Roberval. Also included is much information concerning the Indian tribes, especially those of northeastern Canada, to whom the second book in this English edition is devoted. Much of the material Lescarbot collected himself, interviewing members of the early expeditions and recording his own observations and experiences. Field, in describing the first French edition, states: “His descriptions of Indian Life and peculiarities are very interesting, an account both of their fidelity, and from being among the first authentic relations, we have of them after Cartier.” As with so many important works on American published in English in this era, the author, translator, and scholar Richard Hakluyt played a role in the publication of the English edition of Lescarbot. The translator Pierre Erondelle states in the introduction that Hakluyt had asked him to translate the work both to describe Canada and also “for the particular use of this nation, to the end that comparing the goodness of lands of the northern parts herein mentioned with that of Virginia, which . . . must be far better by reason it stands more southerly nearer to the sun; greater encouragement may be given to prosecute that generous and goodly action.” Thus accounts of Canada, in Hakluyt’s reck- oning, would enhance the promotional materials of the Virginia Company, then being published in London. The large map, “Figure de la Terre Neuue, Grand Riviere de Canada, et Côtes de l’Ocean en la Novvelle France,” was also issued with the first French edition, and is considered the most accurate cartographic representation of the area at the time. “The map extends up the St. Lawrence River as far as the Indian village Hochelaga, or Mon- treal as we know it. The first trading post in Canada, founded in 1600 at Tadousac, is shown at the mouth of the R. de Saguenay and just next to that is the River Lesquemin mistakenly named in reverse. Kebec is shown here for the first time on a printed map in its Micmac form, meaning the narrows of the river”—Burden. The rare English translation of an early significant history of Canada, with the most accurate contemporary map of the region. EUROPEAN AMERICANA 609/68. SABIN 40175. CHURCH 341. VAIL 16. HARRISSE NOU- VELLE FRANCE 19. BORBA DE MORAES, pp. 406–7. FIELD 916. STC 15491. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG, pp. 88–90. BURDEN 157 (map). McCORKLE, NEW ENGLAND IN EARLY PRINTED MAPS 609.1 (map). PAYNE, RICHARD HAKLUYT 22. $285,000.

Meriwether Lewis Receives Some of His Pay for the Lewis and Clark Expedition: One of the Rarest Signatures in Americana, Shortly After His Great Achievement 59. Lewis, Meriwether: [MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENT SIGNED BY CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS, RECEIVING PAY AFTER HIS RETURN FROM THE CORPS OF DISCOVERY EXPEDITION]. [Washington]. Feb. 12, 1807. [1]p., docketed on verso. Old fold lines. Minor soiling; slight separation at one fold. Very good plus. A pay receipt for his own salary, signed by Captain Meriwether Lewis, who, along with William Clark, was one of the two leaders of the Corps of Discovery Expedition that explored the Louisiana Purchase to the Pacific Ocean—the most famous journey in American history. This receipt for pay, covering a period of the Expedition, was made just a few months after its return. Lewis is a notoriously difficult signature in any form, and certainly one of the rarest of a major figure in American history. This document is particularly desirable, signed close on the heels of his return from the Expedition and days before he was appointed Governor of Upper Louisiana. Lewis (1774–1809), the son of a Virginia planter family, joined the army in 1795, serving on the Western frontier in Pennsylvania and the Old Northwest Territory, and acquired significant experience with Indian relations. Lewis served for two years (1801–1803) as Jefferson’s personal Presidential secretary (although in Jefferson’s case this doesn’t seem to have involved much paperwork), and Jefferson had faith in his pro- tégé’s abilities as a military and scientific leader. The Expedition set out from St. Louis in May, 1804, returning Sept. 23, 1806. Lewis, Clark, and their companions were the first white men to cross the western half of North America. In total, the expedition covered some 8,000 miles in slightly more than twenty–eight months and brought back the first reliable information about much of the area they traversed, made contact with the Indian inhabitants as a prelude to the expansion of the fur trade, and advanced by a quantum leap the geographical knowledge of the continent. No members of the Expedition actually received their pay while the voyage was underway, or before the troops were officially discharged on Oct. 1, 1806. Over the next several months Lewis issued bills against the Treasury Department for partial pay to some individuals as he travelled east (this firm sold, in 1997, a pay warrant to Clark for part of his salary written by Meriwether Lewis in Louisville on Nov. 9, 1806). Lewis arrived back in Washington on Dec. 28, 1806, where he set about organizing his accounts for the trip. His regular salary of $40 a month would have meant that over $1300 would have accrued to his account while on the expedition. In this document, he collected some of the pay owed to him for the time of the Expedition. It is a receipt for pay, dated Feb. 12, 1807, written in the hand of Caleb Swan, Paymaster for the Army. It reads: “Received February 12th 1807 of Caleb Swan Paymaster of the Army of the United States, Two hundred dollars, in pursuance of a warrant from General Henry Dearborn, Secretary of War, No. 1003, being on account of my pay and subsistence; for which sum I am accountable to the Accountant of the Department of War, having signed duplicates hereof. 200 Ds. [then, signed, in Lewis’s hand] Meriwether Lewis Capt. 1st US Regt. Infty.” Secretary of War Henry Dearborn proposed special added compensation for the members of the Expedition on Jan. 14, 1807, with a proposed bonus to Lewis of $1500. The bill to authorize this was working its way through Congress when Lewis drew this $200 against his regular salary for the period. On March 3, Congress approved the bill granting extra pay to all members of the Expedition, as well as land grants in Louisi- ana Territory. The rest of the salaries for the Expedition seem to have been paid out promptly at this point, with Lewis and Clark endorsing pay warrants on March 6. On March 10 most of the funds due soldiers still in Louisiana Territory were handed over to Clark to pay out to the men, and he and Lewis were presumably paid in full at this time. Both had left regular Army service and pay; Lewis was appointed governor of Upper Louisiana on March 3 and Clark Superintendent of Indian Affairs on March 7, both at about five times their Army salaries. Even then Lewis was not done with the pay issues of the Expedition; he submitted his final accounts to the Treasury in early August 1807. Lewis’ life went downhill from the moment of his new appointment. Whether depressed or disorganized, he never made any progress towards writing the history of the expedition. Frederick Bates, the new Secretary of Upper Louisiana, took control of the government in Lewis’ absence. By the time he arrived back in St. Louis in March 1808 he and Bates were totally at odds and the affairs of the Territory in disarray. Lewis was also reputed to have become a heavy drinker and was perhaps depressive. After a very rocky tenure as Governor, at odds with his subordinates, he died under mysteri- ous circumstances on Oct. 11, 1809, while travelling through rural Tennessee en route to New Orleans, apparently from a self-inflicted gunshot wound. This remarkable document, then, is one of the only surviving pieces of evidence for the compensation of the leader of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. Even more so, it is signed by Meriwether Lewis himself at the height of his fame, just a few months after returning from the Far West, and just before he left the Army to become Governor of Upper Louisiana. Documents of any sort signed by Lewis are rare; eleven different signed documents and three autograph letters are all that have appeared at auction since 1975. This is the only one of those items which relates to the Lewis and Clark Expedition. Richard Dillon, Meriwether Lewis (New York, 1965). Donald Jackson, ed., Letters of the Lewis and Clark Expedition (Urbana, 1978). $55,000.

“First and only contemporary printing in separate book form” of the Emancipation Proclamation: A Senator’s Copy 60. Lincoln, Abraham: THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION, BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TO TAKE EFFECT JANUARY 1st, 1863. [Boston: J.M. Forbes, December 1862]. 7pp. Miniature, measuring 3¼ x 2⅛ inches. Original printed salmon wrappers. Very minor foxing to text. Near fine. With contemporary envelope addressed to Senator Samuel Arnold of Rhode Island. In a half morocco box. According to Harvard’s recent Lincoln exhibition, “The first and only contemporary printing in separate book form of the historic act.” The preliminary proclamation of the Emancipation Proclamation was issued on September 22, 1862, shortly following the Battle of Antietam, and declared the freedom of all slaves in any Confederate state that did not return to Union control by January 1, 1863. A quotation by Alexander Stephens (“Vice President of the so-called Confederate States”) entitled “Slavery the Chief Corner-Stone” is printed on the rear wrapper. This small pamphlet was printed by John Murray Forbes in Boston for distribution by Union soldiers to blacks at the front lines, and legend has it that he printed a million copies. Its scarcity in institutions and in the market, however, would seem to belie that notion; it is among the rarest of editions of the Proclamation, no doubt because of its small size. This copy comes with a contemporary envelope addressed to Senator Samuel Arnold of Rhode Island, who served only briefly, from December 1862 to March 1863. Arnold, a lawyer and historian, filled the vacancy left by Senator James Simmons, who resigned in August 1862. He subsequently served as the president of the Rhode Island Historical Society. A nice association. EBERSTADT, LINCOLN’S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 7. MONAGHAN 147. Thomas Horrocks, “Harvard’s Lincoln” in Harvard Library Bulletin, Vol. 19, Nos. 3–4, p. 43. $22,500.

A Critical Lincoln Manuscript, Drafting His Proclamation on Amnesty and Reconstruction: One of the Most Important Lincoln Manuscripts to Come on the Market in Modern Times 61. Lincoln, Abraham: [AUTOGRAPH DRAFT IN THE HAND OF ABRAHAM LIN- COLN AS PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, MODIFYING HIS PROC- LAMATION OF AMNESTY AND RECONSTRUCTION, AND RESERVING FOR THE PRESIDENT THE RIGHT TO GRANT AMNESTY TO CONFEDERATE PRISONERS]. [Washington. Undated, but almost certainly in the first few months of 1864]. [1¼]pp. on a folio sheet of white paper, ruled in blue. A total of 205 words. Residue along one edge of verso from an album hinge. Light horizontal folds. A few instances of light ink smudges. Small printed caption (“President Lincoln”) affixed to upper margin of first page. Fine. This manuscript, entirely in Abraham Lincoln’s hand, is one of an extremely few Abra- ham Lincoln manuscripts relating specifically to his Reconstruction policies and his vision of the reunification of the United States after the Civil War. This draft represents one of Lincoln’s longest texts on a cornerstone principle of his Reconstruction policy. With his first Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction of December, 1863, Lincoln was not only proffering the olive branch to individual Con- federate prisoners of war, but was also giving evidence of his personal attitude toward Reconstruction. Moreover, Lincoln was also exerting the President’s power to guide the tone of Reconstruction, making sure that it would follow his moderate impulses, and not those of the more punitive Radical Republicans in Congress. Lastly, Lincoln was also claiming expanded powers for the Executive Branch at the expense of the House and Senate. Lincoln followed his initial proclamation with a further statement on March 26, 1864, refining the language of the first statement, and reserving for the President the right to grant amnesty. This manuscript is a draft, entirely in Lincoln’s hand, of significant portions of his March 1864 Proclamation. President Lincoln had been considering a proclamation of amnesty, should the South give up the war, as early as December 1862. On December 8, 1863, as part of his State of the Union message (and with the Confederate surrender still a year and a half away) Lincoln issued his historic Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction. Lincoln hoped that such a bold maneuver might hasten the end of the Civil War by enticing weary Southerners to surrender. Lincoln offered to grant a full pardon and restoration of all rights of property (excepting slaves) to anyone who took an oath to “faithfully support, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the Union of all the States thereunder” and also accepted the Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln’s theory was that the “loyal” elements in the southern states could then hold elections and send new representatives to the government in Washington. The Federal government was quickly overwhelmed with requests for amnesty, and in March of the following year Lincoln issued a second Proclamation, clarifying exactly which “insur- gent enemies” were entitled to the pardon. The initial Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction excepted from its benefits members of the “so-called Confederate government”—including Confederate military officers above the rank of colonel, anyone who had resigned a federal governmental or military position to aid the rebellion, and “all who have engaged in any way in treating colored persons or white persons, in charge of such, otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war.” The overwhelming response to Lincoln’s December 1863 announcement required him to issue a second Proclamation about amnesty for clarification, which was issued March 26, 1864. The present manuscript is a substantial draft of that second statement, written in clearer and more direct language than the first Proclamation, in which Lincoln explains that Confederate prisoners already in the custody of the United States are not automati- cally entitled to a pardon under the terms of the December amnesty announcement, but that instead he personally will review each plea on a case by case basis. Lincoln denies automatic pardon to prisoners of war but retains the right to grant special clemency, the object being to prevent prisoners of war from claiming the rights of amnesty simply by taking the oath. Lincoln writes, in his own hand: Whereas many persons being in custody of the United States, as prisoners of war, or for supposed offences against the United States, are, from time to time applying to take the oath, and have the benefits, prescribed in the President’s Proclamation of December the 8th, 1863. And whereas said Proclamation was not intended to apply, and does not apply, to any persons other than such as being out of the actual custody of the United States, might or may voluntarily come forward and offer to take said oath: therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, make known, and order that no person being in the actual custody of the United States, (unless he or she voluntarily comes into such custody for that express purpose) shall be permitted to take the oath and have any of the benefits, prescribed in the Proclamation aforesaid; but that all persons in such custody, and not coming thereunto voluntarily for the express purpose of securing the benefits of said proclamation, shall be subject to the special clemency of the President, to be given or withheld, and to be dealt with in all respects, as if said Proclamation of December 8th, 1863, had never been made. The Presidential power to grant amnesty was an important aspect of Lincoln’s effort to control Reconstruction policy in general. Lincoln never deviated from the theory that secession was illegal and that Southern states remained a part of the Union despite the temporary takeover of their governments by rebels. Together with the “ten percent plan” (the second major tenet of the December 8 Proclamation, whereby a state could elect Federal representatives with only 10% of the voting population acceding to the loyalty oath) Lincoln acted to restore both property and the franchise to South- erners with as few stipulations as possible. Some radical Congressmen, however, led by Republican Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, insisted that Southern states had forfeited all their rights prior to secession, and should have little more legal status than if they were a conquered nation or a territory. “What Lincoln well understood, but did not acknowledge, was that the ‘metaphysical question’ of reconstruction theories concealed a power struggle between Congress and the Executive over control of the process. If the southern states had reverted to the status of territories, Congress had the right to frame the terms of their readmission under its institutional authority to govern territories and admit new states. If, on the other hand, the states were indestructible and secession was the act of individuals, the president had the power to prescribe the terms of restoration under his constitutional authority to suppress insurrection and to grant pardons and amnesty. . . . By offering them pardons on the conditions of Union and emancipation, Lincoln hoped to set in motion a snowballing defection from the Confederacy and a state-by-state reconstruction of the Union”—McPherson, p. 700. Lincoln must have been mindful of this when he penned the present manuscript, in which he attempted to exert control over the Reconstruction process, thereby guiding it in the spirit of reconciliation, “with malice toward none.” Lincoln’s proclamation, however, was also an expansion of the powers of the Presi- dency in wartime and, prospectively, in peacetime—another step in an expansion that began early in the war. “The Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction pointed ahead to a period of direct control of reconstruction by the executive and set forth a policy that has usually been considered lenient toward the South, and therefore conservative. Yet in its historical context . . . Lincoln’s proclamation was radical”—Belz, pp. 165–166. The existence of this important Abraham Lincoln manuscript was unknown for well over a century, and the exact nature of its creation is uncertain. It is quite likely that it was written out by Lincoln to be sold at a Sanitary Commission Fair. These fairs were held to raise needed funds for the work of the United States Sanitary Commission, which raised money for sick and wounded soldiers, and provided nursing, uniforms, supplies, and improved conditions in military camps. Lincoln gave speeches at several sanitary fairs in early 1864, and signed special broadside printings of the Emancipation Proclamation to be sold to raise funds for the Commission as well. This manuscript is written on the same type of paper Lincoln used for the first draft of the Gettysburg Address (written in the fall of 1863) and his 1864 election victory speech. The present document first appeared on the market in 1999 as part of the Pencarrow Collection, which was largely assembled by the English collector Mary Ford (1816– 1910). She collected in the second half of the 19th century, and her collection remained at her family’s seat in Cornwall until it was sold by Sotheby’s in 1999. Mrs. Ford’s collection consisted primarily of important European literary and musical manuscripts, and this Lincoln manuscript seems out of scope for her. However, it is not quite so incongruous when one considers that Mrs. Ford’s collecting was largely inspired by her deceased brother, Sir William Molesworth (1810–55). Molesworth was a British politician quite interested in England’s colonial empire, and who saw the American model of independence as a path for the future self-governance of Britain’s remaining colonies. Mrs. Ford may have acquired this Lincoln manuscript on amnesty as a tribute to her late brother. However, it may have also been given to her by Abraham Lincoln’s son, Robert Todd Lincoln, while he was serving as U.S. Minister to England from 1889 to 1893. Robert Todd Lincoln, the only child of Lincoln’s to survive into adulthood, was the custodian of his father’s papers after the assassination. Lincoln is known to have given away a few of his father’s manuscripts as gifts, including the manuscript of the 1864 election victory speech (written on the same type of paper as the present manuscript). As Mary Ford’s family was prominent and politically active it is likely that their paths would have crossed in the years that Robert Lincoln was U.S. Minister to Eng- land, a period during which Mary Ford was actively collecting. An incredible, original, Abraham Lincoln manuscript, written in the midst of the war and exhibiting the President’s farsightedness in shaping future Reconstruction and reunification of the United States. Herman Belz, Reconstructing the Union: Theory and Policy During the Civil War (Ithaca, N.Y., 1969), pp. 155–67. James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York, 1988), pp. 698– 703. David Herbert Donald, Lincoln (New York, 1995), pp. 469–74. James G. Randall & Richard N. Current, Lincoln the President: Last Full Measure (New York, 1955), pp. 1–6. $475,000.

Presentation Copy to James Madison from the Famed English Political Theorist: A Rare Example of a Book from Madison’s Library 62. [Madison, James]: Bentham, Jeremy: CHRESTOMATHIA: PART II. CONTAIN- ING APPENDIX, No. V. BEING AN ESSAY ON NOMENCLATURE AND CLASSI- FICATION. London: Printed for Messrs. Payne and Foss . . . and R. Hunter, by J. M’Creery, 1816. iv,99–347pp. Gathered signatures, stitched. Old tape expertly removed from titlepage, including over the presentation inscription, but leaving only a slight discoloration; reinforced with Japan tissue on verso. Light tanning and foxing. Untrimmed. In a cloth chemise and slipcase. Very good. A presentation copy, inscribed by Jeremy Bentham to James Madison on the titlepage. Bentham (1748–1832) was a British utilitarian philosopher, social reformer, and writer on jurisprudence. During James Madison’s presidency he corresponded with Madison on a proposal to create a written, codified, statute law for the United States. Madison, busy with the War of 1812 and other matters of state, took several years to respond to Bentham, but the correspondence forged a relationship between the two men. That relationship also involved John Quincy Adams, who went to London to negotiate the Treaty of Ghent and stayed on as the American minister to England, and who conveyed Bentham’s proposal to Madison’s and Madison’s ultimate response. The DNB records that when Adams left London to return to the United States to take up his duties as Secretary of State he met with Bentham, who gave him copies of several of his works, including Chrestomathia, to distribute to leaders in America. It seems likely that this copy of the book, presented to James Madison by Jeremy Bentham, was delivered to Madison by John Quincy Adams. This is the first printing of the second part only of Bentham’s important treatise on educational reform, proposing a new type of school for middle class children that excluded religion in favor of “useful” subjects such as science, economics, mathematics, and law. Separately issued, with its own titlepage, it is usually found with a publication date of 1817, not the 1816 date found on this copy (perhaps indicating copies that Ben- tham received early for private distribution). James Madison had an extensive library, reputed to be almost as large as that of his friend and ally Jefferson. However, he seldom marked his ownership in books as Jeffer- son did, and his library seems to have been scattered after his death by his debt-ridden spouse. It is far harder today to identify books which belonged to him, and they are far rarer in the market than volumes which belonged to Jefferson’s third library, which was dispersed after his death (the second library, of course, went to the Library of Congress). A wonderful association of two major political thinkers, and a rare book from Madi- son’s library. $50,000.

The Best Work on the French and Indian War 63. Mante, Thomas: THE HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR IN NORTH-AMERICA, AND THE ISLANDS OF THE WEST-INDIES, INCLUDING THE CAMPAIGNS OF MDCCLXIII AND MDCCLXIV AGAINST HIS MAJESTY’S ENEMIES. Lon- don: Printed for W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1772. [4], viii, 542pp. plus errata and eighteen folding engraved maps. Large quarto. 20th-century red morocco, richly gilt, t.e.g., gilt inner dentelles, by Worsford. Some light shelf wear. Light scattered foxing to contents. Some maps reinforced or repaired discreetly with linen in gutter margin. Very good. The best contemporary account of the French and Indian War, justly celebrated for its cartography and textual content, and one of the great rarities of colonial Ameri- cana, complete with all maps and the elusive errata leaf. Virtually all of Mante’s account relates to the war in North America, with detailed narratives of Braddock’s campaign and the other frontier and Canadian campaigns of the conflict. The work is particularly desirable for its contemporary descriptions of Pontiac’s War, a campaign in which the author participated as major of brigade to Colonel Dudley Bradstreet. In addition, the introduction includes an interesting account of young George Washington’s escape in 1753 from assassination by an Indian who acted as his interpreter and guide. Mante evidently took great care to gather information that was both historically and cartographi- cally accurate for the present work. The maps are praised by all bibliographers as being by far the best relating to the war, and include several seminal maps which are the most accurate produced to that time. They comprise: 1) “Fort Beau Sejour, & the adjacent Country Taken Possession of by Colonel Monckton” 2) “Lake Ontario to the Mouth of the River St. Lawrence” 3) [Map of Lake George and vicinity] 4) “A Plan of Fort Edward & Its Environs on Hudsons River” 5) “Communication Between Albany & Oswego” 6) “Attack on Louisbourg” [by Amherst & Boscawen] 7) “The Attack of Ticonderoga” [by Major General Abercromby] 8) “Plan of Fort Pitt or Pittsbourg” 9) “Guadaloupe” 10) “Attack on Quebec” [by Wolfe & Saunders] 11) “A Sketch of the Cherokee Country” 12) “The River Saint Lawrence from Lake Ontario to the Island of Montreal” 13) “A Plan of the Attack upon Fort Levi” 14) “River St. Lawrence from Montreal to the Island of St. Barnaby . . . & the Islands of Jeremy” 15) “A View of the Coast of Martinico Taken by Desire of Rear Adml Rodney” 16) “Part, of the West Coast, of the Island of Saint Lucia” 17) “Plan of the Retaking Newfoundland” [by Colville & Amherst] 18) “Attack of the Havanna” [by Albemarle & Pococke] Sabin writes of this great rarity: “Copies with all the maps are scarce. It is probable that but few were printed, though the large and beautiful plans and military maps (which gave it so great a value), must have made its production a work of much expense.” CHURCH 1092. HOWES M267, “c.” STREETER SALE 1031. FIELD 1003. SABIN 44396. $80,000.

One of the First Works Describing the Portuguese Conquest of Malacca, and One of the First Images of an American Indian 64. Manuel I, King of Portugal: ABTRUCK AINS LATEINNISCHEN SANDT- BRIEVES AN BABSTLICHE HEILIGKEIT, VON KUNIGKLICHER WURDEN ZU PORTEGALL DIS IARS AUSGANGEN VON DER EROBERE STAT MALACHA: ANDEREN KÜNIGRYCHEN UND HERSCHAFFTEN IN INDIA AUCH GEGEN AUSSGANG DER SUNNEN ERSTLICH ZU ROM IN LATEIN GETRUCKT UND NACHMALN IN TEÜSCH GEBRACHT. [Strassburg: Matthias Hüpfüff, 1513]. [7] leaves, including woodcut titlepage illustration (3¼ x 4½ inches), plus final integral blank leaf. Quarto. Dbd., leather tab on foredge of first leaf. Slight soiling and dampstaining in margins. A very good copy. In a half morocco and cloth box. An extremely rare German translation of a newsletter first issued in Latin and published in Rome in 1513, reporting the Portuguese conquest of Malacca in 1511 and describing its rich potential as a commercial center. No copies of this seven-leaf edition are recorded in OCLC or RLIN, and only a single copy of another 1513 German translation, printed in Augsburg and consisting of five leaves, is located in the U.S., at the James Ford Bell Library. However, the British Library holds copies of both translations, and the imprint information for this edition is based on Robert Proctor’s research on Ger- man books in the British Museum. The letter from Manuel I to Pope Leo X relates the conquest of Malacca by Portu- guese military commander Afonso de Albuquerque in June 1511. In addition to providing details of this victorious battle, the report includes descriptions of the wealth to be found in the region and the importance of the city as a trading nexus. In particular, the text emphasizes how courteously the merchants were treated in order to ensure future commerce. Albuquerque’s voyages and military exploits between 1503 and 1515 were instrumental in consolidating Portugal’s expansion to India and Malaya. The present pamphlet also records his actions after he departed from Malaya and returned to Goa in 1512. These include descriptions of skirmishes with the Moors and embassies to other parts of India and Asia related to the payment of tribute to the Portuguese crown. As in the descriptions of Malacca, the potential wealth to be found in the region is emphasized. While the text of the pamphlet is entirely about the East Indies, the titlepage contains one of the earliest illustrations of an American Indian. The woodcut on the titlepage shows a native man and native woman on either side of an armorial shield immediately below a royal crown. The naked woman, with a flowering plant in her left hand, holds the bottom of the crown with her other hand as the man steadies the shield with his left hand and grasps a bow with his right hand. The man, with full beard, wears a feather crown, skirt, and leg decorations. This woodcut is exactly the same as that illustrating the titlepage of an earlier German newsletter reporting Portuguese activities in the East, Manuel I’s Geschichte Kurtzlich Durch die von Portugalien in India, Morenland, und Andern Erdtrich, published in Nuremburg circa 1507. This portrayal of the man, in turn, appears to be derived from images of South American Indians found in an illustrated Vespucci broadside printed in Nuremberg circa 1505–1506 (see European Americana 505/11, and illustrated on the cover of the Wolfenbüttel exhibition catalogue) and broadsides based on Vespucci’s third voyage printed in Augsburg circa 1505–1506 (European Americana 505/13 and 505/14). The publisher of the present work also issued an illustrated edition of Vespucci in 1505, although not this one (see Church 22 for a reproduction). Of course, at this early time Europeans might well have supposed that the East Indians of Malacca and the natives Vespucci encountered in the New World were the same people. All of these broadsides and pamphlets, including the present work, were published within seven or eight years in three different centers of German printing. A remarkably rare early German newsletter reporting on Portuguese military and commercial activities in Malacca and India. No copies on OCLC, or VD16; a single copy located at the British Library. PROCTOR, INDEX OF GERMAN BOOKS 1501–1520 IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM, p. 31, no. 10035. BELL M125 (variant translation, [5] leaves). OCLC 35837666 (variant translation, [5] leaves, James Ford Bell only). HOWGEGO A43 (Albuquerque). PENROSE SALE 156 (for woodcut illustration in the 1507 Nuremburg Geschichte . . . ) (ref). DEÁK, PICTURING AMERICA 4 (illustrated broadside, ca. 1505) (ref). GLASER, ENGRAVED AMERICA, p. 16 (illustrated Vespucci broadside, 1505– 6) (ref). EXHIBITION OF THE DUKE AUGUST LIBRARY WOLFENBUTTEL; THE NEW WORLD IN THE TREASURES OF AN OLD EUROPEAN LIBRARY, 1976 (see cover illustration and entry 3) (ref). $125,000.

The Extraordinary Illustrated Diaries of an American Sailor, “Wicked Ned” 65. Marshall, David E.: a.k.a. “Wicked Ned”: [ILLUSTRATED JOURNALS OF AMERICAN SAILOR DAVID E. MARSHALL, WHO ALSO REFERRED TO HIM- SELF AS “WICKED NED,” INCLUDING SCORES OF ILLUSTRATIONS OF HIS TRAVELS AROUND THE WORLD, AS WELL AS POETRY, SAILING INSTRUC- TIONS, PRACTICAL ADVICE, AND MUCH MORE]. [Various places. ca. 1845–1865]. Collection includes three folio volumes, a lengthy manuscript on folio sheets, and two smaller sketchbooks. Hundreds of pages of text. More than 200 total ink and watercolor, ink and wash, or pencil illustrations (see details below). Three bound volumes in contemporary bindings of half leather and marbled boards, one binding covered with sailcloth. Bindings with expected wear, but quite clean internally. Smaller sketchbooks unbound and with wear to outer leaves, but clean internally. Very good overall. In a cloth clamshell case, leather label.

A truly remarkable collection of illustrated journals created by an American sailor, David E. Marshall of Connecticut, filled with outstanding colored illustrations of his voyages and adventures. Marshall had an incredibly creative mind, and developed an alternate persona for himself, “Ned Cleaveland,” a.k.a. “Wicked Ned,” who becomes the protagonist of some of Marshall’s more outlandish deeds, as recounted in these volumes. Marshall was also a very talented draftsman, and this collection is a marvelous illustrated journal of an American sailor’s life at sea in the mid-19th century. The illustrations in these volumes are simply splendid, the work of an accomplished amateur artist. Marshall’s drawings are wonderful depictions of his service in the American Navy, on privateering vessels, and on whaleships, and also of his adventures around New England. There are well over two hundred illustrations in all, the majority of them full-page and in color. Heavily represented are views of Marshall’s travels as a sailor, with illustrations and views of ports and cities in South America, the Pacific (including Tahiti and Hawaii) the Arctic, the British Isles, and scenes around the American Northeast, including his native Connecticut. Several of the illustrations show Marshall’s whaling adventures, including vibrant scenes of whale hunting, while many others are beautiful depictions of sailing vessels. Taken as a whole, Marshall’s wide-ranging text becomes a series of interlinked stories recounting his adventures over a span of some twenty years, and ultimately explaining what he considers to be his repeated failure to make a success of himself. Included are narratives and poems regarding Marshall’s life aboard military vessels and a whaler; a description of an incident involving the privateer, America, at Rio de Janeiro; experiences in Hawaii; recipes for paint and brightwork cleaning; instructions on how to keep a log; thoughts on the Civil War, missionaries, temperance, and hypocrisy; and thousands of lines of poetry, from mini-epics to brief fragments. There is also a manuscript of some 10,000 words, written aboard a Union gunboat on the Mississippi River during the Civil War. Of special note are two versions of a 600-line poem about Mar- shall’s whaling voyage around the world on the ship, Henry. Among the most interesting aspects of Marshall’s prose and poetry is his creation of the “Wicked Ned” alter ego, a sort of “evil twin” of Marshall, who spills blood as a privateersman, romances and aban- dons women, causes chaos ashore, swears to mend his ways, but ultimately returns to his rough and rowdy life. Little is known of David E. Marshall beyond the information he gives us in these volumes. He seems to have been born around 1807 in Milford, Connecticut, and in another volume he copies what appears to be his will, dated 1865, writing that he was born in Milford, and that he still resides there. Marshall continues his double identity in this document, asserting that he is also the “Edward Cleaveland herewith subscribed.” Marshall served in the United States Navy aboard the U.S.S. Raritan and the U.S.S. Savannah, and also on a Union gunboat on the Mississippi during the Civil War. He was also a sailor on the whaleship, Henry, which sailed out of Sag Harbor, and served aboard a privateer and various merchant vessels. In his 1881 book, Recollections of Curious Characters and Pleasant Places, author and traveller Charles Lanman includes a chapter called “A Story of a Modern Mariner,” which is a first-person account of the life of Lanman’s friend, David Marshall, though in the book he refers to himself as “Tom Cleaveland.” Lanman concludes the chapter by writing that “‘Cleaveland’ was himself his worst enemy.” Adding another dimension to this curious life story, a published print is located at Princeton University, entitled “U.S. Frigate Savannah. struck by a heavy Squall when entering the Harbor of Rio de Janeiro, between the hours of 7 & 8, on the evening of July 5th 1856.” The illustration was published by Endicott and Company of New York, and is identified as being “drawn by Wicked Ned.” Marshall was, in fact, a sailor aboard the Savannah and was on the ship when it visited Rio in 1856. The contents of the various volumes are as follow: 1) Bound folio volume, titled in manuscript, David E. Marshall of Milford Conn. [205]pp. total, including 101 illustrations, most of them full-page and almost all of them colored. A second manuscript titlepage reads: Works of Ned Cleaveland. The illustration on the first titlepage is of Poseidon sitting upon a rock, while an American eagle, arrows and olive branches in its talons, flies past in the background. The second illustration in the volume shows a woman, perhaps Columbia, atop a sea serpent. This volume includes a version of Marshall’s long poem of his whaling adventures, entitled “Whaleing [sic] Voyage on the ‘North West’ in the Henry of Sag Harbor in 1846, 46 & 47 by ‘Wicked Ned.’” The tone of the poem varies, from elegiac to wistful to enthusiastic. Marshall writes: “And now farewell my dear Sag Harbor girls, for I must bid you all a long adieu as I am bound, a cruise around the world in the Ship Henry. She’s a whaleman too. I’ve had enough of shore. This weary bout I’ve frollicked very hard indeed likewise so let old women loudly rant and rout about the man who madly drinks, and dies. The times are hard and money very scarce good folks on shore all seem so wondrous sad; To stay on shore would be a foolish farce while on the North West right whale may be had.” The text of the poem gives details of the voyage, occurrences on board, ship, and the hunt for whales. Other texts in this volume include sailing instructions, a poem written on board the Raritan and another entitled “Farewell to Cape Horn,” as well as verses regarding military battles, including that at Churubusco during the Mexican-American War. The illustrations in this volume include scenes of Marshall’s whaling voyage, including a striking illustration of “Monganuea” (i.e. Mount Maunganui, New Zealand), and views of whale hunting. There is also a color illustration of “Lobos Island” (apparently in the Gala- pagos), done while Marshall was a crew member of the U.S.S. Raritan in 1852. There are a number of riverside and seaside views, including views of Tobago, Panama, Puna, Callao, San Lorenzo at Chagres, Table Mountain on the Cape of Good Hope, and a lovely view of St. Thomas. Several of the views are in and around New England, including a view of the coast of Milford, Connecticut, another along the Housatonic River, near Milford, and a political cartoon entitled “The Present Days of New England.” There are also several portraits of figures Marshall encountered, and much more. 2) Bound folio volume, titled in manuscript, Sketchbook of David E. Marshall. [256]pp. total, including ninety-nine illustrations, most of them colored and many of them full-page. This volume also begins with allegorical watercolors of the United States, represented by the figure of Columbia. As with the previous volume, it is filled with text and illustrations describing and depicting Marshall’s travels. The texts in this volume are as wide-ranging as in the previous, and include another version of Marshall’s poem about his whaling voyage aboard the Henry. In one stanza he describes a stop in the Pacific to refill their stores: “Now we arrived at Wy-ta-taks fair isle to get our fruit and pumpkins and sour lime, while oranges and lemons made our crew to smile and then we fill’d away for far Northwestern climes, on Mellus banks our sail took in by night stood quarter watches through the darkened gloom hoping next day to see a fish and fight and kill a whale amidst the white sea foam.” Another poem is entitled “Last words to the Dead” and was written in Valparaiso in 1851. A long essay entitled “Reminiscences of By-Gone Times” gives a history of Marshall’s life through approximately his first forty years. He writes: “As at present I have nothing more profitable to do I shall endeavour to give a description of some parts of my life which otherwise might roll away into oblivion when I am forgotten myself. I am now at the noontide of life and full three quarters of that time have been spent in the service of daddy Neptune. And one half at least has been expended in ploughing up his blue and poetic fields; on board of different ships under different commanders and different employs. And to sum the whole in a small space I can say I have served in vessels from a clam boat to a seventy-four, have been in all capacities in the merchant service, from cook to Captain. . . .” Marshall follows with a lengthy narration, some thirty-seven folio pages long, recounting his adventures at sea. This volume is also filled with marvelous and accomplished illustrations, most of them colored. Foremost is a dramatic colored illustration of a whale hunt, with blood spurting from the whale’s blowhole. There is also a dramatic colored illustration of the wreck of the Steamer Independence at Margarita Island off the coast of Venezuela on February 16, 1853. Other views include Sugar Loaf Mountain at Rio de Janeiro, Praya Grande in Brazil, a view of the east side of Maunganui Bay in New Zealand, Payta in Peru, Capetown, three views of Tahiti, three views of Valparaiso, as well as views of Madagascar, Marshall’s island, Callao, and illustrations of naval flags of various nations. In the United States there are illustrations of Niagara Falls, Connecticut and Long Island, sailing ships, the Bunker Hill Monument, Stratford Harbor, a view of Sutter’s Fort in California, and a drawing of “Culloma” showing the area near Sutter’s Fort where James Marshall discovered gold in January 1848. 3) Bound folio volume, including sailing rules and regulations, poetry, journals, and tales. [135] pp. total, including twenty-eight illustrations, most of them full-page. The text of this volume includes directions for keeping a sailing log, instructions on how to polish brightwork, an essay written “At Sea” in October 1856 describing a near-violent encounter between the “suspected privateer America” and a British ship, and another essay regarding life on board a privateer. Twelve pages of manuscript (accompanied by several illustrations) give an account of a few weeks of Marshall’s experiences in the summer of 1856 on board the U.S.S. Savan- nah at Rio de Janeiro. There is also an essay on the Sandwich Islands and the missionaries there, and Marshall’s assessment of what he sees as their hypocritical views. Illustrations include Arctic scenes, a view of Trinidad, illustrations off the coast of Brazil, views around Connecticut, and more. 4) Manuscript on loose folio sheets of ruled paper. 47pp. Plus a full-page colored illustrations of a sailor. The first page of the manuscript is datelined: “On board U.S. Ship ‘Lampero’ River Mississippi Nov. 19, 1862.” Other entries are dated February 9th and 25th, 1863. Marshall’s essay is a long, rambling disquisition on American history up to that point, the causes of the outbreak of the Civil War and the morality of the argument on both sides of the conflict. While not espousing particular pro-slavery views, he heaps scorn on Northern Abolitionists for bringing the Union to a state of Civil War. For Marshall, the abolitionists are of a piece with temperance advocates and other moralists, and he holds no sympathy for them: “The determination of the Abolitionists, Temperance, and other fanatics to prosecute the present contest to extermination of all who oppose them, the tremendous debt which they have imposed upon the country and suicidal and foolish transactions in Army & Navy have at length aroused the Sons of the States west of the Mississippi, and ere long we shall without doubt hear that they too have seceded and left poor Yankeedom in possession of all the glory.” 5) Small sketchbook of tied-together leaves (not bound), containing text and pencil illustrations on a total of [117]pp. 6) Small sketchbook of tied-together leaves (not bound), containing text and pencil illustrations on a total of [22]pp. This sketchbook and the one before it include manuscript text and pencil illustrations, including sketches and details of faces, architectural ornaments, ships, cannons and weapons, navigational tools, landscapes, etc. The text is mostly comprised of poetry and anonymous letters. An outstanding collection of illustrated travel manuscripts from an American sailor who was a talented artist, and who was also possessed of a fertile and imaginative mind. Through his art, prose, and poetry, David Marshall, a.k.a. “Wicked Ned,” provides us with an enthralling view of his life and the world. http://blogs.princeton.edu/graphicarts/2009/07/drawn_by_wicked_ned.html $80,000.

The “Lost” First Cortés Letter 66. Martyr, Peter: DE NUPER SUB D. CAROLO REPERTIS INSULIS, SIMULQ[UE] INCOLARUM MORIBUS. Basel: [Adam Petri], 1521. 43pp. (pp. 20 and 21 misnumbered). Woodcut title border. Small quarto. Later vellum boards. Boards lightly rubbed, endpapers torn. Old faint institutional ink stamp on front free endpaper, titlepage, and verso of final text leaf; small neat ink number on front pastedown and titlepage. Slight tanning in some text margins, early ink marginalia and neat underlining on pp. 32 and 33. Overall, a very good copy. In a brown half morocco and cloth box. Martyr’s 1521 Basel letter, which contains information from the lost First Cortés Letter. This is a key work for the New World from 1516 to 1520, including the conquest of Mexico and a description of Cuba. “This is Martyr’s first narrative of the discovery made by Gri- jalva and the expedition of Cortes to Mexico, added to a fuller account of Cuba than was contained in his three decades already printed. Harrisse called this work an extract from the Fourth Decade, but it is evidently a much more important work, Stevens and other authorities defining it as a substitute for the lost first Cortes letter. This work supplements, rather than overlaps other narratives by the author”—Streeter. According to the Church entry on the famous Cortés letters addressed to Emperor Charles V: The first of these, known as the Lost First Letter, is supposed to have been written at Vera Cruz, July 10, 1519. Whether it was actually lost or suppressed by the Council for the Indies, at the request of Narvaez, is unknown . . . As this Letter is mentioned by Cortes in his Second Letter and by other contemporaneous writers, there can be no doubt of its having been written. Extensive researches made by later historians have, however, failed to bring it to light. A publication by Peter Martyr, entitled De Nuper Sub D. Carolo Repertis Insulis, published at Basel in 1521, is usually substituted for it. A remarkably important piece of Americana, recounting to Europe for the first time the exploits of Cortés at the beginning of the Conquest. EUROPEAN AMERICANA 521/1. JCB (3)I:79. SABIN 1553. STREETER SALE 8. BORBA DE MORAES, p. 530. MEDINA (BHA) 62. STEVENS NUGGETS 1802. HARRISSE 110. CHURCH 47 (ref). JCB GERMAN AMERICANA 521/1. $65,000.

One of the Most Famous Classics of Colonial Indian Warfare 67. Mason, John: A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR: ESPECIALLY OF THE MEMORABLE TAKING OF THEIR FORT AT MISTICK IN CONNECTICUT IN 1637 . . . WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND SOME EXPLANATORY NOTES BY THE REVEREND MR. THOMAS PRINCE. Boston: Printed & Sold by S. Kneeland & T. Green, 1736. vi, x, 22pp. Several typographical headpieces. Lacks the half title. Small octavo. Bound to style in antique three-quarter calf and marbled boards, spine gilt, leather label. A bit of very light foxing. Very good. First edition of this important firsthand account of the Pequot War, appearing in print nearly a century after the events it describes. John Mason was commander of the Con- necticut forces, and his history is the most reliable firsthand account of the Pequot War. The first organized military encounter between New England settlers and Native Americans, the importance of this conflict cannot not be overestimated. The war featured a force of American colonists, allied with the Mohegan and Narragansett tribes, against the Pequot Indians of Connecticut. The resulting bloody conflict nearly wiped out the Pequots. Unsurprisingly, a strong theme of Mason’s account is that the Puritans’ victory was the divine providence of God. Mason prepared his manuscript account of the war for the General Court of Connecticut. After his death the text was used by Increase Mather, who drew from it for his 1677 history of the conflict. Mason’s grandson later gave the manuscript to clergyman, antiquarian, and historian Thomas Prince, who published it for the first time in this edition. Not in Field, who only lists the 19th-century reprint. Not in the Streeter collection, and rated a “d” by Howes. NAIP locates thirteen institutional copies. The only other to appear on the market in the last fifty years was the Siebert copy in 1999, purchased by this firm on behalf of the Pequot Museum for $51,500. Rare, and a very important firsthand account of an epochal event in the history of colonial New England. EVANS 4033. NAIP w030041. HOWES M369, “d.” SABIN 45454. VAIL 392. CHURCH 924. SIEBERT SALE 143A. $50,000. Mather on the Indian Wars 68. Mather, Increase: A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE WAR WITH THE INDIANS IN NEW-ENGLAND. FROM JUNE 24, 1675. (WHEN THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN WAS MURDERED BY THE INDIANS) TO AUGUST 12, 1676. WHEN PHILIP, ALIAS METACOMET, THE PRINCIPAL AUTHOR AND BEGINNER OF THE WAR, WAS SLAIN. London: Printed for Richard Chiswell . . . according to the original copy printed in New-England, 1676. [8], 51, 8pp. Complete with the rare half title. Small quarto. 19th-century green morocco, gilt, by W. Pratt. Extremities gently rubbed. Armorial bookplates on front endpapers. Minor soiling. Very good. In a green half morocco and cloth box. One of the classic accounts of Indian warfare in New England in the 17th century, and one of the primary accounts of King Philip’s War of 1675–76. This is the first British edition, published the same year as the superlatively rare Boston first edition. Few historians could have been better placed than Mather, at the heart of the councils of the Bay Colony, to follow the progress of the bitter war, the last serious threat by Indians to the British settlements in New England. The war ended in 1676 with Philip’s death. This work is likewise notable for containing one of the first appearances of the woodcut seal of Massachusetts, showing a local Indian saying, “Come over and help us.” HOLMES, INCREASE MATHER 16B. HOWES M400, “c.” EUROPEAN AMERICANA 676/123. SABIN 46641. VAIL 175. CHURCH 643. $20,000. Complete Set of All Four Parts of McCoy’s A nnua l R egister: Neither Streeter or Siebert Completed a Set 69. McCoy, Isaac: THE ANNUAL REGISTER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS WITHIN THE INDIAN (OR WESTERN) TERRITORY [Nos. 1–4]. Shawanoe Mission, Ks. & Wash- ington: J. Meeker (first two), J.G. Pratt (third) and Peter Force (fourth), 1835–38. Together four items: 48; 88; 81; 96pp. Antique-style three-quarter diced calf and marbled boards, spine gilt extra. Wrappers of first number bound in at front. Faint dampstain in lower margin of final eight leaves of first number. Occasional light foxing and tanning, a near fine set. A very rare complete set of all four numbers of Isaac McCoy’s Annual Register . . . , which contain a wealth of information concerning western Indian tribes. The first number stands as the first English language book printed in present-day Kansas, printed (as was the second number) on the Jotham Meeker press, the first established in Kansas. The third number includes a chart listing the number of Indians in each tribe, both east and west of the Mississippi, as well as “A Plea for the Aborigines of North Amer- ica” continued from the second number. The fourth number was issued in Washington from the press of Peter Force. The first number in this collection contains the original wrappers, on which is printed a prospectus, issued in Isaac McCoy’s name, “for publishing, on the Kauzau River, within the Indian Territory, west of the state of Missouri, and three hundred miles west of St. Louis, a semi-monthly periodical, to be entitled The Indian Advo- cate.” The paper would “furnish correct historical sketches of the past, and information respecting their present condition, and their future prospects, together with the earliest notices of important events which shall transpire within the Indian country, and of the transactions of Government and benevolent societies, among the Indians. . . .” This periodical was never issued, for want of financial support. McMurtrie and Allen, in their study of Jotham Meeker’s press, assign this wrapper/prospectus a separate item number: 11. This first number also contains the contemporary ownership signature of Rev. Daniel Sharp of Boston on the front wrapper. Sharp (1783–1853) was pastor of the Charles Street Baptist Church for more than forty years. McCoy first visited the Prairies in 1828, with follow-up tours during the next three years. In 1831 he settled at the Shawanoe Mission, which had been founded by his son-in-law earlier that year. Dur- ing the following years McCoy travelled widely in the western country. In 1835 he had Jotham Meeker, who had established a press at the Mission a year earlier, print the initial number of The Annual Register. . . . McCoy’s Annual Registers are full of information regarding the Indian emigrant’s introduction into the new country, and provide details concerning many tribes (e.g. Pawnee, Otoe, Omaha, Cherokee, Delaware, Kickapoo, Osage, Kansas, etc.). Also included are descriptions of the military posts within the Indian Territory, conditions of various tribes, etc. Complete sets of the four numbers are rarely met with. The Streeter set lacked the first number, and Dr. Frank Siebert was never able to find the elusive third number, despite many years of search. “Issues of this periodical are very rare”—Gilcrease. SABIN 43111. HOWES M67, “aa.” FIELD 983. GRAFF 2586, 2588 (lacking No. 1). STREETER SALE 544 (nos. 2, 3, 4 only). McMURTRIE & ALLEN (Meeker) 22, 41, 58. GILCREASE, pp. 205–6 (no. 1 imperfect; lacking no. 4). $17,500.

One of the Great Color Plate Books of 19th-Century America 70. McKenney, Thomas L., and James Hall: HISTORY OF THE INDIAN TRIBES OF NORTH AMERICA, WITH BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES AND ANECDOTES OF THE PRINCIPAL CHIEFS. . . . Philadelphia: Frederick W. Greenough (vol. I) and Daniel Rice & James G. Clark (vols. II and III), 1838–1842–1844. Three volumes. 120 handcolored lithographic plates after Karl Bodmer, Charles Bird King, James Otto Lewis, P. Rindisbacher and R.M. Sully, drawn on stone by A. Newsam, A. Hoffy, Ralph Trembley, Henry Dacre, and others; printed and colored by J. T. Bowen and others, vol. III with two lithographed maps and one table (printed recto of one leaf, here trimmed and mounted at a contemporary date on two leaves), 17pp. of lithographic facsimile signatures of the original subscribers. Large folio. Expertly bound to style in black half-morocco over original cloth- covered boards, spines gilt with raised bands. First edition of “One of the most costly and important [works] ever published on the American Indians” (Field), “a landmark in American culture” (Horan) and an invaluable contemporary record of a vanished way of life, including some of the greatest American handcolored lithographs of the 19th century. After six years as superintendent of Indian Trade, Thomas McKenney had become concerned for the survival of the Western tribes. He had observed unscrupulous individuals taking advantage of the Native Americans for profit, and his vocal warn- ings about their future prompted his appointment by President Monroe to the Office of Indian Affairs. As first director, McKenney was to improve the administration of Indian programs in various government offices. His first trip was during the summer of 1826 to the Lake Superior area for a treaty with the Chippewa, opening mineral rights on their land. In 1827 he journeyed west again for a treaty with the Chippewa, Menominee, and Winebago in the present state of Michigan. His journeys provided an unparalleled opportunity to become acquainted with Native American tribes. When President Jackson dismissed him from his government post in 1839, McKen- ney was able to turn more of his attention to his publishing project. Within a few years, he was joined by James Hall, the Illinois journalist, lawyer, state treasurer and, from 1833, Cincinnati banker who had written extensively about the west. Both authors, not unlike George Catlin whom they tried to enlist in their publishing enterprise, saw their book as a way of preserving an accurate visual record of a rapidly disappearing culture. The text, which was written by Hall based on information supplied by McKenney, takes the form of a series of biographies of leading figures amongst the Indian nations, followed by a general history of the North American Indians. The work is now famous for its color plate portraits of the chiefs, warriors and squaws of the various tribes, faithful copies of original oils by Charles Bird King painted from life in his studio in Washing- ton (McKenney commissioned him to record the visiting Indian delegates) or worked up by King from the watercolors of the young frontier artist, James Otto Lewis. All but four of the original paintings were destroyed in the disastrous Smithsonian fire of 1865, so their appearance in this work preserves what is probably the best likeness of many of the most prominent Indian leaders of the early 19th century. Numbered among King’s sitters were Sequoyah, Red Jacket, Major Ridge, Cornplanter, and Osceola. This was the most elaborate plate book produced in the United States to date, and its publishing history is extremely complex. The title pages give an indication of issue and are relatively simple: volume I, first issue was by Edward C. Biddle and is dated 1836 or more usually 1837, the second issue Frederick W. Greenough with the date 1838, and the third issue is by Daniel Rice & James G. Clark dated 1842. Volume II, first issue is by Frederick W. Greenough and dated 1838 and the second issue by Rice & Clark and dated 1842. Volume III, first issue is by Daniel Rice & James G. Clark and dated 1844. HOWES M129, “d.” BAL 6934. BENNETT, p. 79. SABIN 43410a. FIELD 992. SERVIES 2150. REESE, STAMPED WITH A NATIONAL CHARACTER 24. LIPPERHIEDE Mc4. $155,000.

The First Printing of the Monroe Doctrine: A Document of Monumental Importance 71. Monroe, James: PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE. NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER . . . EXTRA. WASHINGTON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1823 [caption title] . . . . Washington. Dec. 2, 1823. Large folio broadside, 22 x 14¾ inches, printed in five columns. Addressed in manuscript on the verso and folded for mailing, with remnant of wax seal as well as manuscript docketing on verso (ink from verso bleeding through a bit onto recto). Top and bottom edges untrimmed. Four small holes and a small closed tear expertly repaired with tissue, affecting a few letters of text. A very good copy. One of two states of the first-ever printing of the Monroe Doctrine, one of the most important American state papers, and the guiding principle of United States diplomacy in the Western Hemisphere since its promulgation. This copy was mailed by Repre- sentative Moses Hayden, a member of Congress from New York, to Jonathan H. Jones of Lewiston, New York. Hayden has addressed it to Jones, and has signed his name, giving the broadside (as it was folded into a letter) a free frank. Hayden (1786–1830) served in the House of Representatives as a Republican from 1823 to 1827. This copy is interesting for showing how the text of Monroe’s famous proclamation was quickly sent to the far corners of the nation. We know of only five copies of the National Intelligencer “Extra,” the true first printing of the Monroe Doctrine. Two other copies of the present printing, one of them being the Streeter copy, are also known. Two copies of the other “non-Streeter issue” of this broadside extra printing are also known, and both of them were sold by this firm. A comparison of the present “Streeter issue” with the other printing reveals that in the present printing “National Intelligencer . . . Extra” is printed in smaller type (giving “President’s Message” greater prominence), that a paragraph in the third column of text has been reset, and some changes in capitalization and individual letters can be found. No priority can be established between the two states; indeed, they may have been issued concurrently from two separate presses in the National Intelligencer offices. The present broadside is in very nice condition, while the Streeter copy and the other example of the “Streeter issue” are both in deplorable condition. The Monroe Doctrine, largely drafted by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, is one of the most important statements in the history of American foreign policy. It stood for more than a century as an assertion of American power and hemispheric dominance, and of the belief that the United States was strong enough to enforce its will in the Americas against the European powers. Monroe stated his famous doctrine in response to the possible intervention of European powers (such as the “Holy Alliance” of Russia, Prussia, and Austria) to shore up Spain’s crumbling New World empire, and the aggressive stance taken by Russia on the Northwest Coast. Monroe used the plat- form of his annual message to Congress on Dec. 2, 1823 to declare that “The Ameri- can continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.” He stated that any European intervention could not be viewed “in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.” This stance of American hostility to any European adventure in the New World has guided foreign policy ever since. Although the United States could do little to enforce the bold declaration at first, it grew in principle as the United States grew in power. In 1904, Theodore Roosevelt added his “corollary” to the Monroe Doc- trine, asserting that the United States might intervene in sovereign Latin American states in order to prevent European intervention. Though it was criticized and debated in the 20th century, the Monroe Doctrine retains its power in the American imagination and, along with George Washington’s Farewell Address, it remains the most famous of American foreign policy creeds. The compilers of the Grolier Club’s One Hundred Influential American Books picked the Monroe Doctrine as an entry, but displayed the later government reprint. That exhibition was mounted in 1946, and Thomas W. Streeter, one of the catalogue’s compilers, did not acquire his then-unique copy until 1952. The Streeter copy sold in 1967 for $3500. It reappeared on the market in 1998, and is now part of the Scheide Library at Princeton. This first printing of the Monroe Doctrine is a document of fundamental, indeed monumental, importance in American history. GROLIER AMERICAN 100, 33. STREETER SALE 1734. $150,000.

The Most Entertaining Contemporary Book on Early New England 72. Morton, Thomas: NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OR NEW CANAAN. Amsterdam: Jacob Frederick Stam, 1637. 188, [3]pp. Small quarto. 20th-century brown morocco, gilt, a.e.g., gilt innder dentelles, by Riviere & Son. Minor toning and soiling to text. Near fine. In a brown half morocco and cloth slipcase. One of the classic accounts of the early settlement of New England, looked to increasingly by modern historians and anthropologists for its unbiased and detailed accounts of Indian life in early New England, descriptions of flora and fauna, and internecine struggles among the colonists. Morton first came to New England in 1622 and lived there until his expulsion by the Plymouth colonists a decade later. He was particularly sympathetic to the way of life of the Indians and provides extensive descriptions of customs, hunting, planting, artifacts, and lifestyles in the first section of the work. The second part provides a remarkable account of the landscape and ecology of New Eng- land (William Cronon draws heavily on Morton in his pioneering Changes in the Land). The final section of Morton’s account is the most famous historically, since it gives an account of his long and often amusing feud with the Plymouth Colony and a description of his separate settlement at Merry-Mount, where his close association with the Indians of the area and open defiance of the laws of the Plymouth settlers provided one of the more colorful episodes in early colonial New England. Morton’s work is very scarce on the market, only three copies having appeared at auction in the last thirty years. A book of the greatest importance, perhaps the best single account of early New England. CHURCH 437. EUROPEAN AMERICANA 637/69. JCB (3)II:265. STREETER SALE 616. SABIN 51028. STC 18202. VAIL 90. WINSOR III:348. DAB XIII, p. 267. DNB XIII, pp. 1055–57. $90,000. A Primary Document in American Diplomacy: The Chief U.S. Diplomat to Muslim Powers Instructs His Successor, Tobias Lear 73. O’Brien, Richard: [ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT ESSAY OF INSTRUCTIONS AND NOTES ON THE CUSTOMS OF ALGIERS AND THE WORK OF THE AMERI- CAN CONSUL, FROM OUTGOING CONSUL, RICHARD O’BRIEN, TO HIS SUCCESSOR, TOBIAS LEAR; ALSO INCLUDING O’BRIEN’S STATEMENT OF THE ACCOUNTS OF HIS OFFICE AND NOTES ON TRADE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND ALGIERS]. Algiers. 1801–1804. [52]pp. of accounts statement plus [62]pp. description of local customs. A total of about 10,000 words. Small quarto. Orig- inal marbled boards, backed with later brown cloth tape. Boards a bit worn, and with some small paint drops on the front board. Very clean and neat internally, and in overall near fine condition. In a half morocco box. A remarkable and fascinating volume, amounting to a thorough primer on how to conduct business with the Muslim powers as the American consul in Algiers, written by the outgoing American consul for his successor. Richard O’Brien was the Ameri- can consul general at Algiers from 1797 to 1803 and, in essence, the chief American diplomat to all the Barbary states. He was replaced by Tobias Lear, and these two men were the primary American representatives in the region, and to any Muslim powers, during a period of high diplomatic tensions and unfolding military actions. The Mediterranean was a highly important outlet for American trade goods, but attacks from Barbary pirates on American shipping and demands for tribute and ransom from deys, pashas, and sultans led to American military actions against the Barbary states. Richard O’Brien was at the center of all these events, and this manuscript volume is an invaluable work on how to conduct diplomacy and commerce in the Barbary states. It is also highly significant in discussing the importance of Jewish trading houses and business leaders in conducting commerce and in negotiating with the Algerine regency. This volume was given to Tobias Lear as he succeeded O’Brien as United States consul general at Algiers. Though not addressed directly to Lear, it was clearly written for him (and descended in his family papers), and Lear is mentioned by name several times in the text. It was designed to give Lear an idea of the status of the accounts of the United States and its consul, and also to give him highly detailed advice on how to perform the full range of his duties in Algiers. It is a unique and vitally important primer on the workings of the Barbary regencies and the chief diplomatic and commercial challenges in the area. O’Brien discusses a huge range of issues, including diplomatic protocol when dealing with heads of state, details for receiving American commercial and military vessels in ports, the bribes needed to permit commerce to function efficiently, and local customs involving slaves, women, and the Muslim religion. An important section discusses the methods for communicating and working with the Dey of Algiers and his ministry, including the use of an Algerine “drogerman,” and the importance of working with leading Jewish-owned trading houses, who have much influence and power within the workings of the regency. The section dealing with American accounts gives much information on the use of the house of Bacri and Busnach in facilitating Ameri- can trade. Indeed, O’Brien’s discussion of the role and power of these Jewish trading houses is an important contribution to our knowledge of the role and power of Jewish traders and business houses in north Africa at the time. Richard O’Brien (1758–1824) was born in present-day Maine, though his family soon moved to Ireland. He was apprenticed to a sea captain at an early age, and was a mariner until 1785. Though without much formal schooling, he was an autodidact, and became a skilled sailor. He engaged in privateering on behalf of his native country during the American Revolution, and served as a lieutenant on the brig Jefferson. After the war he became master of a Philadelphia merchant ship, but was captured by Algerine pirates in July 1785, and was held captive by the Dey of Algiers for several years. During his imprisonment he carried on an extensive correspondence with prominent Americans regarding events in Algiers. The United States made a peace treaty with Algiers in 1795, resulting in O’Brien’s release, and he spent the next several months assisting in the signing, ratification, and implementation of the treaty. In October 1796 he was assigned the task of concluding a treaty with Tripoli, which he accomplished with dispatch. O’Brien was appointed United States consul general to Algiers in July 1797, effectively becoming the chief American diplomat to all the Barbary states. He held this position until he was replaced by Tobias Lear in the fall of 1803, after which he assisted Commodore Edward Preble in negotiations with Tripoli while the U.S. was at war with that state. O’Brien returned to the United States in 1804, served a term in the Pennsylvania legislature, and cultivated a farm near Carlisle. The centerpiece of this volume is O’Brien’s sixty-two page essay, “Customs, &c. of Algiers, copied from the papers of Richard O’Brien, Esqr. late Consul-General of the United States, for this Regency. Jan. 1804.” The essay begins with instructions on sailing into the harbor of Algiers from all directions, and gives advice on how the consul should assist American ships in dealing with harbor officials. The advice is practical and detailed. For example: When you arrive & anchor at the port of Algiers, if you have stores for the Regency, you will get 2 or 3 of the cables of the regency to aid you in mooring; these with 2 out anchors & cables of your own, will be sufficient for your moorings between the two pier-heads of the harbor. If you have a bell, it is to be muffled—the sound is offensive to the people of this country. You are not to hoist your colors, as a merchant vessel, in this port. You are to chain your boats & not to keep oars in them, for if the slaves should escape, in your boat, the gov’t. of the U.S. is answerable for the amt. of their ransom. O’Brien continues with advice on the utility of bribing (with goods rather than money) the man who holds the position of “cable measurer” and on customary payments to the harbor guardian and his slaves, who help moor the ship. Indeed, the number of Algerine palms that must be greased to get any business done is dizzying. To compound these problems, O’Brien warns Lear about being found giving bribes, and the potential dangers: Should you be found out, & a report made to the great men, it will cost you sums to save your face. Should the report & detail reach the Dey, you will have a greater luncheon to give; and they might make this a pretence to get rid of you. They would consider you a bad engineer—blown up by your own mine. They would condemn you, without judge or jury; and after this you would never be satisfied with yourself. If you should be an innocent character they will pick the flesh from your bones & leave you, as an orange, without the juice. Mind you are between two capes—gain & loose, or between two currents—one sets to windward & the other to leeward. Notice well the discharging of cargoes into the pontoon flats or boats of the Regency. If you do not look out sharp, part will be plundered & the note from the ship & the store receivers will not agree; they will say it has been a mistake of the ship or mate—and where is your remedy? On all tacks, you are amongst privateersmen, sharpers & contrabandistos. . . . In fact, the consul of a nation, in circumstances as the U.S. is by treaty, custom & usansa—has only a choice of difficulties. It will be a rare thing if he has it in his power to make a good tack to windward of Cape Lee-way. One of the most fascinating passages of O’Brien’s essay is his discussion of a consul’s relations with the Dey’s court, and the proper methods and channels of communication. Each consul employs a “drogerman,” a Muslim intermediary who conducts discussions with the court. O’Brien writes, however, that it is often more useful to employ Jewish businessmen as intermediaries in such matters: Most all important affairs, relative to your nation & this regency are transacted between the Consul & Jew-directory, without the Drogerman having any great knowledge of the whole particulars. I have often observed, on these occasions, that the Jews act as the political ferry-boats, or as lawyers employed by both parties; whoever fees them best, they are in his behalf—but with consideration that they stand in no fear or dread of the consuls—but their lives & families &c. &c. are fully in the power of the Dey &c. The influence of the Jews & the present system of doing business, renders the drogerman not of so much importance as in times past. When the Consul, independent of the Jews, transacts any business with the Dey or Ministry, he must have the drogerman with him; but if on this plan—without doubt, the Jews will get scent of it, & oppose him, altho’ the affair may not concern them; but it is evident done, to sustain their system—and depend on it, agreeable to their present influence. It is not a pleasant thing for a Consul or his nations affairs to get a thwart of the Jewish Directory. They will make use of their political & lying harpoons—will, on this occasion, spend their own money to keep their ground, and drive you to leeward of that port, you presume to advance to. . . . Such is the present power of the Directory—it is to be considered as a 2nd Dey & Ministry—& often, as the First. O’Brien devotes a section of his essay to a discussion of the powerful Jewish-owned trading house of Bacri & Busnach, and its role in Algerine politics and diplomacy. Judging from his accounts located at the front of the present volume, Bacri & Busnach, which had been in business in Algiers for decades, was the chief house that O’Brien turned to for loans and to keep his accounts solvent. “It will often be in their [Bacri & Busnach’s] power to do him [the consul] an injury or render service. They are to know some affairs—but never your all.” He continues: It will be to the interest of our affairs, for the Consul always to intimate that at present the Mediterranean commerce is no great object to the U.S. That our gov’t. intends, if any more extra demands &c. &c. to withdraw their affairs from this sea & have a fleet of frigates & light corsairs at Gibraltar. This they will hear with no great satisfaction to their ideas & to their commercial interest. Those hints, occasionally, might be favorable to aid the scheme of cash payts. in lieu of stores &c. and also in not having heavy extra demands. Another consideration is that the Consul should always report or magnify to all the Min- istry & directory & other consuls, that the Marine force of the U.S. in this sea is much greater than it really is—and never to give a true idea, how it is stationed, but that more is expected shortly. O’Brien also discusses more day-to-day concerns that Lear will have to deal with, observing that “the consular house should be shut at sundown; and after this, no Turk or Moor should enter it.” He goes on to discuss the use that the consul may make of slaves loaned to him by the Regency, and his liability should any of them run away or be killed, and his options should he wish to exchange them for other servants. O’Brien also advises that the American consul should confer with his Danish and Swedish counterparts when considering gifts to the ministry or a new Dey, so that the gifts would be equivalent, and none of the three nations punished or put on the “black list” for seeming to be less generous than the others. He stresses that such things are not to be taken lightly, and that Algiers has started wars over perceived insults such as paltry sums in tribute: On this acct. the Consular Agents of those powerful & particularly the tributary nations, must be sensible, that every person in office in the Regency can do him injury. Therefore, his line of conduct towards those described must be visible or clearly understood. Difficult, as scripture describes it to be, for a man to serve two masters—notwithstanding the Con- sular efforts, must, seemingly be tried to all—thus act or demonstrate—if not in reality, it must be so to appearances—often giving bribes & presents. Another section of text discusses more mundane issues of court propriety, and espionage: The Consul, in all his visits to the Dey, kisses his hand, approaching & when ready to retreat; he shakes hands with all the ministry. The Consul & all of his nation must take off their hats or caps when they pass the street in front of the Palace—and never presume to put their hats or caps on in the Palace [this portion is underlined]. The drogerman should always attend the Consul in town, in going thro’ the streets, for if he should be insulted & not have his drogerman with him, it would be difficult to obtain redress. Thus, politically speaking, you are to be in company with the spy of the Regency. Later he writes: “If you should be on horseback and meet the Dey (it is customary) you should alight, salute him & let him pass on. . . . Observe, as two main shoals, that the religion and women of these Mahometans is not to be touched, nor will it hardly admit to be talked of, to these people.” O’Brien also notes that when the Dey meets with consular officials en masse the French consul always appears the night before, so as not to be seen going after the British consul, that the British consul never kisses the hand of the Dey, and that the American consul is always the last to be received. The concluding sections of O’Brien’s essay discuss protocol for when U.S. warships come into port. With the practical advice comes a general warning: “A vessel to anchor in the bay of Algiers should be ready always to get under way—and always ready for action—here are strong & sudden gales—and I may add, you are hardly ever secure on your affairs.” O’Brien notes that it is customary for the Algerines to fire a salute for visiting warships, but that it is the duty of the consul to reimburse the ministry of marine for the honor: “The Americans, Swedes, Danes, Dutch, pay for the salute $76. The British, French & Spanish pay $66. An old & humiliating custom.” This part of O’Brien’s volume concludes with a two-page list of the “marine force of Algiers, Jan. 10th, 1804” describing the ships and weaponry of the Algerine navy. The first fifty-two pages of this volume describe the general and specific nature of American trade with Algiers from 1799 to 1801, and O’Brien’s role in facilitating such trade. Included are descriptions of goods delivered to Algiers by American trading vessels, as well as lists of goods provided for those ships by O’Brien, on his account. A framework for conducting trade between the United States and Algiers had been con- structed by the 1795 treaty, which allowed for free trade with all Algerian subjects. A customs duty would be charged on most goods, though military and naval goods were exempt from customs fees. Several American ships are named in O’Brien’s account book, including the Sophia, the George Washington, and the Peace & Plenty. There are also numerous entries detailing accounts with the Algerian regency, with Algerian trading houses, for business conducted in Tripoli, and describing the expenses incurred by O’Brien in his duties. Many of O’Brien’s accounts were conducted with the leading Jewish-owned trading house of Bacri & Busnach, and this volume provides important details on the functioning of that prominent Jewish-Alge- rian business. The account book highlights some of the difficulties O’Brien encountered in facilitating trade for the cash-strapped United States, as well as some of the peculiarities associated with the region he worked in. He often had to borrow money from local merchants to carry on his transactions. In one instance he writes: “Had I funds not to be dependent on the Jews for advances, I am convinced I would have saved 4 thousand dollars in the account to the United States.” An entry dated June 14, 1801 records O’Brien having forwarded $517 for “a present to the Dey on the circum- cision of his son.” Another entry records costs for a “present to the Gen’l. of Marine on his return from Constantinople.” O’Brien notes that on May 10, 1801 he paid $24 to the carrier that took controversial American William Eaton to Tunis, while on the next day he paid $40 “to the Christian slave hospital a customary national charity.” Several other entries record payments (i.e. pay-offs) to various local officials to enable O’Brien to do his job in an efficient manner, while other payments were clearly for bribes. For example, an entry of November 1, 1801 describes a payment of $120 “to the Dey’s nephew who went in a Swedes vessel for Rhodes a customary present & something extra for his helping to persuade the Dey from not taking the ship Brutus of Salem on a voyage for Rhodes.” Also included is a copy of a lengthy letter from O’Brien to Secretary of State James Madison, dated November 25, 1801, discussing trade with Algiers, the Dey’s purchas- ing of timber from the United States, and the importance of not falling into arrears with Bacri & Busnach. A substantial portion of the letter describes O’Brien’s thoughts on several types of ships he has seen in the port of Algiers and their suitability for use in the American navy. He relates his views on the importance of a strong American naval presence in the Mediterranean, in order to protect shipping and to impress the leaders of the Barbary states: We should never forget the necessity of having 3 or 4 frigates in this sea. It is force on one tack that will give us security and keep the evil minded in awe and it will be in vain for us to know that we are a great nation, that we have 6 millions of inhabitants, that we have great exports and imports, that we have 6000 sail of vessels. All this avails nothing to foreign nations, particularly to Barbary. They will say where is your navy—the Swedes, [?], Portuguese and Dutch have not half your number or resources & they have considerable maritime force. . . . I am convinced that as long as those regencies do not exceed the boundary of reason that it will be the interest of the U.S. to be at peace with them. The Mediterranean is equal to all Europe out side of the Straits, and is an extensive field for commerce. If we have war with all we must have a large fleet of frigates in this sea and I doubt that we would be effectually adequate to give a secure convoy to our commerce in this sea owing to winds & currents and to give our commerce in the Western Ocean security. We should have a fleet at Gibraltar and even then war would raise the insurance on our whole commerce to Europe. O’Brien also tells Madison that he has forwarded him a Koran, “the contents I presume will give you some singular information.” A copy of another letter to Madison relates details of the meeting of a French revolutionary official with the Dey of Algiers and the Dey’s demand of a bribe for peace. A fascinating and highly important manuscript, giving an incredibly wide-ranging and detailed description of all aspects of American commerce and diplomacy in Algiers in the early years of the Barbary wars, and with significant information on the role and importance of Jewish trading houses in local politics and commerce. DNB XIII, pp. 611–12. $75,000.

The First Great Chronicle of the New World, with Some of the Earliest Images of New World Natives and Plants, Signed by the Author 74. Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fernandez de: LA HISTORIA GENERAL DE LAS INDIAS. Seville: Juan Cromberger, 1535. 197 leaves as follow: title-leaf, folios +1–3, folios 1–193. Plus in-text woodcuts. Marginal notes in at least three hands. Titlepage printed in red and black. Quarto. 17th-century vellum, yap edges, manuscript title on spine; recased, with edges (especially upper edge) of the binding repaired, new endpapers. Titlepage repaired along edges, with upper and lower blank margins replaced. Unevenly trimmed, often affecting the foliation or the chapter number in the upper margin, or the manuscript marginalia. Leaf 105 with repaired tears, including a dozen words in facsimile; several other leaves repaired at edges, affecting a few words of text. Overall, a very good copy. In a morocco clamshell box, spine gilt. This famous work is the most extensive book on the New World written up to the time of publication, and is one of the chief sources to this day for many of the facts relating to the early history of the Spanish conquest of the New World. The colophon leaf is signed by Oviedo, as is found in some copies. Oviedo was a witness to that history from the beginning, having seen, as a young page at the Spanish court, the return of Columbus in 1493. In 1505 he went out to the Indies himself as an official, and subsequently served in a number of important administrative posts. Over the next three decades he kept extensive notes on the history of the Spanish in the New World and all he observed there, especially natural history and the Indians he encountered. He also interviewed all of the Spanish explorers to whom he had access. In 1526 he published a short work on the natural history of the Indies, followed nine years later by the present work. His industry provides an extraordinary description of the period, one that his high offices and education gave him a unique ability to record. Oviedo’s work is illustrated with numerous woodcuts, which are the earliest extant reliable pictures of things in the New World. These include a number of botanical subjects including prickly pear, as well as artifacts including the hammock, and natives, the most famous of which depicts Indians panning for gold. Oviedo was the first writer to gather detailed and accurate information on the natural history of the New World. Over half of La Historia General . . . is devoted to natural history, especially focusing on plants and trees. Books 8 and 9 are entirely devoted to trees and plants, while books 10 and 11 cover plants with medicinal qualities. The illustrations which accompany these chapters are the earliest illustrations of Ameri- can plants drawn from nature. Book 7 is entirely devoted to agriculture in the New World, describing cultivated fruits and plants raised for food by the Indians. Books 12, 13, 14, and 15 describe water animals (including his famous manatee description), birds, insects, and mammals. The first edition of Oviedo’s book publishes the first nineteen parts of his history. The twentieth part appeared as a part of Ramusio’s Viaggi . . . in 1551, and the remaining thirty were not published until 1851. This first edition is one of the outstanding early books on the New World, a foundation work regarding the period of the initial Spanish conquest. EUROPEAN AMERICANA 535/12. HARRISSE BAV 207. CHURCH 71. ARENTS, TOBACCO 4. MEDINA (BHA) 4. NISSEN ZOOLOGY 3032. JCB (3)I:118. CREATING AMERICA, YALE EXHIBITION 10. SERVIES, p. 1. $225,000. Thomas Paine’s Most Famous Utterance: “These are the times that try men’s souls. . . .” One of Only Two Broadside Versions

75. [Paine, Thomas]: THE AMERICAN CRISIS. (No. I) By the Author of Common Sense [caption title]. [Boston: John Gill], Sold opposite the Court-House, Queen-Street, [Jan. 16, 1777]. Broadside, 15¼ x 10 inches. Printed in three columns. A bit of light spotting. Small tear in lower left corner, barely touching one word of text. Contemporary manuscript notes on the verso (see below). A very attractive and displayable copy. Untrimmed. In a half morocco box. A very rare broadside printing of the first part of Thomas Paine’s famous document, The American Crisis, beginning with the famous watchwords of the American Revolu- tion: “These are the times that try men’s souls.” Probably the most famous line Paine ever wrote, and after the preamble of the Declaration of Independence, the most ring- ing phrase of the American Revolution, it remains in the national imagination as the epigram of the struggle for freedom. We are able to locate only one other copy of this rare broadside. Printed on one side of the sheet, and intended to be publicly displayed, the text was designed to be read by the inhabitants of Boston, one of the hotbeds of revolutionary sentiment in America. This broadside was printed by John Gill, publisher of the Boston newspaper, Conti- nental Journal. Gill’s newspaper printed the full text of the first number of The American Crisis on the fourth page its January 16, 1777 edition. The present printing is a separate “broadside extra” printed by Gill, probably earlier the same day. The text, which is printed in three columns, is typographically identical with that found in Gill’s newspaper. It was standard practice at this time to issue breaking news in a broadside edition for posting, and then rearrange the same setting of type as part of a newspaper issue. Even the newspaper version is known in only a few copies. The famous first lines of the first number of The American Crisis read: “These are the times that try men’s souls: The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of his country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph.” The first pamphlet version of The American Crisis was issued by Paine through the Philadelphia publisher Styner & Cist on December 19, 1776 to help rejuvenate the patriot cause among the dispirited American soldiers after the defeats on Long Island and the loss of New York. A second part was published shortly after Washington’s signal victories at Trenton on Christmas 1776 and Princeton on Jan. 3, 1777, and the third number was issued in mid-April 1777. This broadside is among the few appearances of the first number of The American Crisis as a separate text, and the only one as a broadside for public posting. Besides the Philadelphia pamphlet printing, another pamphlet version was issued in Norwich, Connecticut; it is not dated. Over the next four weeks it appeared in the few newspapers in Philadelphia and elsewhere still operating during the Revolutionary crisis. This broadside constitutes only the third separate printing of the entire text of The American Crisis, following only the Styner & Cist first edition and the Norwich edition. This broadside printing of Paine’s tract is made even more interesting by the contemporary manuscript notes on the verso. The upper portion of the verso reads, “A Provision Return of Col. Bumsted Comp’y,” followed by notes on the numbers of men in the company on May 24 and May 30, and what appears to be their length of service. The lower half of the verso of the broadside contains further contemporary notes listing the number of officers in the company. There was a Captain Thomas Bumsted who served with Massachusetts forces during the Revolution, and these notes would seem to refer to his company. This broadside printing of the first number of The American Crisis is not in Evans, and we are able to locate only one other copy, at the Massachusetts Historical Soci- ety. That is the copy identified by Ford, and the only one listed by the ESTC and NAIP. There are facsimile copies at the Library of Congress, and the American Antiquarian Society, apparently made from the copy at the Massachusetts Historical Society. Rare, and a significant early printing of this clarion call to American patriots. FORD 2036. NAIP w031725. ESTC W31725. SHIPTON & MOONEY 43114. BRISTOL B4306. HOWES P16 (other eds). SABIN 58206 (other eds). $200,000.

The Exceedingly Rare Session Laws of Revolutionary Pennsylvania 76. [Pennsylvania Laws]: LAWS ENACTED IN A GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE FREEMEN OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA . . . Vol. I . . . II. Philadelphia or Lancaster. 1777–1785. Full imprint and pagination information supplied below. The first titlepage and pp. 35–36 supplied in expert facsimile. Folio. Dbd. Occasional tanning and staining. Closed tear in first leaf of text, but with no loss of text. First ten pages trimmed unevenly along foredge with no loss of text. Several instances of contemporary manuscript notes and underlining. Overall very good. Untrimmed. In two cloth clamshell cases, leather labels. A remarkable, nearly complete run of the exceedingly rare proceedings of the Pennsyl- vania state legislature from late 1776 to 1785. Outside of the holdings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, it is by far the most extensive collection of Pennsylvania laws for the period, and it is highly unlikely that a similar run could ever be assembled. The onset of the Revolution ushered in an exciting and innovative period in Ameri- can politics, as states made the transition from colonial political systems to independent legislatures. New constitutions were written (Pennsylvania’s being among the most radical) and new classes of men came into political office, often displacing entrenched aristocrats and men of capital. The state legislatures functioned as miniature “labora- tories of democracy,” as new laws were passed for governance, the raising of public money, and the training and outfitting of a military force to contribute to the Revolu- tionary cause. Pennsylvania’s Assembly was especially noteworthy for its sharp political divisions between ardent supporters of independence and those suspected of being Loyalists. The session laws collected here document the creation of the state’s new political and civic structure, spelling out the roles and responsibilities of the governor, the Assembly, and the courts, the organization of the state militia and the requirements for serving therein, the creation of taxes and other means for raising public funds, and much, much more. This collection contains the journals of twenty-eight of the twenty-nine sessions of the Pennsylvania legislature during the period from November 28, 1776 (the first meeting of the Pennsylvania General Assembly) through the third sitting of the Ninth Gen- eral Assembly, which began on August 23, 1785. It lacks only the eleven-page record of the fourth sitting of the Fifth General Assembly (NAIP w023481 and Tower Collection 773), which is known in only two copies. The only comparable collection of Pennsyl- vania laws is that formed in the 19th century by Pennsylvania lawyer Charlemagne Tower. In his catalogue of the Tower collection, noted bibliographer Charles Hilde- burn called Tower’s grouping of Pennsylvania laws “unequalled,” and rightly so as it spanned more than 100 years and contained more than 150 separate items. Tower’s collection of colonial American laws, which contained all of the Pennsylvania laws found in the present collection, was given to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in 1890. The present collection of twenty-eight session laws from 1776 to 1785 easily outstrips the holdings of the next nearest institutions—the Library of Congress, which has only sixteen of the titles, and the American Antiquarian Society, which holds only twelve. The next nearest after that is the University of Pennsylvania, with only seven of the titles. Of the twenty-eight separate printings of laws in this collection, two are known in only one other copy each (the first and fourth items); eleven are known in only two other copies each; and another eleven are known in only three other copies each. The most “common” of the laws in the present collection—the final one listed below—is known in only six other copies. It is likely that the laws were produced in very small numbers, mainly for the use of the legislators, and the earlier ones would have suffered losses in the British invasion of Philadelphia and eastern Pennsylvania in 1777. Within these laws are found much of the day-to-day politics and business of running a state during the Revolution, with details of the war dominating. The very first laws establish a quorum, authorize the courts, issue Continental currency, establish a militia, and cover many military matters. By the third session the legislature had been forced to flee Philadelphia in front of the British invasion, and the next four session laws are printed in Lancaster by Francis Bailey and John Dunlap. The fourth sitting of the second General Assembly reconvened in Philadelphia on August 4, 1778. Virtually all of the laws in this period are concerned with the prosecution of the war, whether attainting traitors, organizing supplies, passing military regulations, or controlling prices. But there is much of importance besides; in January 1780 the Assembly passed “An Act for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery” as well as incorporating the American Philosophical Society. Beginning with the Fourth General Assembly in October 1779, Thomas Paine became the Clerk, and all the published laws are subscribed by him in type until September 1780. Volume I concludes with the end of the Fifth General Assembly in June 1781. Volume II, which begins with the Sixth General Assembly in December 1781, moves into a very different era, more concerned with the details of civil administration. Dunlap was displaced as official printer by Hall & Sellers. The difficulties of public finance now dominate, as well as the westward moment which exploded once the Revolution was over. Individual and constitutional issues also come to the fore, setting the stage for the struggles over creating a federal government and the reaction against the liberal 1776 state constitution. The second full volume of the session laws concludes in September 1785. The entire run of the Pennsylvania Laws, with imprint, pagination, reference, and location of copies information is as follows: 1) Laws Enacted in a General Assembly of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [Nov. 28, 1776 to March 21, 1777]. Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1777. 36, [3], 38–48, [2]pp. Titlepage and pp. 35–36 provided in expert facsimile. EVANS 15539. NAIP w004245 (PHi). HILDEBURN 3839. TOWER COLLECTION 756. 2) Laws Enacted in a General Assembly of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Common- wealth of Pennsylvania. [May 12, 1777 to Oct. 14, 1777]. Lancaster: Printed by Francis Bailey, 1777. [49]–65, [3]pp. EVANS 15540. NAIP w023468 (PHi, PU). HILDEBURN 3580. TOWER COLLECTION 757. 3) Laws Enacted in the Second General Assembly of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Common-wealth of Pennsylvania. [Oct. 27, 1777 to Jan. 2, 1778]. Lancaster: Printed by John Dunlap. [69]–100pp. EVANS 15968. NAIP w023548 (PHi, PBL, PU). HILDEBURN 3730. TOWER COLLECTION 758. 4) Laws Enacted in the Second Sitting of the Second General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Feb. 18, 1778]. [Lancaster: Printed by John Dunlap, 1778]. [101]–132pp. Not listed by Evans. NAIP w023469. HILDEBURN 3730 (PHi). TOWER COL- LECTION 759. 5) Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting of the Second General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning May 13, 1778]. [Lancaster: Printed by John Dunlap, 1778]. [133]– 136pp. Not listed by Evans. NAIP w023470 (PHi, PU). HILDEBURN 3730. TOWER COLLEC- TION 760. 6) Laws Enacted in the Fourth Sitting of the Second General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Aug. 4, 1778]. [Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1778]. [137]–164pp. Not listed by Evans. NAIP w023471 (PHi, PU). HILDEBURN 3730. TOWER COLLECTION 761. 7) Laws Enacted in the First Sitting of the Third General Assembly of Pennsylvania. [beginning Oct. 26, 1778]. Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1778. [165]–177,[1]pp. [Followed by one manuscript leaf of notes.] EVANS 15972. NAIP w023472 (PHi, PU). HILDEBURN 3731 TOWER COLLECTION 762. 8) Laws Enacted in the Second Sitting of the Third General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Feb. 1, 1779]. [Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1779]. [177]–228pp. EVANS 16428. NAIP w023473 (PHi, DLC). HILDEBURN 3901. TOWER COL- LECTION 764. 9) Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting of the Third General Assembly, of the Common-wealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Aug. 30, 1779]. [Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1779]. [229]–260pp. EVANS 16429. NAIP w023474 (PHi, DLC). HILDEBURN 3901. TOWER COL- LECTION 765. 10) Laws Enacted in the First Sitting of the Fourth General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Oct. 25, 1779]. [Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1779]. [261]–280, [2]pp. EVANS 16430. NAIP w023549 (PPL, DLC). HILDEBURN 3902. TOWER COLLECTION 766. 11) Laws Enacted in the Second Sitting of the Fourth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Jan. 19, 1780]. [Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1780]. [283]–365, [1]pp. EVANS 16930. NAIP w023475 (PPL, NN, MHi). HILDEBURN 4016. TOWER COLLECTION 767. 12) Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting of the Fourth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning May 10, 1780]. [Philadelphia]: Printed by John Dunlap, [1780]. [367]–384pp. EVANS 16931. NAIP w023476 (PPL, PBL, NN). HILDEBURN 4016. TOWER COLLECTION 768. 13) Laws Enacted in the Fourth Sitting of the Fourth General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Sept. 1, 1780]. [Philadelphia]: Printed by John Dunlap, [1780]. [385]–394, [2]pp. EVANS 16932. NAIP w023477 (PPL, NN). HILDEBURN 4016. TOWER COLLECTION 769. 14) Laws of the First Sitting of the Fifth General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Oct. 23, 1780]. [Philadelphia]: Printed by John Dunlap, [1780]. [397]–417, [1]pp. EVANS 16933. NAIP w023478 (PPL, DLC). HILDEBURN 4017. TOWER COLLECTION 770. 15) Laws Enacted in the Second Sitting of the Fifth General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Feb. 6, 1781]. [Philadelphia]: Printed by John Dunlap, [1781]. [395]–432, [2]pp. EVANS 17289. NAIP w023479 (PHi, DLC). HILDEBURN 4120. TOWER COLLECTION 771. 16) Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting, of the Fifth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning May 24, 1781]. [Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1781]. [459]–476pp. EVANS 17290. NAIP w023480 (PHi, DLC). HILDEBURN 4120. TOWER COL- LECTION 772. 17) Laws Enacted in the Sixth General Assembly of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Com- monwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Oct. 22, 1781]. Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1782. 8pp. EVANS 17659. NAIP w007067 (PHi, DLC, MWA, Mi). HILDEBURN 4208. TOWER COLLECTION 775. 18) Laws Enacted in the Second Sitting of the Sixth General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Feb. 11, 1782]. Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1782. [9]–81, [3]pp. EVANS 17660. NAIP w023483 (PHi, DLC, MWA, RPJCB). HILDEBURN 4208. TOWER COLLECTION 776. 19) Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting of the Sixth General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Penn- sylvania. [beginning Aug. 1, 1782]. Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1782. [85]–110, [1]pp. EVANS 17661 NAIP w023484 (PHi, DLC, MWA). HILDEBURN 4208. TOWER COL- LECTION 777. 20) Laws Enacted in the Seventh General Assembly of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Oct. 28, 1782]. Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1782. [113]–126pp. EVANS 17662. NAIP w023485 (PHi, DLC, MWA). HILDE- BURN 4209. TOWER COLLECTION 778. 21) Laws Enacted in the Second Sitting of the Seventh General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Jan. 15, 1783]. [Philadelphia]: Printed by Hall and Sellers, [1783]. [127]–184 [i.e. 183]pp. EVANS 18094. NAIP w023486 (PHi, DLC, MWA). HILDEBURN 4313. TOWER COLLECTION 779. 22) Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting of the Seventh General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Aug. 14, 1783]. [Philadelphia. 1783]. [185]–254, [2]pp. EVANS 18095. NAIP w023487 (PHi, DLC, MWA). HILDEBURN 4313. TOWER COLLECTION 780. 23) Laws Enacted in the First Sitting of the Eighth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Oct. 27, 1783]. [Philadelphia]: Printed by Thomas Bradford, [1783]. [255]–270, [2]pp. EVANS 18096. NAIP w023488 (PHi, DLC, MWA). HILDEBURN 4314. TOWER COLLECTION 781. 24) Laws Enacted in the Second Sitting of the Eighth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Jan. 13, 1784]. Philadelphia: Printed by Thomas Bradford, [1784]. [271]–368 [i.e. 369], iii, [1]pp. EVANS 18681. NAIP w023489 (PHi, PU, MWA, NN). HILDE- BURN 4505. TOWER COLLECTION 782. 25) Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting of the Eighth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning July 20, 1784]. [Philadelphia]: Printed by Thomas Bradford, [1784]. [371]–399, [1], ii pp. EVANS 18682. NAIP w023550 (PHi, DLC, MWA). HILDEBURN 4505. TOWER COLLECTION 783. 26) Laws Enacted in the First Sitting of the Ninth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Oct. 25, 1784]. [Philadelphia]: Printed by Thomas Bradford, [1784]. [401]–415, [1]pp. EVANS 18683. NAIP w020616 (PPL, MWA, NN). HILDEBURN 4506. TOWER COLLECTION 784. 27) Laws Enacted in the Second Sitting of the Ninth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Penn- sylvania. [beginning Feb. 1, 1785]. Philadelphia: Printed by Thomas Bradford, [1785]. [417]– 587, [1], iv pp. EVANS 19160. NAIP w020618 (PHi, DLC, MWA). TOWER COLLECTION 785. 28) Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting of the Ninth General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. [beginning Aug. 23, 1785]. Philadelphia: Printed by Thomas Bradford, [1785]. [589]–704, [3]pp. EVANS 19161. NAIP w023490 (PHi, PU, DLC, MWA, NjR, RPJCB). TOWER COLLECTION 786. A remarkable collection of rare and important Revolutionary-era Pennsylvania laws. $35,000.

In Contemporary Red Morocco: The Most Important English Map of America of the Era 77. Popple, Henry: A MAP OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN AMERICA WITH THE FRENCH AND SPANISH SETTLEMENTS ADJACENT THERETO. London: “Engrav’d by Willm. Henry Toms,” [ca. 1734]. Engraved map by William Henry Toms (with twenty-two integral inset views and plans), on 15 double-page and 5 single-page sheets, mounted on guards throughout, preceded by a folding double-page key map by Toms, with very fine full period hand-coloring throughout. Contemporary manuscript list of maps on front free endpaper with corresponding manuscript numbers in the top right corner of each map, two contemporary manuscript additions on sheet 6 at the entrance to Delaware Bay (“Cape May” and “Cape Hinlopen”). Folio. Contemporary English red morocco, the covers with elaborate border in gilt, built up from fillets, roll tools, and various small tools; expertly rebacked to style, spine gilt with raised bands. Very good. A monument to the cartography of 18th-century America: a spectacular fully colored copy of the first large-scale map of North America, and the first printed map to show the thirteen colonies. Popple maps with full contemporary color are exceedingly rare and exceptionally beautiful. When the coloring is allied with contemporary English red morocco, the combination suggests that this copy was prepared for a high-status original owner. Popple produced this map under the auspices of the Lord Commissioners of Trade and Plantations to help settle disputes arising from the rival expansion of English, Spanish, and French colonies. “France claimed not only Canada, but also territories drained by the Mississippi and its tributaries—in practical terms, an area of half a continent”—Goss. The present copy of Popple’s map, with its full contemporary hand- coloring, would have been particularly useful in these disputes. Mark Babinski in his masterly monograph on this map notes: “The typical coloring of fully colored copies . . . is described best by a contemporary manuscript legend on the end-paper affixing the Key map to the binding in the King George III copy at the British Library: ‘Green— Indian Countrys. Red—English. Yellow—Spanish. Blue—French. Purple—Dutch.’” The careful demarcation of the disputed areas by color would have made the identification of whether a particular location was in one or another “zone” a great deal easier. Thus the coloring adds a whole new dimension to a map that is usually only seen in its uncolored state, and perhaps suggests that the copies with full hand-coloring were, in general, originally produced for some as-yet-unrediscovered official use to do with the international land disputes of the time. Benjamin Franklin, on May 22, 1746, ordered two copies of this map, “one bound the other in sheets,” for the Pennsylvania Assembly. It was the only map of sufficient size and grandeur available. The map truly is on a grand scale: if actually assembled it would result in a map over eight feet square. Its coverage extends from the Grand Banks off Newfound- land to about ten degrees west of Lake Superior, and from the Great Lakes to the north coast of South America. Several of the sections are illustrated with handsome pictorial insets, including views of New York City, Niagara Falls, Mexico City, and Quebec; and inset maps of Boston, Charles-Town, Providence, Bermuda, and a number of others. “Little is known of Henry Popple except that he came from a family whose members had served the Board of Trade and Plantations for three generations, a connection that must have been a factor in his undertaking the map, his only known cartographic work”—McCorkle. Mark Babinski has made a detailed study of the issues and states of the Popple map. This copy, however, is an unrecorded variant issue (though resem- bling in many respects Babinski’s 4a), without the engraved “1” in the upper left corner of the first map, with Searle’s name removed from the imprint on sheet 20, with the manuscript additions at the entrance to Delaware Bay on sheet six, sheet 10 without the Georgia overslip or manuscript additions, etc. The key map is in Babinski’s state 1, with only Toms’ name below the border at the bottom and no additional place names in the seventeen small insets. BABINSKI, HENRY POPPLE’S 1733 MAP (New Jersey, 1998) (ref). BROWN, EARLY MAPS OF THE OHIO VALLEY 14. CUMMING, THE SOUTHEAST IN EARLY MAPS 216, 217. DEGREES OF LATITUDE 24, state 4. E. McSHERRY FOWBLE, TWO CENTURIES OF PRINTS IN AMERICA 1680–1880 (1987) 6, 7. JOHN GOSS, THE MAPPING OF NORTH AMERICA (1990) 55 (key map only); p. 122. GRAFF 3322. HOWES P481, “b.” LOWERY 337, 338. McCORKLE 21. PHIL- LIPS MAPS, p. 569. SABIN 64140. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG, p. 151. STREETER SALE 676. STEPHENSON & McKEE, VIRGINIA IN MAPS, map II–18A–B. $300,000.

Massive Collection of Voyages: A Foundation Work for English Exploration 78. Purchas, Samuel: HAKLUYTUS POSTUMUS OR PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES. CONTAYNING A HISTORY OF THE WORLD, IN SEA VOYAGES & L ANDE- TRAUELLS, BY ENGLISHMEN & OTHERS . . . IN FIVE BOOKS. . . . London: William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, 1625–1626. Five volumes. Folio. Crushed blue morocco, gilt, by W. Pratt, covers with central gilt arabesques, spines lettered in gilt in six compartments, marbled endpapers, a.e.g. A fine copy. The second great collection of English voyages, expanding upon and greatly adding to the work of Hakluyt, whose manuscripts Purchas took over after Hakluyt’s death. Pur- chas collects over twelve hundred separate narratives of explorations in every part of the world. Many of the accounts relate to the New World, especially Virginia, and one of the engraved maps is Smith’s famous “Map of Virginia.” Besides the Smith Virginia map, Purchas also includes two other maps of the greatest importance for North American cartography. The first of these is the “Briggs” map of North America, generally considered the first map to show California as an island. The Briggs map is also the first to note New Mexico by that name, and the first to name the Hudson River and Hudson Bay. The other notable American map is William Alex- ander’s depiction of the Northeast, showing the coast from Massachusetts north to Newfoundland. As Burden notes, this is the first map to record many place names and is a “map of great importance.” Purchas began work on his massive collection in 1611, and published various editions of a short collection, with the similar title of “Purchas His Pilgrimage,” over the next ten years. That publication, however, was merely a precursor to the present work, an entirely different book and arguably the greatest collection of travels and voyages ever published. The first two volumes are mainly devoted to travels in Africa, the Mid- dle East, and Asia. The third volume largely treats northern explorations and America. The fourth volume is almost entirely devoted to America. The fifth volume, Pilgrimage, is a supplement to all of the preceding parts, and properly completes a set of Purchas’ . . . Pilgrimes. . . . A foundation work for any collection of travels and voyages. EUROPEAN AMERICANA 625/173. SABIN 66682–6. CHURCH 401A. HUTH SALE 6057. BAER MARYLAND 8. HILL 1403. STREETER SALE 36. STC 20509. ARENTS 158. JCB (3)II:196–97. BURDEN 164, 208, 214. $200,000.

The Classic of Southern Overland Narratives 79. Reid, John C.: REID’S TRAMP; OR, A JOURNAL OF THE INCIDENTS OF TEN MONTHS TRAVEL THROUGH TEXAS, NEW MEXICO, ARIZONA, SONORA, AND CALIFORNIA. INCLUDING TOPOGRAPHY, CLIMATE, SOIL, MIN- ERALS, METALS, AND INHABITANTS; WITH A NOTICE OF THE GREAT INTER-OCEANIC RAIL ROAD. Selma, Al.: John Hardy & Co., 1858. 237pp. Original blindstamped cloth, spine gilt. Spine bit faded and shaken, rear inner hinge cracked and sepa- rated. Front free endpaper and fly leaf excised; bookplate on front pastedown. Occasional fox mark. Still, very good. In a half morocco and cloth box. One of the great classic rarities of Southwest Americana, this is Reid’s account of the journey to explore the Gadsden Purchase and his overland journey to California by the southern route. He left Marion, Alabama in September 1856 with a party of travellers known as the Mesilla Valley Company, whose main purpose was to explore the newly acquired territory in the Southwest known as the Gadsden Purchase. The group travelled through Mobile and New Orleans, then by ship to Galveston, then on land to San Antonio, Castroville, El Paso, Tucson, San Diego, and San Francisco. In the beginning of 1857, Reid joined a failed filibustering expedition into Sonora and Chihuahua led by Henry Crabb, but left for California by April of that year. He stayed only a short time in California before returning via Panama, Havana, and New Orleans. The book contains a wealth of brief and entertaining descriptions of life in the Mexi- can cession, including the towns and hamlets visited along the way, German immi- grants, the agricultural promise of the region, desert flora and fauna, and speculation on the future of the Indians of the Southwest. The description of Reid’s association with Crabb’s filibusters is most interesting. “Reid’s work is one of the genuine classics relating to the Southwest; his descriptions of mines and miners, the natives, in fact all the country through which he passed, are vivid”—Decker. A most important Southwest rarity, accorded a “d” rating by Howes. HOWES R172, “d.” WAGNER-CAMP 307. STREETER SALE 176. RADER 2776. RAINES, p. 172. CLARK III:490. COWAN, p. 528. GRAFF 3450. DECKER 36:339. $20,000.

Root’s Narrative: A Major Overland Rarity 80. Root, Riley: JOURNAL OF TRAVELS FROM ST. JOSEPHS TO OREGON, WITH OBSERVATIONS OF THAT COUNTRY, TOGETHER WITH SOME DESCRIP- TION OF CALIFORNIA, ITS AGRICULTURAL INTERESTS, AND A FULL DESCRIPTION OF ITS GOLD MINES. Galesburg, Il.: Gazetteer and Intelligencer Prints, 1850. 143pp. Original printed pink wrappers, backed with pink cloth. Wrappers worn and soiled, with a few small holes in the front wrapper. Scattered foxing. Overall, a very good copy, in original condition. In a cloth chemise and half morocco and cloth slipcase, spine gilt. One of the few journals of the 1848 emigration, and a cornerstone of overland literature. Root crossed the Missouri River at St. Joseph in April and reached Oregon City on Sept. 13. He then went to California, arriving in the spring of 1849. His daily journal occupies pages 16–36 and is followed by several pages of very practical advice to emigrants. The remainder of the work consists of descriptions of Oregon and California, including a report on the Whitman massacre. The wrapper is known in several vari- ants (see Wagner-Camp); this copy bears the wrapper imprint “Intelligencer Print” as well as the name of the compositor. “Root provided his readers with information on the Oregon reaction to the Gold Rush, geography and geology of the gold district, varieties of gold, mode of searching for gold, and a general description of California”—Kurutz. “One of the best overland journals, one of a few covering 1848, one of the earliest describing the California gold- fields, which he reached from Oregon, May 1849”—Howes, who affords it a “c” rating. Very few copies of Root have appeared for sale in the last several decades. HOWES R436, “c.” GRAFF 3565. WAGNER-CAMP 189. STREETER SALE 3162. COWAN, p. 542. KURUTZ 543a. BYRD 1621. $27,500.

A Major Rarity of American Atlases 81. Sayer, Robert, and John Bennett, publishers: Jefferys, Thomas, engraver: THE NORTH-AMERICAN PILOT FOR NEWFOUNDLAND, LABRADORE, THE GULF AND RIVER ST. L AURENCE: BEING A COLLECTION OF SIXTY ACCU- RATE CHARTS AND PLANS, DRAWN FROM ORIGINAL SURVEYS: TAKEN BY JAMES COOK AND MICHAEL LANE, SURVEYORS, AND JOSEPH GILBERT, AND OTHER OFFICERS IN THE KING’S SERVICE. London: Printed and sold by R. Sayer & J. Bennett, 1779. Title, dedication, 2pp. index of the charts (with the text of Cook’s letter to the publisher appearing at the bottom of the second page). Twenty-two double-page and/or folding engraved charts after James Cook, Michael Lane, Joseph Gilbert, and others. Extra-illustrated with a small format letterpress advertisement (13¾ x 7¾ inches) mounted on the inside front cover, “A Catalogue of Pilots and Sea Charts, printed for, and sold by R. Sayer and J. Bennett, No. 53, Fleet Street” (listing The North-American Pilot for sale at £3 7s for both parts, making it the most expensive item in the catalogue). Folio. Expertly bound to style in 18th-century half russia over contemporary marbled paper-covered boards, modern blue morocco-backed cloth box, spine gilt. [with:] (PART THE SECOND.) THE NORTH-AMERICAN PILOT FOR NEW ENGLAND, NEW YORK, PENSILVANIA, MARYLAND, AND VIRGINIA; ALSO THE TWO CAROLINAS, AND FLORIDA, DRAWN FROM ORIGINAL SURVEYS, TAKEN BY CAPT. JOHN GASCOIGNE, JOHSUA [sic] FISHER, JACOB BLAMEY, AND OTHER OFFICERS AND PILOTS IN HIS MAJESTY’S SERVICE. London: Printed and sold by R. Sayer and J. Bennett, 1783. Title. Ten double-page and/or folding engraved charts after Capt. John Gascoigne, Joshua Fisher, Jacob Blamey, and others. Folio. Expertly bound to style in 18th-century half russia over contemporary marbled paper-covered boards uniform to part one above, modern blue morocco-backed cloth boxes, spines gilt uniform to part one above. Very good. An incredible American cartographic rarity: the complete North-American Pilot, including Captain James Cook’s monumental surveys of Newfoundland and Labrador, as well as the most important coastal charts of America at the start of the Revolution, including Anthony Smith’s famed chart of the Chesapeake. The first part of The North-American Pilot comprises the most thorough and detailed mapping of the Canadian territory ceded to Great Britain at the end of the French and Indian War. Surveys of the region were immediately ordered, as the waterways were deemed of vital economic importance to the inland fur trade. Selected for the task were James Cook and Michael Lane. “The charting of Newfoundland and southern Labra- dor by Cook, in the years 1763–67, and by his successor Michael Lane, in 1768–73, was unequalled, for thoroughness and method, by any previous hydrographic work by Eng- lishmen; and it produced the first charts of this extensive and difficult coastline that could (in the words of a later hydrographer) ‘with any degree of safety be trusted by the sea- man’”—Skelton & Tooley. For Cook, his accomplishment led directly to his being commissioned to the Endeavor, launching his reputation as the greatest maritime explorer of his age, and perhaps of all time. Cook’s charts were first published in 1769, under the title A Collection of Charts, but containing only ten maps; in 1775, they were republished with additions by Jefferys within the first part of The North-American Pilot. Present here is the third edition of the first part of The North-American Pilot, containing the full complement of charts, with additions updating the charts in the midst of the American Revolution. In this edition, compared to the previous, the list of maps has been reset with Cook’s letter now appearing at the bottom of the second page (earlier editions used the letter facing the title). Later editions of the Pilot would be published by Laurie and Whittle into the 19th century; all pre-Laurie and Whittle editions are of the utmost rarity. The maps in the first part comprise: 1) Cook and Lane: “A General Chart of the Island of Newfoundland with the Rocks and Sound- ings.” May 10, 1775. Double-page (approximate plate area: 21½ x 22¼ inches). 2) Chabert, Cook, and Fleurieu: “A Chart of the Banks of Newfoundland.” March 25, 1775. Double-page (plate area: 20¼ x 26½ inches). 3) “A Chart of the South-east Part of Newfoundland, Containing the Bays of Placentia, St. Mary, Trespassy and Conception.” May 10, 1770. Double-page (plate area: 20½ x 27¾ inches). 4) “Trinity Harbour / Carboniere and Harbour Grace / St. John’s Harbour.” May 10, 1770. Three maps on one single-page sheet (plate area: 15 x 11½ inches). 5) “The Harbour of Trepassey with Mutton and Biscay Bays / The Road and Harbour of Placentia. By James Cook / St. Mary’s Harbour.” May 10, 1770. Three maps on one single- page sheet (plate area: 14 x 12 inches). 6) Cook: “A Chart of Part of the South Coast of Newfoundland including the islands of Lang- ley, St. Pierre and Miquelon with the Southern Entrance into the Gulph of St. Laurence. . . .” May 10, 1774. Folding, printed on three joined sheets (approximate plate area: 26½ x 68½ inches). With a 7¾ x 8-inch flap, extending the mapping of Fortune Bay to Cape Mille. 7) Jefferys: “A New Map of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton Island.” June 15, 1775. Double page (19 x 24½ inches). 8) “The Island of Sable.” May 10, 1770. Single page (plate area: 11½ x 15¼ inches). 9) Morris: “A Chart of the Harbour of Halifax in Nova Scotia.” March 25, 1775. Double page (plate area: 16½ x 24½ inches). 10) “A Draught of the Gut of Canso Between Nova Scotia and Cape Breton Island / A Plan of Port Dauphin / A plan of Murgain or Cow Bay.” March 25, 1775. Single page (approximate plate area: 14 x 21 inches). 11) “A Chart of the Gulf of St. Laurence.” March 25, 1775. Double page (plate area: 25¼ x 20½ inches). 12) “A Chart of the Magdelen Islands in the Gulf of St. Laurence.” Single page (plate area: 11¼ x 14¼ inches). 13) “A Map of the Island of St. John in the Gulf of St. Laurence . . . improved from the late survey of Captain Holland.” April 6, 1775. Double page (plate area: 15 x 28¼ inches). 14) “A Plan of Chaleur Bay in the Gulf of St. Laurence.” March 25, 1775. Single page (approximate plate area: 14 x 21½ inches). 15) “A Plan of Ristigouche Harbour in Chaleur Bay.” March 25, 1775. Single page (plate area: 14 x 21 inches). 16) Cook: “A Chart of the West Coast of Newfoundland.” May 10, 1770. Folding, printed on three joined sheets (approximate plate area: 19¾ x 67½ inches). 17) Cook and Lane: “A Chart of the Straights of Bellisle with part of the coast of Newfound- land and Labradore.” May 10, 1770. Folding, printed on two joined sheets (plate area: 24½ x 45 inches). 18) Gilbert: “A Chart of the Coast of Labradore, from the Straights of Bell Isle to Cape Bluff.” May 10, 1770. Double page (plate area: 22 x 19 inches). 19) Lane: “A Chart of part of the Coast of Labradore, from Grand Point to Shecatica.” May 10, 1770. Double page (plate area: 20 x 21 inches). 20–22) “A New Chart of the River St. Laurence from the Island of Anticonti to the Falls of Richelieu.” Feb. 16, 1775. Dimensions as follow: [Part the first, from Cape Rosiers and Anticosti Island to Cape des Monts Peles]. Folding, on two joined sheets (plate area: 34 x 31¼ inches). [Part the second, shewing the course of the river from Cape des Monts Peles to Hare Island]. Folding, on two joined sheets (plate area: 34½ x 31¼ inches). [Part the third, comprehending the course of the river from Kamourasca Islands to the Falls of Riche- lieu]. Folding, on two joined sheets (34 x 31½ inches). In 1776, shortly after news of American Independence reached Great Britain, publishers Sayer and Bennett issued a second part to their previously published The North- American Pilot, to encompass the coastline of the American colonies. The maps issued here include famed cartographic productions by John Gascoigne, Joshua Fisher, Anthony Smith, and others. Many maps include additions reflecting the early battles of the war (such as the plan of Charlestown, showing the attack on Fort Sullivan). This second part of The North-American Pilot was first published in 1776 and subsequently reissued with additional maps in 1777 (as the present copy). The additional maps comprise a double-page chart of the Atlantic Ocean (map 1 below) and a four-sheet map of the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean joined as two (maps 12 and 13 below). Copies of part the second are rarely found accompanying part the first. This edition of part the second is particularly desirable as it is the first to contain the full complement of maps. The maps in the second part comprise: 1) “A Chart of the Atlantic Ocean.” Feb. 20, 1782. Double page (plate area: 20 x 25½ inches). 2) “A Chart of the Harbour of Boston.” Folding, on two joined sheets (plate area: 21½ x 34½ inches). 3) “Chart of the Entrance of Hudson’s River, from Sandy Hook to New York.” June 1, 1776. Double page (plate area: 28 x 21 inches). 4) Fisher: “A Chart of Delaware Bay and River.” July 10, 1776. Double page (plate area: 19¼ x 27¼ inches). 5–6) Smith: “A New and Accurate Chart of the Bay of Chesapeake.” July 1, 1776. Upper half, folding printed on two joined sheets (approximate plate area: 20 x 55 inches). Lower half, folding printed on two joined sheets (approximate plate area: 20 x 55 inches). 7) “Plan of Cape Fear River from Bar to Brunswick.” July 1, 1776. Double page (plate area: 21 x 15 inches). 8) “An Exact Plan of Charles-town Bar and Harbour.” Aug. 31, 1776. Double page (approximate plate area: 21½ x 27¾ inches). 9) Gascoigne: “A Plan of Port Royal in South Carolina.” May 15, 1776. Folding (approximate plate area: 28 x 23½ inches). 10) Gascoigne: “A Plan of the River and Sound of D’Awfoskee in South Carolina.” May 15, 1776. Double page (plate area: 26 x 18½ inches). 11) Blamey: “A Plan of Amelia Harbour and Bar in East Florida.” July 1, 1776. Double page (plate area: 24 x 16 inches). 12) Jefferys: “The Coast of West Florida and Louisiana / The Peninsula and Gulf of Florida or Channel of Bahama with the Bahama Islands.” Feb. 20, 1775. Folding, on two joined sheets (19¼ x 48¾ inches). 13) Jefferys: “The Coast of Yucatan from Campeche to Bahia del Ascencion / The Island of Cuba with part of the Bahama Banks & the Martys.” Feb. 20, 1775. Folding, on two joined sheets (plate area: 19½ x 48¾ inches). SABIN 55557. HOWES J84, “b”. PHILLIPS 1209 (1777 ed). BEDDIE 1938 (part 1 only). SKELTON & TOOLEY 17 (part 1 only). $295,000.

A Wonderful View of Fort Randall on the Missouri River, 1859 82. [Schonborn, Anton]: FORT RANDALL, N.T. [manuscript title]. Fort Randall, Nebraska Territory. 1859. Watercolor, pen, and ink on a sheet of very lightly-ruled paper, 12¼ x 14¼ inches. Captioned in ink in upper margin, dated in lower margin. Several small chips in the outer margin, not affecting the image. Central vertical fold. Several closed tears, expertly mended on verso. The colors are bright and vibrant. In very good condition overall. Matted. An outstanding depiction of Fort Randall in Nebraska Territory in 1859, painted by the talented German-American artist, Anton Schonborn (d. 1871), while he was touring the area as part of the Yellowstone Expedition of 1859, commanded by Captain William F. Raynolds. The fort was located on the Missouri River, in an area of Nebraska Ter- ritory that is just north of the boundary into present-day South Dakota. Schonborn’s watercolor is a rare, attractive, and important view of this significant western outpost. The Raynolds Expedition was authorized in April, 1859, and its mission was to explore the area along the Yellowstone River and its tributaries. The party was to ascertain information regarding the Indians dwelling in the region, gauge the agricultural and mineral resources of the area, study its topographical features, and report on its suitability for possible railroad routes and military outposts, and as a route for emigrants. Anton Schonborn was the artist and meteorologist on the expedition. The Raynolds Expedition departed St. Louis in late May, 1859 (which likely explains the inked date at the bottom of this scene), and arrived at Fort Randall on the Missouri River on June 13th. Schonborn may well have preceded the main party, and so spent time waiting at the fort, allowing him to create this fine watercolor. The fort, under the command of Captain C. S. Lovell, was garrisoned by four companies of the 2d Infan- try. The Raynolds party, when it arrived, spent a day at Fort Randall before proceeding further up the river. Fort Randall was established on June 26, 1856 to provide protection to settlers and explorers along the Missouri River, in Nebraska Territory. The post also deterred white explorers from trespassing on Indian reservations, and was an Army supply depot for the upper Missouri River. The site for Fort Randall was selected by General William S. Harney, and was named for Colonel Daniel Randall, Deputy Paymaster General of the Army. Construction of the fort began in August 1856 and consisted of twenty-four buildings, housing 500 soldiers. The fort protected lands between the Platte River in central Nebraska and Missouri River to the north—and the area’s fur traders—as well as escorting wagon trains of settlers and explorers across the plains. At the time the Raynolds expedition visited Fort Randall, it was the northernmost United States fort on the Missouri River. Schonborn’s watercolor is unsigned, though clearly his work, given the style of the image, the German script of the captions, and the time and place at which it was executed. The bird’s-eye view from the other side of the Missouri River shows that the fort had grown substantially in the three years since its construction. More than three dozen buildings are shown, as well as several other smaller structures. Several of the buildings are identified in manuscript, including the hospital, guard house, quarter- master’s stores, and the house of the fort’s trader, or sutler. All of these buildings are shown on the periphery of the camp, the main part of which is made up of a series of large buildings (with smaller buildings just outside) forming a long rectangular shape surrounding a flagpole with a fully-colored American flag at full staff. Several of these dwellings are identified with the names of soldiers (almost certainly officers), including Lee, Hendershott, Lord, Lyon, Drake, Davidson, Crawford, Wessells, Long, and Gardner. A row of trees along the Missouri obscures several smaller buildings, and a steamboat is shown on the river. The name of the boat appears to be “Mink,” and a steamboat by that name is known to have plied the waters of the Missouri at that time. Possibly it was the boat that brought Schonborn upriver. Anton Schonborn was one of the most impressive topographic artists to work the American western frontier. His first known work was with the Raynolds Yellowstone expedition in 1859, and his last in 1870. He committed suicide in Omaha in 1871. Of his relatively few known works, most are western military posts, made while on inspection tours with top military commanders such as Raynolds (a general after the Civil War), and William Tecumseh Sherman. “Schonborn left invaluable pictorial and social-historic documents of military posts”—Trenton and Hassrick. His pictures involve “no rearrangement of elements. . . . They reflect concern for detail and precision. . . . The use of watercolor wash is subdued and is applied with a skillful tonality. . . . Their charm lies in their directness and immediacy”—Stenzel. Finally, in the official report of the Raynolds Expedition, published in 1868, there is a brief report by First Lieutenant John Mullins, who was a member of the Raynolds party. Mullins praised Schonborn for his efforts in gathering meteorological data and, with regard to Schonborn’s art, wrote that “his life-like views of the country speak for themselves.” The Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, locates a total of fourteen works of art by Schonborn. Our more recent census finds twenty-seven pieces. Fif- teen of those works are in the permanent collections of three institutions: Amon Carter Museum (Fort Worth, Texas), Buffalo Bill Historical Center (Cody, Wyoming), and Beinecke Library at Yale University. Within those collections are eleven scenes in the Wyoming Territory, including views of Fort Laramie. The great collector of Western Americana, William Robertson Coe, donated his Schonborn pictures to Yale more than fifty years ago, while the Schonborn watercolors at the Amon Carter Museum were purchased in a single portfolio in the 1960s. The Schonborns owned by the Buffalo Bill Museum were purchased at auction in 1991. This firm handled two very fine Schonborn watercolors of Fort Laramie and Laramie Peak in the late 1990s. Aside from a group of four rather ordinary Schonborn watercolors of Kansas that sold in 2007, those are the only other Schonborns we know of on the market since 1991. An outstanding and beautifully rendered watercolor of an important Western fort on the eve of the Civil War. AMON CARTER MUSEUM OF WESTERN ART. CATALOG OF THE COLLECTION 1972 (Fort Worth, 1972), see figures 457–467. Franz Stenzel, Anton Schonborn Western Forts (Fort Worth, 1972), passim. A CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS IN THE COLLECTION OF WESTERN AMERI- CANA FOUNDED BY WILLIAM ROBERTSON COE, YALE UNIVERSITY (New Haven, 1952), p. 215. Patricia Trenton & Peter Hassrick, The Rocky Mountains—A Vision for Artists in the 19th Century (Norman, 1983), pp. 110, 112, 133. Phillip E. Chappell, “Listing of Steamboats Operating on the Missouri River” in Chappell’s History of Steamboating on the Missouri River. $80,000.

“The most ambitious cartographical work to come from America before the Revolution . . .”—Wroth 83. Scull, Nicholas: TO THE HONOURABLE THOMAS PENN AND RICHARD PENN ESQRS. TRUE & ABSOLUTE PROPRIETARIES & GOVERNOURS OF THE PROVINCE OF PENNSYLVANIA & COUNTIES OF NEW-CASTLE KENT & SUS- SEX ON DELAWARE THIS MAP OF THE IMPROVED PART OF THE PROV- INCE OF PENNSYLVANIA. IS HUMBLY DEDICATED BY NICHOLAS SCULL. Philadelphia. 1759. Engraved map on six sheets, joined as three. Sheet size: 3 sheets, each approximately 31 x 21½ inches. Excellent condition, with three short repaired tears, very minor age toning at the sheet edges, overall in remarkable unsophisticated condition. Prov- enance: Laird U. Park (Sotheby’s New York, Nov. 29, 2000, lot 322). The first map of Pennsylvania to be published in America. Scull (1687–1761) was born in Philadelphia and is thought to have been apprenticed at a young age to William Penn’s surveyor, Thomas Holme. In 1719 he became deputy surveyor of Philadelphia County, eventually ascending to the surveyor generalship of Pennsylvania in 1748. An original member of Benjamin Franklins Junto, Scull was intimately involved with Indian relations of the period, having travelled amongst the tribes surveying the western counties. Siding with the Proprietors in his recollection of the Walking Purchase, at which he was present, no doubt held him in good standing with the Penn family. It is thought that this, in part, led to the publication of this impressive map. Dedicated to the Proprietors, it is among the largest and finest maps produced in America to that date. The map depicts Philadelphia, Bucks, Northampton, Berks, Chester, Lancaster, Cumberland, and York Counties, and is based on Sculls own surveys as well as the reports of Major Joseph Shippen, Colonel John Armstrong, John Watson, Benjamin Lightfoot, and others. In addition, some information was gleaned from printed sources, including Fry-Jefferson’s important map, evidenced by a printed footnote on the map concerning the location of Fort Cumberland and the Maryland-Pennsylvania border. Elevation is accurately depicted, much in the style of Fry-Jefferson, by neat hachure marks. The eastern counties include a wealth of detail, such as churches, meeting houses, inns, iron forges, mills, and the manors of significant residents; roads, Indian paths, Indian towns, and forts are clearly shown throughout. Although generally quite accurate, it is curious that Scull included Fort Granville on his map, which had been destroyed by the French and Dela- ware Indians in 1756. Nevertheless, the importance and accuracy of this large-scale map is underscored by the fact that a copy of it was among the maps hung by the Board of War at Philadelphia in August 1776, twenty years after the map’s publication (as listed by John Adams in his letter to his wife dated Aug. 13, 1776). The map was engraved by James Turner (d. 1759), a Philadelphia silversmith and protégé of Benjamin Franklin. Turner had previously worked on map engraving during the production of James Park- er’s 1747 maps of New Jersey, a project for which he had been recommended by Franklin. Little is known about the printer, John Davis. Although he had no shop, he appears to have specialized in large copperplate engravings of maps, as he is the printer identified in the imprint of the 1756 Philadelphia first edition of Joshua Fisher’s important chart of Delaware Bay. That map and the present one are his only known works. Scull’s 1759 map of Pennsylvania is very rare, with less than a dozen known institutional copies. Only a few have appeared at auction in the last half century, most notably in the sales of the collections of Thomas W. Streeter, Howard E. Welsh, and Laird U. Park (this copy). EBERSTADT 167:430 (quoting Wroth). EVANS 8489. Garrison, “Cartography of Pennsylvania before 1800” in PMHB, Vol. 59, No. 3. PHILLIPS, p. 673. RISTOW, pp. 52–53. STREETER SALE 965. WHEAT & BRUN 422. $185,000.

Chicago Before the Fire 84. Sheahan, James W.: CHICAGO ILLUSTRATED. 1830. 1866. LIT ERARY DESCRIPTION BY JAMES W. SHEAHAN ESQ. ILLUSTRATIONS BY THE CHICAGO LITHOGRAPHING Co. Chicago: Published by Jevne & Almini, 1866–1867. Fifty-two tinted lithographic plates (four of them colored), each with a leaf of letterpress description. One of the colored plates (Custom House) with some slightly later hand-coloring. Original wrapper for Part 4 (April 1866) bound in at front, followed by original printed prospectus. Oblong folio. Contemporary three-quarter black morocco and pebbled cloth, spine gilt, neatly rebacked with original spine laid down. A very good copy. A marvellous collection of views of Chicago—drawn, described, and published by Chicagoans—providing the best visual description of Chicago before the destruction wreaked by the Great Fire of 1871. The scarce prospectus for the work (present here) asserts that Chicago Illustrated would provide views giving “striking evidences of the City’s improvement and enterprise.” It was promised that there would be twenty-five total parts, “with each to contain at least four tinted Lithographic Views” for a total of 100 or more views, giving “a comprehensive picture of this marvelous city.” Ultimately, only thirteen parts were issued, each with four plates, for a total of fifty-two views. The publishers, Otto Jevne and Peter Almini, had been best known as decora- tors specializing in ornamental paintings and frescos. They teamed with the talented lithographer, Austrian-born Louis Kurz, to form the Chicago Lithographing Com- pany, under whose imprint this work was issued. Kurz and two other lithographers, Otto Knirsch and Edward Carqueville, created the lovely views, which show a wide variety of buildings and places in Chicago. Included are views of the Chamber of Commerce, the Great Central Depot Grounds, Tremont House, the Customs House, Michigan Avenue, LaSalle Street, Chicago University, the Union Stock Yards, and the Water Works. A great variety of structures, parks, and commercial enterprises are shown, including churches, banks, busy docks and rivers, parks, theatres, the opera house, hotels, railroads, entertainments, etc., showing a bustling city that had become a great center of commerce and culture. One of the colored illustrations dramatically shows a building being engulfed by the “Great Fire on Lake Street” of 1866. The text was written by James W. Sheahan, a journalist from the Chicago Tribune. Chicago Illustrated was originally issued in monthly parts (costing $1.50 per part) from January 1866 to January 1867, when the project was ended. This set is notable for containing the original front wrapper for Part 4 (April, 1866) and for also containing the original printed prospectus. The wrapper shows views of Chicago past (an Indian family by the lake) and present (an elegantly dressed man and woman walking along the river), and also shows a view of Jevne and Almini’s Chicago Lithographic Com- pany offices, a four-story building on South Clark Street. Their office was located in the district destroyed by the 1871 fire which, along with the limited number of sets of Chicago Illustrated that were created, contributes to its rarity. A beautiful and rare visual tour of Chicago a few years before the Great Fire. HOWES J108, “d.” SABIN 12623. CHICAGO ANTE-FIRE IMPRINTS 1047. $40,000. William T. Sherman’s Original Manuscript Account of His Career in California During the Conquest and Beginning of the Gold Rush 85. Sherman, William Tecumseh: GENERAL SHERMAN IN CALIFORNIA 1846— 1850 [manuscript title]. Washington, D.C. 1871. [2], 181pp., plus four additional pages (numbered 74¼, 74½, 150½, 150¾). The entire original manuscript is in Sherman’s distinctive hand, written in ink on the rectos of sheets of white lined paper. Occasional corrections, cross-outs, or emendations in ink and pencil. A total of approximately 32,000 words. Folio. Contemporary three-quarter morocco and cloth, gilt, spine gilt, raised bands. Boards lightly rubbed and shelfworn. A few leaves with some small tears or chips, but on the whole very neat, clean, and legible. Near fine. An exceptional American manuscript memoir, this is the original manuscript of Gen- eral William Tecumseh Sherman’s memoirs of his experiences in California from 1846 to 1850. Written entirely in Sherman’s hand, the manuscript describes his experiences during the Mexican-American War, the American conquest of California, the discovery of gold at Sutter’s Fort in 1848, and the subsequent Gold Rush. This is the original text of what became the first two chapters of Sherman’s Memoirs . . . , regarded as a classic American autobiography. General Sherman began writing a memoir of his life before the Civil War sometime around 1870, chiefly for the edification of his family. The present manuscript is that memoir, written entirely in Sherman’s hand. The manuscript is dated March 1871, and Sherman presented it to his loyal aide-de-camp, Joseph C. Audenried, at that time. These recollections of Sherman’s early years in California became the first two chapters of his Memoirs, published in 1875. This original manuscript is therefore the earliest part of Sherman’s memoir, and the earliest autobiographical writing in which he engaged. In early 1874, Sherman began to expand his memoirs to encompass the Civil War years, and this grew into a larger, more disciplined project, which resulted in a two-volume work, published in 1875 by Appleton and Company, entitled Memoirs of General Wil- liam T. Sherman, Written by Himself. In the preface to the first edition Sherman wrote that he intended his memoir to be merely his “recollection of events, corrected by a reference to his own memoranda, which may assist the future historian when he comes to describe the whole, and account for the motives and reasons which influenced some of the actors in the grand drama of war.” Sherman’s work, priced $7 a set, was immediately popular, and sold some 10,000 copies in the three weeks after publication, and ultimately sold some 25,000 sets, for which Sherman was paid $25,000. The present manuscript is very much in the form of a rough draft, with numerous corrections, cross-outs, and emendations, and also with variations from the published text. For example, in the opening paragraph Sherman lists the officers stationed at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina in the Spring of 1846. In the published text a “Surgeon McLaren” is listed, while in this manuscript the name is given as “Surgeon Hawkins.” The manuscript also shows clarifications and corrections by Sherman that were incorporated into the published text. This manuscript actually goes beyond the two chapters in Sherman’s published memoirs devoted to his time in California, concluding with some of the initial events described in his chapter entitled “Missouri, Louisiana, and California 1850–1855,” particularly his experiences in Washington. This portion is substantially different from the published version of Sherman’s memoir. In all, this manuscript is an excellent source through which to study the writing, re-writing, and editing of Sherman’s work. As mentioned, this manuscript became the first two chapters of the first edition of Sherman’s published Memoirs (the second edition, published in 1886, added a preceding chapter, describing Sherman’s life up to the Mexican-American War). Sherman recounts his being assigned to California, his voyage around Cape Horn in the winter of 1846–47, his scouting trips around California in 1847, and his assignment as assistant adjutant to Colonel Richard B. Mason, the civil and military governor of California. Sherman also relates how he received the news of the initial discovery of gold at Sut- ter’s Fort, his meeting with Kit Carson, who brought the first overland mail to Califor- nia, his trips to inspect the gold fields, and his drafting of an official report on the discoveries. In February 1849, Sherman became adjutant to General Persifor Smith, the new commander of the Division of the Pacific, and he describes those experiences, as well as his work surveying for land speculators and ranchers. In the Fall of 1849, Sher- man attended the California constitutional convention at Monterey and describes his experiences there, as well as his observations in Sacramento as the region was flooded with gold seekers. Two excerpts from the text give fine examples of the high narrative quality and sense of immediacy with which Sherman recounts his experiences in California. The first describes the circumstances when he first heard of the great gold strikes, the second is his recollection of his first meeting with Kit Carson: I remember one day in the Spring of 1848, two men Americans came into the office & inquired for the Governor. I asked their business and one answered that he had just come down from Captain Sutter on special business, and he wanted to see Governor Mason. I took them in to the Colonel and left them together. After some time the Colonel came to his door & called to me. I went in and my attention was directed to a series of papers unfolded on the table on which lay about half an ounce of Placer Gold. Mason said to me what is that? I touched it & examined one or two of the larger pieces & said, is it Gold? Mason asked me if I had ever seen native Gold, and I answered that in 1843 I was in upper Georgia and saw some native gold, but it was much finer than that, and that it was in a phial or transparent quill. But I said that if that was Gold it could be easily tested, first by its malleability and next by acids. I took a piece in my teeth and the metallic lustre was perfect. On Kit Carson: As yet we had no regular mail to any part of the United States, but mails had come to us at long intervals around Cape Horn and one or two by land. I well remember the first overland mail. It was brought by Kit Carson in a saddle bag from Taos in New Mexico. We heard of his arrival at Los Angeles and waited patiently for his arrival at h’quarters. His fame then was at its height from the publication of Fremont’s books and I was very curious to see a man who had achieved such feats of daring among the wild animals of the Rocky Mountains and still wilder Indians of the plains. At last his arrival was reported at the town in Monterey and I hurried to meet him. I cannot express my surprise at beholding a small, stoop shouldered man with reddish hair, freckled face, soft blue eyes, and nothing to indicate extraordinary courage or daring. He spoke but little, and answered questions in monosyllables. I asked for his mail and he picked up his light saddle bags containing the ‘Great Overland Mail’ and we walked together to Head Qrs., where he delivered his parcel into Col. Mason’s own hands. This paragraph alone contains a few instances where the manuscript of Sherman’s memoir is at variance with the published version. Mark Twain called Sherman “a master of narrative,” and literary critic Edmund Wilson wrote that while Ulysses S. Grant’s Personal Memoirs . . . are “aloof and dispas- sionate,” in Sherman’s memoir “the man is all there in his book; the book is the man speaking.” Wilson goes on in his appreciation of Sherman: He had a trained gift of self-expression. . . . his memoirs are quite amazing. The vigorous accounts of his pre-war activities . . . is varied in just the right proportion and to just the right degree of vivacity with anecdotes and personal experiences. . . . He tells us what he thought and what he felt, and he never strikes any attitudes or pretends to feel anything which he does not feel. His frankness and self-dependence, his rectitude in whatever he undertakes . . . and his contempt for petty schemes and ambitions, together with a disregard for many conventional scruples, make Sherman, in spite of his harshness, a figure whom we not only respect but cannot help liking. This original manuscript of the California section of Sherman’s Memoirs was presented by Sherman to his long-serving, trusted aide-de-camp, Colonel Joseph C. Audenried. Sher- man has written, below the manuscript title, “presented to Col. Audenried A.D.C. by Gen- eral Sherman in consideration of Col. Audenried having copied the same for the General. Hd. Qr. of the Army Washington D.C. March 17, 1871.” At the conclusion of the text is a similar inscription. It appears that Sherman gave this copy of his original manuscript memoir to Audenried after Audenried made a copy for Sherman himself to keep. This copy, entirely in Sherman’s hand and the original manuscript of the memoir has descended through the Audenried family, appearing on the market here for the first time. Joseph Crain Audenried (1839–80) was born in Pennsylvania and graduated from West Point in 1861. Brevetted a second lieutenant, he assisted in organizing and training troops in Washington before being assigned as an aide to several generals, including Daniel Tyler, William H. Emory, Edwin Sumner, John Wool, and Ulysses S. Grant. In October 1863, Audenried was transferred to General William Tecumseh Sherman’s command, and he served as Sherman’s aide-de-camp and principal assistant until his death in 1880 at age forty. With Sherman, Audenried participated in the events for which Sherman is most famous: the siege of Atlanta, the March to the Sea, and the March through the Carolinas. He was promoted to captain in the 6th Cav- alry in 1866, and then to colonel in 1869. Audenried was stationed with Sherman at St. Louis for much of this time, and joined his commander in the Indian Wars of the West and on tours of the West, and also on Sherman’s tour of Europe and the Middle East in 1871–72. Audenried married Mary Colkett in 1863, and the two had a daughter, Flor- ence, in 1867. After Audenried’s death in 1880, Sherman and Mary Audenried grew quite close, and it has been speculated that the married commander engaged in an affair with his aide’s widow. The original manuscript of General William Tecumseh Sherman’s memoir of his time in California during the tumultuous late 1840s. A highly significant portion of one of the great American memoirs. $95,000. The Book and Map that Named New England 86. Smith, John: A DESCRIPTION OF NEW ENGLAND: OR THE OBSERVATIONS, AND DISCOUERIES, OF CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH (ADMIRALL OF THAT COUNTRY) IN THE NORTH OF AMERICA, IN THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1614: WITH THE SUCCESSE OF SIXE SHIPS, THAT WENT THE NEXT YEARE 1615; AND THE ACCIDENTS BEFELL HIM AMONG THE FRENCH MEN OF WARRE: WITH THE PROOFE OF THE PRESENT BENEFIT THIS COUNTREY AFFOORDS: WHITHER THIS PRESENT YEARE, 1616, EIGHT VOLUNTARY SHIPS ARE GONE TO MAKE FURTHER TRYALL. London: Printed by Humfrey Lownes, for Robert Clerke, 1616. [16], 61, [2]pp. plus folding engraved map of New England. Small quarto. Full calf in antique style, leather label. Light dampstaining on top edge. Some careful expert paper restoration to upper foremargins of first ten leaves or so (including titlepage), and to a lesser extent on some later leaves. Map trimmed to the neat line, with a very small hole (4 x 25 mm.) at center in the ocean, neatly filled in. Some contemporary manuscript on verso of title-leaf and first text leaf. A nice copy. One of the great rarities of colonial Americana, Smith’s A Description of New England . . . was, according to Streeter, “the pilgrim’s principal guide to their American haven.” Based on Smith’s two visits to the New England coast in 1614 and 1615, this book did much to encourage later settlement in New England, preceding by four years the sailing of the Mayflower. In fact, Smith named Plymouth Rock, and described the place as “an excellent good harbour, good lands, and no want of anything but industrious people.” Smith’s first voyage was financed by a group of London merchants, with the primary objective being the search for whales and gold mines (the gold mines turned out to be “the masters device to get a voyage”). That first visit was relatively brief but afforded ample opportunities for trading with the Indians and for the collection of much geographical and natural history information. On his second voyage in 1615, Smith met with less success; thwarted by storms and pirates, he was eventually taken prisoner by a French warship. During his free time as a captive, Smith wrote A Descrip- tion of New England . . . , destined to reveal the advantages and prospects for future adventurers to the region. “The use of the term ‘New England’ on the title page of this book established that name for the region that until then had been called North Vir- ginia. The ‘altered names’ leaf, inserted between A4 and B1, records thirty new names chosen by Prince Charles to replace the mainly Indian place names of New England. All of the new names seem to have stuck except Cape James for Cape Cod”—Streeter. The rare map, printed by George Low, is here present in the fourth state as described by Sabin, Church, and Burden (there are nine recorded states of the map). Only the exceedingly rare first two states of the map properly belong with the book, both produced in 1616 (most copies, however, contain later states of the map; the only copy in some decades to have the first issue was the Siebert copy). Based on surveys made by Captain Smith for the Council for New England, the map is considered the foundation of New England cartography. It stands as the first map on which the name New England appears. The map depicts the area from the present Penobscot Bay in Maine, to Cape Cod. A monumental American rarity of the greatest possible importance. While not the main entry in Printing and the Mind of Man, Smith’s Generall Historie . . . , this work appeared eight years earlier, and is wholly incorporated into that work. CHURCH 369 (originally with 6th state of the map, but with the Britwell Court 1st state later substituted). BURDEN 187. STC 22788. VAIL 40. JCB II, pp. 113–15. SABIN 82819. STREETER SALE 610. STREETER, AMERICANA BEGINNINGS 11. EUROPEAN AMERICANA 616/107. SIEBERT SALE 94. SCHWARTZ & EHRENBERG, pp. 96–99. DEÁK, PICTURING AMERICA 19 (illustrating one of the NYPL copies). PRINTING AND THE MIND OF MAN 124. $125,000.

The Famous “Tombstone Edition” Attacking the Stamp Act 87. [Stamp Act]: THE PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL; AND WEEKLY ADVERTISER. EXPIRING: IN HOPES OF A RESURRECTION TO LIFE AGAIN. Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by William Bradford, Oct. 31, 1765. 4pp., bifolium. Text in three columns within mourning borders. Woodcut vignettes of skulls and crossbones, ships, and a coffin. Small hole in the first leaf, short edge tears, minor browning, but in near fine condition overall. In a folding cloth case. Provenance: Laird U. Park, Jr. (Sotheby’s New York, Nov. 29, 2000, lot 269). The famous “tombstone edition” of The Pennsylvania Journal issued in protest of the Stamp Act. The text is bordered in black, as in mourning, while the masthead is topped with a skull and crossbones and Masonic symbols. The text of this graphic issue of The Pennsylvania Journal begins with a letter from Bradford announcing the suspension of publication due to the Stamp Act taking effect the following day: “. . . the publisher of this paper unable to bear the Burthen, has thought it expedient to stop a while, in order to deliberate, whether any Methods can be found to elude the Chains forged for us, and escape the unsupportable Slavery. . . .” Besides the tombstone front page and mourning borders, this issue includes text running vertically in the right margin of the front page reading: “Adieu, Adieu to the Lib- erty of the Press.” In addition, a woodcut image of a coffin on the final page includes the epitaph: “The last Remains of The Pennsylvania Journal, Which departed this Life, the 31st of October, 1765, Of a Stamp in her Vitals.” The Stamp Act of 1765 was the first British Parliamentary attempt to impose a direct tax on the American colonies, calling for all legal documents, permits, pamphlets, newspapers, and other publications to carry a tax stamp. Although the amount of the tax was relatively small, the Act raised the ire of the colonists who united in its opposition and raised the cry of “No taxation without representation.” Intimidation and violence against the collectors made enforcement near impossible and the Act was repealed in March 1766. “The passage of the Stamp Act trans- formed American opposition to British policies. . . . It was of enormous importance in that it produced at least a surface unity among the colonies, for almost every political leader, whatever his political principles, was opposed”—Jensen, The Founding of a Nation. This issue of The Pennsylvania Journal is quite scarce, with only this copy appearing in the auction records for the last quarter century. It realized $30,650 at the Laird Park sale in 2000. BRIGHAM, p. 937. $75,000. The Greatest United States Atlas to That Time 88. Tanner, Henry S.[chenck]: A NEW AMERICAN ATLAS CONTAINING MAPS OF THE SEVERAL STATES OF THE NORTH AMERICAN UNION, PROJECTED AND DRAWN ON A UNIFORM SCALE FROM DOCUMENTS FOUND IN PUB- LIC OFFICES OF THE UNITED STATES AND STATE GOVERNMENTS, AND OTHER ORIGINAL AND AUTHENTIC INFORMATION BY HENRY S. TANNER. Philadelphia: H. S. Tanner, 1825. Letterpress half title, 1p. index, and 18pp. text. Engraved title with vignette of the “First Landing of Columbus in the New World.” Eighteen fine handcolored engraved maps (16 double-page, 2 folding). Folio. Expertly bound to style in half calf over contemporary marbled paper-covered boards, spine gilt, marbled endpapers. Very good. A fine copy of the second edition of “one the most magnificent atlases ever published in the United States,” engraved during the “Golden Age of American Cartography” (Ristow). Tanner’s New American Atlas contains the most accomplished series of maps of America that had yet appeared in an atlas. Of the greatest importance were the maps of American states, which were highly detailed and brilliantly colored. While New York and Florida each had their own dedicated page, other double-page sheets showcased multiple states at a time. As the title claims, these maps were drawn up using a careful combination of original surveys and the best existing published sources. The evident high cost of production meant that the publishers took the decision to issue the maps originally in five separate parts which were published from 1819 to 1823. A first collected edition was published in 1823, and this second revised edition appeared in 1825. The maps, all of which are carefully handcolored, include a world map, four maps of continents, a map of South America on a large folding sheet made up from two joined sheets (the index calls for two separate sheets), a map of North America on four sheets, and eleven double-page maps of the various states. The very large map of North America is of particular beauty and note. “This map was a landmark—a great cartographical achievement . . . Tanner made good use of a large number of intervening map, those of interest here being Humboldt’s ‘New Spain,’ Pike’s various maps, Long’s map, and ‘Pedro Walker’s Map of New Califor- nia. . . . This 1822 map of North America was the progenitor of a long line of famous maps”—Wheat. Contemporary reviews were favorable: A New American Atlas “is decidedly one of the most splendid works of the kind ever executed in this country” (United States Gazette, September 1823). Never “has either America or Europe, produced a geographical description of the several States of the Union, so honorable to the Arts, and so creditable to the nation as Tanner’s American Atlas” (National Advocate, Aug. 25, 1824). The most enthusiastic report came from scholar Jared Sparks, who wrote in the April 1824 issue of the North American Review that “as an American Atlas, we believe Mr. Tan- ner’s work to hold a rank far above any other, which has been published.” HOWES T29. PHILLIPS 1376. RISTOW, pp. 154, 193–98 (ref). RUMSEY 2892. SABIN 94319. WHEAT TRANSMISSISSIPPI 350. $85,000.

An Extraordinary Zachary Taylor Letter, Describing the Events Prior to and at the Battle of Buena Vista, the Only Battle of the War Fought in Texas 89. Taylor, Zachary: [AUTOGRAPH LETTER SIGNED FROM GENERAL ZACHARY TAYLOR TO GENERAL EDWARD G.W. BUTLER, GIVING AN ACCOUNT OF THE EVENTS PRECEDING AND AT THE RECENT BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA]. Headquarters, Agua Nueva, Mexico. March 4, 1847. 8pp. (more than 2500 words). With original postal cover. Quarto, on two folded folio sheets. Old fold lines. Very minor soiling. Very good plus. In a half morocco box. A lengthy and detailed letter, entirely in the hand of General Zachary Taylor, describing in some detail events leading up to and including the Battle of Buena Vista, the victory which eventually catapulted the general into the Oval Office. His letter includes details on the action and the losses of the two-day battle. He writes to General Edward G. W. Butler (1800–88), a West Point graduate who retired from the U.S. Army in 1831 and was serving in the Louisiana State militia at the time this letter was written. Just a few months later he would take military command of the District of the Upper Rio Grand until June 1848. Though he denies presidential aspirations in this letter and elsewhere, Taylor was a popular choice for the office. “Fearing Taylor as a possible presidential candidate, Polk selected Scott for an invasion at Vera Cruz and left Taylor with only 6,000 inexperi- enced men. Hearing a rumor that Polk had died, Taylor wrote that he ‘would as soon have heard of his death, if true, as that of any other individual in the whole Union.’ Taylor ignored Scott’s order to retreat, and at Buena Vista he defeated General Anto- nio López de Santa Anna’s army of 20,000 after a fierce two-day battle, in which the example of Taylor’s personal courage was a vital factor. Polk denounced Taylor for an unnecessary battle, while Taylor insisted that he had ‘saved the honor of the country.’ The public agreed with Taylor. In December 1847 a group of Whig congressmen, including both Abraham Lincoln and Alexander H. Stephens, organized a ‘Taylor for President Club’ and ignited a national movement”—ANB. The events described in this letter, therefore, are those which resulted in Taylor’s successful bid for President. Taylor opens his letter with commentary on the political machi- nations of the day, saying that he believes certain parties are attempting to stir up trouble between himself and General William O. Butler, also reputed to be a candidate for the presidency. William O. Butler (1791–1880), a Kentucky politician and soldier, served as Taylor’s second in command during the Battle of Monterey. Taylor dismisses this idea out of hand, writing, “I was aware of the report . . . that it was intended by certain individuals to bring General Butler forward as the successor to Mr. Polk, which gave me no concern . . . which I did not credit, and which had been forgotten.” He goes on to further state: I may observe that I have been also named as a candidate for that high office by a few newspaper editors & others, which has been done without my knowledge, wishes or consent; which I have assured all who have written me on this subject, assuring them I had no aspirations for that or any other civil office; that my whole energies mental & physical were & had been absorbed in such a way as I thought best calculated to bring this war to a speedy & honourable close, believing it was for the interest of both countries the sooner it was done the better, at any rate, so far as ours was concerned, & that president making should be lost sight of until this was accomplished. The remaining five pages of Taylor’s letter are devoted to U.S. military operations in Mexico surrounding the Battle of Buena Vista. The Battle of Buena Vista, which took place on Feb. 23, 1847, was a major victory for American forces under Zachary Taylor, as they defeated a much larger Mexican contingent under the command of Santa Anna. It was the only major battle of the war to take place on the American side of the Rio Grande. Taylor writes: I ascertained that Genl. Santa Anna was advancing & near at hand, with an overwhelming force. Not exactly liking my position, having ascertained that he could gain my rear by two roads, one on my right & one on my left, & not deeming it prudent to divide my forces & having apprehensions about my supplies which were in Saltillo, I determined at once to fall back . . . and occupy a strong position between two spurs of a mountain with a narrow valley between them. . . . Said position had been closely examined by the topographical engineers, under the eye of General Wool, before my arrival, who deemed it admirably adapted to resist a large with the small force. . . . The next day the enemy made his appearance early in the day, & after reconnoitering our position for sometime . . . I rec’d, by a staff officer with a flag, a communication from Genl. Santa Anna, requiring me to surrender at discretion, stating that in the event of my doing so, we should be well treated, that he had surrounded us with more than 20,000 men, that resistance was out of the question, & if I attempted it, my command would be put to rout, & must be destroyed. In reply, I stated I could not comply with his demands & he was at liberty to commence operations when ever he was inclined to do so; soon after which the action commenced...... a portion of the time, the conflict was much the severest I have ever witnessed, particularly toward the latter part of the day, when he, Santa Anna brought up his reserve, and in spite of every effort on our part, drove us by an immense superiority of numbers for some distance. He had at least five to one at that point against us. . . . For several hours the fate of the day was extremely doubtful; so much so that I was urged by some of the most experienced officers to fall back and take a new position. This I knew it would never do to attempt with volunteers, and at once declined it. . . . We lay on our arms all night . . . without fires, there being no wood to be had, and the mercury below the freezing point, ready and expecting to renew the contest the next morning; but we found at daylight the enemy had retreated. . . . The loss on both sides was very great . . . enough so on ours to cover the whole country with mourning, for some of the noblest and purest of the land have fallen. I hope the greater portion of the good people of the country will be satisfied with what we have done on this occasion. I flatter myself that our compelling a Mexican army of more than twenty thousand men, completely organized and led by their chief magistrate, to retreat, with less than five hundred regulars and about four thousand volunteers, will meet with their approval. A compelling letter detailing this important battle, fraught with political ramifications, written by the commanding officer and future president. $27,500.

First Printed Map of the Upper Mississippi, and First Account of Joliet and Marquette 90. Thevenot, Melchisedech: RECUEIL DE VOYAGES DE MR. THEVENOT. . . . Paris: Estienne Michallet, 1681. [2], 16, 43, [1], 18, [2], 32, [4], 20, 14, 8,16pp. including six plates and errata leaf, plus two folding maps (of three, lacking the equipolar projection map, “Explication de la carte de la Decouverte de la Terre d’Ielmer”) and three plates (two folding), with eleven engravings in the text. Contemporary calf, spine gilt, raised bands. Chipped at spine ends, a bit of wear along upper and lower portions of front hinge, bottom edge of rear board slightly worn. A few neat corrections in a contemporary hand. Tasman map and the two folding plates with closed tears along the bound-in edge, but with no loss. Small closed tear along one fold of the Mississippi map, but with no loss. Overall, a very good copy, lacking only the equipolar projection map. In a half morocco and cloth box. The very rare first edition of Thevenot’s collection of travels, and an essential document in the exploration of the interior of North America. This is a very complex book bibliographically, and there are many variant issues, especially in the part of the work devoted to natural history discoveries of Swammerdam and others. Many copies lack some of the natural history components. Its importance and value, however, derive from the section and accompanying map devoted to the travels of Marquette and Joliet and the map showing the discoveries of Abel Tasman, and these are identical in both editions. The most notable aspect of Thevenot is that it contains the first publication of Father Marquette’s relation of his discovery, with Joliet, of the upper Mississippi River and their exploration as far as the Arkansas River in 1673. This remarkable expedition established the basic structure of the Mississippi headwaters for the first time, and opened the way for the dominance of the French in the Mississippi Valley over the next century. Their account begins on May 17, 1673, when the party set out in two canoes from Mackinac. They reached the Mississippi via Green Bay and the Fox River on June 17, floated as far south as Arkansas, and returned north by way of the Illinois and Des Plaines rivers and the later site of Chicago. The accompanying map is a major landmark of Ameri- can cartography, “Carte de la decouverte faite l’an 1673, dans l’Amerique Septentrio- nale.” The map is the first to bear the word “Michigan,” and shows the lake of that name and the Mississippi River from its headwaters to the sea. A figure appears in the center of the map, identified as “Manit8,” representing an Indian god. The map appears here in its third state, as usual, with the date of 1673 in the title of the map. Burden con- vincingly asserts that the first and second states (known in only one copy each) were almost certainly proofs. This is one of the most important American frontier exploration narratives. Howes says: “The first edition of Thevenot’s Recueil, while less rare than Le Clerq’s Premier Etablissement de la Foi, 1691, is of equal importance. . . .” “The first printed representation of the Mississippi based on actual observation”—Streeter. The other sections of Thevenot’s work are of considerable interest as well. The Tas- man map is one of the first to show parts of the Australian coastline in detail, based on his 1644 voyage. It shows part of the coast of New Guinea, Tasmania, and much of the east coast of Australia, and is a basic work of Australian cartography. It is present here in its third issue, with the Tropic of Capricorn inserted and with the rhumblines. “In any state the map is a great rarity. It is one of the earliest charts devoted entirely to Aus- tralia, and is the first French map of Australia”—Davidson. There is also an account of explorations in polar regions by the Dutch in 1680, which is usually accompanied by a third map, an equipolar projection, which is lacking from this copy. The third exploration piece is an account of a trip overland from Russia to China in 1653. Finally, there is a discourse on navigation, and the natural history sections discussing the illustration of insects. A major work of Americana, with one of the landmark accounts and maps of the discovery of the Mississippi Valley. CHURCH 672. HARRISSE NOUVELLE FRANCE 147. SABIN 95332. WORLD ENCOMPASSED 211. STREETER SALE 101. SIEBERT SALE 659. HOWES T156, “c.” EUROPEAN AMERICANA 681/141. BURDEN 540. CLEMENTS, 100 MICHIGAN RARITIES 4. GREENLY MICHIGAN 6. GRAFF 4122. JONES 320. TOOLEY, MAPPING OF AUSTRALIA AND ANTARCTICA, plate 92. Davidson, A Book Collector’s Notes, pp. 28–29. $160,000. Tocqueville’s Classic Account 91. Tocqueville, Alexis de: DE LA DEMOCRA- TIE EN AMERIQUE. Paris: Charles Gosselin, 1835–1840. Four volumes. [4], xxiv, 367; [4], 459; [4], v, [3], 333; [4], 363pp. plus a colored folding map bound in at the rear of the first part. Half titles. Uniformly bound in contemporary French half green calf and marbled boards, spines gilt, gilt leather labels. A near fine copy. The first edition of both parts of Tocqueville’s famous classic, Democracy in America. Because the two parts were published five years apart, and because the first part was done in such a small number, it is quite difficult to obtain a set of first editions. Alexis de Tocqueville came to the United States in the spring of 1831, accompanied by his friend and fellow student, Gustave de Beaumont. Their original goal was to study the penitentiary system of the United States. After visiting prisons in the East, they undertook a tour of the South as far as New Orleans, ascended the Mississippi, visited the Great Lakes and Canada, and returned via New York, having travelled for nine months. After writing their report on prisons, Tocqueville began work on the first part of Democracy in America in 1833–34 and published it, in an edition of less than 500 copies, in January 1835. The book was an instant success, and numerous editions, many with revisions, followed quickly, so that the second part, first published in April 1840, was issued concurrently with the eighth edition of the first part (another reason why sets of first editions are difficult to obtain). Democracy in America was an immediate and sustained success. There were probably more than fifty editions in English and French published before 1900, besides numerous other translations. Almost from the beginning it enjoyed the reputation of being the most acute and perceptive discussion of the political and social life of the United States ever published. Remarkably, it has sustained its appeal generation after generation, as new readers find it speaks to their time with a contemporary voice. Whether perceived as a textbook of American political institutions, an investigation of society and culture, a probing of the psyche of the United States, or a study of the actions of modern democratic society, the book has continued to offer insight and provoke thought since its inception. It has also probably provided commentators and politicians with more quotations than any other work. HOWES T278, T279, “aa.” SABIN 96060, 96061. CLARK III:111. Library of Congress, A Passion for Liberty, Alexis de Tocqueville on Democracy & Revolution (Washington, 1989). $50,000. A Significant Archive of Tocqueville Letters 92. Tocqueville, Alexis de: [SEVENTEEN AUTOGRAPH LETTERS, SIGNED, FROM ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE TO ALEXANDRE-FRANÇOIS AUGUSTE VIVIEN]. Paris & Saint-Cyr-sur-Loire, Touraine. 1839–1854. [35]pp. Seventeen autograph letters, signed by Alexis de Tocqueville, on octavo-sized stationery. One letter inscribed on stationery with Ministère des Affaires Etrangères letterhead; two letters postmarked on integral address leaves. In near fine condition. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell case, spine gilt. An important, newly-discovered collection of correspondence from the author of Democracy in America to the French political figure, Auguste Vivien. Alexandre-Fran- çois Auguste Vivien (1799–1854) was a prominent magistrate and government minister who served with Tocqueville in the Chamber of Deputies during the July Monarchy, and in the Constituent Assembly during the 1848 Revolution. Like Tocqueville, Vivien wrote extensively on social issues and policy, authoring some of the earliest and most significant 19th-century works on public administration, predating Lorenz von Stein’s work on the subject by several years and Woodrow Wilson’s by decades. After 1848, both Vivien and Tocqueville found themselves on the wrong side of Louis Napoléon and were forced into retirement following his coup d’état in December 1851. Both spent their last years writing. Vivien died in 1854 and Tocqueville five years later. The present series of letters from Tocqueville to Vivien encompasses what was likely the entire span of their acquaintance, from April 1839, a month after Tocqueville was elected to the Chamber of Deputies (where Vivien had been serving since 1833), to April 1854, two months before Vivien’s death. The correspondence begins with Toc- queville’s acknowledgement of mutual acquaintances and an invitation to dinner. The second, sent September 1853, discusses Gustave de Beaumont, Tocqueville’s friend and travel companion on his famous trip to America in 1831. Beaumont would be elected to the Chamber of Deputies in December of that year, by which time a long-lasting rift had begun between the two over political alliances. In 1840, Tocqueville sends Vivien a copy of the second part of De la Démocratie en Amérique, which had just been published. At this point Vivien was a government minister in a post roughly equivalent to attorney general. Several undated letters follow, evidently during the early and mid-1840s, and contain invitations to Tocqueville’s home and brief discussions of books and articles. The final two undated letters and five letters from 1853 and 1854 find Tocqueville entering into deeper conversations on politics and, ultimately, close personal matters. In the undated letters he comments on the “affaire Lesseps,” in which Ferdinand de Lesseps was recalled by the French government from his negotiations with Rome and Holy See in 1849, ending his diplomatic career. In the last portion of his correspondence, composed after his and Vivien’s departure from government and the establishment of the Second Empire, Tocqueville frequently expresses his aversion to the new French state, hoping to see it replaced by a non-despotic monarchy. In a letter from Paris dated March 14, 1853, Tocqueville describes his sense of pow- erlessness and discouragement in his forced retirement, comparing his own situation to that of France: “La France toute entière est pour nous en ce moment, comme une grande prison, où l’oisivetée forcée, l’absence forcée, l’absence d’émotions, de nouvelle, de bruit même, le silence universel abattent l’esprit.” On Oct. 18 of that year, he writes that the more respected members of the contemporary French literary world were “very hostile” to the new government, holding that “among men of talent” he hardly knew of anyone but Sainte-Beuve and Mérimée who had dared to “take the livery of the new power.” He goes on in the final letters to discuss other prominent figures, including Beaumont, with whom he had reconciled in 1848; his work on L’Ancién Régime et la Révolution (which would be published in 1856); and his “vie de Bénédictine” at Saint-Cyr-sur-Loire in Touraine, where he stayed from June 1853 to the summer of the following year. The collection presents a remarkable opportunity to explore Tocqueville’s personal thoughts on the drastically changing political landscape of France during the course of his own political career, as communicated in an increasingly intimate series of letters to Vivien, a colleague and friend whose final years closely paralleled Tocqueville’s own. Any Tocqueville manuscript material is very rare in the market. $100,000.

Likely the Earliest Printing of the First Recognition of American Independence by the British Government 93. [Treaty of Paris]: COPY OF PROVISIONAL ARTICLES, SIGNED AT PARIS, THE 30th OF NOVEMBER, 1782, BY THE COMMISSIONER OF HIS BRI- TANNIC MAJESTY, AND THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. ARTICLES AGREED UPON, BY AND BETWEEN RICHARD OSWALD, ESQUIRE, THE COMMISSIONER OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY FOR TREATING OF PEACE WITH THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA . . . JOHN ADAMS, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, JOHN JAY, AND HENRY LAURENS, FOUR OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE SAID STATES . . . [caption title]. [London. December 1782 or January 1783]. 4pp. on a folded folio sheet. Central vertical fold, and three horizontal folds. Closed tears neatly repaired along the folds, else fine. In a folding cloth case. A document of seminal importance, the Treaty of Paris between Great Britain and the United States marked the end of the American Revolution and the birth of the United States as a recognized and legitimate nation. This is almost certainly the earliest printing of the Provisional Articles of the treaty, prepared in a small number for circulation among the highest echelons of the British government, and for select members of Parliament. Most peace treaties address the issues that sparked the conflict. The treaty between the United States and Great Britain differs in that it is most concerned with the recognition of and drawing the boundaries of a new nation. It was one of several treaties being negotiated by Britain during the war, including settlements with the French, Spanish, and Dutch. It is often imprecisely worded and sparked issues that would take decades to resolve. Article One officially recognizes the sovereignty and independence of the United States. The treaty goes on to delimit the boundary between British North Amer- ica and the United States, from Canada in the north, across the Great Lakes, down the Mississippi River, and southeast to Florida. The people of the United States maintain important fishing rights in Newfoundland and the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, and provisions are made to compensate Loyalists for property lost during the conflict. The final version of the Treaty of Paris, as ratified in 1783, contains ten articles, the tenth providing for the exchange of ratified copies between the parties. The present printing of the treaty contains only nine articles, excluding the tenth. This is clearly an early, preliminary printing of the Treaty of Paris, and was almost certainly printed in a small number for discreet circulation before the treaty was presented to Parlia- ment for ratification. Its very title, Copy of Provisional Articles . . . , implies a very preliminary form. Also, the present printing differs from the final version in that the final clause in the first article here (regarding boundary disputes) became the first sentence of the second article in the final treaty. This firm has handled one other preliminary printing of the Treaty of Paris, which we believe was printed for use during the Parliamentary debate that began in late Janu- ary, 1783. The caption title of that printing simply begins Articles Agreed Upon . . . , and that printing numbers five pages. The present four-page printing and the other printing are both docketed “Copy of Provisional Articles Signed at Paris, November 30, 1782, by the Commissioner of His Britannic Majesty, and the Commissioners of the United States of America,” but the docket on the present copy is undated, and the docket on the five-page printing is dated 1783, indicating that the present copy was likely printed earlier. The Provisional Articles were signed between the American and English commissioners on November 30, 1782, and debate on the Articles opened with King George III’s speech to Parliament on December 5. A storm of controversy grew immediately over the question of American independence, and whether or not it was tied to the issue of peace with France. The Prime Minister, Lord Shelburne, was roundly criticized for not disclosing that outright American independence was a probability, and for not showing a printed version of the Provisional Articles. The Articles were not actually presented to both houses of Parliament for inspection until January 27, 1783. The Commons and Lords ordered them to be printed on that date, which conforms to the other (five-page) printing that we have handled. The preliminary articles of peace with the United States, as well as those with France and Spain, were also printed in the London Chronicle of January 28–30, 1783, after having possibly been leaked to the press by a member of Parliament. The present printing of the Copy of Provisional Articles is not in Adams’ American Controversy. Adams does, however, locate a single copy of the five-page printing, at the John Carter Brown Library (there are also copies of that printing at Harvard and the Library of Virginia). The present printing is not located by OCLC, nor in ESTC or any other bibliographies that we have consulted. A very rare and desirable item, looming large in the history of the United States. AMERICAN CONTROVERSY 83-40 (another printing). Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers, pp. 411–37. $85,000.

The First Acts of Congress, with the Bill of Rights, from the Library of a Congressman of the First Congress: Foundation Documents of the Federal Government 94. [United States Laws]: [Bill of Rights]: ACTS PASSED AT A CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. . . . New York: Printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine, [1789]. 93, [2], xcvi–cv pp. Folio. Original sheep spine with marbled boards, slightly rubbed. Contemporary ownership inscription on titlepage. Some light toning and scattered soiling. Near fine. In a half morocco box. The first official printing of the Acts of the First Federal Congress of the United States, containing much of the legislation fundamental to the establishment of government under the Constitution. The First Con- gress met in New York on March 4, 1789, and continued until the end of September. It officially ratified the Constitution and Washington’s election as first President of the United States, and passed much of the most basic legislation for the machin- ery of government, regulating the Cus- toms, Judiciary, Post Office, Mint, and the like. Of the greatest importance is the Bill of Rights, which is here in one of its earliest printed appearances, concurrent with its inclusion in the Journal of the Senate for the first session, and still including twelve amendments (the first two, relating to the numbers in a congressional district and congressional salaries, were later omitted). The volume begins with a printing of the Federal Constitution, the first official printing of it by the empowered new government. The first act passed set forth the oaths for elected Federal officials to swear when taking office. The second addressed Customs duties, vitally important as the primary source of income for the new Federal government, while other acts laid down how duties were to be collected, ports with customs officials, and the details of regulation. A series of acts created the executive offices of State, War, and Treasury, with their officials below cabinet level, as well as the mint and the Post Office. Separate acts set the compensation of the President, members of Congress and the Executive and Judiciary branches. Of upmost importance was the Judiciary Act, which established the entire structure of the Federal court system (which stems from here, and not the Constitution, which only establishes the Supreme Court). Yet another act established a standing army, and another the governing of the Northwest Territory. This copy bears the ownership inscription of Jeremiah Van Rensselaer (1738–1810), who served in the House of Representatives for New York during the First Congress. Van Rensselaer was a graduate of the College of New Jersey (later Princeton), who settled in his hometown of Albany. He was active in local politics and was early on a supporter of the American cause against Britain. He served as a paymaster during the Revolution and was an Anti-federalist after the war, opposing the new Constitution. After serving in the First Congress, he went on to direct the Bank of Albany and serve as Lieutenant Governor under George Clinton. This is described as the official edition by Evans, and it was printed by the government printers, Childs and Swaine. There were also two reprint editions of these Acts produced by Hodge, Allen and Campbell, one an octavo edition and another on a folio format. All are quite rare—Howes accords this Childs and Swaine edition a “d” rating. This volume contains a series of documents of towering importance in the history of the United States—literally the foundation of the government as it exists to this day. While there is no comparison in provenance, George Washington’s copy of this volume is the most expensive piece of printed or manuscript Americana to sell at auction, realizing $9.8 million in June of 2012. EVANS 22189. HOWES A35, “d.” $150,000.

A Massive Archive of a Key French Diplomat in the American Revolution: The International Consequences of the Revolution 95. Verac, Charles Olivier de Saint Georges, Marquis de: [American Revolution – Diplomacy]: [COLLECTION OF MANUSCRIPT VOLUMES CONTAINING THE REPORTS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF THE MARQUIS DE VERAC, FRENCH MINISTER IN RUSSIA, DENMARK, AND GERMANY, TO THE FRENCH FOR- EIGN MINISTER, THE COMTE DE VERGENNES, CONTAINING DIPLOMATIC DISPATCHES OF THE HIGHEST LEVELS DURING THE AMERICAN REVOLU- TION]. Cassel, Copenhagen, & St. Petersburg. 1773–1775; 1775–1777; 1780–1783. Five volumes, totaling [2,224] pages. Approximately 400,000 words. Manuscript text in a clerical hand, margins ruled in red. Folio. Uniformly bound in contemporary red morocco, gilt triple fillet borders, gilt edges and inner dentelles, raised bands, spines richly gilt, each spine stamped in gilt with the arms of the Marquis de Verac, a.e.g. Printed shelf ticket of the Bib- liothèque du Chateau du Tremblay on the front pastedown of each volume. Minor shelf wear and rubbing. Very clean and neat internally. A beautiful set. A fascinating and extensive manuscript diplomatic record from the period of the Amer- ican Revolution, showing the international dimensions of the Revolutionary War and the effect that the war had on the diplomacy of the Great Powers of Europe. These five volumes contain the correspondence and reports of the French diplomat, the Marquis de Verac, from his posts in Germany, Denmark, and Russia during the years when the American Revolution was the preeminent diplomatic, political, and military event occupying the courts of Europe. Verac’s dispatches offer tremendous insight into the views held in France, Russia, Denmark, and Germany toward the Americans and their efforts to secure their independence, and on the diplomatic history of Europe in the 1770s and 1780s. These volumes also document the beginnings of Russian-American relations, Rus- sian attempts to mediate an end to the Revolutionary War, and the evolution of the “Armed Neutrality,” proclaimed by Catherine II of Russia and subscribed to by several European states. Verac’s reports contain scores of highly important diplomatic reports, offering a unique window into French and European diplomacy in the age of the Amer- ican Revolution. Students of the diplomatic history of the American Revolution period have discussed the important role played by the Marquis de Verac, especially his service in Russia. See, particularly, the works of Isabel de Madariaga, Richard B. Morris, and N. N. Bolkho- vitinov noted below. Those historians used original documentary material in the Cor- respondence Politique of the French Archives des Affaires Etrangeres. French archives suffered heavily during the years of the French Revolution, and it is quite likely that these volumes contain some correspondence from and to Verac that does not exist in the French archives. We can find no record of Verac’s dispatches to and correspondence with Vergennes having been published, nor is it reproduced in B. F. Stevens’s Facsimiles of Manuscripts in European Archives Relating to America. Charles Olivier de Saint Georges, the Marquis de Verac, (1743–1828) had an active and important career in the French Foreign Ministry. He was a trusted advisor to the French Foreign Minister, Charles Gravier, the Comte de Vergennes. As documented in these volumes Verac served as the French minister at Cassel, Germany in 1773– 1775, and then in the same post in Copenhagen from 1775 to 1778. Each of those post- ings is documented in a single volume in this collection. Verac’s most consequential service was in Russia, where he was minister plenipotentiary, and his letters and dispatches from his post at St. Petersburg for the period 1780 to 1783 are contained in the final three volumes of this group. Verac’s dispatches are lengthy, well-written, and informed. Each volume has the bookplate/shelf ticket of the library of the Chateau du Tremblay, the seat of the marquises of Verac. The first, second and third volumes each begin with a manuscript entitled Memoire pour Servir d’Instructions au Sr. Marquis de Verac. . . . This transcribes the official instructions given to Verac as he took up his post at Cassel, Copenhagen, and St. Petersburg, respectively. When the Marquis de Verac arrived in St. Petersburg in the summer of 1780 he found himself at the center of intense diplomatic maneuvering. Russia had traditionally been sympathetic to British aims, but this perception began to change when Empress Catherine II declared the League of Armed Neutrality on February 28, 1780. While not openly favoring or recognizing American independence, its principles did certainly favor the American side in the conflict with England. The League was eventually comprised of several European states, including Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, the Neth- erlands, the Holy Roman Empire, Prussia, Portugal, and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. It indirectly helped the United States by placing most of Europe against Britain in terms of shipping rights during war, arguing that “free ships” made “free goods,” that neutrals had the right to use the seaports of warring nations, that blockades had to be actually enforced and not just declared on paper, and that the definition of what goods constituted contraband or articles of war should be narrowly defined. The French Foreign Minister, the Comte de Vergennes, saw the Armed Neutrality announcement as an opportunity to bring Russia into closer alliance with France and French aims, which included American independence. When Verac arrived at St. Peters- burg in the summer of 1780 the Russians were floating proposals to mediate a resolution to the conflict between the Americans, their French and Spanish allies, and England. Hoping to gain Russian support for the French cause, Verac cultivated the friendship of Count Nikolai Panin, Catherine’s senior foreign policy adviser, and the two formed a rather close bond. Isabel de Madariaga writes that during this period “the impression grew in France that Russia could be relied on to protect French interests” (p.229). Verac recounts his conversations with Panin in great detail for Vergennes, and the Comte responds to Verac with instructions on how to proceed in his discussions with the Russian court. Of particular importance herein is a long dispatch from Verac to Vergennes of September 14, 1780, in which Verac recounts a conversation with Panin about a Russian proposal to mediate between England and the Americans. The proposal suggested that the individual American states might behave autonomously, deciding independently of the others whether or not they wanted to remain in confederation with Great Britain. This was a proposition which Vergennes considered seri- ously. Indeed, these volumes reveal the lengths to which Vergennes’ diplomatic strate- gies were at times at odds with American interests, and which led John Adams to write to Francis Dana, the American minister in Russia, that “there is a Vulcan at Versailles whose constant employment has been to forge chains for American ministers” (quoted in Morris). Indeed Russian mediation offers continued into 1782, and Verac reports them back to Vergennes in these dispatches. Francis Dana went to St. Petersburg as the American minister to Russia in 1781, and while he never gained official recognition from Catherine II, he remained there until 1783. Shortly after Dana’s arrival, young John Quincy Adams, aged only fourteen, arrived in Russia to act as Dana’s secretary. Verac records his impressions of Dana, and of the efforts of the Americans in St. Petersburg, and he also reports on the bribery and intrigues that unfolded among the rival diplomatic corps in the Russian capital. Verac’s reports also discuss the British representative in St. Petersburg, the energetic and effective James Harris, and his activities in the Russian court. The volume of dispatches from Copenhagen begins in September, 1775, and continues to August, 1777. In Copenhagen, Verac reports on a number of issues of concern to the Danes, many of which grow out of the war just beginning between England and her former colonies in America. Included among these are rumors of English plans to raid ports in the Baltic suspected of harboring American sympathizers. Danish ships, merchant and military, were being regularly harassed by the British, who believed that the Danes were sending illegal goods to the Americans, or that they might even send troops to support the rebel cause. Many of Verac’s dispatches relate his meetings and conversations with the Danish Foreign Minister, Andreas Peter Bernstorff, who was a staunch advocate of neutrality on the issue of the American Revolution. There is also much on Verac’s interaction with Danish nobility and military leaders, and on Danish governmental attitudes toward England. In a letter, for example, of January 7, 1777, Verac writes that in his conversation with Danish officials the situation between Eng- land and her colonies “sont un des sujets les plus frequent de nos entretiens.” He goes on to write that the sentiments of many he speaks to are against the Americans. Verac’s volume of dispatches from Cassel (and other places in Germany) begins with a letter of April 30, 1773, and continues to 1775, concluding with a long summation by Verac of his experiences over the previous two years. A substantial report of June, 1773, gives Verac’s observations on the military strength of the forces of the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, while another lengthy report considers the possible advantages of a commercial treaty between France and the German state. He also writes of goings on in the court of the Landgrave of Hesse, and in the Holy Roman Empire generally. In all, the volume records dozens of dispatches from Verac in Germany, and sent to him from Versailles. A remarkably interesting and important collection of manuscript correspondence, recording the highest levels of French diplomacy during the American Revolution. The Marquis de Verac’s dispatches and letters shed significant light on how several Euro- pean nations – most importantly France and Russia – dealt with the challenges to their interests and to the European order caused by the tumult of the American Revolution. Isabel de Madariaga, Britain, Russia, and the Armed Neutrality of 1780 (New Haven, 1962). Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers. The Great Powers & American Independence (New York, 1965). N. N. Bolkhovi- tinov, The Beginnings of Russian-American Relations (Cambridge, 1975). $85,000.

A Spectacular Copy of the First Music Book Printed in America, with Original Manuscript Music Bound In: The Foundation of Music in America 96. Walter, Thomas: THE GROUNDS AND RULES OF MUSICK EXPLAINED: OR, AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ART OF SINGING BY NOTE. FITTED TO THE MEANEST CAPACITIES. Boston: Printed by J. Franklin, for S. Gerrish, 1721. [2], iii, [1], 24pp. plus sixteen engraved plates of music; with an additional 24pp. of manuscript musical score. Oblong. Contemporary calf, tooled in blind. Light wear and soiling to binding, corners worn. Contemporary ownership inscription on rear pastedown (“Joseph Goldthwaite, 1723”). Small loss to lower right corner of p.3, affecting a few words of text. Light foxing, some light wear to contents. Overall, very good, in wonderful unsophisticated original condition. In a half morocco clamshell case. First edition, first issue of the first American music book, printed by James Franklin during the period when Benjamin was still an apprentice in his shop. Thomas Wal- ter (1696–1725) was a Congregational minister and schoolmaster, and the grandson of Increase Mather. Indeed, the “Recommendatory Preface” for this work, which extols the virtue of psalmody, is signed in print by both Increase and Cotton Mather. The work includes twenty-four tunes, one of which—“Southwell New”—appears to be an entirely original American composition. There are two issues, one with the preface dated and the other undated. This is the first issue, with no date at the end of the preface. Both issues are incredibly rare, with fewer than ten copies known to exist. Virtu- ally all such works were literally used to death. Additionally, a contemporary owner—possibly Joseph Goldthwaite, who has written his name in the volume—has penned in twelve leaves of musical score and nota- tion containing thirty-six tunes. These are: “Anthem to ye 100 Psalm,” “St. Ann’s,” “Bristoll Tune,” “Cambridge,” “Consecration Hymn,” “Dunhead,” “Deerfield Tune,” “Exeter,” “Hereford Tune,” “Hartfordshire,” “Isle of White,” “Litchfield,” “Man- chester Tune,” “Mere Tune,” “Norwich Tune,” “Northampton,” “St. Peter’s Tune,” “Portsmouth,” “Sabbath Hymn,” “Standish,” “Song of ye 3 Children,” “Ditto, a New Tune,” “Worcester Tune,” “Winchester,” “3d Psalm Tune,” “18th Psalm Tune,” “21 Psalm Tune,” “51st Psalm Tune,” “68 Psalm Tune,” “86th Psalm Tune,” “108th Psalm Tune,” “126th Psalm Tune,” “137th Psalm Tune,” “149th Psalm Tune,” “Veni-Creator,” and “Tee-Deum.” Of the manuscript tunes, at least one is an original American composition—“Psalm 100 New”—first appearing in print the same year as this volume in John Tufts’ An Introduction to the Singing of Psalm Tunes . . . (Boston, 1721). The others are rather common tunes, about a dozen of which appear in the Tufts compendium. Although previous bibliographers have noted that there were earlier editions of John Tufts’ An Introduction to the Singing of Psalm Tunes, Britton and Lowens indicate that it is unlikely that an edition appeared before 1721 (the same year this work was published), and no copy is known to exist of any edition of that work before the third edition of 1723. Thus, the present work is the earliest known edition of any book of music printed in America. Of great rarity and importance, in fine contemporary condition, and enhanced with contemporary manuscript additions. BRITTON & LOWENS, AMERICAN SACRED MUSIC IMPRINTS 516. EVANS 2303. ESTC W7207. $75,000.

A Superlatively Rare American Edition of George Washington’s Famous Journal: The Only Book by the Father of Our Country, and a Legendary Rarity 97. Washington, George: [THE JOURNAL OF MAJOR GEORGE WASHINGTON, SENT BY THE HON. ROBERT DINWIDDIE, ESQ., HIS MAJESTY’S LIEUTEN- ANT-GOVERNOR, AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF VIRGINIA, TO THE COMMANDANT OF THE FRENCH FORCES ON THE OHIO . . . ]. [contained in:] The Maryland Gazette, Numbers 463 and 464. Annapolis: Jonas Green, March 21 and 28, 1754. Two issues of 4pp. each. Paper restored in the gutter of the sheets, with the loss of a few letters of text, else very good. Bound to style in three-quarter antique calf, spine gilt, leather label, marbled boards. The superlatively rare second American edition, published in The Maryland Gazette, of George Washington’s Journal, issued only weeks after the Williamsburg first edition and months before the English edition, and known in only five copies. Among the greatest rarities of colonial Americana are the American editions of the Journal of George Washington, describing his journey to the Ohio Country in the winter of 1753 at the behest of the Governor of Virginia to confront the French forces there and order them to leave. The Journal was first printed at Williamsburg in late February 1754. Nine copies survive today, all of them in institutions. The last copy sold, the Sir Thomas Phillipps copy, realized $25,000 at Parke-Bernet in 1955, at that time one of the highest prices ever paid for an American book (at the time, the double-elephant folio of Audubon was worth half as much). The Phillipps copy is now in the collections of Colonial Williamsburg, and the others all in major American libraries. In the summer of 1754 an English edition of Washington’s Journal was published in London. This form has generally been considered the only available early edition, and has commanded a high price; the last copy at auction realized $104,500 at Sotheby’s in the fall of 2010. The London edition is relatively common, and other copies have traded both publicly and privately. The present edition of the Journal falls chronologically between the Williamsburg edition and the London edition. Not only is it the second edition of the Journal, it is another American edition as well, issued because of the pressing importance of Washington’s mission and its significance for the colonies. It was published by Jonas Green, at that time the only printer in Maryland, from his press in Annapolis. The Journal fills almost all of two issues of his Maryland Gazette, and is a word-for-word reprint of the Williamsburg edition. In a brief preface, Green puts the reason for publication and his source succinctly: “The Storm arising in the West, being the present Topic of Conversation, we think we cannot oblige our Readers, at this juncture, with anything more entertaining than Major Washington’s Journal to Ohio. . . . From a Copy just printed in Williamsburg.” Washington’s trip did indeed precede a storm: the French and Indian War. In 1753 tensions between the French and British forces in North America rose, as the French sought to establish themselves more firmly in the land between their colonial spheres of Louisiana and Canada, in the “Ohio Country,” the trans-Allegheny lands that included western New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and western Virginia. In a strategic sense this threatened to encircle the British colonies; it also was a threat to the expan- sionist land hunger of the Virginia planters. On the latter point few were more passionate than Washington, who was a fervent speculator in western lands all his life. In late October 1753, Gov. Robert Dinwiddie of Virginia commissioned Washington, a major in the Virginia Regiment, to go to the Ohio Country with a letter for the French commander there, insisting he withdraw his forces immediately. With frontiersman Christopher Gist as a guide, Washington arrived at the future site of Pittsburgh, which he identified as an ideal place for a fort, by late November. Here he came into contact with both French traders and Indians, and devoted considerable effort to persuading the latter to the English side. He recounts his negotiations with the Indians over the next week in great detail. Washington then proceeded northwards to Lake Erie, and made contact with the French military forces on December 4 and then proceeded to their fort. The next ten days were spent in fruitless discussion, although Washington managed to extract a good deal of valuable intelligence. On the 15th of December, with a letter from the French commander to Gov. Dinwiddie indicating a refusal to move, he set out on his return journey. This dan- gerous and difficult trip was made in a little more than a month, a remarkable feat in the depth of winter, illustrative of Washington’s resolve and physical vigor. He reported back to Dinwiddie at Williamsburg on Jan. 16, 1754. Washington himself recounts, in his preface, how the journal came to be published. Dinwiddie was eager to lay the story before his Council, which was meeting on the 18th. He writes: There intervened but one day between my arrival . . . for me to prepare and transcribe, from the rough minutes I had taken in my Travels, this Journal; the writing of which only was sufficient to employ me closely the whole time. . . . neither was I apprised, or did in the least conceive. . . . that it would ever be published, or even have more than a cursory Reading; til I was informed, at the meeting of the present General Assembly, that it was already in Press. Dinwiddie called an extraordinary session of the Virginia Assembly to approve measures for the defense of the colony in the wake of Washington’s discoveries, and it met on February 14, 1754. Thus, the publication of the Williamsburg edition must be after this date, toward the end of February, and just a month before this second edition was issued at Annapolis. Jonas Green, the publisher of this edition, came from the largest family of colonial printers. His great-grandfather had conducted the first press in colonial British America, and descendants spread throughout the colonies. Green moved from Bos- ton to Annapolis in 1738 to become the only printer in Maryland. In 1745 he started a weekly paper, The Maryland Gazette, where the Journal appeared. All early issues of the Gazette are extremely rare, and only five copies are recorded for the issues containing the Journal. Green reprinted Washington’s preface, the body of the Jour- nal, and Gov. Dinwiddie’s letter to the French commander word-for-word. The only omission in this edition was the reply of the French commander. In every other regard the text is identical. Washington’s visit to the Ohio was the beginning of a global crisis. His return to the Ohio country in the spring ended in disaster when armed conflict broke out, the French commander was killed, and Washington forced to surrender. By the end of the year the obscure frontier stand-off had spiraled into a world war – the first truly global war – which engulfed Europe and its colonial possessions in what was called the French and Indian War in America, the Seven Years’ War in Europe. Since 1955, no copies of the Williamsburg edition, and only this copy of the Annapo- lis edition, of George Washington’s Journal have appeared on the market. A unique opportunity to acquire the earliest edition of Washington’s first book which will ever appear for sale. WROTH, PRINTING IN COLONIAL MARYLAND 175. Parke-Bernet Galleries, May 10, 1955. Sale Catalogue of George Washington’s First Printed Work (for the last sale of the Williamsburg edition). Fred Anderson, Crucible of War, pp.33-65, for the historical background. HOWES W134 (ref.) $125,000.

A Key Treaty Between the United States and an Indian Tribe, Negotiated by Washington Himself 98. Washington, George: BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, A PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS A TREATY OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE CREEK NATION, WAS MADE AND CONCLUDED ON THE SEVENTH DAY OF THE PRESENT MONTH OF AUGUST . . . [caption title]. [New York: Childs and Swain, 1790]. Broadside, 20½ x 16¼ inches, framed to 29 x 24 inches. Neat repairs at edges and along vertical central fold. Minor losses along central fold, affecting a few letters of text. Very minor soiling. Very good, and elegantly framed. The Thomas W. Streeter copy. A rare broadside printing of the first treaty made by the fledgling United States, declaring friendship and amity with the Creek Nation, and likely printed for limited distribution among the federal administration. Following the American Revolution the United States was free to turn its attention from the British to other conflicts within its borders. One of these was with the Creek Indian Nation in the South, where hostilities had peri- odically arisen between the Indians and Georgia settlers. Spain, a Creek ally, urged the Indians to negotiate a treaty, lest Spain be pulled into a wider conflict with the United States. This treaty is the result of that negotiation. “The Creeks were friendly with the English through the American Revolution and afterwards in June 1784, entered into the Treaty of Pensacola with the Spaniards. One of the problems to which Washington devoted himself on becoming President was our relations with the Creeks, and after one mission to them had failed, another under Col. Marinus Willett succeeded in getting the Creek leader, Alexander McGillivray, to New York, where this treaty of 7 August 1790 was signed. The treaty is of considerable importance as it marks the first legal relationship between the United States and the Creeks. Its effect, though, was short-lived, for Creek and Spanish opposition prevented its ratification”—Streeter. This was the third Indian treaty signed by Washington, preceded only by agreements with the Wyandots and the Six Nations, both concluded at Fort Harmar on Jan. 7, 1789. Because of the difficulty that Washington had up to this point with his emissaries negotiating with the Creeks, he oversaw the negotiations for this treaty himself. Thus, this is the first treaty negotiated by a president of the United States with the native peoples. The treaty calls for the handing over of any U.S. prisoners or Negroes held by the Creeks; clarifies a boundary between the U.S. and the Creek Nation; and declares that any person who enters Creek territory with the intention to settle, forfeits the protection of the United States and shall be subject to Creek punishment. Additionally, its sets forth provisions for disciplining citizens of each nation in the event that a crime is committed, and indicates that the U.S. will “from time to time furnish gratuitously the said nation with useful domestic animals” in order to convert the Creeks from a life of savage hunter-gatherers into civilized farmers. Secretary of War Henry Knox signed here in type on behalf of the United States, while Alexander McGillivray signed for the Creek Nation – comprised of the Cuse- tahs, Little Tallisee, Big Tallisee, Tuckabatchy, Natchez, Cowetas, Broken Arrow, Coosades, and Alabama Oakfoys. The names of all the “Kings, Chiefs and Warriors” who signed on behalf of these various tribes appear at the foot of the broadside. The ratification ceremony took place in Federal Hall with an exchange of gifts and hand- shakes, and the Pennsylvania Packet described the compact in its Aug. 18th issue as a “highly interesting, solemn and dignified transaction.” Although this treaty never took full effect, Francis Paul Prucha has written that “this first foray of President Washing- ton into treaty making was a significant beginning. He had felt his way toward a fixed procedure for sharing his responsibilities with the Senate, and he had persuaded the powerful Creek Nation to come to his seat of government for treaty negotiations. He was now more confident in dealing with other tribes that called for his attention.” This copy is from the library of Thomas W. Streeter. ESTC notes only three copies, at the American Antiquarian Society, the Huntington, and the Pennsylvania Historical Society. A rare and important document. EVANS 22989. STREETER SALE 1087. NAIP w015336. SABIN 96603. Francis Paul Prucha, Ameri- can Indian Treaties: The History of a Political Anomaly (1994), p.84. $30,000.

Inscribed by Webster to John Adams’ Cousin, with John Adams’ Letter Lauding Webster as the Greatest Orator of the Time: “If there be an American who can read it without tears, I am not that American.” 99. Webster, Daniel: Adams, John: DISCOURSE, DELIVERED AT PLYMOUTH, DECEMBER 22, 1820, IN COMMEMORATION OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF NEW-ENGLAND. Boston: Wells and Lilly, 1821. 104pp. Contemporary straight- grained red morocco with boards spine, edges, and dentelles all elaborately gilt. Scattered light foxing. Fine. [with:] [MANUSCRIPT LETTER, SIGNED, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO DANIEL WEBSTER]. Dec. 23, 1821. [2]pp. with integral address leaf. In a half morocco and cloth clamshell case, in two cloth chemises. A presentation copy, inscribed by Daniel Webster on the titlepage: “Mr. Webster desires Mr. Boylston’s acceptance of this, with his regards.” This copy is beautifully bound in red straight-grained morocco, tooled in gilt on the boards and the spine, presumably bound for Boylston to signify it as a special copy. Accompanying the pamphlet is a remarkable letter from John Adams, second president of the United States, con- gratulating Webster on the speech and lauding him as the greatest orator of the time. Webster presented the pamphlet to Ward Nicholas Boylston (1749–1828), member of a prominent Boston family and a cousin of John Adams. Born in Boston, Boylston spent some twenty-five years in London engaged in various lines of trade, before returning to the United States in 1800 and settling in Princeton. He endowed a chair at Harvard in Rhetoric and Oratory, with the condition that John Quincy Adams would be installed as professor. The long and laudatory oration celebrates the bicentennial of the landing of the Pil- grims at Plymouth in 1620 and the rise of the nation which grew from this seed. Web- ster’s primary theme is the American Revolution and the principles of American democracy. Addressed to “the true sons of New England,” it is a clear statement of Webster’s political stance, in which he frames his views as the proper successor to the New Eng- land founders, most particularly John Adams. This includes his determined opposition to slavery and its spread, just tested in the debates over the Missouri Compromise in 1820. Discussing reaction to the Revolution, at one point he calls Edmund Burke “the most consummate orator of modern times.” But his greatest praise is reserved for John Adams, whom Webster calls “. . . one who has been attended through life by a great and fortunate genius . . . among the most able and zealous defenders of the violated rights of his country,” and other warm praises running for three pages. To John Adams, second president of the United States, one of the few surviving signers of the Declaration of Independence, and arguably the most important figure in the Revolution from Massachusetts, the speech rang true, and not only for its towering praise of himself. He wrote a laudatory letter of thanks to Webster, the very letter which accompanies this pamphlet. The letter, dated Dec. 23, 1821, is in the hand of an unknown secretary (for reasons made clear in the letter), but signed by Adams in a shaky eighty-five-year-old hand. In it he praises Webster for his ability as an historian and orator, and for his stand on slavery. It is a remarkable passing of the torch from one great American leader to another. Adams writes: Thank you for your Discourse delivered at Plymouth on the termination of the second century of the landing of our Forefathers. Unable to read it from defect of sight, it was last night read to me by our friend Shaw. It is the effort of a great mind richly stored with every species of information. If there be an American who can read it without tears, I am not that American. It enters more perfectly into the genuine spirit of New England than any production I ever read. The observations on the Greeks and Romans, on colonization in general, on the West India Islands, on the past present and future in America of the Slave trade, are sagacious profound and affecting to a high degree. Mr. Burke is no longer entitled to the praise, ‘the most consummate orator of modern times.’ What can I say of what regards myself – To my humble name exegisti monumentum aere marmore et audio perennieus [a slightly misspelled reference to Horace: ‘I have built a monument more lasting than marble or bronze’]. This oration will be read five hundred years hence, ought to be read at the end of every Century, and indeed at the end of every year. I am Sir with the profoundest esteem your most obedient humble servant, John Adams. A remarkable confluence of documents, bringing together New England’s two political giants. SABIN 102262. AMERICAN IMPRINTS 7609. $62,500.

The Man Who Wrote the Constitution: A Primary Work of American Political Thought 100. [Wilson, James]: CONSIDERATIONS ON THE NATURE AND THE EXTENT OF THE LEGISLATIVE AUTHORITY OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. Philadelphia: Printed and Sold, by William and Thomas Bradford . . . , 1774. iv, 35pp. Modern speckled calf, tooled in blind, gilt leather label. Some light foxing. Very good plus. James Wilson was destined to become one of the most important figures in early Fed- eral politics, most notably for his leading role in drafting the Constitution and working toward its passage, ultimately becoming a signer of the Declaration of Independence. “Born in Scotland, Wilson emigrated to Pennsylvania in 1765 in the midst of the Stamp Act disturbances. He became the head of a committee of correspondence at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and was a delegate to the First Continental Congress in 1774. Upon arriving at the Congress he distributed this pamphlet, which concluded that Parliament had no authority over the colonies in any instance. Only a few had taken such an advanced position even by 1774, but Wilson had come to this conclusion four years before he published this essay”—Wellsprings of a Nation. Many historians have ranked Wilson’s pamphlet with John Adams’ Thoughts on Government in influence and significance. This first edition is rare, and this is only the third copy we have had in some twenty years. A fundamentally important statement of Revolutionary political philosophy. AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 149. WELLSPRINGS OF NATION 122. EVANS 13775. NAIP w020076. HILDEBURN 3137. HOWES W526, “aa.” SABIN 104629. $42,500.