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\ K Ij 72-7790 -». HAVING, Gladys Modwro Cicely, 192& WITH \ K 1.' I i s =1 J •f -Is -J .i s* ■ -T ■? iJ 72-7790 I -». 'i i- having , Gladys Modwro Cicely, 192& 'h Y V- T> WITH 'i'■ PARTICULAR REFEpwCE-TO SIERRA LEONE r / Northwestern ' University, -.Ph. D., 1971' Education, theoiy Md praoticei ■j ■tT* I > University Microfilms, A XERQKCompany, Ann Arbor, Michigan I ' ' ' ' \ ) «■ y THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEtT MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS!RECEIVED. r t NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY . < -> EDUCATION AND DEMOCRACY IN WEST AFRICA WITH . 0 PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO SIERRA LEONE . ■: if A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE’REOUIREMENTS for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY P Field of Education \ \ by \ Gladys M. Harding Evanston, 111inols - August 1971 r •r y PLEASE NOTE Some Pages have indistinct print. Filmed as received UNIVERSiTY MICROFILMS %V : \ 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY. 19 *s Characteristics of Liberal Democracy Non-Liberal Democracy - The Ghana Variant The.Const!tution of Sierra Leone The State of Sierra Leone The Role of the Intelligentsia III. THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE.a ti6 The British in West,Africa The Colony of Sierra Leone British Administration in West Africa Indirect Rule in Sierra Leone Towapds independence 1951“196l The Legacy of Indirect Rule IV. EDUCATION AND POLITICAL. DEVELOPMENT85 The Expansion of Eclucational Facilities The Consequences of Educational Expansion V. EDUCATION AND POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION125 British Educational Policy in West Africa ! African Educational Policy and the Problem of National Integration Political Socialization in Ghana, I96O-I966 Some Suggestions for.improving Social Studies in Sierra Leone The History qf Sierra Leone Outline Course of History of Sierra Leone for Secondary School.Pupils VI. CURRICULUM PLANNING AND IMPLEMENTATION IN SOCIAL STUDIES EDUCATION. 1....... 188 The West African Examinations Council i ii \ Chapter VII. TEACHER EDUCATION IN SIERRA LEONE 202 Re-organlzation.of Teacher Education The Supply of Teachers y VIII. TEACHING THE NEW SOCIAL STUDIES 232 The Reflective Approach and Critical-Thinking Skills The Conceptual Approach - -i IX. CONCLUSION 248 '•i vr BIBLIOGRAPHY- 261 J (J 6..V » ■i c: lii Appendix A - Sierra Leone - Life of Chiefdoms 254 T-.. $ •1 I •■'.y. ■y .-7.: '■ 'o!' ;- /■ it i 'v “i \ J5 c:::=:zk iv c Mapsc Figure 1: Sierra Leone i.n. West Africa.....' . 256 5 Figure 2: Ethnic Groups Superimposed on Chiefdoms i 257 Figure 3: Administrati^ve Divisions. , 258 Figure A: Chiefdoms; . 259 Figure 5: Educational Establishment Superimposed on ■'V Chi efdoms................................ ................... .... 260" S- .'•'r Cv rv o 4 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In February, I960, the'then British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan made his now famous ^'wind of change' speech to the South 1 African Parliament, The purpose of the speech was to explairf''ind justify Britain's action in granting political independence to its African colonies. Five years later, under the momentum of the wind of change which was blowing over Africa, the Gold Coast (now Ghana), Nigeria, Sierra Leone and the Gambia on the West Coast became indepen- dent countries. The wind soon assumed" gale force, and by 1967, had all but swept away the democratic institutions whose seeming existence had been the foundations of political independence. In January 1966, there was a revolt in Nigeria,^ followed in February by the overthrow of the Nkrumah government in Ghana, and in March 1967, the elected government of Sierra Leone was prevented from assuming office by a military apd police junta.^ Even though this turned out to be the shortest mi 1itary government on record in West Africa, since there was a return to civilian rule one year later, the country has continued to be plagued by rumours of attempted coups, declarations of a state of emergency, and the detention of people suspected of subversive activi.tles.^ Various political observers, following the disturbances in 8 the Congo soon after that country gained its independence from Belgiumi had commented on the dangers inherent in the pluralistic nature of 1 ■ 2 h • African societies with their emphasis on tribe. Huxley (I960), wrote that "if political parties base themselves on tribe, sooner of later Q a civil war becomes inevitable." Schwarz (1965) also called attention to the dangerous polarization of the tribes in Nigeria;^® Busia (1967) I maintained that "the emphasis on kinship has a bearing on the problem of nation building in Africa ... One of the major problems in Africa ■•I today is to find answers to the questions, how is one to achieye an extension of the African family spirit as a whole? How can one shift the emphasis from kinship to state?"^^These prophecies were ful- ..12 filled by the events which culminated in the,tragic^lii^gfer idfi civil war. Another group of writers has devoted consPff^able attention to the form of government likely to endure in the new.States of Africa. The general consensus has been "that the probability of noh-cfemocratic poiitical systems in the new nations is greater than- the probability .,13 . of democratic systems. Williams (1961) questioned the suitability of the parliamentary system (fo.r African states) and suggested that a one-party state, with its peculiar brand of democracy and atStfogg central figure, could well meet the situation in Africa. He cited Nkrumah's Ghana and Toure's Guinea in support of hjs contention. In his view, there eiHsted in Ghana and Guinea a political but judicious anomaly - a one-party state without dictatorship, and parliamentary 14 government without democracy.Subsequent events in Ghana, and, \ more recent happenings in Guinea^^ have, if anything, shown how^ mutually exclusive are the very ideas inherent in democracy and a one- party state. Brand (1963) expressed.his doubts about the future of democracy In Africa in these^words: 3 . The cards are stacked against a 'democratic' development in the industrially backward nations. Modern technologies ■and capitalist modes of production have been mercilessly Imposed upon them by the expansion of the Western Metro­ polis. Their native social fabric has often been g deliberately torn asunder. Carter and Herz (1965) saw the move towards a 'one party democracyI ■ ’ ■ as being one of expediency and one arising from a strong desire to move into the twentieth century, both from the technological and industrial point of view.^^ -rr The Greeks- invented the ideal of freedom and with it, democracy. The word is itself a, combination of two Greek words, 'demos' meaning people, and 'kratia' meaning power. Thus a.literal translation would be 'people power,' which has now, in the language of Abraharji"Lincoln,J'- come to mean government of the people by the people for the people. Variations as to the kind of democracy said to exist hinge on hovi the people choose their representatives, how 1 x .x- the chosen representatives interpret their mandate, the extent to which-dissenters or minority grpups are tolerated and have a chance, however remote, of one day being"voted into power. It has been pointed out that only the Gambia, and Sierra Leone chose Western democracy ----- •y'\- ■ ■ 1 ft consciously as a form of government when they became independent states. ° However, an examination of the situation in Sierra Leone will show that there is a discrepancy between the rhetoric of the constitution and political reality. In spite of this discrepancy, there exists in Sierra Leone, and other West African states, a ghoup of people, generally educated in the West, dedicated to the ideals of democracy. These, like the'ir counterparts the intelligentsia of old Russia, form pockets of resistance to totalitarian and autocratic regimes. 'Q. 0 it ' An analysis of the political development of these rtfew - states would suggest, as a plausible hypothesis, that political systems which have felt the impact of colonialism tend towards dls- _ integration when the stabilizing influence of the imperial power is removed . ^e relevant historical data will be examined, where necessary, and the evolution of their constitutions reviewed. This review is necessary to bring to light some essential features of British cploniel rule. On the West Coast of Africa the British, % ' ' ' “ ■ ... under the name" Nigeria, brought together a vast conglomeration of tribes. In the Gold Coast the Fanti and the Akari with the Ga and Ewe were brought together, as were the Ashanti, the Dagomba and the Mamprusi. The Creoles, descendants of settlers in the coastal area of Sierr|-;Leone and liberated slaves, formed part.of a colony which ••4 also included the Mende, the Temne and the Yalunka. Except for its line of demarcation, the ethnic composition of .the^Gambia was, and still is, exactly the same as that of the other countries adjacent to it. The situation became all the most complicated when members of the same tribe found themselves on either side of new boundary lines. In this way,<the Madingo were partitioned between the French 0, and the British, between the present states of Sierra Leone and Guinea on one side, and the Kisi tribe likewise on the other side .equally divided between the two states. Though the vast majority of- the Mende are in Sierra,Leone, some of their villages went to make up north-western Liberia, and while some of the Vat were left in Sierra Leone, the greater number were assigned to Liberia, as were the Gola. Thus the British (and other imperial powers) attempted to-create colonies (how states) out of a multiplicity of peoples, drffering in r 5 languages, customs and cultural heritage. Not only wfere countries • ■ so created artificial entities, but the boundaries which separated them,were arbitrarily drawn.As if such a state of affairs was not bad enough, the African emphasis on kinship and tribe was exploited and exacerbated by the .practice of Indirect Rule.
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