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Industrial Society and the State: French and German Perspectives
Thomas HopkinsThomas Hopkins Page 1 [email protected] Between Restoration and Revolution, National Constitutions and Global Law: an alternative view on the European century 1815-1914. Thomas Hopkins Research Proposal Industrial Society and the State: French and German Perspectives The project I wish to outline is concerned on a general level with the problems involved in fitting together the concept of an exchange economy, potentially bounded by nothing save the projected extent of a global market, with that of the nation-state. This I take to be one way of formulating what is at stake in confronting the ‘language of economic efficiency’ with that of ‘social solidarity’, the second of the fields of tension identified for investigation as part of the overall research agenda. More particularly, I would like to re-examine some of the difficulties involved in framing the ‘social question’ in the 1830s and 1840s, and in so doing to ask why the concept of class should have proved so disruptive for political, social, legal and economic theory. My aim is not to rehearse the history of labour movements or to retread the well-worn path following the development of Marxism. Rather it is to place under scrutiny the apparent elective affinity between certain ways of thinking about economic development and the idea of representative government. This, I hope, should yield a more nuanced sense of what is in play in debates about the role of social legislation and the prospects for effective political management of the economy. I envisage two points of departure for the project. -
Review of Murray N. Rothbard's an Austrian
Reason Papers 97 Murray N. Rothbard, An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Vol. i & ii (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publ., Ltd., 1995), pp.576 & 544; Index; $99.95 each. Parth Shah, University of Michigan, Dearborn I have always enjoyed Professor Rothbard's talks at various Austrian conferences and seminars, especially the ones on the history of economic thought. That subject itself, I think, brought out all the qualities that made Professor Rothbard such a loving and towering figure in Austrian and libertarian circles; his incredible breadth of knowledge, diligent scholarship, disarming sense of humor, perspective coalescing of personal with social and intellectual history, genuine respect for a worthy adversary, and yes, his unwavering dedication to praxeology and liberty. Professor Rothbard's two volumes on the history of thought more than meet the expectations; they encapsulate all those unique qualities of his. It makes it all the more unfortunate that the volumes cover the period only up to about 1870. Taking his cue from his mentor Joseph Dorfman, Professor Rothbard eschews the "Few Great Men approach" (talking about the already anointed), and focuses on the "'lesser' figures... emphasizing the importance of their religious and social philosophies as well as their narrower strictly 'economic' views" (1, p.xii). With Thomas Kuhn's realistic appraisal of the path of progress in science in terms of paradigm shifts, Professor Rothbard dismisses the Whig theory of history and works with no presumption that "later thought is better than earlier" (1, p.x). The acceptance of the zig-zag path of the progress of the discipline promises us "far more human drama than is usually offered in histories of economic thought." (1, p.xiii). -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
The Neglect of the French Liberal School in Anglo-American Economics: a Critique of Received Explanations
The Neglect of the French Liberal School in Anglo-American Economics: A Critique of Received Explanations Joseph T. Salerno or roughly the first three quarters of the nineteenth century, the "liberal school" thoroughly dominated economic thinking and teaching in F France.1 Adherents of the school were also to be found in the United States and Italy, and liberal doctrines exercised a profound influence on prominent German and British economists. Although its numbers and au- thority began to dwindle after the 1870s, the school remained active and influential in France well into the 1920s. Even after World War II, there were a few noteworthy French economists who could be considered intellectual descendants of the liberal tradition. Despite its great longevity and wide-ranging influence, the scientific con- tributions of the liberal school and their impact on the development of Eu- ropean and U.S. economic thought—particularly on those economists who are today recognized as the forerunners, founders, and early exponents of marginalist economics—have been belittled or simply ignored by most twen- tieth-century Anglo-American economists and historians of thought. A number of doctrinal scholars, including Joseph Schumpeter, have noted and attempted to explain the curious neglect of the school in the En- glish-language literature. In citing the school's "analytical sterility" or "indif- ference to pure theory" as a main cause of its neglect, however, their expla- nations have overlooked a salient fact: that many prominent contributors to economic analysis throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries expressed strong appreciation of or weighty intellectual debts to the purely theoretical contributions of the liberal school. -
1. the Damnation of Economics
Notes 1. The Damnation of Economics 1. One example of vice-regal patronage of anti-economics is Canada’s ‘Governor General’s Award for Non-Fiction’. In 1995 this honour was bestowed upon John Raulston Saul’s anti-economic polemic The Unconscious Civilization (published in 1996). A taste of Saul’s wisdom: ‘Over the last quarter-century economics has raised itself to the level of a scientific profession and more or less foisted a Nobel Prize in its own honour onto the Nobel committee thanks to annual financing from a bank. Yet over the same 25 years, economics has been spectacularly unsuc- cessful in its attempts to apply its models and theories to the reality of our civili- sation’ (Saul 1996, p. 4). See Pusey (1991) and Cox (1995) for examples of patronage of anti-economics by Research Councils and Broadcasting Corporations. 2. Another example of economists’ ‘stillness’: the economists of 1860 did not join the numerous editorial rebukes of Ruskin’s anti-economics tracts (Anthony, 1983). 3. The anti-economist is not to be contrasted with the economist. An economist (that is, a person with a specialist knowledge of economics) may be an anti- economist. The true obverse of anti-economist is ‘philo-economist’: someone who holds that economics is a boon. 4. One may think of economics as a disease (as the anti-economist does), or one may think of economics as diseased. Mark Blaug: ‘Modern economics is “sick” . To para- phrase the title of a popular British musical: “No Reality, Please. We’re Economists”’ (Blaug 1998, p. -
Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? Roderick Long Charles Johnson 27 December 2004
Libertarian Feminism: Can This Marriage Be Saved? Roderick Long Charles Johnson 27 December 2004 Let's start with what this essay will do, and what it will not. We are both convinced of, and this essay will take more or less for granted, that the political traditions of libertarianism and feminism are both in the main correct, insightful, and of the first importance in any struggle to build a just, free, and compassionate society. We do not intend to try to justify the import of either tradition on the other's terms, nor prove the correctness or insightfulness of the non- aggression principle, the libertarian critique of state coercion, the reality and pervasiveness of male violence and discrimination against women, or the feminist critique of patriarchy. Those are important conversations to have, but we won't have them here; they are better found in the foundational works that have already been written within the feminist and libertarian traditions. The aim here is not to set down doctrine or refute heresy; it's to get clear on how to reconcile commitments to both libertarianism and feminism—although in reconciling them we may remove some of the reasons that people have had for resisting libertarian or feminist conclusions. Libertarianism and feminism, when they have encountered each other, have most often taken each other for polar opposites. Many 20th century libertarians have dismissed or attacked feminism—when they have addressed it at all—as just another wing of Left-wing statism; many feminists have dismissed or attacked libertarianism—when they have addressed it at all—as either Angry White Male reaction or an extreme faction of the ideology of the liberal capitalist state. -
1. the Heritage of Modern Socialist Ideas
Section XVI: Developments in Socialism, Contemporary Civilization (Ideas and Institutions 1848-1914 of Western Man) 1958 1. The eH ritage of Modern Socialist Ideas Robert L. Bloom Gettysburg College Basil L. Crapster Gettysburg College Harold L. Dunkelberger Gettysburg College See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/contemporary_sec16 Part of the Models and Methods Commons, and the Sociology Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Bloom, Robert L. et al. "1. The eH ritage of Modern Socialist Ideas. Pt. XVI: Developments in Socialism, (1848-1914)." Ideas and Institutions of Western Man (Gettysburg College, 1958), 2-6. This is the publisher's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/ contemporary_sec16/2 This open access book chapter is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1. The eH ritage of Modern Socialist Ideas Abstract Of the total heritage which gave birth to modern socialism, brief attention may be given to certain of the predecessors of Karl Marx. Although some now are saved from obscurity only by the diligence of interested historians, others generated powerful ideas still not extinguished today. Together they created an amorphous body of thought from which Marx freelv drew. Consequently, an understanding of the varieties of later socialism, and specifically of Marx, requires a brief survey of these men. -
Photographies Lettres & Manuscrits Autographes
ALDE ALDE Photographies Lettres & Manuscrits autographes Manuscrits autographes & Photographies anciennes - Lettres www.alde.fr 92 jeudi 29 novembre 2012 Photographies anciennes nos 1 à 35 Littérature et Arts nos 36 à 132 Histoire et Sciences nos 133 à 433 Famille d'Orléans nos 341 à 349 Experts Pour les Photographies Pour les Autographes Christophe Gœury Thierry Bodin 6, rue Gaston Couté 75018 Paris Syndicat Français des Tél. 01 42 54 16 83 - Port. 06 16 02 64 91 Experts Professionnels en Œuvres d’Art [email protected] Les Autographes 45, rue de l’Abbé Grégoire 75006 Paris Tél. 01 45 48 25 31 - Facs 01 45 48 92 67 [email protected] 7, rue Drouot - 75009 Paris Tél. 01 53 34 55 00 - Fax 01 42 47 10 26 [email protected] - www. rossini.fr présentera les nos 101, 173, 204 et 409. Ceux-ci sont signalés par un R dans le catalogue. Exposition privée chez Thierry Bodin Uniquement sur rendez-vous préalable Exposition publique Hôtel Regina Jeudi 29 novembre de 10 heures à midi MaisonALDE de ventes spécialisée Livres & Autographes Photographies anciennes Lettres & Manuscrits autographes Vente aux enchères publiques Le jeudi 29 novembre 2012 à 14 h 00 Hôtel Regina Salon de Flore 2, place des Pyramides 75001 Paris Tél. : 01 42 60 31 10 Commissaire-priseur Jérôme Delcamp EALDE Maison de ventes aux enchères 1, rue de Fleurus 75006 Paris Tél. 01 45 49 09 24 - Facs. 01 45 49 09 30 - www.alde.fr Agrément n°-2006-583 4 5 6 2 PHOTOGRAPHIES 1 3 1. Auteur non-identifié Saint-Tropez : port, bateaux, village, bravades (6).. -
The Shifting Geopolitics of Coronavirus and the Demise of Neoliberalism – (Part 2)
Reports The Shifting Geopolitics of Coronavirus and the Demise of Neoliberalism – (Part 2) Dr. Mohammed Cherkaoui March 22 2020 Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-40158384 [email protected] http://studies.aljazeera.n Terrible decisions have to be made when hospitals are overwhelmed in Italy [Getty] European economic historians fear some déjà vu memories of the Black Death, which spread in the continent in the mid-14th century and led to the death of one third of the population. This reduction of demography caused scarcity of labor, increase in wages, decrease in inequality, and contested the then-feudal system in Europe. It also paved the way for the Industrial Revolution which Industrial Britain was hit by ‘King Cholera’ in 1831-32, 1848-49, 1854 and 1867. Tuberculosis also was responsible for the death of one-third of the casualties in Britain between 1800 and 1850. This nightmarish refrain comes back now stronger as epidemics have been ‘great equalizers’, and may initiate long-term implications nor only for European economic growth, but also for the world economy. After the US Federal Reserve decided to slash the benchmark interest rate to between zero and 0.25 percent (down from a range of 1 to 1.25 percent) and to buy $700 billion in Treasury bonds and mortgage-backed securities in a Sunday emergency meeting, the Dow Jones industrial average plunged 2,250 points at the open and trading suspended almost immediately the following day Monday, March 16. President Trump has framed the pandemic in xenophobic terms and made the wildly- irresponsible claim that “it will go away. -
Liberty, Property and Rationality
Liberty, Property and Rationality Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Master’s Thesis Hannu Hästbacka 13.11.2018 University of Helsinki Faculty of Arts General History Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Humanistinen tiedekunta Filosofian, historian, kulttuurin ja taiteiden tutkimuksen laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Hannu Hästbacka Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Liberty, Property and Rationality. Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Yleinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Pro gradu -tutkielma year 100 13.11.2018 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Murray Rothbard (1926–1995) on yksi keskeisimmistä modernin libertarismin taustalla olevista ajattelijoista. Rothbard pitää yksilöllistä vapautta keskeisimpänä periaatteenaan, ja yhdistää filosofiassaan klassisen liberalismin perinnettä itävaltalaiseen taloustieteeseen, teleologiseen luonnonoikeusajatteluun sekä individualistiseen anarkismiin. Hänen tavoitteenaan on kehittää puhtaaseen järkeen pohjautuva oikeusoppi, jonka pohjalta voidaan perustaa vapaiden markkinoiden ihanneyhteiskunta. Valtiota ei täten Rothbardin ihanneyhteiskunnassa ole, vaan vastuu yksilöllisten luonnonoikeuksien toteutumisesta on kokonaan yksilöllä itsellään. Tutkin työssäni vapauden käsitettä Rothbardin anarko-kapitalistisessa filosofiassa. Selvitän ja analysoin Rothbardin ajattelun keskeisimpiä elementtejä niiden filosofisissa, -
Sos Political Science & Public Administration M.A.Political Science
Sos Political science & Public administration M.A.Political Science II Sem Political Philosophy:Mordan Political Thought, Theory & contemporary Ideologies(201) UNIT-IV Topic Name-Utopian Socialism What is utopian society? • A utopia is an imagined community or society that possesses highly desirable or nearly perfect qualities for its citizens.The opposite of a utopia is a dystopia. • Utopia focuses on equality in economics, government and justice, though by no means exclusively, with the method and structure of proposed implementation varying based on ideology.According to Lyman Tower SargentSargent argues that utopia's nature is inherently contradictory, because societies are not homogenous and have desires which conflict and therefore cannot simultaneously be satisfied. • The term utopia was created from Greek by Sir Thomas More for his 1516 book Utopia, describing a fictional island society in the south Atlantic Ocean off the coast of South America Who started utopian socialism? • Charles Fourier was a French socialist who lived from 1772 until 1837 and is credited with being an early Utopian Socialist similar to Robert Owen. He wrote several works related to his socialist ideas which centered on his main idea for society: small communities based on cooperation Definition of utopian socialism • socialism based on a belief that social ownership of the means of production can be achieved by voluntary and peaceful surrender of their holdings by propertied groups What is the goal of utopian societies? • The aim of a utopian society is to promote the highest quality of living possible. The word 'utopia' was coined by the English philosopher, Sir Thomas More, in his 1516 book, Utopia, which is about a fictional island community. -
The Origin of Socialist Reformism in France*
CARL LANDAUER THE ORIGIN OF SOCIALIST REFORMISM IN FRANCE* PRELUDE: THE OPPOSITION TO MARX IN THE INTERNATIONAL Although the International Workingmen's Association is often called the Marxian International, it was at no time safely under the control of Karl Marx. The spirit of Marx, however, was the strongest single influence in the organization from its beginning, and from 1868, when the Proudhonians had suffered defeat at the Brussels Congress, to 1872, when Bakunin's opposition proved too strong to be overcome, Marx possessed more power in the organization than anyone else. Yet this power collapsed in 1872: Although formally Marx was the victor at the Hague Congress, actually in the conflict with Bakunin it became evident that Marx's position was disintegrating. What were the reasons? "Marx accused his opponent of the intention to introduce into the Association ideological disorder, the spirit of [political] abstentionism and of federalism, in the Utopian desire to create a communal organi- zation without government. Bakunin, in his turn, criticized Marx for wanting to impose on the International a unified dogma and a party discipline in order to create a regime of authoritarian communism first in the Association and then in the state (dans les gouvernements)."1 Unfortunately for Marx and for the unity of the workers' movement, many members of the International who by no means believed in a "communal organization without a government" and perhaps were not * The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Institute of International Studies at the University of California at Berkeley for financial support in meeting expenses incurred in the collection of material; also to Monsieur Couta- rel, librarian of the Prefecture de police in Paris, for permission to use the files of the Prefecture; and to the staff of the Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis in Amsterdam, especially to Mr T.