The DUP's Extremist Links Make It Unfit to Join a Conservative Alliance
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A Fresh Start? the Northern Ireland Assembly Election 2016
A fresh start? The Northern Ireland Assembly election 2016 Matthews, N., & Pow, J. (2017). A fresh start? The Northern Ireland Assembly election 2016. Irish Political Studies, 32(2), 311-326. https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1255202 Published in: Irish Political Studies Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2016 Taylor & Francis. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:30. Sep. 2021 A fresh start? The Northern Ireland Assembly election 2016 NEIL MATTHEWS1 & JAMES POW2 Paper prepared for Irish Political Studies Date accepted: 20 October 2016 1 School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies, University of Bristol, Bristol, UK. Correspondence address: School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies, University of Bristol, 11 Priory Road, Bristol BS8 1TU, UK. -
Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications
CRS INSIGHT Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications March 7, 2017 (IN10663) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) On March 2, 2017, voters in Northern Ireland—which is one of four component "nations" of the United Kingdom (UK) —went to the polls in snap elections for Northern Ireland's Assembly, its regional legislature. The Assembly is a key institution in Northern Ireland's devolved government, in which specified powers have been transferred from London to Belfast, as set out in the 1998 peace agreement aimed at ending Northern Ireland's 30-year sectarian conflict (in which almost 3,500 people died). The peace accord mandated that power in the devolved government would be shared between Northern Ireland's two dominant communities: unionists, or Protestants who largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK, and nationalists, or Catholics who consider themselves Irish and may desire a united Ireland. (For more information, see CRS Report RS21333, Northern Ireland: The Peace Process.) Since 2007, Assembly elections have produced successive power-sharing governments led by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the nationalist all-Ireland political party Sinn Fein. Assembly elections determine the composition of Northern Ireland's Executive, comprised of ministers in charge of policy departments. Following the May 2016 Assembly elections, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein's northern leader Martin McGuiness returned to head the Executive as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. Despite a much-improved security situation in Northern Ireland and progress in implementing important aspects of the peace accord, significant divisions and distrust persist between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties. -
WORSHAM-DOCUMENT-2019.Pdf
Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post-Conflict Era in Northern Ireland The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Worsham, Nicole A. 2019. Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post- Conflict Era in Northern Ireland. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:42004239 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post -Conflict Era in Northern Ireland Nicole A. Worsham A Thesis in the Field of International Relations for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University May 2019 © 2019 Nicole A. Worsham Abstract While Northern Ireland has experienced a period of relative peace since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, entrenched, age-old tensions persist between those of opposing political persuasions, and between those of different religions. Those tensions continue to manifest themselves in ways which disprove the notion that Northern Ireland is in a post-conflict era. Further, demographic shifts, social changes, and external pressures make the status quo in Northern Ireland untenable. Profound uncertainty over Brexit now threatens the structure and foundation of government, and, perhaps of more immediate concern, the devolved local Executive and Assembly of Northern Ireland have collapsed, with little evidence that local government may be restored in the near term. -
Formal Minutes of the Committee
House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Formal Minutes of the Committee Session 2010-12 Formal Minutes of the Committee Tuesday 27 July 2010 Members present: Mr Laurence Robertson, in the Chair1 Oliver Colvile Ian Paisley Mr Stephen Hepburn Stephen Pound Ian Lavery Mel Stride Naomi Long Gavin Williamson Jack Lopresti 1. Declaration of interests Members declared their interests, in accordance with the Resolution of the House of 13 July 1992 (see Appendix A). 2. Committee working methods The Committee considered this matter. Ordered, That the public be admitted during the examination of witnesses unless the Committee otherwise orders. Ordered, That witnesses who submit written evidence to the Committee are authorised to publish it on their own account in accordance with Standing Order No. 135, subject always to the discretion of the Chair or where the Committee orders otherwise. Resolved, That the Committee shall not consider individual cases. Resolved, That the Committee approves the use of electronic equipment by Members during public and private meetings, provided that they are used in accordance with the rules and customs of the House. 3. Future programme The Committee considered this matter. Resolved, That the Committee take evidence from Rt Hon Mr Owen Paterson MP, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. 1 Elected by the House (S.O. No 122B) 9 June 2010, see Votes and Proceedings 10 June 2010 Resolved, That the Committee take evidence from the Lord Saville of Newdigate, Chair of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry. Resolved, That the Committee inquire into Corporation Tax in Northern Ireland. Resolved, That the Committee visit Northern Ireland. -
Northern Ireland and the EU Referendum
House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 HC 48 House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 25 May 2016 HC 48 Published on 26 May 2016 by authority of the House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee The Northern Ireland Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Northern Ireland Office (but excluding individual cases and advice given by the Crown Solicitor); and other matters within the responsibilities of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (but excluding the expenditure, administration and policy of the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, Northern Ireland and the drafting of legislation by the Office of the Legislative Counsel). Current membership Mr Laurence Robertson MP (Conservative, Tewkesbury) (Chair) Tom Blenkinsop MP (Labour, Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland) Oliver Colvile MP (Conservative, Plymouth, Sutton and Devonport) Mr Nigel Evans MP (Conservative, Ribble Valley) Mr Stephen Hepburn MP (Labour, Jarrow) Lady Hermon MP (Independent, North Down) Kate Hoey MP (Labour, Vauxhall) Danny Kinahan MP (Ulster Unionist Party, South Antrim) Jack Lopresti MP (Conservative, Filton and Bradley Stoke) Dr Alasdair McDonnell MP (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South) Nigel Mills MP (Conservative, Amber Valley) Ian Paisley MP (Democratic Unionist Party, North Antrim) Gavin Robinson MP (Democratic Unionist Party, Belfast East) Powers The committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No. -
Oral Evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157
Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Oral evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157 Wednesday 9 June 2021 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 9 June 2021. Watch the meeting Members present: Simon Hoare (Chair); Scott Benton; Mr Gregory Campbell; Stephen Farry; Mr Robert Goodwill; Claire Hanna; Fay Jones; Ian Paisley; Bob Stewart. Questions 919 - 940 Witnesses II: Susan McKay, Journalist and Author. Examination of witness Witness: Susan McKay. Q919 Chair: Let us now turn to Susan McKay. Good morning. Thank you for joining us. Ms McKay, you recently published a book—other authors are available—Northern Protestants: On Shifting Ground; it was published last month. What is your take? What is the rub? What is the actual issue here? What is the beef? Susan McKay: Thank you, Mr Chair. That is an extraordinary question in its breadth. One of the reasons why I wrote the book is that I am from the Protestant community myself in Northern Ireland, from Derry, and I have been working as a journalist, mainly in Northern Ireland, for the last 30 years. Over that time I have observed that there is an immense variety and diversity of people within the Protestant, loyalist and unionist communities and I felt that that was not widely enough recognised. For example, when we talk of loyalists, people often conflate the idea of loyalists with loyalist paramilitaries, which is so wrong. The loyalist community is extremely diverse. It includes people who vote for the unionist parties; it also includes people who vote for other non-unionist parties and many people who do not vote at all. -
BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 112 18 June 2021
BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 112 18 June 2021 Tony Brown Introduction The Brief seeks to provide up-to-date information on the progress and content of the UK-EU negotiations, and bring together relevant statements and policy positions from key players in Ireland, the UK and the EU. The Brief is part of a wider communications programme covering the work of the IIEA’s UK Project Group – including commentaries, speeches, texts and event reports – which are highlighted on the Institute’s website. (www.iiea.com) Section One: State of Play Advisor to Arlene Foster MLA, Ms Emma Little- Pengally, described Mr Poots determination to The Resignation of Edwin Poots continue with the nomination, as “fatal to his leadership”. In his official statement, Mr Poots On Thursday, 17 June 2021, Edwin Poots described recent events as “a difficult period” MLA announced his resignation as leader of for the Party, as well as for Northern Ireland, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). Having as a country. just assumed the role 21 days earlier, he will become the shortest serving leader in The meeting of the North-South Ministerial the history of the party. The announcement Council scheduled for Friday, 18 July was came hours after his decision to proceed subsequently postponed. In response to the with the formal nomination of Paul Givan recent developments, Minister for Foreign MLA as First Minister. The majority of the Affairs, Simon Coveney, defended the UK’s DUP parliamentary party urged him to delay guarantee to pass Irish language legislation the nomination amid anger following the UK in Westminster should it not be brought to Government’s commitment to implementing the table in Stormont, which he described as Irish language laws as part of the New the most “appropriate” action. -
LGBTQ Election 2015 Update1
LGBTQ EQUALITY & Northern Ireland’s Political Parties An independent survey General Election 2015 UPDATED VERSION (1) In April 2015 I emailed all the political parties in Northern Ireland that have candidates standing the the 2015 General Election. I enclosed a list of questions about their policies and active records on important lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and queer issues. The following pages contain the original information and questions sent to the parties, along with their replies and some additonal facts about each party’s record on LGBTQ rights. All replies are printed exactly as received, except where editied (with due respect and care for key facts) to keep them roughly around the requested 150 word limit. Parties are listed in the order their answers were returned. Where parties have not responded, I have researched their available policies, manifestos and records online and compiled some information. While most of us who identfy as LGBT or Q are unlikely to vote based on a party’s LGBTQ policies alone, it does help to know what each party thinks of some of the issues that effect our lives. And, more importantly, what they have already done and what they plan to do to tackle some of the serious problems caused by homophobia and transphobia; invisibility; institutionalised discrimination and exclusion. I hope that it will be updated and added to over time. This is an independent survey. It has no agenda other than to give each party an opportunity put on paper what they intend to do to help us build a more equal Northern Ireland in terms of sexual orientation and gender identity. -
Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How Is the First Minister Selected?
Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How is the First Minister selected? Under the Good Friday Agreement the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, be they Unionist or Nationalist chooses a nominee for First Minister. What is the role of the First Minister in decision making? Despite the names the First Minister and deputy First Minister share equal responsibilities within government, and their decisions are made jointly. The First Minister greets official visitors to Northern Ireland and so in that way is the has an equivalent standing to the First Ministers of Scotland or Wales. The First Minister co-chairs meetings of the Northern Ireland Executive, co-ordinates the work of the Executive, and the response of the administration to relationships with other countries. The First Minister and deputy First Minister agree the agenda of Executive meetings and can jointly determine "significant or controversial matters" to be considered by the Executive. The First Minister’s other areas of responsibility include: economic policy equality before the law European Union issues human rights the machinery of government (including the Ministerial Code) public appointments policy standards in public life Who has held the role of First Minister? David Trimble UUP Ian Paisley DUP Peter Robinson DUP Arlene Foster DUP 1998-2002 2007-2008 2002-2016 2016-2017 Leaving Certificate Politics & Society Stand 1: Power and Decision Making Topic 2: Power and Decision Making at National and European Level. Leaning Outcome 2.2: Describe the way in which the Northern Ireland Executive is selected, and the ministers’ roles . . -
NILQ 62. FOREWORD.Qxd
NILQ 63(4): 509–32 Modernising environmental regulation in Northern Ireland: a case study in devolved decision-making SharoN TurNer aNd CIara BreNNaN School of Law, Queen’s university Belfast * Introduction or over a decade, controversy about the quality of environmental regulation has cast a Fshadow over the effectiveness of environmental governance in Northern Ireland. Most fundamentally this debate has centred on a crisis of confidence about the quality of regulation and a consensus that effective reform depends on the externalisation of this responsibility from central government. Not surprisingly, the causes of weak regulation were rooted in the eclipsing impact of the Troubles and the fossilisation of government that occurred during the decades of Direct Rule.1 However, although the first steps towards meaningful reform were eventually taken under Direct Rule, the restoration of devolution and the stabilising power-sharing process has meant that the trajectory of regulatory reform has been largely shaped by a devolved administration. The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature and implications of that process. Pressure for regulatory reform is an issue that has confronted both configurations of Northern Ireland’s power-sharing Executive. Despite its brief and tumultuous lifespan, the first Ulster Unionist Party (UUP)/Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)-led administration was immediately faced not only with the evidence of serious regulatory dysfunction but also the first stage of what became a concerted civil society campaign for independent regulation. The collapse of power-sharing did nothing to quell this pressure. Instead, when devolution was restored five years later the new Democratic Unionist/Sinn Fein-led administration was faced once again with pressure for regulatory reform. -
The Deal Between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party
Supplying confidence or trouble? The deal between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party Jon Tonge University of Liverpool Introduction The surprise 2017 General Election result saw one party’s difficulty equate to another’s gain. The outcome produced a dream scenario for the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland. It offered the opportunity, as monopoly supplier of friends to the Conservatives, for the DUP to name its price for propping up a government stripped of its overall majority in the House of Commons. Support from the DUP’s ten MPs offered the Conservatives, on 318 seats, command of the Commons in key votes. Although 326 is the figure most often cited as the number of MPs required to command the 650-seat chamber, the actual figure for the current parliament is 321, when the non-voting status of ten members is taken into account; seven abstentionist Sinn Fein MPs, the Speaker and his two deputies. A deal between the Conservatives and the DUP was confirmed on 26th June, 18 days after the election. Improbably, within 48 hours of the contest, Downing Street had claimed a deal had been reached. This announcement was soon corrected as a ‘mistake’. The speed of that claimed agreement would have been at odds with all previous evidence regarding the DUP’s propensity to drive a hard bargain. When a genuine deal was finally reached, it was a ‘confidence and supply’ arrangement. Although there would be no formal coalition, the DUP agreed to support the Conservative government in key votes, such as the Queen’s Speech, Budget, Brexit and anti-terrorism legislation. -
The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During the Troubles
From Sunningdale to Good Friday: The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During The Troubles Cynthia Rudd McKaughan Faculty Advisor: Dr. Susan Thorne History March 27, 2018 This project was submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate Liberal Studies Program in the Graduate School of Duke University. Copyright by Cynthia Rudd McKaughan 2018 Abstract The British government made three official attempts to end the conflict in Northern Ireland, known as The Troubles: the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Drawing on media coverage and the actual text of each agreement, as well as the considerable body of scholarly research on each individual process, this project identifies the issues confronting the British government in all three instances: which organizations in Northern Ireland to include at the negotiating table, what role the British government would play in Northern Ireland in the treaty’s aftermath, what security measures to take to stop the violence while ensuring human rights, how to address the political challenges posed by paramilitary organizations, and whether or not to include other nations in negotiating the peace, as well as in Northern Ireland’s affairs once the Troubles ended. The Good Friday Agreement succeeded where its predecessors failed primarily because of the decision to include representatives of paramilitary groups despite their history of complicity in violence. All sides finally agreed to participate in a political power-sharing arrangement that militants on both sides long viewed as a betrayal to the cause for which they willingly killed and died.