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Amalfi, Byzantium, and the Vexed Question Of Sonderdrucke_neu_69,70,71.qxp_Layout 1 04.06.19 15:54 Seite 1 ZEITSCHRIFT DES DEUTSCHEN VEREINS FÜR KUNSTWISSENSCHAFT OPUS FESTSCHRIFT FÜR RAINER KAHSNITZ Band I/III Herausgegeben von Wolfgang Augustyn Sonderdruck aus Band 69 (2015) BERLIN 2019 HOLGER A. KLEIN Amalfi, Byzantium, and the Vexed Question of Artistic ›Influence‹ Among the many scholarly interests Rainer Kahsnitz fluence‹ and the impact of Byzantine iconographic has pursued over the course of his long and successful models on artists and patrons in much of Western curatorial and academic career, the study of Western Europe as well as in different regions of the medieval medieval and Byzantine ivory carving and investiga- Mediterranean2. tion of various aspects of their style, iconography, pa- In his »Deeds of Robert Guiscard«, written around tronage, and production has resulted in a rich trea- the year 1100, William of Apulia described Amalfi as sure trove of publications that have become a corner- »a city rich in resources and seemingly filled with stone not only for our knowledge of specific objects, people. None is richer in silver, gold and textiles from but also for a better understanding of an entire field all sorts of different places. Many sailors live in this of art-historical research1. This article, which relates city, skilled in the ways of the sea and the heavens, to some of the broader questions Rainer Kahsnitz has and many different things are brought here from the explored with regard to the activities of Western art- royal city of Alexandria and from Antioch. Its people ists and patrons and their knowledge of Byzantine cross many seas. They know the Arabs, the Libyans, iconographic prototypes, renders homage, albeit in a the Sicilians and Africans. This nation is famed modest way, to a scholar whose always insightful and throughout nearly the entire world, because they ex- often path-breaking contributions have done much to port their merchandise and love to carry back what address the vexed question of Byzantine artistic ›in- they have bought«3. William’s description of Amalfi 1 See Rainer Kahsnitz: Koimesis, dormitio, assumption. Kulturgeschichte. Renate Baumgärtel-Fleischmann zum Byzantinisches und Antikes in den Miniaturen der Liuthar- 4. Mai 2002). Petersberg 2004, pp. 109–130. Gruppe. In: Florilegium in honorem Carl Nordenfalk octo- 3 Guillaume de Pouille: Gesta Roberti Wiscardi/La Geste genarii contextum (Nationalmuseums Skriftserie, NS 9). de Robert Guiscard. M. Mathieu ed. (Testi e Monumenti 4). Stockholm 1987, pp. 91–122. — Rainer Kahsnitz: Die El- Palermo 1961, bk. III, 477–485: »Urbs haec dives opum, fenbeinskulpturen der Ada-Gruppe. Hundert Jahre nach populoque referta videtur / Nulla magis locuples argento, Adolph Goldschmidt. In: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins vestibus, auro, / Partibus innumeris. Hac plurimus urbe für Kunstwissenschaft 64 (2010). Berlin 2011, pp. 9–172. moratur / Nauta, maris coelique vias aperire peritus. / Huc 2 See, for instance, the broader and more specific issues et Alexandri diversa feruntur ab urbe, / Regis et Antiochi; raised in Rainer Kahsnitz: Byzantinische Kunst in mittel- gens haec freta plurima transit; / His Arabes, Libi, Siculi, alterlichen Kirchenschätzen: Franken, Schwaben, Altbayern. noscuntur et Afri: / Haec gens est totum notissima paene In: Reinhold Baumstark, ed.: Rom und Byzanz: Schatzkam- per orbem / Et mercanda ferens et amans mercata referre«. merstücke aus bayerischen Sammlungen (exhibition cata- English translation adapted from Graham A. Loud: Leeds logue Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum 1998/1999). Medieval History Texts in Translation (William of Apulia: Munich 1998, pp. 47–69. — See also Rainer Kahsnitz: Das The Deeds of Robert Guiscard, p. 39). — See also Gugliel- goldene Kreuz, genannt »Morgengabe«, im Kloster auf dem mo di Puglia: Le Gesta di Roberto il Guiscardo. Trans. with Michelsberg in Bamberg. In: Werner Taegert, ed.: Hortulus an introduction by Francesco de Rosa. Cassino 2003, floridus Bambergensis (Studien zur fränkischen Kunst- und pp. 170–171. 130 and its inhabitants conjures up the image of a cosmo- in Constantinople and Durazzo (Dyrrhachium), but politan port city and bustling commercial hub whose also in Antioch, Alexandria, Cairo, and Jerusalem, wealth was primarily based on the successful activi- played a crucial role in securing the political and ties of an entrepreneurial merchant class engaged and commercial prosperity of the city and duchy of Amal- experienced in long-distance trade and travel4. Indeed, fi for more than two centuries7. While the Norman the steady influx of merchandise from overseas, most conquest of South Italy and their taking control of notably of luxury goods made of silver, gold, and silk, Amalfi’s political fortunes in 1073 may have resulted imported from Alexandria, Antioch, and Constanti- in a cooling of official relations with the Byzantine nople, had established and secured the city’s fame and Empire, commercial contacts between the city’s mer- fortune already by the middle of the tenth century, as chants and Byzantine lands seem to have remained witnessed by Liudprand of Cremona, who famously active throughout the twelfth and into the thirteenth defended his attempted export of purple- dyed silks century, not least due to the presence of a now sizable from the Byzantine capital by claiming that such textiles community of Amalfitans in the Byzantine capital, were readily available through Venetian and Amalfitan who, as Niketas Choniates describes them in his ac- traders in Italy5. The Arab traveler Ibn Hawqal like- count of the Latin conquest of Constantinople in wise praised Amalfi as »the most prosperous town in 1204, »had been thoroughly nurtured in Roman [i.e. Lombardy, the most noble, the most illustrious on Byzantine] customs […] and who had chosen to make account of its conditions, the most affluent and opu- Constantinople their home«8. lent«6. Having gained political independence from None of the sources quoted here are new or un- the Duchy of Naples already in 839, Amalfi’s contin- known. On the contrary, they have frequently been ued acknowledgement of Byzantine suzerainty and the cited as evidence for the high reputation Amalfi and establishment of colonies of Amalfitan traders not only its citizens enjoyed in various parts of the medieval 4 For a summary of the Amalfitan presence in the Eastern (24–25): »la più prospera città di Longobardia, la più nobi- Mediterranean and their trade activities, see Patricia Skin- le, la più illustre per le sue condizioni [civili?], la più agiata ner: Medieval Amalfi and Its Diaspora, 800–1250. Oxford ed opulenta «. 2013, pp. 212–233. — David Jacoby: Amalfi nell’XI secolo: 7 For a concise summary of the history of Amalfi and an commercia e navigazione nei documenti della Geniza del evaluation of its sources, see Ulrich Schwarz: Amalfi im Cairo. In: Rassegna del Centro di studi e storia amalfitana frühen Mittelalter (9.–11. Jahrhundert). Untersuchungen 36 (2008), pp. 81–90. – For the impact of foreign trade on zur Amalfitaner Überlieferung. Tübingen 1978. — See also the Amalfi’s artistic production and culture, see Jill Caskey: Adolf Hofmeister: Zur Geschichte Amalfis in byzantinischer Art and Patronage in the Medieval Mediterranean: Mer- Zeit. In: Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbücher 1 (1920), chant Culture in the Region of Amalfi. Cambridge 2004. — pp. 94–127. — On the Amalfitan trade network in the East- Antonio Braca: Le culture artistiche del medioevo in Costa ern Mediterranean, see Vera von Falkenhausen: Il Com- di Amalfi. Amalfi 2003. mercio di Amalfi con Costantinopoli e il Levante nel secolo 5 Liudprand of Cremona: Relatio de legatione Constanti- XII. In: Ottavio Banti, ed.: Amalfi, Genova, Pisa e Venezia: nopolitana, ch. 54–55. In: Liudprandi Cremonensis Opera il commercio con Costantinopoli e il vicino Oriente nel se- Omnia. Ed. Paolo Chiesa (Corpus Christianorum Continu- colo XII. Atti della Giornata di Studio, Pisa, 27 May 1995. atio Mediaevalis 156). Turnhout, 1998, pp. 210–212. — Pisa 1998, pp. 19–38. — Michel Balard: Amalfi et Byzance For an English translation of the passage in question, see Xe–XIIe siècles. In: Travaux et Mémoires 6 (1976), pp. The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona. Trans. 85–95. Paolo Squatriti. Washington D.C. 2007, p. 272–273. 8 Niketas Choniates: History. Ed. Jan-Louis van Dieten: 6 Abu al-Qasim Muhammad ibn Hawqal: The Book of the Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 11/1–2, Series Be- Routes and the Kingdoms. English translation after Robert rolinensis. Berlin 1975, p. 552. English translation after S. Lopez and Irving W. Raymond: Medieval Trade in the Niketas Choniates, O City of Byzantium: Annals of Nike - Mediterranean World. New York 1955, p. 54, where it is tas Choniates. Trans. by Harry J. Magoulias. Detroit 1984, translated from the Italian version by Michele Amari: Bib- p. 302. lioteca Araba-Sicula. Rome 1880, vol. I, ch. IV, pp. 10–27 131 Mediterranean, and the wide network of relations its of receptiveness that characterized those Amalfitan merchants were able to establish and maintain in the sailors, merchants and their families, who had decid- coastal cities of Sicily, North Africa, the Levant, and ed to make Constantinople »their home« already the Byzantine Empire9. However, they do not help us during the tenth and eleventh centuries? As is well to assess how Amalfi’s contacts with their Byzantine known through the testimony of Liudprand of Cre- and Arab neighbors changed or modified the city’s mona, a sizable community of Amalfitans must have everyday life and
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