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Der Dynastiew-echsel von 751 Vorgeschichte, Legitimationsstrategien und Erinnerung Herausgegeben von Matthias Becher und ]örg Jarnut Scriptorium Münster 2004 STUART AIRLIE Towards a Carolingian Aristocracy The focus of the conference that produced these papers was on change. One family, the Carolingians, left the ranks of the aristocracy for the exalted status of royalty, or rather some of its members did so while other members of it enjoyed a more ambigu- ous status. For the aristocracy itself, kingship was now embodied in this new dynasty. We know that the Carolingian aristocracy was not a new creation but had its roots in the earlier period. This sort of continuity should not conceal the fact that relations between the Carolingians and the aristocracy changed. This paper does not aim to compare and contrast the relationship of the aristocracy to the Carolingians before and after the events of 751-754 but rather to outline some ways in which the aristoc- racy learned to recognise the new dynasty as the centre of the contemporary politi- cal system. It may be helpful here to recall a miracle story involving Gertrud of Niv- elles. According to a late seventh-century source written at Nivelles, the noble woman Adela of Pfalzel was unconvinced of the saintly status of Gertrud until her son was revived from drowning by being placed on the saint's bed, which thus acted as a won- der-working relic and was duly enshrined by the grateful Adela.While one can hardly claimAdela as a member of anti-Pippinid/Carolingian circles, her enforced recognition of the outstanding charisma of the Pippinid saint Gertrud can stand as an emblem of the lesson which the aristocracy had to learn.' Modern scholarship's stress on co-operation between the new rulers and the aris- tocracy may obscure the fact that this lesson needed to be learned. Even in an article surveying opposition to Charles Martel Horst Ebling stressed that it is not helpful for historians to look at this period in terms of a constitutional split or opposition between crown and aristocracy. He drew on Karl Brunner's work to formulate two general points that need to be borne in mind when looking at aristocratic opposition to rulers in this period: first, opposition is only opposition on the part of individuals or groups, it does not involve the aristocracy as a whole, and, secondly, in order to detect the opposition, the essential tool is Personenforschung+ Both these points 1 De vlrtutibus Sanctae Geretrudis c. 11, ed. B. KRUSCH, MGH SS rer. Merov. 2, Hanover 1888,469-471; M. WERNER,Adelsfamilien im Umkreis der frühen Karolinger (Vorträge und Forschungen. Sonderband 28) Sigmaringen 1982,204-207. 2 H. EBUNG, Die inneraustrasische Opposition, in: Karl Martell in seiner Zeit, ed. }. }ARN1JI"/U. NONN!M. RICHTER(Beihefte der Francia 37) Sigmaringen 1994,295-304,296(., referring to K. BRUNNER,Opposi- tionelle Gruppen im Karolingerreich, Vienna I Cologne / Graz 1979. Brunner's work remains valuable 110 Stuart Airlie reinforce each other and in fact court the danger of resulting in circular argument but in general terms they are true enough. The work of Gerd TeUenbach and his school together with that of Karl Ferdinand Wemer has taught us to look at the Carolingians and aristocracy as mutually dependent partners.> While Matthew Innes has recently stressed the role of consensus in relations between early Carolingian rulers and local- ities,]anet Nelson has done so for the centre, highlighting the language of the Frede- gar continuator on the making of Pippin's royal status: ..with the consent of the Franks [... ] by the election of the Franks", though we should note that this stress does not prevent either of them from grasping what was changing in the new world that con- sensus created.! But it is this change, the fact of change, that we ought not to miss. Charles Martel's rule had done much to consolidate Carollngian authority but the later followers of the Carolingians knew that Pippin's move towards kingship in 751-754 had marked a break, a new beginning.The most famous expression of this can be seen in the open- ing of Einhard's Life of Charlemagne, but it can also be found in other texts. Primus adest Pippin [...Vrex bonus wrote Ermoldus for another king Pippin in the 820s. Writing in the 840s, Lupus of Pertieres looked back on Pippin III as the origo of the reigning dynasty" Hincmar of Rheims looked back on Frankish history in the time but many of his reconstructions of family connections, and the reliance he places on them, are not secure; see the review by R. ScHIEFFER, in: Historisches Jahrbuch 102 (1982) 220f. Still generally relevant to consideration of relations between aristocracy and Pippin are W AfFnDT, Das Problem der Mitwirkung des Adels an politischen Entscheidungsprozessen im Frankenreich vornehmlich des 8. Jahrhunderts, in: Theorie und Praxis der Geschichtswissenschaft. Festschrift für Hans Herzfeld, ed. D. KURZE,Berlin I New York 1972,404-423, and W AfmDT, Untersuchungen zur Königserhebung Pippins, in: Friihmittelalterliche Studien 14 (1980) 95-187. 3 Studien und Vorarbeiten zur Geschichte des Großfränkischen und Frühdeutschen Adels, ed. G. 1'Eu.EN- BACH (Forschungen zur Oberrheinischen Landesgeschichte 4) Freiburg 1957; K. E WERNER,Bedeutende Adelsfamilien im Reich Karls des Großen, in: Kart der Große 1.Persönlichkeit und Geschichte, ed. H.BEU- MANN, Düsseldorf 1965,83-142, and in English translation byT. Reuter as: Important noble families in the kingdom of Charlemagne, in:The Medieval Nobility, ed.T. RnmR,Amsterdam I New York I Oxford 1979, 137·202. • The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar with its continuations cont. c. 33, ed.}. M.WALlACE·HADRIU, London I Edinburgh 1960, 102;}. L N=ON, Kingship and royal government, in: The New Cambridge Medieval History 2, c. zoo-c. 900, ed. R. McKrrmuCK,Cambridge 1995,383-430,424; R.McKrrrnucK, Polit- ical ideology in Carolingian historiography, in:The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Y. HENIM. lNNES,Cambridge 2000, 162·174. For consensus governing relations between early Carolingian rulers and localities, see M.lNNES,State and Society in the Early Middle Ages.The Middle Rhine Valley 4QO.I000, Cam- bridge 2000. ~ Einhard, Vita Karoll c. I, ed. L HAIPHEN,Eginhard, Vie de Charlemagne (Les classiques de l'hlstoire de France au MoyenAge) Paris 1938,8; Ennoldus,Ad Pippinum Regem II,147,ed. E.FARAL,Ennold le Noir, Poeme sur Louis le Pieux et tpitres au roi Pepin (Les classiques de l'histoire de France au Moyen Age 14) Paris 1932,228; Lupus, ep, 26, ed. L l.EvII.wN, Loup de Ferrieres, Correspondance 1 (Les classiques de I'histoire de France au MoyenAge 10) Paris 1927,126.00 the significance of Charles Martel,see now P. FOVRACRE,The Age of Charles Martel, Harlow 2000. I: i 1 1 Towards a Carolingian Aristocracy 111 before Pippin, the era of Charles Martel, as a grim time of internecine warfare.f Such men, themselves members of a Carolingian aristocracy, understood the political con- tours of their world in historical terms; they knew that a new dynasty had arrived and that the aristocracy had become a 'Carolingian' aristocracy. Significantly for our pur- poses, a later observer conceptualised the relationship between Pippin and his nobles as one of potential hostility and jealousy. I refer here to the story in Notker of St Gall's Gesta Karoli Magni where Pippin quells discontent among the primates exercitus by slaying a lion and a bull.Triumphantly, he poses the question to them: Videtur vobis [... ] utrum dominus vester esse possimr? This question could serve as a motto for this paper. One way of convincing the aristocracy of the special status of the Carolingians was by mobilising to act amidst the aristocracy those members of the house who were not to be rulers.The military and diplomatic careers of, for example, Pippin's uncle Count Childebrand and half-brother ]erome are good illustrations of this, particularly as we know that both men worked to broadcast the special qualities of the dynasty: Childe- brand via the Continuation of Fredegar and ]erome by his copying out (as a nine-year old!) a Life of StArnulf of Metz. Pippin's cousin Nibelung and daughter Gisela (if we accept that the Annates Mettenses priores were composed under her aegis) could be added to this list as later examples of members of Pippin's family working to repre- sent the Carolingians' glory in texts." Such figures travelled and represented the Car- olingian ruler across a wide area, no matter where that ruler himself happened to be: Childebrand in Burgundy,]erome on journeys to ltaly.9We can surely be confident that members of the aristocracy recognised such men as belonging to the Carolingian fam- ily;that would seem to be the message from the later references such as the story of Theodericus,propinquus regis, in the Annates regni Franeorum for 782 (though we 6 Hincmar,Vita Remigü, praef., ed. B. KRUSCH, MGH SS rer. Merov. 3, Hanover 1896,251; H.-W.GoETZ, Karl MarteU und die Heiligen, in: Karl Martell in seiner Zeit, ed.}ARNUT/NoNN/RICHTER(cf. note 2) 101-118, 109. 7 Notker, Gesta Karoli Magni Imperatoris 11,15,ed. H. E lIAEFELE,MGH SSrer. Germ. NS 12, Berlin 1959,79f. 8 On Childebrand and Nibelung and history-writing, see Fredegar, Chronicae cont. c. 34, ed. WALLACE- HADRlU.(cf.note 4) 102f., and R. CoWNS, Deception and Misrepresentation in Early Eighth Century Frank- ish Historiography. Two Case Studies, in: Karl Martell in seiner Zeit, ed. }ARNUT/NoNN/RICHTER(cf. note 2) 227-247,242-246; but see the important warning sounded against taking the text associated with them as necessarily being contemporary with Pippin by R.
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  • Franciscan Miscellany: ISAAC of NINEVEH, Liber De Contemptu Mundi, Latin Translation

    Franciscan Miscellany: ISAAC of NINEVEH, Liber De Contemptu Mundi, Latin Translation

    Franciscan Miscellany: ISAAC OF NINEVEH, Liber de contemptu mundi, Latin translation; PSEUDO-BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX, De Contemptu Mundi; JACOBUS MEDIOLANENSIS, Liber de Stimulis Amoris; AEGIDIUS ASSISIENSIS, Dicta; PSEUDO- BONAVENTURA (JACOBUS MEDIOLANENSIS ?) Expositio super Pater Noster and Meditatio super salve regina; RICHARD OF ST. VICTOR, Tractatus de quattuor gradibus violentae caritatis; ARNOLDUS BONAEVALLIS, De ultimis verbis domini (Tractatus de sex verbis domini in cruce); OGLERIUS LOCEDIENSIS (PSEUDO-BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX), Planctus Mariae; PSEUDO-AUGUSTINE, Meditationes In Latin, illuminated manuscript on parchment Northern Italy, c. 1260-1280; c. 1280-1300 i (paper) + 218 + i (paper) folios on folios on parchment, modern foliation in pencil top outer corner recto, complete (collation, i-v10 vi12 vii2 viii-xiii10 xiv-xx12 xxi10), horizontal catchwords inner lower margin (quire twenty, center) added, ruled very lightly in lead, horizontal rules sometimes full across, full-length vertical bounding lines (justification, 108-105 x 65-65 mm.; ff. 137-168, 112-108 x 72 mm.), written below the top line in a rounded southern Gothic bookhand by as many as six scribes: scribe one, ff. 1-64, and scribe two, ff. 65-124v, in twenty-six to twenty- eight long lines (f. 125, copied in a quick gothic noting hand by another scribe; possibly a replacement leaf?), scribe three, ff. 125v-135v, copied in a more mature gothic script in twenty-seven long lines, scribe four, ff. 137-168, copied by one or two scribes in thirty- to thirty-one long lines, ruled in lead with double outer vertical bounding lines, ff. 173- 217v, copied by another scribe in twenty-nine long lines (possibly the same scribe that copied ff.