Profiles in Intelligence: an Interview with Professor Christopher Andrew
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Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR
asdf PMUNC 2015 Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR Chair: Jacob Sackett-Sanders JCC PMUNC 2015 Contents Chair Letter…………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………….………………………………………………….4 Topics of Concern………………………...………………….………………6 The Space Race…...……………………………....………………….....6 The Third World...…………………………………………......………7 The Eastern Bloc………………………………………………………9 The Chinese Communists…………………………………………….10 De-Stalinization and Domestic Reform………………………………11 Committee Members….……………………………………………………..13 2 JCC PMUNC 2015 Chair’s Letter Dear Delegates, It is my great pleasure to give you an early welcome to PMUNC 2015. My name is Jacob, and I’ll be your chair, helping to guide you as you take on the role of the Soviet political elites circa 1961. Originally from Wilmington, Delaware, at Princeton I study Slavic Languages and Literature. The Eastern Bloc, as well as Yugoslavia, have long been interests of mine. Our history classes and national consciousness often paints them as communist enemies, but in their own ways, they too helped to shape the modern world that we know today. While ultimately failed states, they had successes throughout their history, contributing their own shares to world science and culture, and that’s something I’ve always tried to appreciate. Things are rarely as black and white as the paper and ink of our textbooks. During the conference, you will take on the role of members of the fictional Soviet Advisory Committee on Centralization and Global Communism, a new semi-secret body intended to advise the Politburo and other major state organs. You will be given unmatched power but also faced with a variety of unique challenges, such as unrest in the satellite states, an economy over-reliant on heavy industry, and a geopolitical sphere of influence being challenged by both the USA and an emerging Communist China. -
Foreign Visitors and the Post-Stalin Soviet State
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The oP st- Stalin Soviet State Alex Hazanov Hazanov University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Hazanov, Alex Hazanov, "Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The osP t-Stalin Soviet State" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2330. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2330 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2330 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The oP st-Stalin Soviet State Abstract “Porous Empire” is a study of the relationship between Soviet institutions, Soviet society and the millions of foreigners who visited the USSR between the mid-1950s and the mid-1980s. “Porous Empire” traces how Soviet economic, propaganda, and state security institutions, all shaped during the isolationist Stalin period, struggled to accommodate their practices to millions of visitors with material expectations and assumed legal rights radically unlike those of Soviet citizens. While much recent Soviet historiography focuses on the ways in which the post-Stalin opening to the outside world led to the erosion of official Soviet ideology, I argue that ideological attitudes inherited from the Stalin era structured institutional responses to a growing foreign presence in Soviet life. Therefore, while Soviet institutions had to accommodate their economic practices to the growing numbers of tourists and other visitors inside the Soviet borders and were forced to concede the existence of contact zones between foreigners and Soviet citizens that loosened some of the absolute sovereignty claims of the Soviet party-statem, they remained loyal to visions of Soviet economic independence, committed to fighting the cultural Cold War, and profoundly suspicious of the outside world. -
The Church Committee, the CIA, and the Intelligence Dimension of US
13 Unquiet Americans: The Church Committee, the CIA, and the Intelligence Dimension of U.S. Public Diplomacy in the 1970s Paul M. McGarr On September 13, 1974, William E. Colby, the Director of U.S Central Intelligence, stood before the annual conference of the Fund for Peace, a Washington D.C. based non- profit institution, concerned with security and development in the global south. Speaking in the context of a post-Watergate political climate heavily laden with conspiracism and suspicion, Colby surprised his audience by making a case for greater “openness” and transparency on the part of the Central Intelligence Agency. Alluding to CIA-led interventions stretching back to the late 1940s, that had sought to effect regime change in Italy, Iran, Guatemala, Indonesia, the Congo, and Cuba, amongst others, Colby acknowledged the Agency’s record in, “assist[ing] America’s friends against her adversaries in their contest for control of a foreign nation’s political direction.” Remarkably, America’s spymaster went on to publicly defend the utility of CIA interference in the internal affairs of independent sovereign states. “I . would think it mistaken to deprive our nation of the possibility of some moderate covert action response to a foreign problem,” Colby volunteered, “and leave us with nothing between a diplomatic protest and sending in the Marines.”1 In India, where the CIA had been under a media microscope since 1967, when the American magazine Ramparts exposed the Agency’s longstanding financial relationships with an international network of anti- communist educational and cultural bodies, Colby’s candor, in the words of U.S. -
The Mitrokhin Archive Reveals the STASI Usage of Number Stations
The Mitrokhin Archive reveals the STASI usage of number stations Major Vasili Mitrokhin (1922- 2004) was a senior KGB archivist. He began his carrier in the Soviet secret service from 1948. He started as overseas undercover operative, but later was moved to archives of the KGB's First Chief Directorate. It was responsible for foreign operations and intelligence collection activities by the training and management of the covert agents, intelligence collection management, and the collection of political, scientific and technical intelligence. As archivist he gained access to many secret and sensitive documents. He became disillusioned with the Soviet system by listening western radio broadcasts and reading the documents about the Soviet repressions and atrocities. He managed to make copies and detailed notes of the documents from the archive, while he supervised the archive move from Lubyanka building to the new KGB headquarters at Yasenevo. In 1985 he retired. After the collapse of the Soviet Union he traveled to Riga, Latvia and tried to make contact with the US embassy. He was however, turned down by the Americans who did not trust the authenticity of his documents. The UK embassy was more helpful and Mitrokhin gained appointment with the British Secret Service the MI6 and the 25,000 pages of files hidden in his house, covering operations from as far back as the 1930s. The content of these notes and documents have been described in various books, but now his archive has been made digital in the Churchill Archives Center. Among the published documents one document caught our attention, the STASI German/Russian lexicon of intelligence terms. -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
The Soviet Roots of Meddling in U.S. Politics
The Soviet Roots of Meddling in U.S. Politics PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 452 January 2017 Mark Kramer1 Harvard University The release on January 6 of an unclassified version of the U.S. Intelligence Community’s report describing efforts by Russian security services to influence last year’s U.S. presidential campaign in favor of Donald Trump evoked a sense of deja vu. Despite the advent of cyberwarfare, the Russian government’s attempts to sway the U.S. election in 2016 were strikingly reminiscent of Soviet “active measures” during the Cold War. The Intelligence Community report says that Russia’s use of cyberwarfare and other tactics in 2016 was “the most recent expression of Moscow’s longstanding desire to undermine the US-led liberal democratic order.” This is undoubtedly true, but the report goes on to claim that “these activities demonstrated a significant escalation in directness, level of activity, and scope of effort compared to previous operations.” This sweeping characterization is toned down later in the report, but only slightly. The notion that Russian intelligence services’ actions in 2016 were unprecedented in scale reflects an inadequate understanding of the historical context. The reality is that the two main Soviet intelligence and security agencies—the KGB and GRU (military intelligence)—kept up a vigorous campaign for several decades to meddle in U.S. politics and discredit the United States. The “active measures” used by the KGB and GRU during the Cold War, including disinformation, forgeries of documents and letters, and the spread of propaganda through sympathetic individuals and front organizations, were remarkably similar to the tactics and goals of Russian intelligence agencies in 2016. -
Researching Soviet/Russian Intelligence in America: Bibliography (Last Updated: October 2018)
Know Your FSB From Your KGB: Researching Soviet/Russian Intelligence in America: Bibliography (Last updated: October 2018) 1. Federal Government Sources A. The 2016 US Presidential Election Assessing Russian Activities and Intentions in Recent US Elections. Office of the Director of National intelligence, January 6, 2017. Committee Findings on the 2017 Intelligence Community Assessment. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, July 3, 2018. Disinformation: Panel I, Panel II. A Primer in Russian Active Measures and Influence Campaigns: Hearing Before the Select Committee on Intelligence of the United States Senate, One Hundred Fifteenth Congress, First Session, Thursday, March 30, 2017. (Y 4.IN 8/19: S.HRG.115-40/) Link: http://purl.fdlp.gov/GPO/gpo86393 FACT SHEET: Actions in Response to Russian Malicious Cyber Activity and Harassment. White House Office of the Press Secretary, December 29, 2016. Grand Jury Indicts 12 Russian Intelligence Officers for Hacking Offenses Related to the 2016 Election. Department of Justice Office of Public Affairs, July 13, 2018. Grizzly Steppe: Russian Malicious Cyber Activity. U.S. Department of Homeland Security, and Federal Bureau of Investigation, December 29, 2016. Information Warfare: Issues for Congress. Congressional Research Service, March 5, 2018. Minority Views: The Minority Members of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence on March 26, 2018, Submit the Following Minority Views to the Majority-Produced "Report on Russian active Measures, March 22, 2018." House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, March 26, 2018. Open Hearing: Social Media Influence in the 2016 U.S. Election: Hearing Before the Select Committee on Intelligence of the United States Senate, One Hundred Fifteenth Congress, First Session, Wednesday, November 1, 2017. -
Covert Networks a Comparative Study Of
COVERT NETWORKS A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INTELLIGENCE TECHNIQUES USED BY FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE AGENCIES TO WEAPONIZE SOCIAL MEDIA by Sarah Ogar A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Baltimore, Maryland December 2019 2019 Sarah Ogar All Rights Reserved Abstract From the Bolshevik Revolution to the Brexit Vote, the covert world of intelligence has attempted to influence global events with varying degrees of success. In 2016, one of the most brazen manifestations of Russian intelligence operations was directed against millions of Americans when they voted to elect a new president. Although this was not the first time that Russia attempted to influence an American presidential election, it was undoubtedly the largest attempt in terms of its scope and the most publicized to date. Although much discussion has followed the 2016 election, there have not been much concerted historical analysis which situates the events of 2016 within the global timeline of foreign intelligence collection. This paper argues that the onset of social media has altered intelligence collection in terms of its form, but not in terms of its essence. Using the case study method, this paper illustrates how three different nations apply classical intelligence techniques to the modern environment of social media. This paper examines how China has utilized classical agent recruitment techniques through sites like LinkedIn, how Iran has used classical honey trap techniques through a combination of social media sites, and how Russia has employed the classical tactics of kompromat, forgery, agents of influence and front groups in its modern covert influence campaigns. -
Czechoslovak Reply to Warsaw Meeting's Criticisms. Mr. Dubcek's Assurances of Continuation of Democratic Reforms
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 14, August, 1968 Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovak, Page 22888 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Czechoslovak Reply to Warsaw Meeting's Criticisms. Mr. Dubcek's Assurances of Continuation of Democratic Reforms. - Soviet Demand for Meeting of Czechoslovak and Soviet Politburos. - Continuation of Soviet “Nerve War” against Czechoslovakia. A reasoned, point-by-point reply to the criticisms of the Communist Parties represented at Warsaw was made on July 18 by the presidium of the central committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party. On the same day Mr. Dubcek, the First Secretary of the party, gave an assurance in a radio and television broadcast that there would be no retreat from the democratic reforms begun since January. Declaring that “we want our socialism deeply anchored in the minds of the people,” Mr. Dubcek said that after many years “an atmosphere has been created in this country in which everyone can publicly, without fear, express his opinion openly and with dignity.” While emphasizing that Czechoslovakia remained loyal to the Warsaw Pact and that there was no danger of the Czechoslovak Communist Party losing its leading position in the country, Mr. Dubcek stressed that “we shall finish the democratic process we have begun” and “shall not permit any return to the pre-January situation.” In its reply to the “ Warsaw letter,” the Czechoslovak Communist Party denied that any serious threat had arisen to its position or authority; reiterated Czechoslovakia's loyalty to the Warsaw Pact and to the socialist community; pointed out inter alia that the Communist Party, the Government, and the National Front had rejected the “2,000 Words” document; declared that the overwhelming majority of the Czechoslovak people favoured the abolition of censorship and supported free expression of opinion; and said that the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was trying to give a different leadership than that of the “discredited bureaucratic-police methods” of the past. -
A Killing That Shook the KGB the EARLY Years of the Gorbachev Era Saw a Change in the KGB's Attitude to Terrorism
How Moscow supported assassinations overseas until Gorbachev came to power A killing that shook the KGB THE EARLY years of the Gorbachev era saw a change in the KGB's attitude to terrorism. Moscow's growing distaste for some of its Third World terrorist associates was particu- larly evident in the case of Colonel Gadaffi. The turning point in that relationship was the demonstration outside the Libyan "Peo- ple's Bureau" in London in April 1984 when Death that disenchanted Moscow: WPC Fletcher and a tribute where she was killed a Libyan intelligence man opened fire and killed WPC Yvonne Fletcher. which refused to have them followed up. were attacking him in the western media. Pravda's report of the shooting was The KGB residency in Dublin was usually Moscow Centre made available the re- unusually frank, but the KGB knew more reluctant to make contact with any illegal sources of a secret KGB laboratory. The first than Pravda told its readers. The day after group because of what it regarded as the near- target was another Bulgarian emigre living in the shooting, the London residency received impossibility of keeping secrets in the Irish England. While on holiday on the Continent, a telegram" from Moscow saying the KGB Republic. Officers of the KGB claimed they surfaces in the room he was using were had reliable information that the shooting could learn a surprising amount merely by smeared with a poison which, once absorbed had been ordered by Gadaffi. An experi- listening to conversations in public houses 'through the skin, would prove fatal and leave enced hitman from the Libyan intelligence frequented by Sinn Fein supporters. -
Ruffley on Andrew and Mitrokhin, 'The Sword and the Shield: the Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB'
H-Russia Ruffley on Andrew and Mitrokhin, 'The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB' Review published on Monday, April 1, 2002 Christopher Andrew, Vasili Mitrokhin. The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. New York: Basic Books, 1999. xvii + 700 pp. $32.50 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-465-00312-9. Reviewed by David L. Ruffley (Department of International Programs, United States Air Force Academy) Published on H-Russia (April, 2002) Diminishing Shadows: The Continued Unveiling of Soviet Intelligence Secrets Diminishing Shadows: The Continued Unveiling of Soviet Intelligence Secrets As the story of Vasili Mitrokhin's dramatic defection from the chaos of post-Soviet Russia in 1992 became known, it aroused Western expectations of a bonanza of spectacular revelations about the KGB and its predecessors. Mitrokhin's courageous compilation of secret files from the KGB's First Chief Directorate (foreign intelligence division) did indeed contain some original revelations, but in the main proved more valuable in filling in the details of cases that Western intelligence agencies had already known about or suspected for years. In the hands of veteran intelligence historian Christopher Andrew, the Mitrokhin archive as published here is a richly documented description of Soviet intelligence activity from the founding of the USSR through its demise and collapse. The book skillfully combines Mitrokhin's new material with information from earlier defector-based works as well as post-Soviet "collaborations" between the Russian intelligence services and western authors. This combination provides the clearest picture to date of Soviet intelligence activity, fleshing out many previously obscure details, confirming or contradicting many allegations and raising a few new issues of its own.