Kangas: the Voice of Zanzibari Women? Its Present Importance Among Young Women in Zanzibar Stone Town, Tanzania

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KHIL{A 2 (2006), pp. 1-22. doi: 10.2143/KH.2.0.2021283

Kangas: the voice of Zanzibari Women? Its present importance among young women in Zanzibar Stone Town, Tanzania

Marloes VAN DER BIJL1 Department of African Studies, Leiden University

Kangas are found along the East African coast as well as in parts of the eastern Arabian Peninsula. Many are made in East Africa, but a significant number are made in India, specifically for this market. The kanga provides a fascinating example of how a textile can reflect historical, economic and social changes throughout a region. To date, some scholars have looked at the proverbs on the kangas and written about their lit- erary aspects, while others have taken a more historical approach.6 Few, however, have examined the social implication of the kanga. The focus of this article is the discourses that the kanga itself gener- ates. I have not entered into a detailed debate about the origin of the kanga, rather I have looked at how the cloth itself serves as a point of departure in con- Fig. 1: Zanzibari women dressed in kangas, at a festival. temporary Zanzibar society.7 In particular, I have Photograph by the author. focussed on how the younger generation of women perceive the kanga. During my fieldwork on Throughout the Indian Ocean people have used Zanzibar I discussed the role of the kanga during cloth and clothing to show their social and eco- interviews with approximately thirty women, the nomic status. One of the more intriguing types of majority of whom were young and unmarried. The textiles that fall in this category is the kanga. main themes were the kanga and its contemporary Basically a kanga is a long strip of cotton cloth that is very widely used by women on the East African coast.2 Kangas are normally decorated with bold, 1 colourful printed designs and, more intriguingly, This article is based on my MA thesis, Leiden University (2006). In 2004, I conducted research into the history and messages that were generally in Swahili, but there use of kangas in Zanzibar Stone Town, Zanzibar. During are examples in Arabic and English, which are inte- this period of fieldwork I was able to acquire nearly thirty grated into the border of the design (fig. 1). kangas for the Textile Research Centre (TRC), Leiden, The The term kanga derives from the Swahili word Netherlands. These varied from unique old examples to kangas of the latest fashion. These kangas were later supple- for guinea-fowl. At first, kangas had a spotted mented by eight examples purchased in Muscat, Oman. I design in the colours black and white. According to would like to express my deep gratitude to my host family local oral history, men named this cloth kanga, since in Zanzibar Stone Town, who provided me with valuable they thought that women chattered like the guinea information, took me shopping, subsequently made comments on kangas that were purchased and generally helped 3 fowl. This bird is also a symbol of fertility for the me comprehend the kanga sayings and their meanings. inland Bantu societies.4 The social anthropologist, 2 Levtzion and Pouwels 2000:40. Minou Fuglesang, succinctly noted that this noisy, 3 Hilger 1995:44. 4 sociable type of bird with its elegant spotted Strobel 1979, quoted by Fuglesang 1994:137. 5 Fuglesang 1994:137. plumage is the appropriate comparison to the 6 Clarke s.a. kanga.5 7 See for example, Kopytoff 1986.

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popularity, the changes in use and meaning for different generations, and the importance of kangas among the young women. These issues were of rel- evance because of the anxieties expressed by various scholars as to the future of the kanga.

THE HISTORICAL TRADE IN CLOTH

In order to understand the role of the kanga in modern Zanzibari society it is first necessary to look briefly at the trade in cloth in the Indian Ocean region. For centuries ships packed with trade commodities have sailed on the monsoon winds along the coast of India, the Arabian Peninsula and the African East Coast. In particular the trade in textiles has been very important. Due to the compact nature of textiles, they were a major trade item in this region; compared to other trade items, cloth is not fragile, but relatively light and easy to transport. Originally, the function of cloth may have primarily been protection against the elements, but it was not long before a social dimension was added. Cloth was, and still is, used to indicate the status, Map 1 The Swahili coast and the Indian Ocean. wealth and ethnic or gender identity of people living in a society. All along the Indian Ocean, societies traded textiles, often decorated, with each other; from Arabia to Madagascar and from Indonesia to East Africa, so sharing ideas as well as actual objects.8 There is very limited actual information about the production and trade of textiles along the Swahili coast, for the period prior to the nineteenth century.9 It is known, however, that textiles were traded between India and the East African coast as part of the Indian Ocean commerce. They were the most important commodities, which were used in exchange for ivory, rubber, bee-wax, food and slaves.10 For centuries cotton and silk cloths of India have played a major role in this trade, due to their lightness and the high quality of Indian dyes.11 From the 1700s onwards, for example, a multi- coloured cloth called the kaniki was brought from Kutch on the west coast of India to East Africa. These cloths were used by Asian Muslims, especially from the Indian sub-continent. The kaniki soon

8 Barnes 2005:1-4. 9 Hirji 2005:68. 10 Linnebuhr 1992:86. 11 ibid. Map 2 Zanzibar archipelago.

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replaced the traditional East African bark cloth and land. Symbolized by clothes covering the body and eventually came to dominate the production and raising the person’s status and prestige, participation distribution of decorative textiles throughout the in a ‘modern’ civilization went together with the region. In its turn the kaniki was later replaced by collapse of traditional, social and economic relation- a stronger, North American fabric that was locally ships.14 The presence of the Arabs in East Africa and called merikani, Shortly afterwards merikani was the adoption of Islam by the Swahili had, and still copied by British manufacturers in Manchester.12 has, an enormous influence on the way Africans It was in the nineteenth century that English dress. Islamic clothing was first adopted by the machine produced textiles undercut Indian produc- Swahili and later by other ethnic groups, mainly tion rates and a major imbalance developed in the because this type of clothing gave and still gives Indian trade. This lasted well into the twentieth prestige. At the same time, although the Arabs wore century. By the second half of the twentieth century the same type of clothing as the Swahili, the cloth the production and trade in textiles had again used for their clothing was of a better quality and reverted to the control of countries from Asia, seen as being more exclusive.15 notably India, Korea and Japan, not to mention the ever increasing Chinese production and trade in THE SOCIAL ROLE OF WOMEN IN EAST AFRICAN cloth. These were later to compete with the textile SOCIETY mills in Kenya and Tanzania, which were set up in 1970s and in 1985 respectively.13 In the Swahili world various contradictions and ambiguities resist changes that might take place over THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF CLOTH time, and the role of women is one of these. Frequently, women are placed on the margins and In almost all societies, textiles and dress are used to are generally considered inferior to men. However, symbolise social status. Along the East African coast “in another dimension, women are placed at the in the nineteenth century, for example, a cotton center as holders of the moral purity on which cloth called pamba, rather than local bark cloth, was depends the perpetuation of the society.”16 In East regarded as a marker of the wealthy elite and dis- African Muslim societies those verses in the Quran, tinguished the poor from the people with a high which emphasise the weakness of women, are status who could afford the imported textiles stressed rather than those that refer to their spiri- (fig. 2). tual equality. As a result there is a general emphasis Wearing a cotton cloth meant that one possessed on the subordinate position of women in Swahili a status symbol formerly reserved for the elites of society. the East African Coast, the Swahilis, Arabs and the The status of Swahili women depends on certain chiefs, plus other honourable persons of the hinter- factors, such as descent, marriage and residence forms, the woman’s ability to acquire her own wealth, inheritance rules and rights of property, as well as forms of hierarchical differentiation. These can be divided into three forms: (a) the different roles of men and women, in particular in stone- towns along the Islamic Swahili Coast (the focus group for this paper), (b) the differences between country and urban living, and (c) in the past between the roles of slave and free women. Modern

12 Probably named Buchuru in Kiswahili, which was a thicker cloth in the colour white with black decoration. 13 Hilger 1995:44; Linnebuhr 1992:86-8; Parkin 2005:47. 14 Linnebuhr 1992:86-7. Fig. 2 Photograph of a group of women wearing cotton 15 Brommer 1991:72. cloths (Zanzibar National Archives: AV 31:32). 16 Middleton 1992:113-4.

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forms of differentiation are becoming more signif- dresses for his wife, he shows publicly his love for icant, notably as regards education, occupation and her. The wife will gain prestige by wearing this individual wealth.17 These are important concepts exclusive clothing, and, for example, by staging a among the Swahili and central to the lives of grand ceremony.22 women on Zanzibar. For women, friendships among each other are On Zanzibar men and women are seen as differ- very emotional, personal and informal. This is in ing from each other in both moral and physical sharp contrast to friendships among men. Marriage, senses, although they are both descendants of Adam Swartz argues, is the only relationship in which men and Eve. An important concept is usafi (purity), and can express themselves freely and in which they in particular moral purity. The purity of a group is hope for warmth and support, therefore men rarely paramount in ensuring its proper place in the hier- refuse the financial demands of their wives, archy of descent groups. This group purity depends although they have the power to do so.23 on that of its women. This is the key factor in giv- Women are regarded as having less control over ing men their heshima (reputation and honour).18 their sexuality than men, whose responsibility it is The central duties of women include obedience to to control women’s lust through their own self- her husband, respect to superiors, and personal restraint.24 Secluding and veiling women is a long- hygiene. A woman’s character is expressed in hav- standing practice in the Muslim world and has ing good manners, being truthful, courteous, gen- been performed on Zanzibar for centuries. Women erous, and also avoiding arrogance and gossip. wear various garments such as hijabu (headveil), Another virtuous characteristic of the young Swahili buibui (a garment that covers the whole body), as women is haya (modesty and restraint). Somebody well as kangas, to conceal their bodies and to dis- who shows haya is reluctant to impose on others, is play haya and heshima. This manner of dressing a generous in assessing the behaviour of others and woman’s body is widely accepted in Zanzibar. But behaves with modesty when successful.19 According women have also adapted these garments to to the anthropologist, Marc Swartz, a “person with express their own interests and feelings in non-ver- haya accords heshima to others and is, therefore, a bal ways. In particular, an important way of reveal- likely object of heshima.”20 Swartz also gives an ing their innermost feeling is to wear kangas that example of how these concepts work with respect to display particular sayings suitable for various occa- differences in age groups: a young woman with haya, sions. This medium of communication shows their for instance, is certain to show heshima to whom she own views on the nature and conduct of social speaking with. However, the heshima she receives relations and status, but without a word being herself is limited because of her junior position.21 said.25 The relation between husband and wife should be governed by upendo (love), and young women AN HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO THE KANGA on Zanzibar are nowadays mentioning this as of major importance when looking for a future hus- Scholars have not reached a consensus about the band. The responsibility of the husband, besides exact place of origin of the kanga as we know it giving his love, is to provide his wife with sufficient today. The anthropologist, Julia Hilger, states that food and clothing. By buying expensive and special the kanga emerged from the offshore islands of the East African coast during the 1850s.26 Others have identified these offshore islands more specifically as Zanzibar.27 Whether or not the kangas originally 17 ibid. derive from Zanzibar is open to debate. However, 18 op.cit:115, 193. it remains a fact that it was the second capital of the 19 Swartz 1991:167. 20 op.cit:168. Omani sultanate from 1840 onwards and thus a 21 ibid. centre of fashion for the Omani elite. So it is a dis- 22 op.cit: 93-4; Swartz 1982:29. tinct possibility that it originated and certainly 23 Swartz 1982:30. became popular there. 24 Parkin 1995:209. 25 Parking 2005:64-5. What is known is that until the 1910s the designs 26 Hilger 1995:44. on kangas were printed by hand, using wooden 27 See for example, Brommer 1991. printing blocks similar to those used in India.

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However, due to the enormous demand for kangas colourfully printed cloths. A woman owing such a foreign manufacture companies in The Netherlands, coloured cloth indicated that she was socially influ- Switzerland and England started to produce large ential.32 Similarly kangas were, and still are, seen as quantities of copies. It was soon discovered, how- showing a woman’s social status. Although men ever, that the large design layout of the kangas (see generally bought these cloths they constituted part below) meant that it was impossible to produce of a woman’s personal wealth.33 During times of them using mechanical printing techniques such as financial crisis, for example, both lesos and kangas wood or metal rollers, because the design repeat was could be used as a currency; as they could also func- simply too long. So screen printing had to be used, tion as social and economic status pawns among which is a much slower process and not to the lik- women. ing of the European manufacturers. As will be seen, Another historical factor in the social role of the the mass production of the kanga had to wait for kanga lies in its use by free born women. The his- technology to catch up with its needs. It should be torian, Laura Fair, has carried out extensive research noted that following the Second World War, Japan into changing ethnic identities on Zanzibar in the and China also started to export their version of late nineteenth century and the beginning of the these cotton cloths.28 twentieth century.34 According to her a marginal Zanzibar remained important in the develop- group, former female slaves, were the essential element of the kanga until the 1960s.29 The centre ment in the development of an “inclusive Zanzibari shifted to Mombasa in 1964 when the bourgeoisie national identity in the early decades of the twen- was suppressed by the Zanzibari Revolution, but it tieth century.”35 This highly complex process of was reversed in the mid-1990s as post-revolution- changing class and ethnic identities has been illus- ary Zanzibar was once more immersed in laisser trated by Fair through changes in dress. Female faire capitalism and consumerism, combined with slaves, for example, wore simple, undecorated, tourism.30 In the meantime, however, the produc- cheap clothes, such as the kaniki. In addition, they tion of kangas had moved to Kenya and Tanzania. were not allowed to cover their heads.36 These dress The largest mill, Rivatex, in Kenya, currently pro- restrictions reflected their low status in society. In duces up to 400,000 metres of kanga every month. contrast, women of the high elite, mainly Omani These are produced using vast rotary printing Arabs, were fully veiled and wore dark cloths cov- drums that can print large, good quality designs. ering their clothes and heads, reflecting their free- The Indian silk-screen printed cloths are currently born status. Following the abolition of slavery on their main competitors, but their method of print- Zanzibar in 1897, former female slaves adopted ing is unable to match the same print quality as free-dress elements. They abandoned the kaniki, those produced in Kenya and Tanzania. which were seen as a sign of poverty, and choose instead the imported, colourful kanga. The kanga KANGAS AS A STATUS SYMBOL industry was given a huge impulse by the number of former female slaves who tried to show their In addition to its general role in East African soci- newly acquired status by dressing themselves in the ety as an imported cotton cloth, the kanga also functions as a multi-purpose cloth that is an intrinsic part of East African female culture. It is often used, 28 Hilger 1995:44. for example, as a modesty veil and draped around 29 Parkin 2005:48; Linnebuhr 1992:88 citing Schmidt 1888. the head and shoulders, primarily to cover the head 30 Parkin 2005:48-9. and hair while in and around the house. Kangas are 31 The kanga is also worn in the Comoro Islands and in also famous throughout the Indian Ocean region for Madagascar. 32 Linnebuhr 1992:86-8. their vivid colours that allow for creativity in dress. 33 Hilger 1995:44. This currency aspect became apparent to But it is their ability to communicate women’s ideas me, when I received a kanga, which was valuable to the col- and thoughts in East African coastal communities lection I was creating, from a shop keeper who preferred a that make them of particular value.31 new kanga in exchange for it rather than money. 34 Fair 1994, 2001. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 35 Fair 1994:4. a cotton cloth called a leso (see below) was popular 36 Kaniki is a simple dark cotton cloth for poor women (Fair in the region because they were cheaper than other 1994:18).

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latest fashions. In addition, free Muslims began to the sixteenth century Portuguese merchants brought cover their heads and in the 1910s the fashion of printed cotton handkerchiefs called leso to East using a kanga to cover the head became not only Africa.40 These came to the country in large rolls of widespread in Zanzibar, but also along the whole pre-printed cloth that had to be cut up into the East African coast.37 required, kerchief size. What seems to have happened is that six individual lesos were sewn together to form MODERN KANGAS a much larger, rectangular cloth, which was originally called a leso and then later a kanga. An alternative Following this general, historical background infor- theory is put forward by Jeanette Hanby, author of mation to kangas, I now want to turn to more spe- the book ‘Kangas: 101 uses’, who states that these cific information about Zanzibari kangas based on first kangas were manufactured slightly differently.41 my fieldwork in Zanzibar. The following discussion According to her, fashion-conscious ladies from is divided into four sections: (A) the appearance of Zanzibar came up with the concept of not using six kangas; (B) kanga messages; (C) the art of choos- separate handkerchiefs, but sewing together two ing the right kanga, and (D) the role of kangas in pieces of cloth, each printed with three handker- the lives of women in contemporary Zanzibar. chiefs, in order to create a larger rectangle. One of the earliest written references to the (A) The appearance of kangas appearance of a Zanzibari kanga dates to 1887, when Schmidt referred to the distinctiveness of their cloth A basic kanga is a rectangular cloth, c. 110 ≈ 150 cm sizes and patterns, which were only sold on the in size. Traditionally kangas were produced and worn island.42 Apparently, standardisation of size followed in pairs (mivao) and this tradition remains to the shortly afterwards, but this does not account for present day.38 Kanga designs are made up of two ele- the pattern that evolved. ments, (a) a pattern (miji) in the centre of the cloth Initially kangas had a simple edge-pattern of a that is flanked by (b) a dissimilar border around the checked or spotted design (guinea fowl design), but four edges (pindo) of the cloth.39 This basic design over the years the decoration on kangas developed layout only varies a little, usually in the width of the to a wide range of artistic designs with various borders. It would appear that an important influence motifs and colours. Throughout its history, it would on this layout is a type of cloth called the leso. During appear that most of the designers of kangas were and still are men, either the traders themselves (such as Abdullah who was mentioned earlier), or men in the design department of the mills, such as Rivatex 37 Fair 1994:12-19. 38 Mivao is plural in Kiswahili, singular: mvao. in Kenya. Hilger refers to one important exception, 39 Miji means town in Kiswahili. Pindo means hem in a female artist from Zanzibar called Fatma Shaaban Kiswahili Abdullah, who created kangas that exploited the 40 The word leso is derived from the Portuguese word for communicative value of the kanga, mainly for polit- handkerchief. A kanga is still called a leso in Kenya. 43 41 Hanby 1985:2-4. ical parties. 42 Schmidt, Karl Wilhelm (1888), Sansibar, Ein ostafrikanis- In the initial period of the kanga the main ches Kulturbild. Leipzig, quoted by Linnebuhr 1992: 88. colours used to decorate the cloth were black, white 43 Unfortunately, this information was acquired after my and red. Nowadays, every imaginable colour can be period of research on Zanzibar, so I was unable to follow up this point. Nevertheless, it is possible that some kangas seen. Women sometimes match kangas with their 44 collected during my research period may have been colourful waist beads. But it should be realised designed by her as they commemorate a political event (see that the colours on kangas can also have particular figs. 4-5). This is a favourite subject of Fatma Shaaban meanings. Woman, for example, often wear a black Abdullah. In addition, various rumours I had heard prior to my research concerning local women designing their own and red kanga during the period of menstruation in kangas could not be confirmed. order to indicate towards their husbands that inti- 44 These intriguing waist beads are worn by married woman mate contact should be deferred, as it is forbidden to be even more attractive for their husbands. Commonly in the Quran to have intercourse during the period they will wear approximately ten strings of beads around their waist, which play an important role in Zanzibari of menstruation. During full moon white kangas sexual foreplay. were worn to symbolize the whiteness (purity) of 45 The Swahilicoast Publishers 2000. the woman’s heart towards her husband.45 The

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colour red is often associated with spirit possession (kipepo and shetani), while brown is worn by older women who are getting married for the second time; brown being used to indicate the colour of old blood. Three women I talked to mentioned that they favoured kangas in white, dark and light blue and pink, which is the colour combination to be found on the Zanzibari flag.

In contemporary Zanzibar, the most visible colour symbolism can be seen on political kangas. The ruling party CCM (Chama Cha Mapinduzi) can be recognized by the colours green, yellow, black and Fig. 3 A modern kanga showing the large flats in the white (figs. 3 and 4). A colour combination none suburb of Zanzibar in the colours of the ruling party of my interviewees mentioned. The opposition CCM. The saying is “Tumshukuru mungu” (“We should party CUF (Civic United Front) can be distin- thank God,” 100 ≈ 145 cm, TRC 2004.147). guished by the colours red, blue and white. This colour combination seems to be more popular as nearly a third of my interviewees mentioned it. One of my informants stated that she owns such a kanga, but only wears it when going to a CUF meeting or any other political event (locally called a mambo ya siasa). This overall colour symbolism seems to have been more important in the past than in the present times.

In general the patterns used on the kangas can be seen as a form of visual entertainment, emphasising social, religious or political issues. The designs sometimes illustrate the saying or proverb printed Fig. 4 Photograph of a kanga printed for the 46 on them. Hilger illustrates the relationship 40th anniversary of Tanzanian independence. between text and image by a kanga with a depiction “Miaka 40 ya mapinduzi ni kielelezo cha ufanisi” of a car, combined with the motto “Hurrah to the (“Forty years of revolution is a sign of success,” car of the President”47. The kanga of Figure 4 is also 100 ≈ 145 cm; TRC 2004.148). an example of how text and design can be inter- twined. The big building in the middle is the State University of Zanzibar, referring to education. In ous types of fruit, notably pineapples, pears and the four corners of the design there are other aspects mango’s. Also more abstract motifs and indigenous of success relating to forty years of revolution, designs can be seen on contemporary kangas, such namely, clean water, electricity, health care and satel- as specific Zanzibari buildings, notably the State lite connections. The propaganda value of this University, as discussed earlier, and the East German kanga is considerable as there is much debate con- style long blocks of flats as well as the old, disman- cerning the degree of ‘progress’ actually achieved tled funfair. Islamic symbols can also be recognized, over the last years. such as moons, stars or pictures of mosques. The A ‘classic’ pattern on a kanga is the cashew nut, which is a major cash crop on the East African coast and therefore associated with wealth.48 Hilger states that the success of an image in general depends on 46 Fuglesang 1994:137. 47 Designed by a female artist from Zanzibar, named Fatma how far a pattern is recognisable as part of the local Shaaban Abdullah. Hilger 1995:45. 49 environment. Other examples of commodities, 48 Hilger 1995:45. which are shipped via the Indian Ocean, are vari- 49 ibid.

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range of kanga designs is too abundant to be fully described here, but the photographs in this article should give an idea of its richness.

(B) Kanga messages

As noted earlier, an important element of the design is the message or proverb printed in the border region of the kanga. The idea of a text woven, embroidered or printed onto a textile is not new. The role of such an inscription (tiraz) within Islamic society is well documented. However, the Swahili kanga appears to be unique by virtue of Fig. 5 Photograph of a modern kanga from Mombasa, with the name of Abdullah printed at the bottom right. its adoption of actual, daily language as its pre- The saying is “Moyo usiposema nao wengi utateta nao” dominant feature. These proverbs, slogans, sayings, (“If you don’t spit your heart, you quarrel with many riddles or sharp comments convey messages about people”; 115 ≈ 165 cm, TRC 2004.243). different aspects of life. The origin of these messages seems to be late nineteenth century in date. It would appear that ticular the women in Zanzibar, who also set the tone these started in about 1887. According to one for kanga patterns. In general, the messages on the account, a Sunni Muslim called Kaderdina Hajee kangas refer to a variety of subjects, from healthcare, Essak (also known as ‘Abdullah’) established a busi- religion and politics to the subtleties of social and ness in Mombasa producing kangas and he proudly sexual relationships. It is regarded as essential for the claimed to have printed the first sayings or ‘names’ kanga message to fit the situation.53 It should also on the decorated cloth wraps (fig. 5).50 Whether he be noted that these messages are not static, they are actually created the first proverb kangas or not is no constantly changing. Parkin studied these messages longer clear. At first the proverbs were printed with over a period of 25 years and has noted that in this Swahili sayings in Arabic script. Between 1904 and time the range of messages is increasing, as are the 1906, Kiswahili became Latinized and aphorisms number of erotic examples.54 started to appear in this script. Kangas with sayings in Arabic, however, continued to be printed until With respect to the erotic messages, it was only in the 1930s (figs. 6a-c).51 Who decides which saying 1911 that the first reference can be found in colo- is to be used is uncertain. It is likely that the vari- nial trade and mercantile reports of the popularity ous printing companies choose, as well as the design- of sayings and texts with erotic allusions on kan- ers. However, it does appear that the purchasers gas. In 1912, kangas with offensive sayings were themselves had a hand in the matter. The anthro- officially forbidden. However, the metaphorical pologist, Elisabeth Linnebuhr, noted that “Zanzibar communication could not be stopped and kangas women got cloth traders to print particular sayings, with erotic meaning maintained to emerge on the or erotic aphorisms which they themselves had market. In the 1950s, social conflicts took place coined.”52 This is verified by colonial reports that that were the result of the ambiguity of certain of mentioned the influence of Swahili women, in par- the sayings.55 According to Hilger many of these kangas were manufactured abroad and the problems seem to have arisen because the producers did not fully understand the dual meanings of the 50 Parkin 2005:47. According to Parkin nobody knows when 56 the first messages appeared or why. proverbs. The women’s movement in Kenya 51 Hilger 1995:45; Linnebuhr 1992:90. protested against this ambiguity and succeeded in 52 Linnebuhr 1992:90. prohibiting a number of these texts for a while, 53 Linnebuhr 1992:82. however they gradually came back onto the mar- 54 Parkin 2005:49. 57 55 Hilger 1995:45. ket. According to Parkin changes in language 56 ibid. used on the kangas caused the sayings to become 57 Linnebuhr 1992:90; Hilger 1995:45. even more erotic in nature:

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Fig. 6a (above) Photograph of a very old kisutu. The Swahili saying is written in Arabic script (106 ≈ 136 cm, TRC 2004.160). Fig. 6b (below left) Photograph of a detail, showing signs of extensive use, holes and discoloration. Fig. 6c (below right) Photograph of a detail where a rip has been sewn.

….. it may well be that the women borrowed, so the messages. Nowadays, there are many sayings to speak, from the aesthetic legitimacy of Arabic that have love as their subject. These vary from kan- calligraphy its capacity to be both art form and gas for unmarried young women who are in love pronouncement ….. No such use of the sacred and are discovering the struggles and hardships of language and script could be tolerated, while, love: “Usipenda[e] kwa pupa uka janitupa (sic.)” contrariwise, obscene use of the infidel Roman (“Do not love me hastily only to discard me after- lettering might not only be tolerated but also wards”).59 point up the contempt in which both the script Men do sometimes give kangas to their lovers in and those associated with it are held.58 order to win the favours of these young women. Such kangas often include sayings such as “Mficha As noted earlier, for the first 25 years most kangas were printed in Arabic and the messages were socially acceptable. Once the lettering changed a 58 Parkin 2005:49-50. much wider range of subjects was introduced within 59 Linnebuhr 1992:82.

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uchi hazai” (“One who hides her sex does not give The woman I spoke to also gave some examples birth”), or “Wewe ni wangu” (“You are mine”). Or of how kangas could be used to communicate with in different situations, such as a present for his wife, their mothers-in-law.60 Due to differences in age who just gave birth to their child a man might and status, younger women are not allowed to con- choose a kanga with the message: “Kuo[i]shi (sic) front their in-laws directly with issues. Nevertheless, wawili ni kustaamili” (“Living together implies mas- they can wear kangas saying: “Sema usemayo mitaani tering it too”). ni wangu ninae ndani” meaning literally “You can Other motives for wearing and giving a kanga say and do what you like, but I have him in my include (male) partners who are too involved with bed.” In a more positive sense, women can also pay other women, or even men who commit adultery. their respect or ask for forgiveness by wearing the For example, a woman can wear a kanga to warn appropriate kanga: “Mama nipe radhi, kuishi na her rival saying: “Nyuki mkali kwa asali yake” (“The watu kazi” meaning “Mama, please give me your bee vehemently guards its honey”). Her rival could blessing, living together is difficult.” reply with “Na tule asali tumwache nyuki na ukali wake” (“Let’s enjoy the honey and omit the bee with (C) The art of choosing the right kanga its sting”). As noted earlier, the theme of kanga sayings can As noted earlier, vast quantities of kangas are made shift over time. About fifteen years ago, an impor- in Tanzania and Kenya that are of a good quality tant theme, for instance, was polygamy. The major- and colouring. According to Parkin, kangas made ity of the people in Zanzibar Stone Town are in Mombasa are regarded as being of high quality.61 Muslims. Men are allowed by Islamic law to marry Their main competition comes from Indian silk- up to four wives if he can sustain them equally. screen printed versions that are however unable to Women living in polygamous households and who match the same print quality as the African version. were quarrelling with each other used to deliberately However, although the Indian versions are of a poor provoke the situation by wearing kangas with mes- quality, they are also much, much cheaper and as a sages such as “Ubaya wako is uzuri wa mwenzio” result more women in East Africa can afford them.62 (“Your badness is not the goodness of your part- This point can be illustrated by looking at the num- ner”). Women who rejected polygamy could wear ber of shops selling the different types of kangas in kangas saying “Wivu sina sitaki shirika” (“I am not Zanzibar Stone Town (figs. 7 and 8). In the main jealous, but I do not wish to share”). Nowadays, shopping street for kangas, over ten stalls are trad- most of the women I have spoken to are vehemently ing in kangas made in India, while maybe two stalls opposed to polygamy. They discussed the adverse are selling East African kangas. For an outsider the consequences, such as the difficulties of living difference becomes apparent when feeling the lat- together and sharing one man. Since polygamy is ter, which is of much thicker cotton cloth. In addi- not usually practiced anymore, kangas are seldom tion, the African kangas are brighter in colour. worn to communicate with co-wives nowadays. However, the Indian kangas usually include more Nevertheless, quarrels do exist among women when varied colours. one of them is the secret girlfriend of another Most women living on the East African coast woman’s husband. The ‘battle’ is stated and fought have over a dozen kangas of various designs and out through kangas. qualities. In addition to their own purchases, kangas are regarded as a respectable gift among women. In particular during wedding ceremonies brides will receive many kangas as gifts and in former times the garment was widely worn by both bride and guests. 60 Generally, women will live in their husband’s house after they are married. It depends on the space in the house, and The colour, design and saying are all of impor- older men who may also live with their wives and his par- tance when purchasing a kanga. In the past the say- ents. Other factors may be the place where the husband ing or proverb was decisive for its acquisition. works and his financial resources with respect to building Linnebuhr states that “when buying a kanga, the their own house. 61 Parkin 2005:53. text is decisive, the picture motif of secondary 63 62 Hilger 1995:44 importance.” According to Hilger, however, this 63 Linnebuhr 1992:82. has changed and the three criteria women have for

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example, may be influenced by their lovers when purchasing new kangas such as “Moyo ndiye muamzui” (“Only the heart decides”). Elderly women can show their status and pride by wearing kangas saying “Mama ni nyumbani” (“The mother is the house”).65 Or a younger woman wears a kanga referring to one’s superior “Mama nisitiri” (“Mother protect me”).66 Sayings for communications between neighbours are still widespread. In particular messages for nosey neighbours are common: “Nilidhani jirani kumbe fisadi mtaani” (“I thought you were a nice neighbour, while you are nothing but a destroyer”), or “Jirani mbaya usimuonee haya” meaning “you should not pay respect to a bad neighbour.”. “Waya waya Fig. 7 Photograph of the ‘kanga-street’ of Zanzibar, hao kwa wenzao hukinibiila ugomvi si wao” conveys Ampaye Street. Photograph by the author. the idea that when some people hear a quarrel, they rush to the sound to know what it is even if it does not concern them, indicating that human nature is very inquisitive.67 By the end of the 1980s, the economic situation was increasingly important. Economic and social problems were escalating on Zanzibar and this was reflected in contemporary sayings on kangas, for example, “Mtumaini cha nduguye hufa maskini” (“One who depends on his brother’s wealth dies poor”), or another: “Nyumba ya maskini haiishi kelele” (“In a poor man’s house quarrels never end”). In Tanzania socio-political involvement and propaganda was printed on kangas. Political parties used kangas as an inexpensive way to reach many people, for example: “Uhuru ni umoja” (“Independence and unity”) and “Afra Shirazi imfanya kazi kutupatia Fig. 8 Photograph of seller of Tanzanian kangas in malazi” (“The Afro Shirazi (party) has worked to the ‘kanga-street’. Photograph by the author. build us homes”).68 Organisations such as the UN have also recognised the propaganda value of the kanga and have used them as a channel of commu- choosing a kanga are (a) the proverb, (b) the qual- nication and for education.69 ity of the cloth and the printing, and (c) the design. In addition, kangas mirror social change and In general, the criteria now used for judging the local trends in music and film. Younger generations kanga have slightly shifted to its overall appearance. focus on modern lifestyles and ‘development’, The proverbs are chosen according to the sentiment which is reflected in both design and proverbs of and spirit they express, and will be donned in appro- their kangas. Fuglesang gives an example of her priate contexts as a personal statement. Colours and various designs are of importance to women as well, and its popularity may vary according to different 64 Hilger 1995:45. age groups. Most women are not concerned about 65 Linnebuhr 1992:82-5. who designed their kangas.64 66 Fuglesang 1994:138. 67 Examples given by Bi Asia, in personal conversations. Based on my personal experience I have found 68 Linnebuhr 1992:85-6. This is in contrast with Kenya where that age and context are the most important criteria such messages were not used. for choosing the right kanga. Young women, for 69 Hilger 1995:45.

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informant, who owns a kanga with a picture of a the design on the cloth rather than its cut. The con- radio and a proverb which stated wisely “sikiza yote cept of changing kanga fashions is not a new phe- fanya lako” (“Listen to everything but do your own nomenon. In 1888, for instance, it is recorded that thing!”). Further, she elaborates on the radio as a new patterns for kangas appeared on the market status symbol for participation in the modern every four weeks. The price charged for the kanga world and for contacts with ideas from near and depended on the popularity of the pattern.72 far.70 The proverbs are generally in Kiswahili. Nowadays, however, prices are fixed depending on However, English sayings have appeared on the where the kanga is produced (with the exception of market as well, for example “Time is money” or those purchased by tourists).73 Although certain “Disco dancer”, the title of a popular Hindi film. ‘classic’ designs are continually being reprinted for Others are aimed for the tourist market. Seasonally, the Zanzibar market, there is still a strong fashion kangas with sayings such as “Hello, Idd mubarak” element in the production and sale of contempo- which is a joyous greeting, uttered in the month rary kangas and the available designs are changed prior to Ramadan emerge on the streets at the on a regular basis (fig. 9).74 appropriate moment.71 The majority of the kangas bought by younger women on the contemporary market in Zanzibar THE ROLE OF KANGAS IN THE LIVES OF WOMEN IN Stone Town are made in India. In the academic lit- CONTEMPORARY ZANZIBAR erature it is noted that more and more kangas are being produced in East Africa itself, which implies The following information regarding kangas and that more and more are being sold. However, what how they are used derives from interviews and I found is that these kangas are more expensive, they informal conversation that I conducted in Zanzibar are not widely available and they do not have all the Stone Town with approximately thirty women vary- different designs associated with the Indian kangas. ing in age from 14 to 53. These interviews took As a result they are not as popular. place during the summer of 2004. Because I am On Zanzibar, most of the older women buy kan- young, female and was living for several months gas themselves. In contrast, the younger generation, with one local, host family, I was probably able to especially the unmarried girls, receive kangas as gifts gain considerably more information and insights from their mothers. The fact that most girls do not into the role of kangas than some (male) scholars purchase their own kangas is probably due to the have been able to do. My host family included me fact that their financial resources are smaller than in all the family’s events and activities. As a result I those of the older women and because they have was able to see kangas in action and to discuss with fewer social occasions when they need to wear my host family their various meanings and impli- them. As girls grow older, they start to attend more cations. In addition, many of the younger female funerals and the communicative aspect of kangas informants were students and we could relate to each other. Another important group of informants worked in various local shops. Again because they were of a similar age it was easier to talk about the role of kangas in their lives. Fashion plays an important role in the purchase (or not) of a kanga. In this context fashion refers to

70 Fuglesang 1994:138. 71 ibid. 72 Linnebuhr 1992:88. 73 The price for a kanga printed in India is Tsh. 1,800, less than $2, while the prices for kangas made in Tanzania and Kenia is approximately Tsh. 3,500. They are even more Fig. 9 A modern example of a relatively ‘old’ kanga with expensive in Oman (Muscat), where kangas can cost about the proverb: “Wawili wakipendana adui hana nafasi” Tsh. 4,000. (“If two people love each other, an enemy has no chance”; 74 Fuglesang 1994:137. 108 ≈ 157 cm, TRC 2004.241).

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becomes more important. Many younger women in the house.76 The famous singer Bi Kidude from also feel that they can utter (non-verbal) disagree- Zanzibar (Fatma bint Baraka) is said to depend on ments through the medium of a kanga, while such her kanga, as it ties up her drum perfectly and no behaviour would be regarded as inappropriate and other fabric can compete with that.77 disrespectful for older women. It is likely that the most salient reason for mothers to buy kangas for Nyumbani: daily activities their daughters is that they have a duty to teach their daughters what is and is not socially accept- Four basic categories can be distinguished for daily able. It is the older female members of a family, the use of kangas: (a) kangas worn in the house, espe- mothers in particular, that acquaint the young cially while in the kitchen (kanga wa kupika); (b) members how to wear kangas, how they can be those lent to guests, (c) pairs of kangas that are used used, and more subtlety the communicative role of in the bedroom (kanga wa kulala), and (d) clean the kanga. In this way a girl learns from an early age kangas worn while praying (kanga wa kusalie). which kanga sayings are appropriate or not in a range of situations. (a) It is common for women to drape a kanga over As stated above with respect to older women, the their dresses in order to protect it against dirt, espe- message on the kanga is the most important factor cially while in the kitchen, much in the same way when deciding to buy a particular kanga or not. as aprons are used. Normally the kanga is knotted When a saying is really inappropriate, for herself or around the wearer’s hips, so that they can sit on the for somebody else, she will not buy the kanga, even ground in the kitchen and wipe their dirty hands. if she likes the general design and colours.75 Kangas also function as a wrap-around when wash- According to my informants the importance of the ing, going for a bath or just before going to bed. saying has shifted slightly. This is most likely due to the fact that my informants were younger than (b) It is normal when a guest arrives for dinner for those of Linnebuhr and Parkin (the latter notes that her to borrow a kanga from the hostess after taking he discussed the kangas with three wives of friends). off her outer garment (buibui; see below). The My informants noted in particularly that when matching veil (mtandio) is replaced by a kanga, buying kangas for themselves, the colour, how it which is used to cover the guest’s hair and upper matched the dress they intended to wear with it, part of her dress. When it is time to leave, the guest and whether it was the latest design were of great returns the kanga and resumes wearing the (clean) importance. Only two women I spoke to answered buibui and mtandio again. to the question ‘what is most important when you choose a kanga’, that it had to have a good proverb. (c) After the children have gone to bed, a wife will Nevertheless, all of the young women I spoke to did choose specific kangas she will wear in the bedroom read the sayings on other women’s kangas very care- with great care. She will perfume them and then fully and they were aware of the role a saying played carefully fold and lay them on the bed, along with in the overall impression that someone was trying fresh jasmine flowers (usamini). This is said to to present. Even among elder women interviewed during my research there was an awareness of the role of design and colour. One informant said that 75 See for example, Linnebuhr 1992:82; Parkin 2005:55. if she wanted a contemporary kanga then she would 76 Fuglesang 1994:137. See Handby and Bygott 1985, and send her daughter to buy one with a specific colour Bogaert 2002 for a broad range of (sometimes obscure) or pattern, but the importance of a good proverb kanga uses. was still stressed. 77 Bi Kidude is a singer and traditional drummer from Zanzibar island. Although she has passed the honourable As noted earlier, the kanga plays an intrinsic part age of 90, she is still performing. She has performed and functions as a multipurpose cloth within throughout the world. In Zanzibar Stone Town a restaurant female society on Zanzibar. They can be used for is dedicated to her (Kidude Restaurant situated in the clothing, notably, veiling the head and shoulders Emerson and Green Hotel, Hurumzi Street). She has played an important role in the emancipation of women in while in and around the house, as well as a baby Zanzibar. She was the first woman to perform in front of carrier, a head-pad for heavy loads, a cloth to cover men, and no secret was made of her wild nightlife (The an object or sleeping person, or simply as a curtain Swahilicoast Publishers 2000).

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reflect her feelings of love for her husband.78 New are turning more and more to the new fashions in brides will be introduced in these practices by older praying dresses, which are long dresses that cover women. Parkin notes that this tradition is found on the full body and are made out of one fabric. They Zanzibar as well as in Mombasa: are made by local women. These praying dresses are easier for the purpose of covering the full body … within the Swahili household, also, close including feet and hands; it can be donned in one female family members, such as a mother, quick and simple way in contrast to the kangas that mother-in-law, aunt or grandmother, may some- have to be tied specifically around the body to pre- times prepare the bedroom for the couple, per- vent them coming loose. haps sprinkling jasmine blossom on the bed sheets and laying out on the bed a pair of kanga Visiting friends chosen for the message, which may be directed at one or both of them, ‘for they will know for Older women in particular will wear kangas as part whom it is intended’. The bedroom this provides of their daily wear around the house. Nearly all a context for kanga usage which may extend women will grab a kanga to cover themselves mod- from the confines of husband-wife intimacy to a estly when popping round to a neighbour. The concern by other members of the household. It ‘neighbourhood’ is a restricted area; its boundaries then extends further into the more public are invisible to outsiders. However, these ‘invisible’ domain of neighbours, friends and other relatives boundaries are used to indicate the implementation outside the immediate household.79 of different dress codes. This became evident to me during a stroll with my host sister in Vuga, There are rumours that some women, even before Zanzibar Stone Town. She had draped a kanga as a the last evening prayer (maghrib) and outside the veil on top of her dress and was ready to see our private space of the bedroom, will wear kangas with neighbour. While passing the gate of our house, I aphoristic sayings in order to indicate their desires. suggested purchasing kohl (uwanja) for decorating But this practice is frowned upon. the eyes prior to seeing our neighbours. The shop Scholars have pointed out that men occasionally was some hundred metres further away. My host do wear kangas, but never in public. Men will sister immediately turned homewards while telling sometimes wear kangas in the bedroom that are me that she had to change her kanga for a buibui given by their wives or lovers. The woman will tie and mtandio due to the change of plans. Puzzled hers up above her breast, while the men wears his by her behaviour I tried to work out where the kanga only around the lower part of his body dhoti boundary laid precisely. It took some time. style (anavaa kiunoni ). An erotic note is added by Eventually one informant pointed out the distance sharing the same pair of kangas. she could walk around in a kanga represented a very limited distance. Personally, she would not (d) The fourth category of household use for kan- leave the stairwell of her flat while wearing a kanga; gas is as ordinary praying attires. Every kanga that while for others a distance of three or four houses is used in this manner must be perfectly clean, it was regarded as the limit. Some younger girls will does not matter how old it is or if there are cuts and go a few houses further. It is this social/dress/dis- holes (see figs. 6a-c).80 Younger women, however, tance restriction that lies behind the fact that when visiting a suburb (mtaa) more women wearing kangas can be seen on the street, while in the city cen- 78 It is common practise for Zanzibari women to perfume tre (mjini) hardly any women could be observed their clothing. A special rack or tripod is placed above an wearing kangas. incense-burner, in which glowing coals are put and incense (udi) is sprinkled. This practise is especially acted out for occasions such as weddings or Islamic festivities or to please Arusini: wedding ceremonies or seduce the husband. 79 Perkin 2005:51. The kanga is an important garment at weddings, 80 An example were the kangas which were used by two sisters, who owned a beauty salon in Zanzibar Stone Town, although much has changed over the last few decades which were discoloured, ripped and pretty old, for they had (fig. 10). In the days of beautification prior to the sayings in Arabic script (see figs. 6a-c). wedding festivities, the bride will wear nothing but

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concerning the derivation of the name of kisutu was told to me by two Zanzibari men, Farouque and Farid.87 They referred to a myth of origin of the kisutu:

During the time this new design kanga came out, there was a woman who killed her husband. The following event had happened; the woman had asked her husband to go and buy this new kanga for her. When he came back empty- handed she became so angry that she killed him. In the interview she had with the police-men Fig. 10 A wedding kanga/kisutu, with the proverb who investigated this case, she was asked which “Hamwishi kunizulia hicho ni chenu kilema” weapons she had used. She answered: “kisu tu!” (“To talk bad about things I have not done, is your (in English: “just a knife”). So from then on this handicap”; 108 ≈ 156 cm, TRC 2004.162). particular kanga is named kisutu.

The kisutu is recognizable by its specific design, a kanga, especially while she is in her wedding which is built up of crosses, flowers and rosettes, in salon.81 In the past, women came to weddings in various proportions. The borders along the trans- matching kangas, in order to indicate their friend- verse edges are much wider than along the longitu- ship or kinship.82 Kangas also formed part of the dinal edges. The crosses in the design may have wedding gift for the bride. In some coastal societies derived from the designs on the handkerchiefs men, who were getting married for the first time, (lesos) the Portuguese brought with them, which send their brides a gift or ‘Sanduku’, which is a suit- symbolize Christianity. case filled with bridal attire, which ranged from outer garments to delicate lingerie. Traditionally it was stated that the success of these wedding gifts did not depend on the amount of gold it included, but on the number of pairs of kangas.83 According to Bi Asia, it was common in Zanzibar Stone Town for the family of the groom to buy lots of kangas for the bride as a gift.84 Nowadays, the kanga still plays an important role at wedding ceremonies. However, the bride is not expected to wear one anymore on the first day of the wedding (siku maalum or siku ya akdi) and nearly all female relatives and friends will have replaced the Fig. 11 Photograph of kisutu without a saying kanga for smart dresses. Only one unmarried girl (108 ≈ 167 cm; TRC 2004.161). told me that she wears kangas to weddings. Despite the kanga’s decline as part of the bridal attire, it still plays an important role in the wedding as many of 81 Fuglesang 1994:137. the gifts to the bride are kangas. 82 See for example, Hilger 1995:44; the Swahilicoast Publishers There is a particular kind of kanga called the 2000. 83 The Swahilicoast Publishers 2000. kisutu, which is given to young brides as part of 84 Bi Asia, pers. comm. their dowry in order to cast off evil and which sym- 85 Hilger 1995:45; the Swahilicoast Publishers 2000. bolizes her entry into adulthood.85 The kisutu is 86 This was pointed out to me by Farouque Abdullah, while one of the earliest forms of kanga and its design can they were composing the kanga exhibition (opened on the 24th of September 2004 in the House of Wonders in be traced back to the six handkerchiefs referred to Zanzibar Stone Town). 86 earlier. Due to its ritual function some kisutus 87 In a personal conversation on September 2004 in Zanzibar have no proverbs printed on them (fig. 11). A story Stone Town.

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Kisutus are also recognizable by their colour weddings I attended.91 The dresses varied in design combinations. A kisutu in black, red and white is and style, depending on individual taste. However, very popular and still worn on the wedding night the pattern and colours remained the same so bind- (see fig. 10). The red colour reflects blood/virgin- ing the women together who were wearing it. These ity, which is very important in Islam. Black stands similar dresses also reflect the close bond these for the pain of being deflowered and white sym- women have, varying from sisters to best friends. bolizes the male seed with which she will be in For attending a wedding of a friend of my host sis- contact with for the first time.88 ter, for example, we bought identical cloth that was Divorced women who are getting married again sewn by our local tailor into Punjabi style dresses.92 are able to wear a kisutu on the wedding night. While my host sister wore her scarf on her head as However, the colours differ from those worn by a veil, I draped mine, as the majority of the Indians virgin brides. In the former case, orange and green do, over my shoulders (fig. 12). kisutus are worn that symbolize the fact that they Elderly women recalled their memories about are no longer virgins. The black and red kisutu is in how in the past the bride would wear a kanga on the particular popular for practical reasons. Stains are first day of the marriage and how a kanga was put hard to identify on these colours, moreover the fact over the hands by the groom indicating that they that they match with the colours of henna paint- were bound in their new marriage.93 Nowadays, on ings on the arms and legs, as well as the design of the first day (akdi) of the wedding the bride will the kanga matching the henna design.89 wear a dress in the colour green, referring to the reli- In former days, a particular kanga was often gious aspect of an Islamic marriage. The second day chosen by the bride or her family, purchased in bulk and then sold to those invited to the wedding festivities. This reflected their family or friendship ties. On a more practical note the money raised by the sale could be used for the wedding expenses.90 This practise (kujitanda kanga ya sare ) was pointed out to me by a woman who had recently had to buy a chosen kanga design which had the proverb: “Mola tunusuru” (“God save us”), which had cost Tsh 2,000 (approximately $2). She had made her own clothing out of the cloth. This phenomenon of wearing clothes made from the same fabric (sare, meaning uniformity) can also be seen at Western- style weddings. Women wore dresses made out of identical sparkling materials at the majority of

88 The Swahilicoast Publishers 2000. 89 Information given by a key informant, summer 2004. 90 Askew 1999:67. 91 During my four months of research, I attended ten weddings that varied in form and length. 92 This was a trendy type of dress, influenced by the very popular Hindi soaps. See Fuglesang (1994) for elaborate study on the influence of mass media, including the Hindi soaps, on women’s dress in Mombasa, Kenya. 93 An average wedding ceremony on Zanzibar lasts for three days. The first day (akdi) is when the groom goes with all the male family members of his family to the mosque, and the papers are officially signed by the groom and the father of the bride. Both bride and groom are dressed more ‘traditionally’ or ‘religiously’ on this day. The man will wear a kanzu, a turban (kilemba) and an Omani belt (mkanda) Fig. 12 Photograph of the author and her host sister with sword. (TRC 2004.187a-c). Photograph courtesy of the author.

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(hall) is more the ‘party’ day, and the bridal dress is usually more inspired by Western fashions and is often in white. On the third and last day, a lunch is served for a selected group of people and there are no fixed dress codes for the bride or the guests.

Sherehe ya kuzaa: birth ceremonies

Kangas are still important cloths that are used for all sorts of functions following the birth of a baby. The kangas are used to cover the bed, as sheets to protect the mattress from getting dirty, as well as for Fig. 13a Photograph of the new kanga bought for washing the baby. Older kangas are sometimes used the occasion of a new born. The saying is as nappies. It is felt that three to eight pairs of “Penzi ni jeraha nipende nione raha” kangas are needed for this period of the first forty (“Love is a sore, love me so that I feel happiness”). days (kabla ya siku arobaini). In the hospital, where the majority of the babies are born, three to four pairs of kangas are used to clean the body of the newborn and the mother, as well as to clean the delivery room itself. Often these ‘bloody’ pairs are simply thrown away. It is tradition to wrap a newborn in a new kanga immediately after birth. Various scholars have argued that these kangas should neither be cut nor sewn. The tradition is seen as transferring prosper- ity, strength, and aesthetic values to the newborn.94 Yet, immediately following the birth of my host- niece she was wrapped in a new kanga that had neatly been cut in two and hemmed around the edges (kupinda kanga; fig. 13a-b). The explanation given by my host-sister for this practice was based on purely practical reasons: an uncut kanga is too Fig. 13b Photograph of the newborn wrapped in large for such a small baby and if a single kanga is the kanga returning home, an hour after her birth in not hemmed then it is might be possible for loose the hospital. Photograph by author. threads to strangle the baby. According to my host- sister, the uncut/unsewn tradition was known to her became convinced of its healing results, and so on but no longer applied. Often the kanga used to advice of the maternity assistant and other female wrap the baby was washed in advance as the mate- friends and family members she agreed to do it after rial tends to be very stiff when new. After being the birth of her second child. washed they are softer and function better as a The practise of tying up mother and child is towel. carried out for forty days, which is the period of rest Additionally, kangas are used by the new moth- allowed for the mother and her baby. After the ers. Sometimes the waist of a just delivered woman fortieth day the baby is allowed outside the house is tightly wrapped with a kanga. This has the func- for the first time and the mother is considered fit tion of a corset to help the enlarged uterus shrink enough to resume her daily duties.95 Due to the back to a normal size. Three kangas were used for this purpose by my host-sister, when she finally agreed to this practise. They were tightly fastened 94 See for example, the Swahilicoast Publishers 2000. around her waist and stomach in order to help 95 This day also marks the end of a forty-day period of a retaining her figure. With her first born she had special diet for the new mother: The Swahilicoast Publishers rejected this practise. However, over time she 2000.

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intensive use of the kangas by both the mother and woman has died the kangas that were not used in child during this short period of forty days, these the mourning ceremonies are distributed among the kangas are normally degraded to use in the kitchen daughters of the deceased, as well as among friends only. From this moment onwards it is not impor- and neighbours. If the deceased has attained a very tant for the baby to wear kangas.96 old age, the number of kangas distributed in this way can even surpass seventy. Mazikoni: mourning ceremonies Funerals are one of the last occasions where kangas are worn by nearly all the women attending Kangas are used in various ways during funeral cer- the ceremonies.98 The majority of women will wear emonies. First of all, the corpse is washed with the kangas as a pair, with one wrapped as a veil over many kangas. These are not thrown away after- their head and shoulders, while the other is wrapped wards, but carefully cleaned and distributed among tightly around the waist (figs. 14-15). These gath- the family of the deceased. Then the whole body is erings are generally held near to the house of the covered with six or more kangas, for Islamic tradi- deceased.99 tion prescribes covering the corpse so it cannot be Whether this place is public or private is dis- seen. In some accounts it is stated that the finest putable. These places are normally just baraza areas, pairs of kangas are utilized for this ritual, as these which are places for chatting in front of the house. imply a sense of the highest respect.97 However, one of my interviewees, who has the special task of washing the deceased, stated that due to a limita- tion in time (the corpse needs to be washed and covered within one or two hours), any kanga is regarded as suitable, with the exception of new kangas that do not absorb water because of the fin- ish applied to their surface. Following the ritual of washing and covering, the pairs of kangas are often sent to the local mosque where they are used by female worshippers while praying. These kangas function as alms from the deceased, while the blessing will go to the deceased. Finally, the kanga functions as an identifier of the gender of the deceased. Women are recognized by a kanga draped on top of the coffin. When a Fig. 14 Photograph of a funeral where all women are wearing kangas. Photograph by the author.

96 There is a difference of dressing a baby between villages and towns, where babies are more commonly dressed in Western style dresses, and rural areas where a kanga is the general garment. 97 The Swahilicoast Publishers 2000. 98 Although kangas belonging to dresses — mtandio wa kanga na kanzu —, which are of lighter material and do not have sayings printed on them, are coming into fashion for they are not as hot as the more thicker, normal kanga, and funerals are held outside in the burning sun during the day. As seen on Figure 14, a shadow is often being created by plas- tic screens to protect at least the family members of the deceased. 99 The house of my host family in Vuga is one of a few where they have a large open space in front of the house, and where eventually houses for the sons will be built. So if a Fig. 15 Detail of a dress for attending funerals made neighbour has passed away then the funeral ceremony is of a kanga designed by Bi Salama. regularly held within their compound, which adds to the The saying “Pole sana” means: “You have my sympathy” sense of privacy. (100 ≈ 150 cm, TRC 2004.163a).

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During these ceremonies, the whole street is often ings, such as “Pokea Eid Mubarak” (something like, blocked off and people will walk around the block “congratulations with Eid Mubarak”) was striking, in order not to disturb the mourning people. In this especially given the fact that this group of sayings way the public space is transformed in a private is poorly represented among the sayings studied by place, where other dress codes count. various scholars. It is possible, however, that the time of these interviews, namely before Ramadan, KISOMO: COLLECTIVE READING OF THE QURAN could have influenced the state of mind of the interviewees as their Islamic activities were becoming Another related ceremony, where the majority of the more pronounced. women attending still wear kangas, is the kisomo. This is the collective reciting of the Quran (“kusoma THE BUIBUI dua, na kupata sadaka” which means to read parts of the Quran in order to obtain religious rewards Reference has been made in this article to a garment from Allah). This ceremony is held on various occa- called the buibui. It would seem helpful at this sions, notably following one week and one month point to say something about the buibui and its after a funeral; on the fortieth day after the birth of relationship to the kanga. In the early and mid- a child, or on other occasions such as for thanking nineteenth century free Muslim women in Zanzibar Allah that somebody is still alive after a serious wore a modesty garment called an ukaya. It was accident. I was fortunate to be present on one such made out of a large piece of indigo dyed cloth that occasion (a thanks giving ceremony). During the was thrown over the shoulders in a similar manner ceremony I observed that of the nineteen women to a mantel. During the mid-nineteenth century the present, eight women were wearing two kangas, ukaya was replaced in both Zanzibar and eastern while five were wearing a single kanga over their Africa (notably in Mombasa), by another garment head, which was worn with a dress; six others wore namely the buibui (fig. 16). Nowadays, the buibui lighter kanga that matched the dress, and only one is regarded as a Zanzibar garment in both Oman was without a kanga whatsoever. and Zanzibar and people think that it was introduced from Zanzibar into Oman. THE POPULARITY OF KANGAS A traditional buibui is made in three sections: a skirt, a cape and a face veil, which are sewn together One of the questions posed right at the beginning (fig. 17). It is worn with the cape over the shoulders of this article was whether kangas have lost their popularity among young women in Zanzibar. Based on my fieldwork I would say no. Indeed only one person answered negatively when she was asked whether she would wear a kanga at all. Its communicative function has not disappeared within the female world and discourses. One older woman told me that there are still fights in which kangas are used. For example, at weddings where wives meet their rivals and silent conversations are carried out about the man in question as to whom he loves more. Contrary to the conclusions expressed by Parkin, only some women, a total of five in fact, answered that they preferred mysterious sayings, while the others were in favour of direct sayings such as “Arusi njema”, “Have a nice wedding.” My informants quoted a wide range of different kanga proverbs, on the question which proverb or saying they liked Fig. 16 Photograph of a Zanzibar street with two women most. Sayings concerning ‘mama’ were very popu- wearing the buibui (1960s; photograph by R.T. Oza, lar, yet the fact that many favoured religious say- Zanzibar; TRC collection).

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Kangas were donned outside as an informal alternative for the formal buibui. He continues with an example of the dynamic fashion of these garments. He notices a rapid change within only seven months, in 1992 to 1993, namely that the colourful kanga was superseded by the more religious oriented buibui, when women were in public places.101 At first men tried to prevent the female religious radicalism which was expressed in the wearing of the black buibui. They wanted women to wear the more colourful and popular kangas.102 Women on the other hand, claimed that these changes were determined by the women themselves and that they were enjoying the way in which they used clothing to make statements about themselves.103 Nowadays, the buibui is preferred above the kanga as the appropriate garment when going outside, especially in Fig. 17 The basic construction of the traditional urban areas. Zanzibar buibui. A: veil, B: cape, C: skirt One thing that struck me while in Zanzibar is (based on TRC 2004.140) that young women value the kanga differently than those from an older generation. Of the young and with the long face veil section being draped over women I asked, some 83% said that the kanga was the head and down the front of the body. In some much more important for elder women, while only cases the veil reaches the knees or even the ankles. 17% thought that kangas were just as important for However, this ‘old’ type is nowadays only worn by them. Some women explained why older women the elderly. wear kangas: “because it is the culture” and it was The use of the buibui dates back to the mid- a way in which “they could cover their body, but nineteenth century when it was regarded as an out- still feel shiny and attractive in them without feel- door garment for free Muslim women. Following ing isolated” (in comparison to the buibui). These the abolition of slavery in 1907, many ex-slaves comments were also made in relation to the adopted the buibui as a sign of their new status. younger women: “kangas develop and conserve the This ‘new’ fashion remained very popular among traditions of Zanzibar”, and it is a way of “looking former slaves and free-born women of higher respectful” and “to cover the body like Allah says”. classes, indicating, as Fair argues, “a public state- Looking at the kanga’s communicative aspect: ment by Zanzibari of their disdain for attempts to “young women wear kangas for enjoying themselves perpetuate social hierarchies based in slavery.”100 and also to reflect on the proverbs.” These quotes Parkin notes the interchangeability of the buibui summarize the two basic characteristics of kangas: with the kanga in the 1960s when in public places. the importance of this cloth as a proper and traditional dress, and the proverbs and sayings that are printed on them.

100 Fair 1994:22. Former male slaves also adopted dress styles CONCLUSION which had been prohibited prior to the abolition of slavery. However, men did not invent a new style of dress, they just started to wear the white kanzu, a long calico gown To return to the title of this paper: are kangas still with either the kofia (an embroidered cap), or the tarbush, the voice of young women on Zanzibar? Based on an Egyptian version of the Turkish fez. Their costume my fieldwork I have to answer “yes, even after remained primarily the same from the nineteenth century a hundred years”. It is a living, constantly develop- through to the end of the colonial period (Fair 1994:24-5). 101 Parkin 2005:53-54. ing mode of dress: fashions in kanga designs, 102 Parkin 2005:54. colours and proverbs have changed over the years, 103 ibid. nevertheless they still express an inner voice on a

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publicly visible garment. Kangas are often used by all, as Transberg states, second hand clothing has women to communicate with men. However, it is always been incorporated in the dress styles present also a means of communication between women in a particular culture.107 ‘Ethnic’ clothing is not themselves: daughter to mother, daughter-in-law to just substituted by second-hand clothing from mother, neighbours and friends, and so forth. The Europe or America. Furthermore, I disagree with last group, neighbours and friends is becoming their assumption that the threat comes from the more and more important especially among West. Like Parkin I am more inclined to see the younger women. Is this due to a more emancipated pan-Arabic influences, as the Saudi buibui abayeh, Swahili society? Are these young women standing namely an abayeh that is worn over the shoulders up for themselves and no longer define themselves with a separate head covering and face veil (niqab), only in relation to their husband? Unfortunately, as a greater threat to the daily use of wearing the this short period of research was not sufficient to kanga outside the home or compound.108 It is answer this question to the degree I should wish. through the changed notion of dress and fashion, Parkin draws on his own experiences when he states in relation to the more austere definition of Islamic that: modesty that may be causing the kanga to disappear from the public sphere. It is now an important I can confirm from observation that the themes item of leisure time dress in the private sphere. of the proverbs have remained broadly the same Nevertheless it remains an important element of over at least a 30-year period, principally focus- funeral ceremonies that take place in a sphere that ing on men-women relations and sexuality, is considered to be private. On the other hand, though sometimes behind an apparently inno- kangas have existed for more than a hundred years cent and even pious declaration.104 and despite many changes in dress fashions (due to internal and external influences), it has retained its Although he remarks that there have been variations essential functions, general appearance and ability in the themes discussed in the sayings, such as a to communicate within the female domain. It will changing economical climate and a decrease in be interesting to see what happens to this flexible polygamy, yet his comment still does not do justice garment over the next few decades. to the range of proverbs, sayings and texts, demon- strated in this article. Not only are there sayings that BIBLIOGRAPHY pay respect to the family of a deceased or extol the virtues of mothers, there are also many sayings that Askew, K.M., 1999, “Female circles and male lines: gender dynamics along the Swahili coast,” Africa Today 46(3/4), stress the wearer’s Islamic beliefs. When looking to pp. 66-102. its popularity among young Arabic women from Barnes, R. and J.B. Eicher, 1992, Dress and Gender, New York Zanzibar Stone Town in recent times, I cannot con- and Oxford. firm this statement, for it underestimates the rich- Barnes, R. (ed.), 2005. Textiles in Indian Ocean Societies, ness of the numerous types of kangas and their London and New York. Beck, R. M., 1995, “Text als Textil: die Kanga,” in: Wort- dynamic usage in various female age groups. wechsel. Sprache und Kommunikationsnetze. (Beitrage zur Furthermore, my fieldwork has shown to me feministischen Theorie und Praxis. 40) Cologne. that the argument that kangas are only worn for Beck, R. M., 2001, “Ambiguous signs: the role of the kanga as their saying or proverb is not always the case, for a medium of communication,” Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere (68), pp. 157-169. example when women lend and borrow a kanga Beck, R.M., 2000. “Aesthetics of communication: texts on while visiting.105 The situation is much more com- textiles (‘leso’) from the East-African coast (Swahili),” plicated. There are other aspects that are of equal Research in African Literatures, 31(4), pp. 104-124. importance, such as design and colour. The latter, Bogaert, P., 2002, The Krazy Book of Kangas, Zanzibar. for instance, is of growing importance as more and more younger women want to match the colour of the kanga with their dresses. Both Hilger and Linnebuhr conclude their 104 Parkin 2005:52. 105 See for example, Beck 2005. papers with a discussion of the threat to the kanga 106 Hilger 1995:45; Linnebuhr 1992:90. posed by the second hand clothing industry from 107 Transberg 2000:5. the West, mainly since the mid 1980s.106 First of 108 Parkin 2005:53.

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