Ahmed Abdalla
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CLOSE UP 61 The Youth Leader In Spring 2003 after the US-led invasion of Ahmed Abdalla: Youth Leader, Iraq, I met Ahmed Abdalla (1950-2006) Intellectual, and Community Worker with friends at a small restaurant near the American University of Beirut. They intro- duced him to me as one of the leaders of the Egyptian student movement in the 1970s. That evening, we engaged in long political conversations on the dark future of the Arab region and listened to Sheikh Imam songs. Sheikh Imam and poet Ahmed Fouad Nigm were major cultural symbols of left-wing politics and popular mobilization in Egypt in the 1970s. Even today, I can recall the imprint of Abdalla’s charming presence, conviviality, wit, and charisma. I met him for few times after that encounter but it was the 2011 Egyptian revolution that reintroduced contentious politics to Egyptian and Arab political life and that led me to rediscover Ahmed Abdalla, not only as the leader of the stu- dent movement in its 1971-1973 moments, but as an intellectual and a community worker who spent his life struggling for Egypt’s national cause, its youth, and underprivileged classes. Abdalla’s rele- vance to Egyptian politics today is observed at two junctures: when the polit- Helena Nassif ical sphere in Egypt opened post-2011 and he became a symbol of continuity with a Keywords: Egypt; legacy of Ahmed problematic past of social mobilization and political Abdalla; political struggle; generational struggle; and as the political sphere is Middle East – Topics & Arguments #09–2017 CLOSE UP 62 closing again, his life as well as his writings of young people to gain a “new courage” total national surrender (Hisham). In the proved to contain valuable insight into to self-organise and engage in politics late 1960s early 1970s, large numbers of understanding the disquiet Egypt is living (“Egyptian Generation” 74). The “most politicised students became attracted to in today. A student political leader, an aca- vocal expression of public unrest follow- Marxist literature and revolutionary theory demic graduate of Cambridge, and an ing the defeat of 1967” was the student as part of a global movement inspired by Old Cairo grassroots development actor, uprising of February 1968, where students the Cuban Revolution, the Vietnam resis- studying the history of Abdalla’s margin- across ideological divides confronted tance against the US, and other self-deter- alisation by the Egyptian regime helps us Nasser’s regime (Abdalla, “Student mination and national independence to understand the relationship between Movement” 149). Abdalla’s role grew from movements. Majority-youth Marxist organ- challenging power at the levels of youth participating in what he described as “a isations of all sizes were established. activism, intellectual pursuit, and grass- reaction to the 1967 defeat” (“Egyptian Abdalla did not belong to any organised roots social work, and the challenges an Generation” 77) to leading a “rebellion” political group, for he was known to prefer intellectual has to endure to remain hon- against the Sadat regime’s control over his intellectual and political independence est to his ideals and to his independent youth and their organisations (“Student but associated himself with the left-wing search for knowledge. Movement” 176). At the age of twenty-two, socialist student movement (Al-Talaba 16). Abdalla was named a leader of the stu- Countering this movement stood students A social liberal and an economic socialist, dent movement, where he played a major with a different ideology, establishing Abdalla belonged to the generation role in the January 1972 student uprising al-Jamāʿat al-Islāmiyyat (the Islamic whose questions, struggles, and motives and the mobilisations of the subsequent Groups), a new political Islamic hybrid linked the personal to the national and the academic year 1972/1973, leading to his trend influenced by the Muslim global. To write about Ahmed Abdalla, detention in December of that year.1 Brotherhood and Salafism, or what they one cannot help but start from the major considered to be an alternative to a “failed formative life-marker on Abdalla and his Abdalla’s 1970s generation challenged Nasserist dream” (Tamam 8). Abdalla iden- generation, the June 1967 Egyptian mili- Nasser’s legacy, even while they contin- tified the “radical left” and the “Islamic fun- tary defeat and subsequent occupation of ued to be inspired by the Third World damentalists” as the major “polar oppo- Sinai by Israel, known as Naksa. Abdalla National Liberation Movements he was sites” organising, recruiting, and described the defeat he experienced as a part of. Their rebellion against the regime mobilising students (Abdalla, Al-Talaba seventeen-year-old as a “great psycho- questioned its ways but not its goals. They 413). This polarization within the student logical shock” which shattered the world- requested democracy as a means to hold body was encouraged by Sadat’s govern- view, ideas, and concepts of his genera- accountable those responsible for the mental policies. For while Islamist students tion (Abdalla, “Egyptian Generation” 71). It military defeat, to allow freedom of participated in the student uprising of also destabilised the Nasser regime and thought and political organisation, and to 1968 as part of a general student mobilisa- as a result allowed “a rebellious minority” mobilise against the defeat becoming a tion bringing together different ideolo- Middle East – Topics & Arguments #09–2017 CLOSE UP 63 gies, Islamists in 1972 marched against the Amin). Abdalla hung this article as a wall towards their political mobilisation among student occupation of the University Hall magazine on 28 October 1972 at the students, and its clampdown on the stu- and chanted against communism. What Faculty of Economics and Political Science dent movement and the Marxist organisa- came to be called the 1970s’ student at Cairo University, where he was studying. tions as part of a pro-US Cold War align- movement, which Abdalla led in its 1972 In the article he asserted that ment. It was the liquidation of that moment, is thus a congregation of a gen- generation’s consciousness that was more erally left-leaning block bringing together “the student movement was not a per- difficult. They remained active in resisting the radical left and the Arab nationalists son or another who could be watched the implications of the Camp David who took the name of Nasserists. This or monitored, but the cause of libera- Accords to build relationships between movement excludes the Islamic students ting a country, and as long as liberation Israel and Egypt by initiating anti-normal- who were growing in power and who is postponed, the situation keeps ris- isation campaigns. Abdalla left Egypt for slowly succeeded in exerting their control king to escalate” (Amin 101). the UK following his long 1973 detention; over the Egyptian University, winning the however, he did not give up and sought a seat of president of the Cairo student He added that deeper understanding of the history of union in 1975 (Taman). Abdalla was not in the student movement and its role in Egypt then to witness this shift. In 1974, he “the intellectual differences among stu- Egyptian national politics. His research moved to the United Kingdom, after he dents are all fused in the crucible of nati- culminated in a Ph.D. thesis later pub- had spent nine months in prison onal views”, and that “the central securi- lished in both English (1985) and Arabic (December 1972 – September 1973). He ty might succeed in liquidating protests (2007). was number one on a list of 56 students and sit-ins, but it cannot succeed in li- accused of quidating conscious minds” (Amin 102). The Intellectual Abdalla’s intellectual project was indistin- “publishing false news and rumours”, Consciousness in this context is a shared guishable from his political project of “inciting the students”, and “collabo- generational preoccupation with ques- social liberalism and economic socialism. rating” amongst each other in order tions regarding Egypt’s liberation, free- He started a self-funded Ph.D. at King’s to “disturb the public order, harm the dom, and progress. The slow liquidation College Cambridge during his second public interest, and attack the existing of the movement, however, happened as year in the UK. He worked in different regime” (Amin 624-6). a result of Sadat gaining legitimacy after kinds of occupations, ranging from menial fighting the 1973 war with Israel. The stu- restaurant jobs to research work at the One of the confiscated documents the dent movement lost fighting the war as its Arab Planning Institute in Kuwait. He chose judges used to interrogate Abdalla in 1973 main organising impetus. The Islamic his dissertation topic, “The Student was a handwritten article titled “What is groups grew in power benefiting from the Movement and National Politics in Egypt”, the Student Movement?” (republished in Sadat regime’s laissez-aller attitude based on a clear historic and generational Middle East – Topics & Arguments #09–2017 CLOSE UP 64 positionality, an awareness he said he impacted only those within the scope of power (Abdalla, Al-Jāmiʿ 136). Secondly, shared with the 1970s generation of active Abdalla’s influence in Egypt, an influence intellectual elites failed to prove their students, who in seeking historical knowl- excluded to the margins of the Egyptian respect for democratic processes within edge of Egypt’s student movement since state’s intellectual, media, and political life. their parties and organizations (138). This independence, sought inspiration for their In order to understand the type of intel- can also be extended to the political strug- own political movement (Abdalla, lectual Abdalla constituted, it is necessary gle in general, where they have expressed Al-Talaba 15). Abdalla neither approached to build on his differentiation between two weak commitment to the democratic tra- the generational issue from a perspective trends of intellectuals engaged in social dition, especially with regards to the rep- of bias towards his generation nor eulo- change in Egypt.