Royal Women and Politics in Safavid Iran

Home , Abdal, Akhbar (Shia Islam), Ibrahim I of Shirvan, Lala (title), Nafs, Roger Savory

Nazak Birjandifar Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University, Montreal December 2005

A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts

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TABLE OF CONTENTS iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v

ABSTRACT vi

RÉSUMÉ vii

INTRODUCTION 1

CHAPTERONE 8

Introduction 8

The Creation of the Safavid State 9

The Qizilbàsh 13

The Safavids and Islamization 15

The Political Dynamic of the Early Safavid State 16

Transformation of the Shah's Image 20

Shah 1ahmasb and the Qizilbiish 23

The Significance of Georgian and Circassian Slaves 24

CHAPTER TWO 26

Introduction 26

The Political Significance of Marriage in the Safavid Dynasty 26

Safavid Women and Education 32

Financial Status and Economic Activities 37

Safavid Women and War 41

The Political Activities of Safavid Women 42

III CHAPTER THREE 49

Introduction 49

Pari Khan Khanum 50

Pari Khan Khanum and the Politics of the Safavid Court 55

The Death of Shah Tahmasb 1 and the Tumult at the Court 61

The Victory of Parï Khan Khanum 63

The Controversy Surrounding the Death of Shah Isma'ïllI 70

Shah Isma'il II's Successor 71

Mahd-i 'Vlya 77

Mahd-i 'Vlya and Political Power 80

The Reign of Shah MuJtammad Khudabandah: Qizilbiish Factionalism and Foreign Intrusions 81

'Abbas MIrza and the Governorship of Herat 85

The Mazandaran Crisis 88

The Violent Death of Mahd-i 'Vlya 93

CONCLUSIONS 97

PARI KHAN KHANUM'S LETTER TO SHAH ISMA'IL Il 102

~R~C~D 1~

IV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost, 1 would like to thank my thesis supervisor, Professor RuIa J. Abisaab, for her guidance and encouragement throughout the production of this thesis.

1 especially wish to thank Salwa Ferahian and Wayne St. Thomas for aIl their assistance in the Islamic Studies Library. Our graduate administrative staff, Ann Yaxley and Kirsty

McKinnon, have also been very kind and helpful whenever 1 needed assistance.

1 am very grateful to Eliza Tasbihi for her help and suggestions in the translation part of this the sis. My special thanks go to Heather Empey for her help with the French abstract.

1 would like to thank Amelia GaIlagher and Faika Çelik for their friendship and support. 1 thank my father, Alireza Birjandifar, for his support as weIl as for providing me with sorne of the sources 1 needed for the writing of this thesis.

Most of all 1 would like to thank my husband, Aaron S. Johnson, for his tremendous help with the proofreading and editing of this work. There are no words that can de scribe the depth of my gratitude for his patience, support and encouragement.

v ABSTRACT

This thesis is a study of two major figures among the royal Safavid women in the sixteenth century, with a special focus on their political activities and style ofleadership. 1 examine the socio-political careers of Pari Khan Khanum (955-985/1548-1578) and

Mahd-i 'Vlya (d.987/1579) in connection with family and dynastic politics as weIl as the power struggle and factionalism among the qizilbiish tribes. A detailed analysis of these powerful female political figures of the Safavid court leads one to conclude that first, royal women faced particularly complex social and personal restrictions, but nonetheless sorne managed - through their privileged status as upper-class women with access to education, wealth, and social and family networks - to advance their careers in politics.

Second, these women were subject to the political rules and games of their time but faced additional impediments, for they competed with other women such as co-wives, sisters in-Iaw and others for social recognition and influence, at times leading to the ruthless elimination of female and male rivaIs. Third, Safavid women came to play an active role in shaping central political decisions and the succession of sovereigns. This reflects not merely gendered semi-nomadic Turcoman roi es but also urban Iranian-Islamic transitional traditions which are comparable to Ottoman and 'Abbasid counterparts.

VI RÉSUMÉ

Ce mémoire est une étude de deux personnages importants parmi les femmes royales safavides au seizième siècle, soulignant leurs activités politiques et leurs qualités de chef.

On examine les carrières sociopolitiques de Parï Khàn Khànum (955-985/1548-1578) et de Mahd-i 'Ulya (m.987/1579) par rapport à la politique familiale et dynastique ainsi qu'aux luttes pour le pouvoir et au factionnalisme parmi les tribus qizilbiish. Une analyse détaillée de ces puissants personnages politiques féminins de la cour safavide nous mène

à conclure que, premièrement, les femmes royales devaient affronter des restrictions sociales et personnelles particulièrement complexes. Néanmoins, certaines parmi elles ont réussi - grâce à leur position privilégie comme femmes aristocratiques avec accès à l'éducation, l'argent, et à des réseaux sociaux et familiaux - à faire une carrière importante dans la politique. Deuxièmement, ces femmes ont fait face aux règles et aux jeux politiques de leur époque mais elles ont aussi affronté des obstacles additionnels, lorsqu'elles devaient entrer en concurrence avec d'autres femmes (tel que les autres femmes de leurs maris, leurs belles-sœurs et d'autres) afin d'obtenir une meilleure position sociale et de l'influence, les menant parfois à éliminer de sang froid des rivaux, aussi bien femmes qu'hommes. Troisièmement, les femmes safavides ont commencé à jouer un rôle actif vis-à-vis l'élaboration de décisions politiques centrales et la question de la succession des souverains. Ceci nous rappelle non seulement les rôles joués par les femmes semi-nomades turcomanes mais aussi les rôles traditionnels et transitionnels des femmes urbaines irano-islamiques, avec des comparaisons possibles avec les femmes ottomanes et abbasides.

vu INTRODUCTION

Historians until recently have not investigated the nature ofwomen's political activities in pre-modem Islamic societies in depth. Over the years historians have included a brief mention of women in their studies of medieval Islamic societies, many of which have suffered from overgeneralization or misrepresentation of historical forces shaping the status and roles of Muslim women in distinct geographical settings.

Leslie Peirce's The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire) is a groundbreaking work which successfully challenges the commonly held view that the exercise of power by the women of the Ottoman court was an illegitimate practice which resulted in the decline of the empire. Pierce provides us with a detailed account of the conditions which enabled women of the harem to exercise political control in the sixteenth and seventeenth century Ottoman state. Peirce challenges the existing literature which represents the political assertiveness of women as an "illegitimate usurpation of power," arguing instead that "the power of Ottoman royal women was too broadly and

1 Leslie P. Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).

1 publicly expressed and too embedded in the structure of imperial institutions for it to be simplistically dismissed as illegitimate.,,2 Peirce's book looks at the evolution of the dynastic policies of marri age and reproduction modes to further illustrate the role women played in shaping dynastic politics and the importance given to them as members of the

Ottoman household.

One of the major works on medieval Muslim women is the collection edited by Gavin

R.G. Hambly, Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety.3 This book is a collection of essays on women in the Muslim World in general, with several essays dedicated to women in the Safavid era. Kathryn Babayan's "The "Aqa'ïd al-

Nisa": A Glimpse at Safavid Women in Local l.sIahanï Culture" sheds sorne light on the life of women in seventeenth century Isfahan through her study and analysis of '" Aqa'ïd al-Nisa' ," a literary source written by a cleric during the reign of Shah Sulayman (1666-

1694) directed at women's beliefs and practices. In the first half of the article before proceeding to the examination of the '" Aqa'ïd al-Nisa' ," Babayan introduces the reader to the political activities of women in the sixteenth century, stating that "in the sixteenth century Turko-Mongol traditions were interlaced with Irano-Islamic attitudes and practices among the Turko-Iranian population of Safavid Iran.'''' ln regards to women's political activities at the court Babayan gives much weight to the Turko-Mongol political tradition where "they shared power, which was distributed in the form of appanages,

2 Ib·d1 ., Vlll.... 3 Gavin R.G. Hambly, ed., Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998). 4 Kathryn Babayan, "The "'Aqa'Id al-Nisa"': A Glimpse at Safavid Women in Local I.sfâhanI Culture," in Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety, ed. Gavin R.G. Hambly (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998),352.

2 among the entire dynastie house, male and female."s At the same time she suggests that the notion of authority invested in the whole family, both male and female, can also be attributed to the "ancient Iranian notions offarr [New Persian] or xvaranah [Avestan], a divine grace bestowed upon the dynastie family.,,6 It is unclear, though, from Babayan how this ancient conception is written into Safavid royal practices and how it interacts with social class, economic systems or rural vs. urban settings.

Maria Szuppe's article "La participation des femmes de la famille royale à l'exercice du pouvoir en Iran safavide au XVIe siècle," also argues that the active role of Safavid women in the political and public spheres is derived from the customs of qizilbëzsh nomadic tribal society, which gave a greater degree of independence to women and more importance to maternaI blood ties. 7 ln another similar study, Szuppe states that "Turko-

Mongol nomadic cultural tradition, as compared with Irano-Islamic customs of settled people, gave a much larger place to women's social and political activities and to family blood ties on both paternal and maternai sides."s Yet, among the qizilbëzsh military elites who partake in the Safavid imperial culture these nomadic traditions were undergoing change, because many nomadic values are hardly suitable for royal urban cultures.

Although both Babayan and Szuppe's arguments reflect the importance of the Turko-

Mongol tradition in enhancing women's political visibility in Safavid society, they

5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., 353. 7 Maria Szuppe, "La participation des femmes de la famille royale à l'exercice du pouvoir en Iran safavide au XVIe siècle, Première partie: L'importance politique et sociale de la parenté matrilinéaire," Studia Iranica 23, no. 2 (1994), 211. 8 Maria Szuppe, "Status, Knowledge, and Politics: Women in Sixteenth-Century Safavid Iran," in Women in Iranfrom the Rise ofIslam to 1800, ed. Guity Nashat and Lois Beck (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2003), 141.

3 completely fail to account for the role ofIslamic (in both cases) and Iranian (in Szuppe's case) traditions in the lives of the royal Safavid women. Szuppe's focus on the role of

Turkish nomadic traditions leads to an oversimplified view of the very complex cultural setting of the Safavid empire, which consisted of Islamic, Turko-Mongol, and Iranian traditions. As Kishwar Rizvi has rightly pointed out:

T 0 assume that Safavid women were aberrations within the social structure of Islam is to present a monodimensional aspect of both the religion and of them. In addition, the nomadic Mongol customs of the thirteenth century cannot adequately explain the choices that defined society in the sixteenth century, ofwhich the Turkmen elite were an integral component.9

Nevertheless, Szuppe's work on Safavid women remains a valuable contribution. Her research contains important historical information and attempts to fill the existing gap in the scholarship on women in the Safavid era. In her "The 'Jewels Of Wonder': Leamed

Ladies and Princess Politicians in the Provinces of Early Safavid Iran,,,IO Szuppe provides us with much insight into the situation of leamed Safavid women through the mid- sixteenth century source Javiihir al- 'Ajiiyib, a biographical work written by MulIammad b. Muh.ammad Amïrï, also known as Fakhrï of Herat. 11

9 Kishwar Rizvi, "Gendered Patronage: Women and Benevolence during the Eârly Safavid Empire," in Women, Patronage, and Self-Representation in Islamic Societies, ed. D. Fairchild Ruggles (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000), 124. 10 Maria Szuppe, "The 'Jewe\s of Wonder': Leamed Ladies and Princess Politicians in the Provinces of Early Safavid Iran," in Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety, ed. Gavin R.G. Hambly (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998),325-47. 11 Another study of Safavid women is Ronald Ferrier's "Women in Safavid Iran: The Evidence of European Trave\ers," which gives us a thorough account of European travelers' observations on women in Safavid Iran, though Ferrier does not de al with Persian primary sources. See Ronald W. Ferrier, "Women in Safavid Iran: The Evidence of European Travelers," in Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety, ed. Gavin R.G. Hambly (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998),383-406.

4 Banafshah I:Iijazï, an Iranian writer and poet, is the first contemporary Iranian writer to dedicate an entire book to women in Safavid Iran. Her ~a 'ifah: Barrasï-yi Jiiygiih-i Zan-i

Ïriinï dar 'A.sr-i $afavï 12 brings together many passages relevant to women, taken from primary sources. However, I:Iijazï does not provide much analysis of the sources.

In comparison to the above scholarship on women in Safavid Iran, my thesis will examine the exercise of power by two prominent women of the royal family within the context of the Safavid sovereign's relationship to the military elite, the qizilbiish, the court politics and the political dynamics of the harem. In other words, 1 will throw light on several facets of female political ascendancy at the court drawing upon elements of Turko-

Mongol traditions, qizilbiish nomadic practices, and newly established Muslim notions of female power. 1 take as a case study the lives and political careers of two powerful

Safavid women of the sixteenth century, namely Parï Khan KhfulUm (955-985/1548-

1578), daughter of Shah Tahmasb 1 (930-984/1524-1576); and Mahd-i 'Vlya, also known as Khayr al-Nisa' Begum (d.987/1579), wife of Shah Muhammad Khudabandah (985-

996/1578-1588). Pan Khan Khanum was a great advisor to her father and took part in the political affairs of the state. She created her own political faction at the court in support of her candidate for the throne. Moreover, in between the transition of power from one shah to another, she managed to keep the state intact and acted as the de facto mler. Parï Khan

Khanum was assassinated by Mahd-i 'Vlya, who refused to share her power with such an influential rival, in 985/1578.

12 Banafshah Bijazï, la 'ifah: Barrasf-yi Jiiygiih-i Zan-i Ïriinf dar 'A~r-i Safavf (Tehran: Qa:;ïdahsara, 1381/2002).

5 Mahd-i 'Ulya's political ascendancy is usually presented as a unique outcome of her husband Shah M$ammad Khudabandah' s blindness and overall weakness of character.

Mahd-i 'Ulya took control of the affairs of government and was the effective ruler from

February 1578 to July 1579, when she was assassinated by one of the major factions of the qizilbëJsh. During this time she shaped court politics and took important decisions.

This study is divided into three chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter begins by looking at the historical background of the Safavid state. 1 will highlight the outlook and character of the Sufi order from which the Safavid order emerged in 1501 with the military support of its Turcoman followers, the qizilbëJsh. A look at the dynamics of the

Safavid state, Turcoman tribal factionalism and Turko-Iranian rivalry, will enable us to put the activities of our female figures into the broader context of Safavid political history.

The second chapter looks at the social, economic, and political status of sixteenth century

Safavid royal women. 1 discuss the means by which the se women participated in public life and how their education and their social upbringing at the court enabled them to assume important control of court relations. The economic independence of these women also helped them take part in the public sphere as patrons of art and architecture and as agents of charitable and religious endowments. This chapter ends by looking at the range of socio-political activities conducted by Safavid royal women.

6 The third and final chapter is then dedicated to the life and career of ParI Khan Khanum and Mahd-i 'Ulya. In this chapter 1 discuss in detail ParI Khan Khanum's upbringing at the court, her educational background, and her political activities. Moreover, 1 assess her political career in light of the political dynamic of the court. In the second part of the chapter 1 look at the life and career of Mahd-i 'Ulya, who eliminated ParI Khan Khanum as her political rival and managed the affairs of the court for one and a half years. 1 further look at the challenges Mahd-i 'Ulya was faced with while advancing her political career, covering the important events of her short mIe, and discussing the events leading to her violent death at the hands of the qizilbash.

7 CHAPTERONE

Introduction

This chapter briefly examines the creation of the Safavid state and other historical developments relevant to this study. This includes a discussion of the relationship between the shah and his qizilbiish foIlowers, who played a major role in the creation of the Safavid state. The Safavid state was based on the military and political support of the qizilbiish, who remained active players in Safavid politics throughout the sixteenth century. The rivalry among the different factions of the qizilbiish, as weIl as between qizilbiish and Iranians, dominated the political scene for most of the sixteenth century. An overview of the political dynamics of the Safavid state in general will thus enhance our understanding of the political atmosphere in which the main subjects of this study began their political careers.

8 The Creation of the Safavid State

After defeating Alvand Mïrza, the Aq Quyünlü ruler of Azerbaijan, in the summer of

906/1501, Isma'ï! 1 (r.906-930/1501-1524) entered Tabriz and ascended the throne. He took the title of shah and began his rule in the name of the twelve Imams, introducing

Shï'ism as the official state religion. 13 He founded the Safavid dynasty and established the

Safavid rule in Iran which was to continue until 1148/1736. He spread his rule first over

Azerbaijan but over the course of ten years he managed to take control over the rest of

Iran. In 1503 he captured Hamadan which enabled him to control central and southem

Iran, then the northem provinces of Mazandaran and Gilan were subjugated in 1504. The capture of Yazd, Diyarbakir, and Baghdad (which only lasted for a short while) was followed by the conquest of Shirvan and Khurasan. By 1509/1 0 Shah Isma'ï! managed to control aIl these territories. 14 After conquering and capturing aIl these territories the

Safavids managed to establish a "strong, enduring state in Iran after centuries of foreign rule and a lengthY period ofpolitical fragmentation.,,15

Isma'ï! was the son of I:Iaydar, head of the Safavid Sufi order. This order, located in

Ardabil, was founded by Shaykh Safi al-Dïn Ispaq (649-734/1252-1334) during the

Ilkhanid period. Shaykh Safi al-Dïn Ispaq's Sufi order had "influence among the

Turkman tribes, who since the Mongol conquest had been roaming in a more or less

13 'Abdal-ijusayn Nava'ï and' Abbasqulï GhatIarï Fard, Tarïkh-i Talzavalat-i Siyasï, Ijtima 'ï, Iqt~sadïva Farhangï-yi Ïran dar Düran-i Safaviyah (Tehran: Samt, 1381),63. 14 Roger Savory, Iran under the Safavids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 35. 15 Hans R. Roemer, "The Safavid Period," in The Cambridge Histary afIran, vol. 6, The Timurid and Safavid Periads, ed. Peter Jackson and Laurence Lockhart (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 189.

9 nomadic fashion.,,16 Shaykh Safi was a well-respected Sufi leader under the Mongols and most of the inhabitants of Ardabil were his followers. 17 In his Safavid Order, Shaykh Safi managed to establish "a firm basis for future development through the great number of supporters which he won for it and the prosperity with which he endowed it.,,18 His followers continued to respect his family even after his death, and the religious authority that they enjoyed among the masses contributed to Shah Isma'Il' s success in defeating tribal rule aIl over Iran and in creating a strong state.

Michel Mazzaoui has argued that while the Safavid Order's influence and importance were on the rise throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Azerbaijan, Anatolia and Khurasan, its leaders remained simple Sufis. But by the time Shah Isma'Il's grandfather, Shaykh Junayd, became the head of the order, a significant change occurred in the Order. Mazzaoui notes that

With the succession of Saih Gunaid the Order seemed to be transformed into a militant movement which, like a whirlwind, grew in intensity during the period of Gunaid's son ijaidar, and during (sic) ijaidar's son Sultan 'Alï Padisah, and which finally carried ijaidar's second son Isma'Il and seated him on the throne of the Safawids at Tabriz.19

Hans Roemer on the other hand has argued that the early Safavid leaders were not just

"unassuming monks," and that there is evidence of them being weIl recognized by the

16 Michel M. Mazzaoui, The Origins ofthe Safawids: Sï'ism, Süfism, and the Gu/at (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1972), 46. 17 Ibid. 18 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 193. 19 Mazzaoui, The Origins ofthe Safawids, 71-2.

10 Ottoman sultans and other rulers.2o Shaykh Safi was well respected by the political leaders of his time, although he himself was not interested in political gain per se. Sorne political activities are visible among Shaykh Safi' s successors. For instance Khwajah 'An was visited by Timur and his son Ibrahïm is also known to have been the governor of

Ardabil.21 ln the end the increase in Junayd and I:Iaydar' s military and political activities can be seen more as a process which had begun earlier in the activities of the Order, rather than as an abrupt change.

Shaykh Junayd, Isma'ïl's grandfather, was more inclined towards political success and reached for military support among the followers of the Order to attain it. He was received at the court of the A.q Quyünlü ruler ÜZÜll I:Iasan and enjoyed proximity to his court for three years. Junayd was a great military leader, and Üzün l:Iasan was interested in Junayd and his military followers for his own political gain. Junayd, under whose leadership the followers of the Order had increased, gave military training to his followers and used them in his military campaigns. For the most part the military campaigns of

Junayd can be characterized as ghazii.22 Roemer also attributes Junayd's military campaigns to the need to feed and pay for his large army, as weIl as to "the thirst of [his] adherents for adventure and plunder.,,23 Considering Junayd's political ambitions however, it is more likely that his campaigns were directed towards his political goals, rather thanjust pure lust for "adventure and plunder."

20 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 193. 21 Ibid., 200. 22 Ibid., 202-4. 23 Ibid., 204.

11 Another development under Junayd and ijaydar was that the leaders of the order were now perceived as divine, to the extent that sorne of Junayd's mainly Turcoman followers began viewing him as "God" and his son as "Son of God.,,24 This trend began under

Junayd and was to be continued by ijaydar and Isma'ïl. Claiming descent from 'Alfs family, Isma'ïl also considered himself a divine being who "used to abide with God, but now he had appeared in the world.,,25 Isma'ïl's poetry is also evidence that he "wished his followers to consider him a divine incamation.,,26 This is an indication of the existence of sorne elements of folk religiosity among the followers of the Safavid Order. The Shï'ite coloring of the movement in the late fifteenth century was perhaps shaped by the qizilbiish outlook and by political separation from the Ottomans simultaneously. As

Arjomand notes, "the ideational and theological elements of the shi'itized Sufism of the

Qizilbash appear to have been extremely eTUde, covering a substratum of shamanistic and anthropolatric folk religiosity. ,,27

Against this background Isma'ïl managed to defeat the Aq QUYÜlllü with the aid of his militant devotees, known as the qizilbiish, and in this manner established the Safavid state and mandated Shï'ism as its official religion.

24 Mazzaoui, The Origins of the $afawids, 72-3. 25 Ibid., 73. On Isma'ïl 's descent from 'Alï, and many arguments refuting this fact, see Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 198-9. 26 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 23. 27 Said Amir Arjomand, The Shadow ofGod and the Hidden Imam: Religion, PoliticalOrder, and Societal Change in Shi 'ite Iran from the Beginning to 1890 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 80.

12 The Qizilbash

It is reported that just before his last campaign to Shirvan, Shah Isma'ïl's father l;Iaydar had a dream in which Imam 'AlI "had devised for his followers the distinctive scarlet headgear, with twelve gores commemorating the twelve Shï'ï Imams, which henceforth was to be the distinctive mark of the supporters of the Safavid house, and which led the

Ottomans derisively to dub them qizilbiish.,,28 ln the beginning their enemies, mainly the

Ottomans, began referring to those who wore this distinctive red hat as qizilbiish, but then the qizilbiish themselves began using the title in an honorary fashion?9 This distinctive headgear was also referred to as tiij-i lzaydarï, since it was introduced by l;Iaydar.30

The terrn qizilbiish was used to refer to the Turcoman followers of the Safavid Order, who were the inhabitants of eastem Anatolia, northem Syria and the Arrnenian highlands.31

The reason behind the huge support for Safavid Sufism among Turcoman tribesmen can be found in the emergence of semi-autonomous Islamic religious communities during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.32

When Shah Isma'ïl ascended the throne there were eight main Turcoman tribes that were most involved in Isma'ïl's military campaigns and in founding the Safavid state. The most important of these were the Ustajlü, the Shamlü, the Rümlü, the Takkalü and the

28 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 19. 29 Ibid., 20; Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 207. 30 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 207. 3\ Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 20. 32 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 206.

13 Zülqadr, followed by the less important Turkaman, Afshiir and Q1ijiir tribes.33 Although most qizilbiish were Turcoman warriors it is important to note that not every Turcoman tribesman was a qizilbiish and that the honor of being a member of the qizilbiish was not reserved only for the descendants of the Turcoman tribes. There were also non-Turcoman qizilbiish members, but in general the majority of the qizilbiish were the descendents of the Turcoman tribes.34 This seems to have changed after the establishment of the Safavid state. According to Kathryn Babayan,

in the imperial era (907-1135/1501-1722), however, the Safavids attempted to contain the revolutionary fervor that had won them temporal power. An individual could no longer convert to Qizilbash Islam; to be a Qizilbash an individual had to have been born into the oymiiqs [tribes] that had originally aligned themselves with the Safavid house.35

The fact that most of the qizilbiish were Turcomans and that the Safavid state was founded upon their military achievements gives important weight to the dynamics of the power struggle between Turcoman and Iranian elements of the Safavid state. However, it is important to note that the struggle for power and hegemony was not limited to the rivalry between the Iranians and Turcomans but also existed among the different

Turcoman tribes throughout the sixteenth century.

33 Ibid., 215. 34 Hans R. Roemer, "The Qizilbash Turcomans: Founders and Victims of the Safavid Theocracy," in Intelleetual Studies on Islam: Essays Written in Honor ofMartin B. Diekson, ed. Michel M. Mazzaoui and Vera B. Moreen (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990),29. 35 Babayan, "The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi'ism," Iranian Studies 27, no. 1-4 (1994), l38.

14 The Safavids and Islamization

In the Safavid Order the head of the order, always a member of the Safavid family, was called the ''pïr'' or "murshid-i kiimil." The followers of the Safavid Order were scattered around in different areas, from Azerbaijan to Anatolia and western Syria. The murshid-i kiimil had representatives in these areas which acted as an intermediary between him and his murïds (followers). This representative, called the khalifah, also acted as the promoter of the Safavid Order's teachings and faith. 36 Thus, the Order enjoyed a great extent of popularity among Turcoman tribes, who as the murïds of the murshid-i kiimil never questioned his authority. Many Turcoman tribesmenjoined Isma'Il's army during the first ten years ofhis rule, and his military victories, reputation for generosity in the distribution of booty, and religious authority ail played a role in bringing more Turcoman to his camp.37

As mentioned earlier, a close look at the religious beliefs and practices of the Turcoman followers of the Safavids shows that their religiosity was intermixed with certain folk and shamanistic elements. As Jean Aubin states, "Porteur des valeurs chiites du culte d'Ali, de la vengeance et du martyre, Esmâ'il préside à des actes rituels qui n'ont rien d'islamique. Pour les frustes Qïzïlbas d'Anatolie le derviche se confond avec le chamane.,,38 However, after Shah Isma'Il ascended the throne he declared Twelver

Shï'ism as the official state religion. Moreover, his successors tried to convert the Persian

36 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 206; Muhammad-Ahmad Panahï Simnanï, Shah Isma 'îl Safavï: Murshid-i Surkh Ku/ahan (Tehran: Intisharat-i Nimünah, 1376/1997), 76. 37 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 218-9. For more discussion on the reasons regarding the tendency of the Turcoman tribes to join the Safavids in Persia, see Ibid., 223. 38 Jean Aubin, "L'avènement des Safavides reconsidéré," Moyen Orient & Océan Indien 5 (1988): 44.

15 population from aIl tribal groups and social classes to Twelver Shï'ism. The Safavid shahs "wanted the ruling classes to adopt a literate urban Shi'ite doctrine which lends itself to legal regulations and state structure.,,39 This form of Shi'ism was in contrast to popular folk practices, which existed among the followers of the Safavid Order.40 Shah

Isma'Il, who himself did not have any proper Shi'ite training, turned to foreign 'ulamii, namely the 'ulamii of labal 'Amil, to "institute a proper, court-sanctioned religious socialization for both educated and common Persians.,,41 Religious and political legitimacy were necessary for the establishment of a centralized state, and this was not going to be accomplished by the millenarian and heterodox religiosity of the qizilbiish.42

The Political Dynamic of the Early Safavid State

Minorsky states that the Turcomans "were no party to the national Persian tradition. Like oil and water, the Turcomans and Persians did not mix freely and the dual character of the population profoundly affected both the military and civil administration of Persia.,,43

Thus, one of the first challenges that Shah Isma'Il faced was balancing the Turkish and

Persian elements of the Empire in the newly founded Safavid state. Although as Roemer has pointed out this does not mean that there existed at that time any national consciousness as we know it today, nevertheless "the individual peoples were fully aware

39 Ruia Jurdi Abisaab, Converting Persia: Religion and Power in the Safavid Empire (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004), 8. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid., 10. 42 Ibid., 12. 43 V. Minorsky, Tadhkirat a/-Mu/ük: A Manua/ ofSafavid Administration (London: Luzac, 1943), 188.

16 of the differences between themselves and others.,,44 However, the differences among the

Persian and Turkish elements, who had coexisted long before the Safavids came to power, were perhaps more driven by economic and political forces rather than by ethnicity.

It is believed by many Safavid scholars that aristocratie Iranian subjects, who were natives of Iran, did not play any significant role in bringing the Safavids to power. They were mostly the "men of the pen" while the Turcomans (qizilbiish) who brought the

Safavids to power were the "men of the sword." Iranian aristocrats were largely trained as bureaucrats and occupied administrative posts, while the qizilbiish mostly occupied the military posts and were military commanders.45 Yet Willem Floor challenges this view, stating that in fact the qizilbiish tribal groups were fully integrated into the administrative structure of the Safavid empire. The qizilbiish tribesmen were gradually "absorbed by the bureaucracy and became holders of important administrative functions, thus turning into

47 'men of the pen. ",46 However, this was not achieved without struggle. Iranian notables also were seen in the battlefield at the head of the army. For example Mïrza Salman

JabirI, a vizier who was ofIranian descent, took part in a military campaign in 987/1579-

80, despite opposition from the qizilbiish.48 In general the qizilbiish never wanted to see an Iranian in command of the military, and the Iranians never wished to see a qizilbiish

44 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 228. 45 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 32. 46 Willem Floor, Safavid Government Institutions (Costa Mesa, California: Mazda Publishers, 2001),40. 47 Ibid., 3. 48 Roger M. Savory, Studies on the History ofSafawid Iran (London: Varorium, 1987), XV, 183.

17 occupying an administrative position. However, both groups hoped to have control in both areas, and at times were able to do so.

As early as 915/1509, Shah Isma'ïl took sorne measures to curtail the power of the qizilbiish. One of the most important offices of the early Safavid state was that of the vakïl-i nafs-i nafis-i humiiyün, which according to Roger Savory was "to be the vicegerent of the shah, and to represent him both in his spiritual capacity as murshid-i kâmil, or perfect spiritual director, of the Safavid Order, and in his temporal function as piidishiih, or king.',49 Other Safavid scholars have argued that the office of the vakïl was not a creation of the Safavids and that it existed under the Âq Quyünlü as well.50 The vakïl's authority as a spiritual deputy of the shah is also a matter of debate. According to Aubin, the vakïl was basically the deputy of the shah, and since the shah liked to mIe by delegation the vakïl would be the one to whom he delegated the most authority.

Moreover, the vakïl was in charge of financial and administrative affairs, but he did not have any religious power and no religious authority was delegated to him. The qizilbiish also had their own vakïls to whom they delegated power. The only difference was that the shah's vakïl had more power and authority.51 Moreover Willem Floor agrees with Aubin, that since the qizilbiish did not obey the vakïl' s orders at all times it is unlikely that he was the shah's alter ego.52

49 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 32. 50 Aubin, "L'avènement," 112; Floor, Safavid Government Institutions, 6. 51 Aubin, "L'avènement," 112-5. 52 Floor, Safavid Government Institutions, 10.

18 The first person who occupied this post was of course a qizilbiish officer. The qizilbiish believed that their vital role in the creation of the Safavid state had made them the only ones deserving of such an important official pOSt.53 The office of the vakll-i nafs-i nafis-i humiiyun was occupied for six years by a qizilbiish named Busayn Beg Lala Shamlü.

Then Shah Isma'ïl decided to dismiss l;Iusayn Beg Shamlü, replacing him with a Persian named Amïr Najm who died after two years. Savory states that the reason for this change was a matter of policy. Shah Isma'ïl had become increasingly concerned about the growing power of the qizilbiish. By appointing a Persian to the mûst important administrative post, he would limit the power of the qizilbiish and strike a balance between the Iranian and the Turcoman elites of the Safavid administration. 54 An official post such as vakll-i nafs-i nafis-i humiïyun was central to the Safavid political system. The shah was the sole source of authority and power in the state. The civil bureaucracy and the army were the means by which the shah executed his will, and they were loyal to the shah rather than to the political system.55 However, as Rudi Matthee has noted "the

Safavid state was also a forum of negotiation rather than simply a place or a set of (fixed) institutions. ,,56 Being loyal to the shah did not necessarily mean that the state institutions were inflexible.

In any event, Shah Isma'ïl's "Iranophile" policies made the qizilbiish uneasy, especially when he appointed another Persian, Amïr Yar Ahmad Khüzanï, to occupy the post of

53 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 32. 54 Ibid., 37. 55 Floor, Safavid Government Institutions, 1. 56 Rudolph P. Matthee, The PoUties ofTrade in Safavid Iran: SUkfor Si/ver, 1600-1730 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 8.

19 vakïl. The qizilbiish were irritated by this appointment, and a certain friction between the qizilbiish amirs and the vakïl who was placed at the head of the army expedition to

Transoxania in 1512 ended in the vakïl' s death in the battle against the Uzbeks.

Nevertheless, Shah Isma'il continued with this policy and appointed Mïr 'Abd al-Baqï, yet another Persian, to the office of vakïl. However, he was assisted by a qizilbiish amir in military matters. After the defeat at Chaldiran the shah divided the office of the vakïl into two positions, one military and the other administrative. 57

Transformation of the Shah's Image

According to Savory the authority of Shah Isma'il as the murshid-i kamil and as an absolute ruler who was the "living emanation of the godhead, the Shadow of God upon earth," played an important role in keeping the qizilbiish in confonnity with the shah's orders.58 The Chaldiran war broke out between the Safavids and the Ottomans in

920/1514.59 The Ottoman Sultan Selim, who had two years earlier replaced his father

Beyazid Il, was eager to defeat Shah Isma'ïl. Many small incidents contributed to the outbreak of the war between the Ottomans and the Safavids. For instance, Shah Isma'il did not recognize Sultan Selim as the legitimate heir to bis father' s throne and instead supported Selim's brother Ahmed and, following Ahmed's murder by Selim, his nephew

57 Floor, Safavid Government Institutions, 10. 58 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 33. 59 Savory, Studies, III, 82.

20 Murad. Moreover, Sultan Selim was provoked by the aggressive behavior of Muhammad

Khan Ustiijlü and his demeaning and threatening letters.6o

The battle of Chaldiran was very costly for the Iranians. Shah Isma'ïl was forced to withdraw from the capital, Tabriz, and Sultan Selim then managed to conquer the city.

However Selim withdrew from Tabriz soon after because the Ottomans did not want to spend the winter there, and this made it possible for Isma'ïl to retake the capital in two weeks. 61 In the end, the Safavids lost Diyarbakir to the Ottomans. Although the Ottoman troops outnumbered the Safavids, the reason behind the Safavid defeat at Chaldiran was probably more due to tactical errors and to their lack of firearms.62

After the defeat at Chaldiran, Isma'ïl "lost his aura of invincibility and presumably his charismatic gift as well.'.63 Isma'ïl's status as a murshid-i kami! who was obeyed by his murïds was damaged by his defeat at Chaldiran. Isma'ïl's reputation as an invincible leader was directly linked to the belief of the qizi!biish in bis quasi-divine status. The defeat at Chaldiran changed their perception of Isma'ïl, which in turn brought about changes in their behavior.64 Isma'ïl was once observed by a Venetian merchant as a king who was "loved and reverenced by his people as a god, and especially by his soldiers, many of whom enter into battle without armour, expecting their master Ismael to watch

60 For more on the events leading to the outbreak ofwar at Chaldiran, see Ibid. See also Nava'ï, Tiirfkh-i Tal:zavaliit, 92-3. 61 Nava'ï, Târfkh-i Tal:zavalât, 99-101. 62 Savory, Studies, III, 88. 63 Roemer, "The Qizilbash Turcomans," 33. 64 Savory, Studies, IV, 91.

21 over them in the fight.'.65 After Chàldiran Shah Ismà'ïl went into mourning and never again led his army into battle in person.66 Moreover, Ismà'ïl retreated from public life and spent most of bis remaining life drinking and hunting.67 Many Safavid scholars have viewed Chàldiran as a major defeat and as a big turning point in Isma'ïl' s reign. Jean

Aubin on the other hand argues that the Chaldiran episode has been blown out of proportion, and that perhaps its internaI effects were less than the effects of the previous campaigns in 1507 and 1508.68

Shah Isma'ïl's status as an "invincible" ruler was to be influenced by a graduaI process of transforming a Sufi order into the state organs and holding temporal authority. The shah's defeat at Chàldiran was a sign of such transformation. It was very difficult for both Shah

Ismà'ïl and his successor Tahmasb 1 to "maintain their imperial sovereignty on the basis of the old Sufi allegiance invested in the concept of shahsevan (love for the ruler as Sufi master).,,69 Moreover, the qizilbiish's lust for power and supremacy in the empire and their internaI rivalries created more concerns for the shahs.70

65 Charles Grey, ed, A Narrative ofltalian Travels in Persia, in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (London: Hakluyt Society, 1873),206. 66 Savary, Iran under the Safavids, 45. 67 Babayan, "The Safavid Synthesis," 141. 68 Aubin, "L'avènement," 111-2. 69 Abisaab, Converting Persia, 31. 70 Ibid., 31-2.

22 Shah Tahmasb and the Qizilbiish

When Shah Tahmasb 1 ascended the throne in 930/1524 he was only ten and a halfyears old. Tahmasb was thus too young to be able to take the affairs of state in hand and manage the discord among the qizilbiish. Soon after Isma'ïl's death he was faced with animosity and civil warfare between the Takkalü and Rümlü tribes on the one hand and the Ustajlü tribe on the other.71 The group of qizilbiish who supported Shah Tahmasb only did so because they believed they could take control of the administration and the government.

This unruly behavior on the part of the qizilbiish was the reinforcement of the change which had occurred in their attitude towards the shah after Chaldiran. Beginning during the last ten years of Shah Isma'ïl's rule and continuing up to the end of Shah M$arnmad

Khudabandah's rule, the qizilbiish "conducted themselves in their relations with the Shah like feudal lords paying grudging homage to an autocratic ruler - a relationship very different from that which should exist between a murshid and his murïds."n This meant that the new shah was faced with a new challenge. He did not enjoy the unquestioned obedience of the qizilbiish and instead was forced to seek their support.

The qizilbiish who seized power right after Isma'ïl's death made sure that his pro-Iranian policies would not be followed under the new shah. However, they soon fell into tribal

.. 71 Abülqiisim Tâhirï, Tarïkh-i Siyasï va Ijtima 'ï-yi Ïran: Az Marg-i Taymür ta Marg-i Shah 'Abbas (Tehran: Intishârât-i 'I1mï va Farhangï, 13 83/2004), 215. 72 Savory, Studies, IV, 91.

23 conflicts among themselves. What started as minor friction among sorne of the qizilbash gradually spread to other tribes, eventually leading to civil war throughout the empire.

For sorne years the different qizilbash tribes continued fighting one another for power and for control of the Safavid state. One tribe at a time would seize control only to be ousted by another tribe, and tbis went on for nearly ten years until 940/1533.73 Roemer argues that Shah Tahmasb took up his father's policy of favoring Iranians and appointed an

Iranian to the office of vakïl. AIso, by appointing bis own brother as chief of the Shamlü tribe Shah Tahmasb managed to control the situation even further. 74

The Significance of Georgian and Circassian Slaves

The Georgian areas of Shirvan and Shakki were both important areas for the Safavids and for the Ottomans, as well as for many other Muslim dynasties which came previously.

Therefore Shah Tahmasb, following an old precedent, undertook four campaigns in

Georgia.75

Tahmasb, who was failing to control the ever-growing civil strife and ambitions of the qizilbash, turned to Georgians and Circassians who could occupy similar posts and play the same function as the qizilbash amirs. During these campaigns Shah Tahmasb recruited many Georgians and Circassians to the army as qürchïs (bodyguards). Over a few decades the commander of the qürchïs began to gain more power, slowly

73 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 234. 74 Ibid., 235. 75 Ibid., 245.

24 undennining the power of the amïr al-umarli, which was traditionally a qizilblish. The qizilblish were aware of the implications of such policies and tried to haIt them, but their internaI tribal conflicts and increasing loss of influence at the court particularly during the time of' Abbas I put an end to their ascendancy in state offices.76

The period between the death of Shah Tahmasb and the ascension of Shah 'Abbas I, meaning the rule of Shah Isma'ïl II (r.983-985/1576-1578) and of Shah Mu}1ammad

Khudabandah (r.958-996/1578-1588), was also marked by qizilblish factionalism and power struggles albeit under new historical conditions. Following the death of Shah

Tahmasb, the different factions of qizilblish gathered around two different contenders for the throne, two sons of Shah Tahmasb namely I:Iaydar Mïrza (d.983/1576) and Isma'ïl

Mïrza (d.985/1578). This is the period in which Parï Khan Khanum (955-985/1548-1578), daughter of Shah Tahmasb and a central figure of this study, came to play a significant political role in support of one of the contenders. The beginning of Muflammad

Khudabandah's reign was marked by a significant expansion in the political activities of his wife, Mahd-i 'Ulya, also known as Khayr al-Nisa' Begum, who was in the end puni shed for meddling with qizilblish political and economic interests. The events which took place between the death of Shah Tahmasb and the year 987/1579, when Mahd-i

'Ulya was assassinated, will be discussed in detail in the third chapter.

76 Ibid., 246-7.

25 CHAPTERTWO

Introduction

This chapter highlights the general features of women' s political activities, roles and experiences in Safavid Iran. The data presented here is mostly confined to the upper class and the royal family. We have little insight into the lives of women in lower social strata. l first bring attention to the patterns of royal marri ages during the sixteenth century to clarify their significance for dynastie politics. Second, l discuss the nature of the education Safavid women received, its accessibility and aims. It enabled women to have much influence in certain public domains. Third, l assess the economic status and activities of royal princesses. These three factors will be brought to bear on the nature and extent ofwomen's political participation informally in the Safavid state.

The Political Significance of Marriage in the Safavid Dynasty

As was the case among many imperial rules throughout history, marri ages of the Safavid princes and princesses usually had political and strategie significance. This was not

26 unique to the Safavids but rather was evident among several ruling dynasties, including the Ottoman Empire. As Leslie Peirce points out in the Ottoman case, "patterns of marriage, concubinage, and reproduction had symbolic as well as strategie import. How a dynasty reproduced said a good deal about how it understood power.',77 This statement is also true for the royal marriages of the Safavid empire, which bore on the stability and maintenance of the dynasty.

Forging political ties through marriage in the Safavid family goes as far back as the time of Junayd and ijaydar, Shah Isma'TI's grandfather and father respectively. When Shaykh

Junayd left Ardabil under the pressure of the Qara Quyünlü, Üzün ijasan of the rival Aq

Quyünlü Turcoman dynasty welcomed Junayd with open arms and gave him his sister

Khadïjah Begum as a wife. This marri age took place around the same time as Junayd' s political and military activities were on the rise. Years later, Üzün ijasan also gave his daughter, ijalïmah Begï Agha, to Junayd's son ijaydar. This marri age contributed to ijaydar' s prosperity and stature.78

Szuppe' s study of royal marriages in the Safavid state during the sixteenth century points aU the more to the political importance of the marriages among royal princesses. She states:

Au XIVe siècle, si les femmes de la maison safavide sont des pièces que leur père, ou leur frère, déplacent ainsi sur l'échiquier politique, il s'agit, dans la majorité des cas, de pièces agissantes. Leur influence s'exerce

77 Peirce, The Imperial Harem, 28. 78 l;Iijazï, 'ta 'ifah, 108.

27 visiblement et, dans leur nouveau foyer, elles restent avant tout des Safavides.79

It seemed that the length of time between the promise or contract of the marri age and the time that the bride was handed over to the groom's family pointed to a form of political manipulation. In sorne cases the time in between was short while in other cases a few years would go by before the princess was actually given to the groom. These long-term engagements were used as a political tool to keep the grooms in check and to ensure their loyalty to the Safavids. Sometimes royal princesses would be promised to a groom but would never actually marry him, as in the case of Parï Khan Khanum, daughter of Shah

Tahmasb 1. She was promised to her cousin Badï' al-Zaman, son of Bahram Mïrza, but never actually married him.80

One of the main groups with whom the Safavids contracted marri ages was that of the

Turcoman qizilbiish amirs, whose alliances and loyalty were crucial for the Safavids throughout the sixteenth century. The marriages with the qizilbiish amirs assured their loyalty to the Safavids while they enabled the Safavid shah to exercise more influence in the provinces which were govemed by these amirs. The amirs also benefited from this alliance by acquiring more proximity to the Safavids, which then meant higher political positions for them and their families.sl

79 Szuppe, "Participation: Première partie," 215. 80 Ibid., 216-7, 219. 81 Ibid., 220.

28 Maria Szuppe points out that "avant toute chose, des alliances matrimoniales étaient des contrats politiques et diplomatiques censés profiter aux deux familles.,,82 Marriage with the Safavid house also brought benefits for the in-Iaws, and thus represented a mutually beneficial alliance for both the Safavids and the families they married. The Safavids' in- laws would in turn be appointed to high ranking official posts, such as the govemorship of the provinces. The shahs and princes were also more likely to marry a woman from a local ruling family. An example of this was the marri age of Mupammad Khudabandah with Mahd-i 'Ulya, who came from a family of the great Mar'ashïs, the ruling family of

Mazandaran. Becoming a royal father-in-Iaw was an important achievement for many 83 dignitaries of the COurt.

Other important groups whose alliance in marriage the Safavids sought were the local notables and religious dignitaries, who were respected in their provinces and had a following. One example was Shah Ni'matullah Yazdï, the son of Amir Ni~am al-Dïn

'Abdul Baqï Yazdï (d.920/1514), the.sadr of Shah Isma'ïl 1 who married Shah Tahmasb's sister Khanish Khanum. Shah Ni 'matullah Yazdï was the son of the .sadr and as such he was a prominent religious figure of his time.84 This indicates that Safavid royal practices came into direct contact with Iranian-Islamic practices and notions of female social roles and scopes of public activity that differed across class lines. It is important to explore these dimensions.

82 Ibid., 232. 83 For more examples see Ibid., 232-3. In this case it was actually Mahd-i 'Ulya's uncle who married her off, her father being dead. 84 Ibid., 226. For more examples ofmarriages with religious dignitaries see Ibid., 226-8.

29 The Safavids also engaged in marital alliances with the rulers of local dynasties in the northern provinces of Iran.85 Sometimes the Safavid princesses would be given to local rulers as a reward for their submission to Safavid rule.86 This was especially true in the case of AmIrah Dubaj, the ruler of the northern province of Gilan. As FümanI states in

Tiirïkh-i Gïliin,

AmIrah Dubaj was the ruler of Gilan ... and claimed independence and did not obey or submit to the rule of Shah Isma'Il. Shah Isma'Il wanted him to submit to his rule and start paying taxes to him. The ruler then decided to submit to his rule, and brought many gifts ... then Shah Isma'Il was happy and gave his daughter Khayr al-Nisa' Begum in rnarriage to him and sent the ambassadors back to Gilan in friendship.87

Moreover JamshId Khan, the grandson of AmIrah Dubaj, was later rnarried to Shah

Tahmasb l's daughter KhadIjah Sultan Begum when he was the ruler of western Gilan

(Bïah Pas).88

These rnarriages with the royal princesses, however, did not always guarantee that the son-in-Iaw or brother-in-Iaw would rernain loyal to the Safavid house. This was the case with Maryam Sultan Begum, another daughter of Shah Tahmasb, who rnarried Khan

Alunad Sultan, the ruler of eastern Gilan (Bïah Pïsh). Khan AJnnad Sultan was imprisoned by Shah Tahmasb since he had stirred up sorne trouble in Gitan in 975/1567-

85 Ibid., 229. 86 I:Iijâzï, 'ta 'ifah, Ill. 87 Mulla' Abdulfattap Fümanï Gïlanï, Tarïkh-i GUan, ed. Manüchahr Sutüdah (Tehran: Intisharat-i Bunyad-i Farhang-i Ïran, 1349/1970), Il. Here Khayr al-Nisa' Begum is apparently the same woman as Khanish Khanum. 88 Iskandar Beg Turkaman Munshï, Tarïkh-i 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 2 vols., ed. Ïraj Afshar (Tehran: Amïr Kabïr, l382/2003), l35.

30 68.89 Then years later, because of his kinship ties to Mahd-i 'Ulya, he was released from prison during the reign of Shah M$ammad Khudabandah. Mahd-i 'Ulya then reinstated him as the govemor of Gilan and he was "granted the signal honor of a marri age alliance with the Safavid royal house.,,90 This alliance, however, did not stop Khan Alunad from defecting to the Ottomans years later during the reign of Shah 'Abbas 1.91 Khan AJnnad had sent his vakïl to Istanbul to offer Gilan to the Ottoman sultan. Then after Shah' Abbas ordered his capture, Khan AJnnad decided to take a ship to Shirvan with his wife and daughter. He entrusted his wife and daughter to one of his men, lGa Farïdün, who was supposed to take them to a ship where he would then join them. Kla Farïdün, however, considered it "shameful that Shah Tahmasp's daughter and granddaughter should flee to

Ottoman territory, and so he turned off the coastal road and took the women by little- known routes to Somam and thence to the Shah.,,92 This story is significant since it shows that although these types of marriages were meant to keep provincial rulers in check and to secure their loyalty to the Safavid house, they did not always succeed in this aim.

Moreover, it shows that when a son-in-Iaw defected to the Ottoman side or rebelled against the sovereign, the Safavid princess was taken back.

89 For more details on the unruly behavior of Khan Ahmad see Gïlanï, Tiirfkh-i Gfliin, 41-52; Munshï, 'A/am Arii-yi 'Abbiisf, 110-4. 90 Iskandar Beg Turkaman Munshï, History ofShah 'Abbas the Great, 2 vols., trans. Roger M. Savory (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1978), 187. 91 Ibid., 219. 92 Ibid., 624.

31 Safavid Women and Education

There is sorne sol id information conceming the education of the princesses at the Safavid court, suggesting that at the basic level Safavid women received an education comparable to that of their brothers.93 The dadas and lalas (nurses and tutors) were appointed for the princesses, just as they were for the princes of the Safavid court. The dadas were chosen at the time of the birth of the princess, but the lalas seem to appear next to the adult princesses.94 Fatlll Beg Afshar was chosen as ParI Khan Khanum's dada at the time ofher birth.95 KhalIl Khan Afshar on the other hand was ParI Khan Khanum's lala during the reign of Shah Tahmasb 1.96 KhalIl Khan Afshar was one of the prominent members of the

Afshar tribe, and at one time he was the govemor of Kuhgiluyeh.97 It is important to note here that although dadas and lalas existed in the nomadic Turcoman setting, their function as tutors to impart knowledge in the various fields of politics, social manners, and even military training and religious doctrine, is hardly present in nomadic or even semi-nomadic Turcoman or Iranian settings. This function emerges in the context of the dynastic or upper-class social setting. As such they have much in common with their counterparts among the 'Abbasids, Seljuqs, and Ottomans across the ethnic divide.

While there is no evidence to suggest that any prin cess was illiterate, there are specific references showing that several of the Safavid princesses had at least received enough education to be able to read and wrÏte. This is manifest above aIl in the letters, and

93 Szuppe, "Participation: Première partie," 242. 94 Ibid. 95 Qaz::ï AlImad al-Qummï, Khula~at al-Tavarïkh, 2 vols., ed. Ihsan Ishraqï (Tehran: Danishgah-i Tehran, 1383/2004),967. 96 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 226. 97 Ibid., 140.

32 references to letters, written by Safavid royal women. Tajlü Khanum, wife of Shah

Isma'Il l, was pregnant on her camel moving with a caravan when her labor pains began.

She soon gave birth to a son, the future Shah Tahmasb 1. She decided to write a letter to

Shah Isma'Il, who was not by her side at that point, to inform him of the wonderful news of the birth of his son. When the letter was given to Shah Isma'Il he "reeognized the handwriting of the begum and read the whole letter.,,98

Other Safavid princesses also engaged in correspondenee with one another, and wrote diplomatie letters to royal members of other dynasties. Maryam Begum, daughter of Shah

Tahmasb l, wrote letters to her sister Zaynab Begum and to her mother, only two of whieh survive. Mahïn Banu, also known as Shahzadah SultfulUm, the sister of Shah

Tahmasb l, wrote a letter to Sultan Selim's mother, Hurrem Sultan, who is better known in the west as Roxelane.99 ParI Khan Khanum, Tahmasb's daughter, also wrote a letter to her brother Shah Isma'Il II. 100 The content ofthese letters will be discussed below.

Intemalization of Islamic precepts, and hence religious education, without doubt eonstituted an important part of the education of the Safavid princesses. Maria Szuppe dedicates only a few lines to Safavid women's religious learning. The Safavid chronic1es

98 'A/am Ara-yi $afavï, ed. YadulUih Shukn (Tehran: Intisharat-i lttila' at, 1363/1984), 168-70. The quote is on page 170. 99 I:Iijlizï, 'la 'ifah, 51. 100 Pan Khan Khanum 's letter to Shah Isma'ïl II is reproduced in facsimile in Maryam Mïr• Ahmadï, Dïn va Ma~hab dar 'A~r-i $afavï(Tehran: Intisharat-i Amïr Kabïr, 1363/1984). It also appears in Ahmad Tajbakhsh, Tarïkh-; $afaviyah (Shi raz: Intisharat-i Navïd, 1372/1993), 175-9. An edited version appears in I:Iijazï, 'la 'ifah, 54-7. The contents of this letter will be discussed throughout this work, and the full translation of the letter is available in the appendix.

33 suggest that religious teaching was rnost likely an integral part of the education of a

Safavid princess, in sorne cases going beyond prirnary education to secondary and advanced acquisition of Qur' anic recitation, Arabic grammar and jurisprudence.

Tahmasb's sister Shahzadah Sultanum was a learned wornan who was educated in the religious sciences, Arabic conjugation and grammar (sar! va nahv), as well as Qur' anic recitation. Moreover, 1:IakIrn Nür al-Dïn Kashï, the prorninent physician of Tahmasb's court, had translated the kiifiah into Persian for her. 101 However, since there was no reward in reading that (perhaps because of it being translated) she decided to begin reading the Qur' an. 102 She brought Mawlana 'Irnad al-Dïn 'Alï Astarabadï the Qarï

(rneaning qiiri', a Qur'an reciter) frorn Mashhad to teach her advanced Qur'anic recitation, which further indicates her interest in the religious sciences. 103 Another

Safavid princess who was clearly educated in the religious sciences was Parï Khan

Khanum, daughter of Shah Tahmasb, whose life will be discussed in detail in the next chapter. In a letter to her brother Shah Isrna'ïl II, Parï Khan Khanum stated: "1 have studied the books of jurisprudence all rny life, and have rnernorized rnost of the

[Qur'anic] exegeses."I04 Shah Tahmasb's nephew and son in law Ibrahïrn Mïrza had a daughter who was also weIl versed in the religious sciences. Iskandar Beg Munshï notes

lOI According to Dihkhuda the kiifiah is "Fatihat al-Kitab." See 'Alï Akbar Dihkhuda, Lughatniimah-yi Dihkhudii, vol. Il (Tehran: Intisharat va Chap-i Danishgah-i Tehran, 1373/1994). 102 Qummï, Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh, 430. For information on l:Iakïm Nür al-Dïn Kashï see Munshï, 'Alam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï, 167. 103 Qummï, Khulii.sat al-Taviirïkh, 430. See also Qlll-ï Ahmad GhafIarï Qazvïnï, Tiirïkh-i Jahiin Arii (Tehran: l:Iati;z:, 1343/1964),307. 104 See appendix.

34 that this daughter, Guhar Shad Begum, "had acquired religious sciences, and was a very learned and pious lady who also went to Mecca for pilgrimage."lo5

Besides the religious sciences, Safavid princesses also showed an interest in the art of calligraphy, in poetry, and in other related disciplines. Parï Khan Khanum was known for her interest in poetry, and she wrote poetry under the pen name !faqïqï. 106 Following the death of Ibrahlm Mïrza, his daughter Guhar Shad Begum gathered his poetry in a book, wrote an introduction to it, and had it circulated throughout Iran, Turan, Rum and

India. 107 Q~ï AJunad Qummï speaks of her effort in this respect as a great literary achievement of the time. Sultan Banü (907-930), one of Shah Isma'il l's daughters, was known for her calligraphie art which she learned from Dust M$ammad HiravL 108

The nature of the educational pro gram of the Safavid princesses was an indicator of the type of roles, activities and experiences they were expected to have as royal women.

Whoever showed interest in a particular discipline among those allowed to them could cultivate further knowledge and expertise in it. They called upon and had access to leading literary, religious, and artistic figures of their time. While Shahzadah Sultanum had Mawlana 'Imad al-Dïn 'Alï Astarabadï as her religious and Qur'anic tutor, Parï Khan

Khanum engaged in poetry contests with M$tasham Kashanï, a renowned poet of her

105 Munshï, 'Alam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï, 136. Ibrahïm Mïrzâ was later executed by Shah Isma'ïl II. 106 Mullammad I:Iasan Rajabï, Mashiihïr-i Zaniin-i Ïriinï va Piirsïgüyï: Az Aghiiz tii Mashr~tah (Tehran: Intisharat-i Surüsh, 1374/1995),45. 107 Qummï, Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh, 637. Maria Szuppe mistakenly states that Ibrahïm Mïrza's wife wrote this introduction. However, Ibrahïm Mïrzâ's wife died soon after he died. 108 I:Iijâzï, 'ta 'ifah, 85.

35 time,109 and Sultan Banü benefited from the artistic skills of the prominent calligrapher

M$ammad Hiravï. 110 This is interesting as it paints a picture of Safavid women who were actively engaged in the artistic and literary circles of their time and acquired knowledge from the best minds of their time.

Another important part of royal female education which Szuppe investigates is the women's ability to ride horses, hunt and use weapons. It seems that royal Safavid women owned their own horses and would often ride them during royal camp movements, always accompanied by men. III The sixteenth century Venetian missionary to the court of

Tahmàsb, Michele Membré, portrayed a picture of Safavid women on their horses in movement. Membré writes:

After more than half of the urdü [camp] has gone by, the Shah's maidens pass on fine horses; and they ride like men and dress like men, except that on their heads they do not wear caps but white kerchiefs. And in the company of those maidens go 10 or 12 old men, who are called ïshïk• iiqiisïs, that is masters of the house. And 1 have seen that there were about 14-15 of those maidens, and they were beautiful, though their faces could not be fully seen. But what could be seen was beautiful and very fair. And sometimes they galloped and performed marvels with their horses, making them jump and do many other skilful tricks. They went thus to behind the court, where the Shah's tents were pitched.ll2

Women of the royal harem, including for example Shahzadah Sultànum, also participated in hunting parties, using their weapons for shooting games. However, only the shah

109 For more on Mu\1tasham Kâshanï and his Iiterary work and style, see labï\1ullah Sara, Tarïkh-i Adabiyat dar Ïran, vol. 5 (Tehran: Intisharat-i Firdaws, 1364/1985), 792-9. 110 Munshï Iists Mu\1ammad Heravï as one of the prominent calligraphers ofhis time. Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 170. Il 1 Szuppe, "Participation: Première partie," 254. 112 Michele Membré, Mission ta the Lord Sophy ofPersia (1539-1542) (London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1993),25.

36 accompanied women to the hunting area and other male courtesans hunted separately.113

Although at first glance it might appear that these skills were mostly developed for the entertainment of the shah, it is important to note that women also participated in battles along with men, and perhaps sorne of these skills were also developed as defensive skills against the enemy.

Financial Status and Economic Activities

Royal women of the sixteenth century Safavid house had a degree of economic independence and were in charge oftheir own economic affairs. Fariba Zarinebaf-Shahr's study "Economic Activities of Safavid Women in the Shrine-City of Ardabil" demonstrates that the financial contribution in the form of endowments and property sales by women to the shrine of Shaykh Safi al-Dïn in Ardabil accounted for twenty percent of the total endowments and property sales to the shrine. 114 Aside from charitable endowments to the shrine of Shaykh Safi, women sold property to the shrine in exchange for cash compensation paid from the shrine's treasury.1l5 Safavid leaders' wives and daughters endowed or sold their inherited shares of lands in Azerbaijan to the shrine. By doing this the "extensive private property in the hands of the ruling class was recycled through inheritance, sale, and endowment to the shrine.,,116

113 Szuppe, "Participation: Première partie," 246-7. 114 Fariba Zarinebaf-Shahr, "Economic Activities of Safavid Women in the Shrine-City of Ardabil," /ranian Studies 31, no. 2 (Spring 1998), 251. Ils Ibid., 253. 116 Ibid., 255.

37 Islamic inheritance laws played an important role in the economic independence of upper- class women in several Muslim societies. Although women received only half of their brothers' share of inheritance, they were able to exercise full authority over their share. In both rural and urban settings, women inherited shares in real estate "such as villages, residential units, public bath-houses (hammiim), commercial units (khiins), and shops

(dukkiin)," and were in full control over their properties. lI7

The royal Safavid women not only possessed a variety of sources of wealth, but they also engaged in diverse economic activities including the patronage of art, architecture, and religious institutions. ilS They also used a good part oftheir wealth for charities and public endowments. Shah BegI Begum, also known as Tajlü Khanum, wife of Shah Isma'Il l, left a considerable amount of wealth after her death. According to Q~I AJunad al-

QurnmI, she had a village called I;Iasan Âbad in Varamin, which she endowed for the benefit of the po or sayyids (descendents of the house of the prophet). She also paid for a building to be built in the Shrine of I;Iazrat-i Ma'.sÜffiah in Qum and endowed property worth 1000 tümiins to the shrine. Evidently, she had built the dome of Jannat Sarii at the shrine of Ardabil for Shah Isma'Il, but was never able to actually move Isma'Il's body there. 1l9 The copy of Tajlü Khanum's vaqfpublished in MudarrisI Tab&taba'I's Turbat-i

117 Ibid., 251. 118 Szuppe, "Participation: Première partie," 247; Rizvi, "Gendered Patronage," 129. 119 Qummï, Khula,sat al-Tavarïkh, 290.

38 Piikiin gives us significant data on this question. 120 Another deed attributed to Tajlü

Khanum was the repair of a bridge called Dukhtar in Azerbaijan. 121

Shahzadah Sultanum seems to have had a great fortune which she did not hesitate to spend for a good cause. Q~ Alunad al-Qummï states that there was no one who did not benefit from her generous donations, praising her for helping the needy. Every year she would send a considerable amount of money, so much that it was difficult to keep track of it, to the religious cities of Karbala, Najaf, and Jabal 'Amil. She had turned into vaqf valuable real estate in the cities of Shirvan, Arasbar, Tabriz, Qazvin, Savoj Bolagh,

Shahryar, Ray, Isfahan, Garrnrud, and Astarabad. These vaqfproperties were consecrated to the Fourteen Immaculates (Chahardah Ma'.süm), and their administration was given to the shah. 122 Moreover, she also sent her jewe1ry and china ware to Mashhad.

Zaynab Begum, daughter of Shah Tahmasb and sister of Mupammad Khudabandah, had many caravanserais, hospitals, roads and bridges built. She was buried in Mashhad, and made the 'Amïr Chaqmaq Bazar of Yazd into a vaqf for her own grave.123 Khadam 'Alï

Sultan Khanum, sister of Müsa Sultan Ma"Zsallü, wife of Shah Tahmasb and mother of

Shah Muh-ammad Khudabandah, had a caravanserai built in Kashkrud, near Qazvin,

120 Mudarrisï Tabijtaba'ï, Turbat-i Piikiin, 2 vols. (Qum: Chapkhanah-yi Mihr, 1335/1956), 131- 41. 121 Ibid., 132. 122 Qummï, Khulii.sat al-Taviirïkh, 431. 123 I:Iijiizï, ~a 'ifah, 314.

39 during the reign of Shah M$.ammad Khudabandah. 124 The initiation and engagement in building such prominent public sites and facilities, aside from sacred geographical buildings be they mosques or shrines, has political signiticance. It attests to Safavid royal women's assertion of their power through the roles of benefactors and builders of monuments. It might also coincide with their stable relationship to the male sovereign or ascendancy in the harem and their overall privileges. As they contribute money to sacred shrines or implement endowments they equally forge important ties with a network of administrators, local leaders, even teachers and jurists, for many did make donations to the shrines of prominent religious scholars. As Rizvi notes, through this common practice

"aspects of the donors' religious commitment, as weIl as his or her tinancial and political power, was made public.,,125

In sum, the economic activities of women of the Safavid household were diverse, giving them avenues for limited autonomy and control over their social activities. It is unclear what sources of wealth were readily available and through what line, matrilineal or patrilineal, and on what basis. But overall, the royal women kept cash and jewelry, bought land, or built caravanserais, bridges and so forth. They had their own urban residences at times, and much of their wealth consisted of real estate in both urban and rural areas which they most probably inherited from their fathers or gained as dowry upon their marnages.

124 Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 490. Savory's translation states that it was a hospice instead of a caravanserai: Munshï, History, 666. 125 Rizvi, "Gendered Patronage," 140.

40 Safavid Women and War

The Persian ladies themselves follow in arms the same fortunes as their husbands, and fight like men, in the same way as those ancient Amazons who performed such feats of arms in their time. 126

There is no doubt that Safavid women often accompanied their male relatives to the battleground. The battle of Chaldiran and the imprisonment of sorne of the Safavid princesses is perhaps the most well-known episode of women' s participation in battle during the Safavid era. One or two of the shah' s wives are said to have been taken prisoners by the Ottomans. Giovan Maria Angiolello describing the battle of Chaldiran writes, "the Suffaveans were routed and all the camp taken, together with one of the

Sophi's wives.,,127 There is sorne confusion surrounding the identity of the se women. 128

Perhaps one of Shah Isma'Il's wives was taken prisoner, but it is not likely that that woman was Tajlü Khanum, Isma'Il's favorite wife. However, Tajlü Khanum did participate in the battle. According to 'A/am Arii-yi Safavï, Tajlü Khanum was found by

Mïrza Shah l;Iusayn Bannay-i I.sfahanï wandering in the desert while wounded after the battle of Chaldiran. 129

Another episode ofwomen participating in war is mentioned in Khu/ii.sat a/-Taviirïkh and

is from 'Abdullah Khan Ustajlü's campaign in Shirvan in the year 961. During this war

Pari Khan Khanum, wife of 'AbdulHih Khan Ustajlü and sister of Shah Tahmasb, led a

126 Grey, Italian Travels in Persia, 59. 127 Grey, Italian Travels in Persia, 120. 128 Manüc}lihr Parsadüst, Shah Isma 'ï/ Avval: Padishahï bii Atharha-yi Dïr Pa dar Iran va Iranï (Tehran: Shirkat-i Sahamï-yi Intishar, 1375/1996),477. For discussions surrounding the identity of the prisoner see Ibid., 477-81. J 29 'Alam Ara-yi Safavï, 501.

41 group of civilians to the battlefield where 'Abdullah Khan was in trouble. The enemy thought the civilians were sol di ers and retreated, leaving 'Abdullah Khan victorious. 130

Mahd-i 'Ulya, wife of Shah Muhammad Khudabandah, also headed the Safavid army along with her eldest son I:Iamzah Mlrza. While I:Iarnzah Mlrza was the official commander, Mahd-i 'Ulya seemed to be in charge of the decision making.\3l

The Political Activities of Safavid Women

The high social standing of Safavid royal women brought them access to education as weIl as financial independence, and in the end this enabled them to take part in the public domain. Thus, "la participation des femmes des milieux des élites à la vie publique était assez répandue pour qu'elle puisse paraître foncièrement naturelle."l32 Safavid women who were interested in assuming an active political role in the Safavid court affairs, family politics and a network of social and political relations extending beyond their royal abode, had the opportunity to do so. When their participation in politics began, like their male counterparts they would also become subject to the mIes of the political game of their time. 133 Before 1 proceed to examine the political careers of two of the most

130 Qummi, Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh, 372. Apparently Maria Szuppe has come across a similar account in Khüzanï's manuscript ARal al-Taviirïkh, though with sorne differences. 1 have not consulted the account in Anal al-Taviirïkh. Szuppe discusses the differences in detail in "La participation des femmes de la famille royale à l'exercice du pouvoir en Iran safavide au XVIe siècle, Seconde partie: L'entourage des princesses et leurs activités politiques," Studia Iranica 24, no. 1 (1995): 64-5. \31 This episode will be discussed in more detail in the foIIowing chapter. J32 Szuppe, "Participation: Première partie," 253. 133 Ibid.

42 powerful Safavid woman, namely Pari Khan Khanum and Mahd-i 'Vlya, and their violent deaths, 1 shall frrst present an overview of the political activities of other Safavid women who preceded them, but who never exercised the same level of authority.

Safavid princesses engaged in diplomatie relations of a distinct nature. Safavid women sent ambassadors to foreign states, sometimes acted as intermediaries, and wrote diplomatie letters. Shahzadah Sultanum, sister of Shah Tahmâsb l, received letters from

Hurrem Sultan (d.965/1558), wife of the Ottoman Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent

(r.926-974/1520-1566) and mother of Sultan Selim II (r.974-982/1566-1574), discussing the need for ambassadors to prevent conflict between the two empires. 134 Shahzadah

Sultanum in turn sent a letter to Hurrem Sultan discussing the gifts she had sent along for an Ottoman mosque, including valuable Qur' anic scripts and carpets. In the end she emphasizes the importance of keeping their good relations and continuing cooperation. 135

At the same time many letters were exchanged among the women of the Safavid household and between the women and their husbands, fathers and brothers. 136 Maryam

Begum wrote two separate letters to her sister Zaynab Begum and her mother recommending her lala' s son, Safi Khan, and convincing the shah to fulfill bis request,

137 the nature of which is not clear, at the COurt. These letters demonstrate that women used their privileged position and proximity to the shah for the benefit of those who were close to them. Pari Khan Khanum wrote a long letter to her brother Shah Isma'ïl II,

134 Szuppe, "Participation: Seconde partie," 62. 135 l;Iijiizï, ~a 'ifah, 52. 136 Ibid., 52-4; Szuppe, "Participation: Seconde partie," 62. 137 H··-. IJazl,- fr'a7 ,;+:1;a, h 53 .

43 discussing the political and family issues that preoccupied them. I38 Safavid women were sometimes in charge of delegations or emissaries to foreign states, and in her letter ParI

Khan Khanum speaks of her privileged position which allowed her to send ambassadors to foreign states. She also speaks of receiving foreign ambassadors and dignitaries at her residence. 139 ln 941, during the conflict between Shah Tahmasb and IbrahIm Pasha in

Baghdad, Tajlü Khanum, wife of Shah Isma'Il 1 and mother of Shah Tahmasb, sent an ambassador to IbrahIm Pasha to negotiate peace. 140

Women also functioned at times as intermediaries. KhadIjah Begum, aunt of Shah

Isma'Il, acted as an intercessor for her nephew Sultan Murad, who would not submit to

Isma'Il's rule in Isfahan. She pleaded with Shah Isma'Il to spare Sultan Murad's life and

Isma'Il accepted her plea. 141 Khan BegI Khanum, mother of Tahmasb l's half brother

Alqas Shah, acted as a mediator between her son and Shah Tahmasb in 953. Alqas MIrza, who was the ruler of Shirvan, started a revoIt against Shah Tahmasb. When he realized that Shah Tahmasb was about to crush him, he sent his mother and Iittie son to Tahmasb's court to apologize and intercede on his behaif. The deiegation was successfui because

Shah Tahmasb forgave AIqas MIrza. 142

Another way in which the Safavid princesses got invoived in politics was through their role as advisors and consultants at the court. The princesses who acquired a certain degree

138 See appendix. 139 See appendix. 140 Qummï, Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh, 242. 141 'A-l am A-ra-y'.- . s aJavl, ,1", - 84 -.5 142 Qummï, Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh, 315-6.

44 of power and respect at the court would often be consulted on important matters related to the affairs of state. Tajlü Khanum, for instance, enjoyed a considerable amount of power and respect at the court even after Shah Isma'Il's death. Qummï informs us that after the death of Shah Isma'Il 1 two leading qizilbâsh amirs, Kupik (Kopek) Sultan and Dïv

Sultan, with the help of the vizier Q~ Jahan I:Iasanï and the approbation of Tajlü

Khanum, brought Tahmâsb Mïrza out of the harem and placed him on the throne. 143

Shahzadah Sultanum (Mahïn Banü), who se impressive educational background, great fortune and charitable deeds were discussed earlier, was also a great advisor to her brother Shah Tahmâsb 1. In Khulâ.sat al-Taviirïkh it is noted that "since she was a leamed, wise woman, a11 the financial and administrative [mâlï va mulkï] affairs of the state were carried out according to her advice, and the shah would not do anything without consulting her and without her knowledge.,,144 Shahzadah Sultanum also acted as an intermediary between Shah Tahmasb and HumayÜll Padishah (r.937-9501l530-1543 and

952-963/1545-1556) of the Mughal Empire in 951. With the aid of her brother Bahram

Mïrza, Shahzadah Sultanum managed to convince the shah to support Humayun in reclaiming the throne of India. 145 She also supported her favorite nephew Ibrahïm Mïrza and helped him to achieve better official positions, such as his governorship of

Mashhad. 146

143 Ibid., 155. 144 Ibid., 430. 145 Szuppe, "Participation: Seconde partie," 77. 146 Ibid.

45 A more politically motivated woman was Pari Khan Khanum, sister of Shah Tahmasb. 147

She was married to the ruler of Shirvan, Shïrvanshah Sultan Khalïl. Parï Khan Khanum

"est aussi bien une diplomate qu'une femme d'action saisissant des opportunités et capable de décisions rapides, toujours en faveur de la couronne safavide.,,148 When in

941, Amïrah Dubaj of Rasht revolted against Tahmasb's government, Pari Khan

Khanum' s husband Sultan Khalïl gave him refuge at his court. Pari Khan Khanum was not in favor of her husband's support for Amïrah Dubaj, and when her husband passed away soon after, she ordered the arrest of Amïrah Dubaj. Then Amïrah Dubaj was sent to the court in Qazvin and was executed there. Following her husband's death Parï Khan

Khanum became an active political figure in Shirvan. For a while she fought to bring her own favorite candidate to power in Shirvan, in place of her husband who did not leave any heirs to succeed him. Her candidate was Kalantar Beg, supposedly descended from the ancient rulers of Shirvan, and a political rival of her husband's nephew Shahrukh

Khan. However, her husband's amirs supported Shahrukh Khan and he soon took control of Shirvan. Parï Khan Khanum then left Shirvan for the capital. It is unc1ear what exactly she told the shah but her account of events there led the shah to send an army of ten thousand men to Shirvan. 149

147 This woman is referred to as Pan Khan Khanum 1 in Maria Szuppe's "Participation," while Tahmâsb's daughter, whose name is also Pan Khan Khanum, is referred to as Pan Khan Khânum II. However, since Pan Khan Khânum II is one of the major subjects ofthis study, for the sake of convenience she will be referred to simply as Pan Khan Khânum. See Szuppe, "Participation: Seconde partie," 72-6. 148 Ibid., 73. 149 Ibid., 73-4. For more on Pan Khan Khanum 1 see Ibid., 72-6.

46 In brief, Safavid princesses were systematically drawn into formaI religious learning and public economic activities that defined them as both "upper-c1ass" and "women." The grounding in a general doctrinal and ritualistic Islamic basis imparted slowly but surely

Islamic-Shï'ite ways in which women's social and spiritual roles were envisaged, yet within an urban imperial context of privilege, wealth and power. The latter necessitated that they engage in public acts of charity, welfare offered them through the building of sacred monuments as weIl as bridges, power as benefactors bestowed by the sovereign's generosity and authority. The women of the Safavid house were also no strangers to political maneuvering and advising, networking, foreign alliances and mediation, let alone participation in battles.

There have been comparable cases of "upper-c1ass" women's activities in other Islamic dynasties. For example Khayzuran, the wife of the third 'Abbasid caliph al-Mahdï, was also known for her direct involvement in state affairs and for giving al-Mahdï advice. 150

Another example is Zubaydah, the wife of Harun al-Rashïd and daughter of prince Ja'far, son of the second 'Abbasid caliph al-MansÜT. She was also known for spending large amounts of money on public works inc1uding mosques and the building of canals. 151 In the Mamluk dynasty we see Shajarat al-DUIT as a poiitically active woman,152 while in the

Timurid dynasty we witness the power and high status of Guhar Shad Begum, wife of

150 Apparently she was also visited by important delegates. Moreover, she helped her son al Rashïd come to power by ordering her slaves to kill her other son al-Hadï. Zaynab Fawwaz, Al Durr al-ManthUr fi Tabaqat Rabbat al-Khudür, vol. 1 (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmïyah, 1999), 326-8. 151 Ibid., 373-7. 152 For a discussion of scholarly work on Shajarat al-DuIT, see David J. Duncan, "Scholarly Views ofShajarat al-DuIT: A Need for Consensus," Arab Studies Quarterly 22, no. 1 (2000): 53-69.

47 Shahrukh.153 And finally in the Safavid court, we witness two women whose power and influence exceeded that of other Safavid women by far. They were Parï Khan Khanum

(955-985/1548-1578), daughter of Shah Tahmasb l, and Mahd-i 'Dlya (d.987/1579), also known as Khayr al-Nisa' Begum, wife of MuJ1ammad Khudabandah. The study of the career and lives of the se two women in the following chapter will c1early demonstrate the extent of political power exercised by Safavid royal women, its nature and its limitations.

153 For more on Guhar Shàd Begum and her career see Hans R. Roemer, "The Successors of Tïmür," in The Cambridge History ofIran, vol. 6, The Timurid and Safavid Periods, ed. Peter Jackson and Laurence Lockhart (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 104-6.

48 CHAPTER THREE

Introduction ln this chapter 1 examine the exercise of power by two of the most significant female politicians of sixteenth century Safavid Iran. Pari Khan Khanum (955-985/1548-1578) and Mahd-i 'Dlya (d.987/1579), also known as Khayr al-Nisa' Begum,154 were two women who each played a significant role in shaping the politics of the Safavid court, in addition to actually exercising influence, maneuvering and negotiating with the shah, thus partaking in decision-making processes. The period during which the political careers of these two women unfolded was between the years 1576 to 1579. The political career of

Pari Khan Khanum reached its peak in 1576 after the death of Shah Tahmasb l, and ended in 1578 when she was assassinated by the new queen, Mahd-i 'Dlya. Mahd-i 'Dlya then ruled over the Safavid state for one and a half years, undertaking important tasks and advancing her political agenda. The examination of the events leading to the rise to power of the se two women and the way they exercised their will on those around them will clarify the nature and extent of female political power among the royal Safavid household

154 Mahd-i 'Ulya was Khayr al-Ni sa' Begum's honorary title. Since in most primary and secondary Persian sources she is referred to as Mahd-i 'Ulya, preference here is given to this honorary title.

49 in sixteenth century Iran. Moreover, the analysis of the distinct and varied accounts of their violent deaths will also explain the boundaries within which women were allowed to politically mature, as weIl as the way they were perceived by different sections of the male elite and were able to manipulate the network of alliances and tribal factionalism of the time.

Pari Khan Khanum

Pari Khan Khanum, daughter of the second Safavid Shah Jahmasb l, was an ambitious and influential young princess at the Safavid court. Jahmasb, whose fifty-two year reign was the longe st of the Safavid period, was very fond of Pari Khan Khanum, who was bom in 1548 in the twenty -fifth year of his reign. 155 Pari Khan Khanum was said to have been Shah Jahmasb's favorite child, and she attracted sorne attention from contemporary chronic1ers and writers for her participation in the affairs of the court. 156

Afüshtah-yi N~tanzï, author of Naqiivat al-Asiir fi Zikr al-Akhyiir dar Tiirïkh-i $afaviyah, probably gives the most detailed description of Pari Khan Khanum. N'!tanzi, who wrote this book in the year 1007/1598, was bom in 938/1531 in the village of Afüshtah, located near the city ofN'!tanz in central Iran. His book covers most of the events from the early years of Shah Jahrnasb up to the eleventh year of the reign of Shah' Abbas' 1. He was

155 Qummï, Khulii~at al-Taviirfkh, 337. 156 Ibid., 397; Munshï, 'A/am Arii-yi 'Abbiisf, 135.

50 born in the eighth year of Shah Tahmasb's reign and began writing his book when he was sixty-nine years old. 157

According to N(!tanzi, from her early years Pan Khan Khanum received an unusual amount of attention from her father, and was trained in many fields, including Islamic jurisprudence iflqh and u.sül) and poetry. She excelled in her studies to the extent that

in spite of the presence of talented, worthy young princes and princesses ... the shah would act according to her advice and approbation in affairs minor and major, financial and administrative. AH the important affairs of the shah, from politics and international relations to the rules and customs of monarchy, were carried out according to that wise and just queen's opinion and recommendation, and nothing was done without her knowledge and consent. 158

Pari Khan Khanum' s upbringing at the Safavid court made her a distinguished young woman who stood out not only among other women of her time but also among the male princes. Apparently, Pari Khan Khanum managed to gain her father' s admiration by showing interest in the affairs of the empire, and her political maturity, intelligence, and charisma made her a great advisor and consultant to him.

It is important to note that sorne of the older Safavid women mentioned in the previous chapter may have played a role in shaping Pan Khan Khânum's ambitious character and her desire to rise to high political status. Pari Khan Khanum's aunt, Shahzâdah Sultanum,

157 Mahmüd b. Hadayat-Allah Arushtah-yi N1\tanzï, Naqiivat al-A..J.iir fi Z.ikr al-Akhyiir dar Tiirïkh• i Safaviyah, ed. Ihsan Ishraqï (Tehran: Intisharat-i 'I1mï va Farhangï, 1373/1994), 15-7. 158 Ibid., 70.

51 was herself an active and educated woman who had a positive influence on and provided a role model for the young princess. 159 .

Parï Khan Khânum also showed an interest in poetry and literature. She invited the leading poets of her time to write poetry on specific topics, and she would corresponded in poetry with them. She consciously patronized several prominent poets and literary figures who wrote poems in her honor and dedicated treatises to her. Multtasham Kashânï

(935-996/1528-1588), the court poet of the time, wrote a few qa~ïdahs in her honor in which he praised her character and piety. Moreover, 'Abdï Beg Shïrazï Navïdï dedicated his book, Takmilat al-Akhbiir, which he fini shed in 978, to Pan Khan Khanum. 'Abdï Beg

Shïrazï describes her with great honor and respect, calling her shiihziidah-yi jahiin va jahiiniyiin (princess of the world and its inhabitants). He then refers to her as Fiitimah-yi zamiinï (the Hitimah of the time) and as mahd-i 'ulyiiyï, both honorific titles used for the

Safavid princesses. 160 The title Fiitimah-yi zamiinï is of a religious significance for the

Safavids. The Safavid women looked upon Hitimah aI-Zahra, daughter of the Prophet

Multammad, as their role model. Moreover, to them Fatimah al-Zahra "as daughter, wife and mother ... was a pivotaI character.,,161 She is given the title "Leader of Women

(sayyida al-nissa)" in the stories ofthe Prophet and his family.162

159 Szuppe, "Status, Knowledge, and Politics," 156. 160 Muhtasham Kiishiinï, Dïviin-i Mawliinii Muhtasham Kiishiinï, ed. Mihr 'Alï Gurgiinï (Tehran: Kitabfurüshï Mahmüdï, 1344/1965), 170-80. Exactly four qas.ïdahs are written in her honor. Two other qas.ïdahs on pages 261-3 are possibly written in her honor. For Shïraz:ï Navïdï see 'Abdï Beg Shïrazï Navïdï, Takmilat al-Akhbiir, ed. 'Abdal-l:Iusayn Nava'ï (Tehran: Nashr-i Nay, -- 1369/1990),99. 161 Rizvi, "Gendered Patronage," 125-6. 162 Ibid., 126.

52 Kâshanï wrote in her praise a few qa~ïdahs. Following are a few verses of one of his qa~ïdahs:

The princess of all time and of the earth, the sun of the world Who IS as illuminating as Venus and as concealing as Maryam

ParI Khan who is the king of the angels and of mankind Even Bilqays learned kingship from her

She has the title of Khayr al-Nïsa' [best of women] of the time While no one else in her time had the honor of gaining this title

She IS the innocent of the time, the women of her day Gained aIl their chastity from her innocence

[ ... ]

For the purpose of kingship of aIl women, fate l63 Could not have chosen anyone betler ln the world

Kâshanï emphasizes her leadership qualities and casts her abilities in kingship in general terms. He also compares her abilities as a ruler to those of Bilqays, the Queen of Sheba, and considers her an even greater ruler than Bilqays. Bilqays appears in the Qur'an as a pagan but an able potentate. According to Charis Waddy, "the fault found with her is not that she mIes, but that her faith is false.,,164 Moreover, Waddy points out that "women who became rulers in the Muslim world were always compared with her.,,165 It is significant that Parï Khan Khanum was compared to a Qur'anic figure, which would suggest that her political activities were legitimate in the eyes of her contemporaries.

163 Kas- h-am,- D-Ivan,- 171 . 164 Charis Waddy, Women in Muslim History (London: Longman, 1980),33. 165 Ibid., 34. .

53 ParI Khan Khanum herself enjoyed a talent for writing poetry as weIl. The author of the book Mashahïr-i Zanan-i lranï (The Famous Iranian Women) has attributed a few verses to ParI Khan Khanum. 166

There is sorne confusion surrounding ParI Khan Khanum's marital status. QummI, the author of Khu!asat a!-Tavarïkh, stated that Tahmasb 1 married ParI Khan Khanum offto his nephew BadI' al-Zaman, son of Bahrfun MIrza. However, other sources do not mention her marri age and only mention her engagement to BadI' al-Zaman, who was appointed govemor of Sistan by Tahmasb.167 ln Tarïkh-i 'A!am Ara-yi 'Abbasï, ParI Khan

Khanum was

the fiancée of BadI' al-Zaman, son of Bahrfun MIrza, but was not in his possession yet. She was loved and respected by her great father, who had much faith in her. People would ask her help in solving their problems and she would do so. Because of her great wisdom and knowledge she was her father's advisor. 168

Since ParI Khan Khanum was her father' s favorite child it is possible that she was not sent away along with her husband to another city. Moreover, her involvement in Safavid politics would have required her to stay in Qazvin. The modem Iranian historian

Na.srullah FaIsan, author of Zindiganï-yi Shah 'Abbas-i Avva!, asserts that Shah Tahmasb

1 was so fond of his eldest daughter that he preferred to keep her close and did not wish to marry her off. 169 This also can be further confirmed through her letter to Shah Isma'Il II, in which she states "if 1 had wanted a husband like other princesses, 1 could have taken

166 H··-. IJazl,- fl'a7 'ifi1 a, h 64 . 167 Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbiisf, 135. Munshï mentions her as Badï' al-Zaman's fiancée. For Badï' al-Zaman's governorship see QummT, Khula,sat al-Tavarïkh, 397. 168 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 135. 169 Na.srullah FalsaÎl, Zindiganï-yi Shah 'Abbiis-i Avval, vol. 1 (Tehran: Intisharat-i Danishgah-i Tehran, 1353/1974), 15.

54 one of the two worthy princes remaining among Bahrfun Mïrza's children," indicating that she was not married to Badï' al_Zaman. 170 It is possible, however, that her father aimed to strengthen his ties to Badï' al-Zaman and safeguard bis interests in Sistan by promising him the hand of Parï Khan Khanum. Evidently, Parï Khan Khanum's role as a political broker and her confidence outweighed normal patriarchal expectations aimed to transform her into a wife and mother. In this she deviated from the gendered divisions and roles cast in her society.

After her father' s death, Pan Khan Khanum was to take her role as an influentialleader a step further and play a major part in bringing her brother Isma'ïl Mïrza to power. She was instrumental in plotting and achieving the murder of her other brother, Isma'ïl Mïrza' s political rival I:Iaydar Mïrza.

Pari Khan Khanum and the Politics of the Safavid Court

Isma'ïl Mïrza was one of the two sons of Tahmasb who were born of a Turcoman mother. 171 Isma'ïl Mïrza was an active Safavid prince who during his youth headed several successful campaigns against the Ottomans in the Caucasus and eastern Anatolia.

He was first appointed governor of Sbirvan in 1547, and later in 1556 he was appointed governor of Khurasan. Isma'U MIrza's behavior at Herat angered bis father and made him believe that he was trying to overthrow him. Therefore Isma'ïl Mïrza was soon taken away on Tahmasb's orders and sent to Qahqaha, a prison "usually reserved for dangerous

170 See appendix. 171 The other son from a Turcoman mother was Mul1ammad Mïrza (Khudabandah).

55 poiiticai prisoners. ,,172 He was to remain in Qahqaha for twenty years and was released by the qizilbash after Tahmasb's death in order to ascend the throne.

When Shah Tahmasb fell ill in 1576, two years before his death, disagreements surfaced among the qizilbash tribes as to who shouid be his successor. As they watched him deteriorate, court princes, qizilbash amirs, and other statesmen became divided into two camps over the issue of succession. Tahmasb's eldest son, Multammad Mïrza, was ruled out as a sui table successor because he was blind and was thus considered incapable of ruling. Consequently, the qizilbash tribes had two other sons of Tahmasb in mind as possible successors. The UstajIü tribesmen had Tahmasb's third oidest son ijaydar Mïrza in mind as a suitable successor, while the Rümlü, Afshar, and Turkaman tribes, aiong with the influential Pari Khan Khanum, were rooting for Isma'ïl Mïrza's succession. 173

ijaydar Mïrza was the son of Sultan Zadah Khanum, a Georgian wife of Shah

Tahmasb. 174 ln addition to the support of the UstajIüs, he also had the support of the

Georgians of the court, who were relatives of his mother as weIl as the Shaykhavand tribe. Of the Safavid princes Ibrahïm, son of Bahram Mïrza, was aiso on ijaydar's side.

Prince Mu.staIa Mïrza, who was raised among the Ustajlü amirs and tutored by them, also joined the pro-ijaydar faction. 175

172 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 68. 173 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 119. 174 Qummï, Khula.sat al-Tavarïkh, 672. 175 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 119.

56 The leaders of the Ustaj1ü tribe, who had managed to gain a considerable amount of power during the reign of Shah Tahmasb, did not want Isma'ïl Mïrza to become the next shah. During Isma'ïl Mïrza's long stay at Qahqaha, sorne friction had arisen between him and the Ustajlü tribesmen. When the former took sorne gold from the fortress treasury and spent it without the shah's consent, the Ustajlü leader guarding the fortress, l;Iabïb Beg

Ustajlü, reported the incident to Tahmasb. Moreover Isma'ïl Mïrza, who was free to move about inside the fortress, was having an affair with the wife of one of the U stajlü tribesmen, which caused even more friction with the Ustajlü amirs. 176 These incidents caused the Ustajlü amirs to find in l;Iaydar Mïrza a better ally and promoter of their interest than Isma'ïl Mïrza.

However, the issue of succession was actually a more complicated matter. In the words of

Hans Roemer, the disagreement over the succession "was not only a matter of conflict between rival interests which grouped themselves around the two contenders, but also

(and to a far greater extent) of a struggle between Türkmen and non-Türkmen.,,177 Most of the other Turcoman tribes seemed allied against l;Iaydar Mïrza' s succession to the throne because his mother was a Georgian. The Georgians formed a small section of the army, and the Turcoman tribes feared that l;Iaydar Mïrza's ascendance to the throne would have tipped the balance of power in favor of the Georgian slaves. Meanwhile, the

Ustajlü tribe joined the Georgians in supporting l:Iaydar Mïrza. On the other side, Parï

Khan Khanum and her Circassian uncle Shamkhal Sultan, followed by aIl the Turcoman

176 Ri~ Qulï Khan Hidayat, Tarïkh-i Raw$at a/- Safo-yi Na.sirï, vol. 8 (Tehran: Markazï, 1339/1960), 137-9. 177 Roemer, "The Safavid Period," 250.

57 tribes except the Ustajlü, supported Isma'ïl Mïrza. However the struggle between the

Turcoman and non-Turcoman, in this case the Georgians, did not stem from cultural and ethnic differences per se. Rather the Turcomans feared becoming marginalized or overpowered by the Georgians not because they were Georgians but because they occupied a critical state organ, the army. Therefore, economic and political interests were the driving force behind such alliances.

A look back at the qizilbiish tribal conflicts and factionalism after the death of Shah

Isma'ïl 1 would illustrate the basis for Turcoman fears of l:Iaydar Mïrza' s ascendancy to the throne. One of the steps Shah Tahmasb took to curb the power of the qizilbiish was his introduction of Georgians, Circassians, and Armenians to the army. From 1540 to 1553

Shah Tahmasb l, as mentioned in the tirst chapter, had waged a series of military campaigns in the Caucasus. During these campaigns he had brought Georgian, Circassian, and Armenian prisoners to the Safavid court, thereby introducing new racial groups into the ranks of the army. Then he began expanding the participation of the Georgians and other non-Turcomans in his military campaigns. This was very important for the Safavid shah since he did not have his own military power base, except for his small group of royal guards called the qürchïs.178 He was therefore totally dependent on the loyalty of the qizilbiish. However, the qizilbiish often tried to take control over the affairs of the government whenever possible and usually supported their own tribal candidates.

Moreover the conflicts and friction among different qizilbiish tribes, which created two

178 Floor, Safavid Government Institutions, 133. For the definition of the qürchïs see Ibid., 137.

58 civil wars, one following Isma'ïl's death between 1524-32 and one after Tahmasb's death 179 between 1576-84, were a great source of instability for the Safavid sovereign.

For decades the struggle for power at the Safavid court reflected the rivalry between the

Turks and the Iranians among others. The introduction of Georgian and Circassian slaves brought new forms of economic and political struggles in connection to new racial groups who had not participated in the creation of the Safavid state, and who threatened the position of both the Iranians and the Turks. At the same time, as Roger Savory has observed, "the introduction into the royallzaram of Georgian and Circassian women, who were prized for their beauty, precipitated dynastic struggles of a completely new kind, as these women engaged in political intrigue with a view to securing the throne for their own sons.,,180 These new dynamics at the court of Shah Tahmasb explain why most of the qizilbash amirs sided with Isma'ïl Mïrza against Baydar Mïrza, who was bom of a

Georgian mother.

Pari Khan Khanum's decision to choose Isma'ïl Mïrza over Baydar Mïrza can also be understood in terms of securing the dominance of Turkish and Circassian elements in the harem network of relations, to prevent the succession of the sons of the shah' s Georgian wives. Parï Khan Khanum was bom of a Circassian mother. According to Iskandar Beg

Turkaman Munshï,

179 Ibid., 133-4. Floor also discusses other measures taken by Shah Tahmasb to curb the power of the qizilbash. 180 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 64.

59 Pari Khan Khanum, who was distinguished among other royal princesses for her intelligence, and was dear to her father and respected by him, and whose opinion and counsel were sought after by her father, did not want I:Iaydar Mlrza to assume the throne because of her displeasure and rivalry with his mother. 181

Earlier, ParI Khan Khanum's mother seems to have played a role in shaping Shah

Tahmasb's low opinion of I:Iaydar Mlrza, which illuminates the ruthless condition of ascendancy in the harem ranks among co-wives and concubines.

Pari Khan Khanum's mother, at the instigation of her daughter and her daughter' s brothers, said things to the shah and labeled I:Iaydar Mlrza a traitor. In this way she changed the shah's mind about the prince, and portrayed Isma'Il Mlrza's faction as the true, Sufi, loyal faction. 182

Apparently, personal competition between the mothers of ParI Khan Khanum and her half brother I:Iaydar MIrza over the succession of their male offspring was one way in which the se women tried to negotiate greater influence and freedom.

There are other theories as to why Pari Khan Khanum chose Isma'Il Mlrza. Szuppe suggests that perhaps the fact that Isma'Il Mlrza had been away in prison for twenty years, and without any male heir at the time, influenced her decision. 183 Shohreh

Gholsorkhi's conclusion is that by helping Isma'Il MIrza, ParI Khan Khanum believed that she would "gain her brother's love and admirationjust as she had with her father.,,184

That may be true, for she wished to continue to yield power at the court and enjoy the same privileges. These reasons, however, are not mutually exclusive but rather complementary .

181 Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 119. 182 Ibid., 120. 183 Szuppe, "Participation: Seconde partie," 82. 184 Shohreh Gholsorkhi, "Pari Khan Khanum: A Masterful Safavid Princess," Iranian Studies 28, no. 3-4 (SummerlFall 1995), 150.

60 The Death of Shah 1ahmasb 1 and the Tumult at the Court

"When Shah Tahmasb l's health ultimately deteriorated in May 1576, 1;Iaydar Mïrza, who

had remained by his father' s side, acted quickly to ascend the throne. There are two

different accounts of 1;Iaydar Mïrza's presence by his father's side in the palace. One is

that he stayed at the request of the shah himself, while the other account suggests that his

mother recornmended that he remain at his father' s bedside in order to secure the throne

for himself upon Tahmasb's death. 185 However, luck was not on l;Iaydar Mïrza's side.

What l;Iaydar Mïrza and his mother did not anticipate was the presence ofIsma'ïl Mïrza's

supporters as the guardians of the palace that night. TraditionaIly every night a different

qizilblish tribe was responsible for the security of the palace. On the night of Shah

Tahmasb l's death, the Rümlü, Afshar, Qajar, Bayat, and Varsaq tribes, aIl supporters of

Isma'ïl Mïrza, were guarding the palace, and they soon managed to restrict the movement

of 1;Iaydar Mïrza and his supporters in and out of the palace. 186 Moreover, on that night

Parï Khan Khanum, who had long supported Isma'ïl Mïrza, was also present at the

palace. After her father' s death, Parï Khan Khanum found herself a captive in the hands

of l;Iaydar Mïrza and, being a smart woman, she decided to manipulate the situation in

order to free herself. 1;Iaydar Mïrza knew that she had supported the succession of Isma'ïl

185 For an account ofboth stories see Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 122. Mulla Jalal al-Dïn Munajjim, Tarïkh-i 'Abbasï ya Rüznamah-yi Mulla Jalal, ed. Sayfullah V$ïdnya (Tehran: Intisharat-i Vanïd, l366/1987), 27, asserts that l:Iaydar Mïrza remained in the palace at his father's request. According to l:Iasan Rümlü, A/lsan al-Tavarïkh, ed. Charles Norman Seddon (Tehran: Kitabkhanah-i Shams, 1342/1963), 465, l:Iaydar Mïrza stayed by his father's side at his mother's recommendation. 186 Qummï, Khula.sat al-Tavarïkh, 601; Munshï, 'Àlam Àra-yi 'Abbasï, 193; Rümlü, A/lsan al Tavarïkh,466.

61 Mïrza aIl along. At that instant, Parï Khan Khanum sought her release from the hands of l:Iaydar Mïrza by apologizing for her acts and promising future loyalty and devotion to him. She stated that

women are foolish creatures. If, in my stupidity and short-sightedness, 1 have been guilty of any misdemeanor, 1 beg you to pardon me and spare my life. In that event, 1 will follow the path of obedience to you, and will not deviate by so much as a hair' s breadth from the course of conduct which is pleasing to Your Royal Highness. 187

Here one realizes that the princess was using male-dominant and popular depictions of women as "foolish" and "gullible" creatures, quite consciously to her advantage. Soothed by his sister' s words, l:Iaydar Mïrza asked Pari Khan Khanum to bring her full brother

Sulayman Mïrza and her unc1e Shamkhàl Sultan to his support, saying that then she would become even dearer to him than she was to their father. Having successfully manipulated the situation in her favor, ParI Khan Khanum asked permission of l:Iaydar

MIrza to leave the palace in order to bring her brother and unc1e over to l:Iaydar MIrza' s camp. l:Iaydar MIrza agreed to let her leave the palace, not knowing that by doing so he had given her the opportunity to hand over the keys of the harem to her uncle. Shamkhal

Sultan and other supporters of Ismà'Il MIrza then managed to take control over the harem doors as well. 188

The next moming l:Iaydar MIrza went ahead with his plan to ascend the throne. He claimed to be Shah Tahmasb's legitimate successor by showing a will bearing Tahmasb's official seaI. Although he put on the royal crown and dec1ared himself shah, his enemies, the supporters of Isma'Il MIrza, claimed that the will presented by l:Iaydar MIrza was

187 Munshî, History, 283. 188 Munshî, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 192.

62 forged and its authenticity was immediately questioned. 189 The supporters of l;Iaydar

Mïrza stood outside of the palace and were unable to enter. The guardians of the palace continua11y refused l;Iaydar Mïrza's orders to open the gate for his Ustajlû supporters.

Once l;Iaydar Mïrza' s mother realized that the guardians of the palace would not let anyone in or out, she asked l;Iaydar Mïrza to join her in the harem, believing that it would be inaccessible to his enemies. What she did not know was that the harem doors were also now contro11ed by the opposite camp.190 l;Iaydar Mïrza's supporters tried to break down the doors and c1imb up the wa11s to enter the palace and reach l;Iaydar Mïrza. Confronted with Shamkhal Sultan' s group of qizilbash entering the harem, l;Iaydar Mïrza tried to hide from them by dressing as a woman. However, he was soon recognized, possibly by Pan

Khan Khanum, and was killed on the SpOt. 191

The Victory of Pari Khan Khanum

As the qizilbash amirs and statesmen were awaiting the arrivaI of Isma'ïl Mïrza from

Qahqaha fo11owing the death of l;Iaydar Mïrza, Pan Khan Khanum took complete control over the affairs of state. Munshï observed that

until the arrival of Isma'TI Mïrza, each day a11 the amirs would go to l;Iusayn-Qulï Khulafii's home and accompany him to Pan Khan Khanum's house. They would report to her a11 that was important conceming the

189 Ibid., 193; Rümlü, Ansan al-Tavarïkh, 466. 190 Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbiisï, 193. It is interesting to note that the harem was not al ways off Iimits to the ordinary soldiers and amirs. Whenever necessary they would enter the harem without any concem for the women inhabiting it. 191 Hidayat, Raw;at a/-$afo-yi Na~irï, 153. This is actually the only source which states that Pan Khan Khanum was the one who recognized him in the harem. Other sources give different accounts as to who recognized l;Iaydar Mïrza. For slightly different accounts see Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbiisï, 194-7; Rümlü, Ansan al-Tavarïkh, 472; Qummï, Khula~at al-Tavarïkh, 605.

63 financial and administrative affairs of the state, and no one had the courage to disobey her orders. 192

After helping Isma'ïl Mïrza ascend the throne, Parï Khan Khanum believed she would be trusted by her brother the same way she was trusted by her father. She believed she had proven her loyalty and commitment to the shah. She therefore wanted to share in political power or at least be entrusted with particular decision-making tasks. Moreover, Parï Khan

Khanum had managed to keep things together, despite the domestic chaos and anÏmosities among the qizilbiish, before Isma'ïl Mïrza' s arrivaI from Qahqaha. She did not expect anything less than full appreciation for her efforts by her newly crowned brother. What was unknown to her, however, was that Isma'ïl Mïrza had no intention of allowing Parï

Khan Khanum to hold real power relating to any part of state affairs. After ascending the throne, Shah Isma'ïl II seemed ungrateful to Parï Khan Khanum and quickly strove to cut her off from political involvement, declaring that the "meddling of women in the affairs of the government is not deserving of the kingdom's honor.,,193 It was in general considered a legitimate concem of the male elites to allow women to run state affairs, even if they informally shaped at times such affairs. This made it difficult for her qizilbiish allies to oppose the shah outright. Therefore, Shah Isma'ïl II ordered the qizilbiish to stay away from Pan Khan Khanum and confined her to her house, to the extent that "except for the royal guards at her residence, no one connected to the court made an official visit to her.,,194 Moreover, he attempted to neutralize her by tarnishing

192 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 197; Hidâyat, Raw;at al-Safo-yi Na~irï, 155. 193 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï,201. 194 Gholsorkhi, "Pari Khan Khanum: A Masterful Safavid Princess," 150.

64 her reputation and spreading stories about her sexual indecency. This is evident from the content of ParI Khan Khanum's letter to Shah Isma'Il.195

MunshI suggests that perhaps Shah Isma'Il II became suspicious of ParI Khan Khanum after hearing some rumors that had been circulating conceming her backup plan in case

Isma'Il Mlrzâ did not make it to the capital. Munsrn asserts that after I:Iaydar MIrzâ had been eliminated and no one had heard anything from Isma'Il MIrzâ, Pari Khan Khanum had suggested that in case Isma'Il Mlrzâ had been killed in Qahqaha, Sultan Malnnud

Mlrza should be his successor and ascend the throne. Shah Isma'Il II had later heard this story from some qizilbash and had consequently grown suspicious of ParI Khan

Indeed there is no reason to believe that a shrewd and ambitious princess like Pari Khan

Khanum would not set such plans in the realpolitik world. Quite possible too was the fact that Shah Isma'Il II was seriously threatened by Pari Khan Khanum's strong base in the harem and among the qizilbash. He found her powerful enough to consider isolating her from the start and putting an end to her political career. Marginalizing Pan Khân

Khanum, however, was also part of his policy of purging amirs and princes who posed a political threat to his role.

195 See appen d·IX. 196 Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasï,202.

65 Shah Isma'ïl II's reign, which lasted less than two years, is described by most historians of the field as the bloodiest time for the Safavid princes. Savory asserts that perhaps

Isma'ïl's long imprisonment played a role in bis unusual behavior. 197 Although the view of Shah Isma'ïl Il as simply a "bloodthirsty" king has been challenged, nevertheless it is safe to say that he tried to systematically eliminate any possible competition to his throne. 198 He soon began executing most of the male Safavid princes, including most of his brothers, cousins and nephews. It is said that in a single day he ordered the execution of six Safavid princes. The only Safavid princes who were left unharmed were Isma'ï}'s full brother MulIammad Mïrza (Khudabandah) and his children. He probably did not consider M$ammad Mïrza a threat to his throne due to bis blindness. Iskandar Beg

Munshï suggests that Shah Isma'ï} II, being MulIammad Mïrza's full brother, did not kill him and his children because They were very dear to their mother and he did not wish to upset her. He later decided to eliminate MuJtammad MÏrza and his sons after the birth of his own son, Shah Shuja', in order to ensure the crown prince's accession, but he died before their execution could be carried out. 199

One of the persons who se loyalty Isma'ï} decided to test was I:Iusayn-Qulï KhulaIa, the khalifat al-khulafo of the time. The khalifat al-khulafo was part of the organization of the

Safavid Order which had survived into the Safavid state. This office basically "served as

197 Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 69. 198 Michel Mazzaoui challenges historians' labeling of Shah Isma'ïl II as simply "bloodthirsty." See Michel M. Mazzaoui, "The Religious Policy of Safavid Shah Isma'il II,'' in Intelleetua/ Studies on Islam: Essays Written in Honor ofMartin B. Diekson, ed. Michel M. Mazzaoui and Vera B. Moreen (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990),49-56. 199 For more on the Safavid princes who were executed by Shah Isma'ïl II, see Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 208-12; Rümlü, Absan a/-Tavarïkh, 490. For Mullammad Mïrza's account see Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï,210.

66 a special secretariat for .süfi affairs" through which the shah appointed representatives to the provinces.200 Isma'ïl, who was apparently alarmed at the increasing popularity and power of l;Iusayn-QulI Khulara, decided to put his loyalty to 3; test. He offered mm the office of vakïl-i nafs-i nafis-i humiiyün on the condition that he give up his position as khalifat al-khulafo. However l;Iusayn-Qulï Khulara did not agree to this and asked the shah why couldn't he keep his post as khalifat al-khulafo simultaneously. Then Shah

Isma'ïl banned l;Iusayn-Qulï from entering the court and later assigned mm to Mashhad as the head of the qürchïs. This was a very low position for someone like l;Iusayn-Qulï who did not even accept the post of vakïl-i nafs-i nafis-i humiiyün. Isma'ïl was very apprehensive of the power of the khalifat al-khulafo among the qizilbiish and later, when l;Iusayn-Qulï was in Damghan, Isma'ïl ordered him to be blinded?OI

Shah Isma'ïl II was also known for ms controversial religious policies and tendencies towards Sunnism.202 For instance, he made the practice of T'an (defaming 'A.'ishah, the

Prophet's wife, and the first three caliphs) forbidden?03 Shah Isma'ïl made an effort to put an end to the anti-Sunni practices which were popular during rus father's time, and he showed sorne tendencies towards Sunnism. One theory attributes Isma'ït's pro-Sunni policies to his resentment towards rus father and his resulting tendency to do the opposite of what Tahmasb did.204 Another theory, however, suggests that Isma'ïl's pro-Sunni sentiment above aIl stemmed from his concem over the increasing power of the Shï'ite

200 Minorsky, Tadhkirat al-Mulük, 125. 201 For more on I:Iusayn-Qulï Khulara see Munshï, ';Ilam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï,202-3. 202 Ibid., 213-4. 203 Ibid., 214; Hidayat, Raw;at al-$afo-yi Nii~irï, 169. 204 Roemer, "The Safavid Peri ad," 252.

67 'ulamii, and was an effort to minimize their growing influence.205 RuIa Jurdi Abisaab complements the latter argument by attributing two additional factors to the reasons behind Isma'il's religious policies. First, "the Shah's rapprochement with the Ottomans for various economic and political considerations; second, the opposition of a few

Qizilbash factions to the Shah's economic policy, which encouraged them to coalesce with the c1erics against him. ,,206

Parï Khan Khanum became isolated, but despite the shah' s violent acts against other members of the royal family she did not face execution. Perhaps this was because Shah

Isma'il II did not want to outrage the qizilbiish arnirs, who respected Parï Khan Khanum, or because he believed that a woman once confmed to domestic affairs would do little harm. Shah Isma'il II's mistreatment ofParï Khan Khanum, however, outraged the young princess. She professed her frustration and disappointment in a four and a half page letter she wrote to him, in which she discusses how she was treated unjustly and condemns rus execution of the Safavid princes. Parï Khan Khanum discusses how she was unjustly accused by Isma'il of adultery (referred to astutely as making her husband/fiancé into a cuckold) and immorality, and of attempting to take over the throne. She declares her innocence and protests the words of slanderers who have accused her unjustly. Parï Khan

Khanum responded to the accusations as follows:

Women never wanted to rule, and if 1 had wanted to, then when 1 was in charge 1 would have chosen one of the princes whose mouth still smelled like milk, and 1 would have ruled without any problems. Or if 1 had wanted a husband like other princesses, 1 could have taken one of the two worthy

205 Shohreh Gholsorkhi, "Ismail II and Mirza Makhdum Sharifi: An Interlude in Safavid History," International Journal o/Middle Eastern Studies 26 (1994): 485. 206 Abisaab, Converting Persia, 42.

68 princes remaining among Bahrfun Mïrza' s children and then 1 would not have fou~ht so much for the revival and survival of that brother [lsma'ïl].2 7

Parï Khan Khanum was in a defensive mood in this letter, trying to explain her pure intentions towards her brother. At the same time she hinted that other princes were as worthy if not worthier than him and indirectly questioned his sound judgment and intelligence at making an enemy of her. Moreover, after protesting the fact that she was labeled a conspirator, Parï Khan Khanum goes on to condemn Shah Isma'ïl II's bad policies and his execution of the princes, saying:

If you want to take over the world and have a clear conscience then do good and be compassionate, since "a big thorn bites deep" but "with good deeds and good intentions the whole world will be covered with flowers." Truly, it is not possible to rule through murder and destruction.208 ln part due to her courage, and in part as a woman who supported the shah' s ascendancy,

Parï Khan Khanum had a better chance of criticizing the shah openly. But more significant is her attempt to give him advice to help him become an able ruler, to avoid using physical coercion where diplomacy and reward can be effective and successful. The fact that she declined to appease him may also explain why many thought that Parï Khan

Khanum played a role in the death of Shah Isma'ïl II.

207 See appendix. 208 See appendix.

69 The Controversy Surrounding the Death of Shah Isma'il II

The reason behind Shah Isma'ïl' s death is unclear. According to Munshï, different theories circulated after his death, ranging from natural death to murder by his angry sister, Parï Khan Khanum.209 Shah Isma'ïl II spent the last night of his life with his beloved companion, ijasan Beg ijalvachï Üghlï. Reportedly they had spent the night wandering around the city, eating sweets and taking opium, before heading back to ijasan

Beg's residence to spend the night. Isma'ïl had the habit ofusing opium and sorne kind of drug mixture containing opium and hashish, which ijasan Beg would always prepare for him and keep in a sealed box. That night when they went to ijasan Beg's residence,

Isma'ïl requested sorne of his opium mixture. When the servants brought the box containing the mixture, ijasan Beg noticed that the seaI was broken and advised the shah not to use any of that drug, since there was sorne suspicion that an outsider might have broken the seaI. However, the shah did not listen to his beloved companion and instead consumed a fair amount of the mixture, giving sorne to ijasan Beg as weIl. The next day the residents of the palace noticed that Shah Isma'ïl had not left the room in the morning and that the door to his room had remained c1osed. Soon they became suspicious, and according to one account they caIled upon Pan Khan Khanum to offer her opinion as to what should be done. She ordered the doors to be opened.210 Behind the door they found the shah on the verge of death, while ijasan Beg was unable to move his body?ll

209 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbiisï, 219. 210 Munajjim, Tarïkh-i 'Abbiisï,38. 2ll For the story of Shah Isma'ïl's death see Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbiisï, 218-9; Hidayat, Rawifat al-$afo-yi Na.sirï, 172. For a slightly different account ofhis death see Qummï, Khula~at al-Tavarïkh,652-3.

70 One of the theories surrounding Shah Isma'ïl n's death was that Pari Khan Khanum, along with sorne qizilbiish amirs, had added poison to the shah's drug mixture, thereby causing his death?12 Whether this theory is true or not, Shah Isma'ïl n's death brought

Pan Khan Khanum back to the political scene after almost two years of isolation. Once more she managed to take control of the affairs of the court. However, this time her comeback was brief and even more costly than the young princess could anticipate. Given the power and influence that she had acquired at the Safavid court and among the qizilbiish amirs, she was considered a threat to the reign of Shah Isma'ïl n's successor

Shah Mup.arnmad Khudabandah and his wife, Mahd-i 'Ulya. Mahd-i 'Ulya, being a politically ambitious woman herself, was not willing to submit to Pan Khan Khanum's will and soon plotted her murder, under circumstances which will be discussed in the following section.

Shah Isma'il II's Successor

Shah Isma 'ïl n had left few able Safavid princes who could succeed him and rule the

empire. Besides his blind brother M$arnmad Khudabandah and his own eight month old

son, Shah Shuja', there was no other candidate for the throne. Shah Isma'ïl n had also

ordered the execution of M$arnmad Khudabandah and his sons, but he himself died

before the execution orders could be carried out, leaving M$arnmad Khudabandah as a

possible successor.

212 Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbiisf,219.

71 According to the author of Naqëlvat al-Asiir, immediately after Shah Ismâ'ïl II's death sorne of the qizilbiish amirs approached Parï Khan Khanum and suggested that she should ascend the throne. However, she did not accept the offer and instead tried her best to bring Muhammad Khudabandah from Shiraz to ascend the throne.213 The qizilbiish govemor ofShiraz had suggested that Shah Isma'ïl II's son, Shah Shuja', should become the next king and that since he was only eight months old Pari Khan Khanum should make aIl important decisions on his behalf. He declared that "the affairs of state will remain in Parï Khan Khanum's hands; however, since women are not fit for kingship, they should mint coins in Shah Shuja"s name.,,214 Other amirs, however, disagreed with this suggestion and stated that Shah Shuja' was too young to ascend the throne.

Munshï tells us that the amirs were concemed that if their enemies noticed the affairs of state were in the hands of a woman they would take it as a sign of weakness and attack.

Whereas the qizilbiish amirs allied to Parï Khan Khanum, such as the govemor of Shiraz, were willing to overlook the gendered configuration of Safavid rule and have in Pari

Khan Khanum a strong supporter, others were concemed that the threat from the

Ottomans and the Uzbeks would be greater if a woman was to rule and as such their own interests would be at risk. In the end aIl the chief qizilbiish amirs agreed to give the throne to Mu}1ammad Khudabandah, who was in Shiraz at the time. They conc1uded that, as he had several capable young sons who could later take over the throne, he should succeed

Shah Isma'ïl II and rule until his sons reached the age of maturity. While Pari Khan

Khanum agreed with this decision, she believed that she should hold true power and that

213 Afiishtah-yi N&tanzï, Naqiivat al-kiir, 72. 214 Munshï, 'Alam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï, 220. See also Qummï, Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh, 656.

72 Mu}1ammad Khudabandah, who was incapable of ruling, should be king in name only while she took care ofpolitical affairs.215 Meanwhile, Parï Khan Khanum took care of the political affairs in the capital, Qazvin.216

Parï Khan Khanum anticipated that once her blind brother arrived at the court in Qazvin, he would be willing to give her control of political affairs. But another politically active woman was already by Muhammad Khudabandah's side, waiting to take control over the affairs of the Safavid state. According to Munshï, when the messengers reached Shiraz to inform MulIammad Khudabandah of his succession to the throne they observed that

"Mahd-i 'Ulya was in charge of the affairs of the government, and nothing of importance would take place without her orders, and his majesty was very kind to her.,,217 Mahd-i

'Ulya, known also as Khayr al-Nisa' Begum, a capable and ambitious woman, was not expected to give up her control and obey her sister-in-Iaw's orders. She was soon informed by advisors around her of the threat Pari Khan Khanum posed to her and to her husband's rule.

Salman Mïrza, who held the office of vizier at the time of Shah Isma'ïl II and had sided against Parï Khan Khanum, was concemed for his position now that she was back in the game?18 Therefore, when Shamkhal Sultan decided to spare his life he fled to Shiraz to

215 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 220; Qummï, Khula~at al-Tavarïkh, 656-7. 216 Qummï, Khula.sat al-Tavarïkh, 657. 217 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï,223. 218 For the political career of Sai man Mïrza see Savory, Studies, XV.

73 offer his services to the future Shah Muhammad Khudabandah.219 When Salman Mïrza arrived in Shiraz he realized that Mahd-i 'Vlya was now the sole authority, so he decided to bring her to his own side. Salman Mïrza warned Mahd-i 'Vlya against Parï Khan

Khanum's influence among the qizilbiish amirs and persuaded her and Shah Mupammad

Khudabandah that "as long as Pari Khan Khanum is in charge of the affairs of state, his majesty will be a king in name only and Mahd-i 'Vlya will be nothing but another woman in the harem. ,,220

Meanwhile, Muhammad Khudabandah, who was on his way to Qazvin, sent a few of his men ahead to guard the state treasury, which at the time was under the control of Parï

Khan Khanum. This move resulted in a clash between the supporters of Parï Khan

Khanum and the envoy of Khudabandah. Then Shamkhal Sultan, who sensed that

Muhammad Khudabandah was not acting in good faith, decided to guard Pari Khan

Khanum' s residence with sorne of his armed supporters. When the news of this reached

Mahd-i 'Vlya and Muhammad Khudabandah their suspicions ofParï Khan Khanum grew.

Soon many of Pari Khan Khanum's supporters also left her camp to welcome Mahd-i

'Vlya and Muhammad Khudabandah, who by then were approaching the capital.221

Mahd-i 'Vlya and Muhammad Khudabandah, who had experienced danger and insecurity during the reign of Shah Isma'ïl II, now felt cautious towards Parï Khan Khanum and her potential threat to their rule. Thus it didn't take Salman Mïrza much effort to turn their

219 Qummï, Khu/ii.sat a/-Tavarfkh, 657-8. 220 Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasf, 224; See also Qummï, Khula~at a/-Tavarfkh, 660. 221 Qummï, Khu/a~at al-Tavarfkh, 659-60.

74 hearts against Shamkhai Sultan and Parï Khan Khanum. According to Munshï, when

Mahd-i 'VIya and Shah M$ammad Khudabandah reached the court in Qazvin, Mahd-i

'VIya kissed Pari Khan Khanum's hand as a sign of good faith, but Pari Khan Khanum was too proud and did not respond weIl to Mahd-i 'Vlya's gesture.222 It is important to keep in mind, however, that Munsru was the major and most distinguished historian of the court of Shah' Abbas, who was the son of Mahd-i 'Vlya. As such, one would expect him to tilt towards her and against Parï Khan Khanum.

Soon the fate of Pari Khan Khanum and of her uncle Shamkhal Sultan was decided. Amïr

Aslan Khan Arashlü Afshar was assigned to kill Shamkhal Sultan, and Khalïl Khan

Afshar, who had once been Pari Khan Khanum's guardian, was assigned to kill her in exchange for her wealth and belongings.223 The assassination plot against Pari Khan

Khanum and Shamkhal Sultan was to be carried out on the same day Shah Multammad

Khudabandah ascended the throne. Following the coronation ceremony, Parï Khan

Khanum was on her way to her residence when her litter was intercepted by Khalïl Khan

Afshar and his followers. First sorne struggle took place between Parï Khan Khanum's guards and Khalïl Khan Afshar's followers, but soon Pari Khan Khanum gave in to her fate and she let them take her away. Qummï describes the scene as follows:

As the khan's guards took the lady's carriage, her people insisted that they had to take her back to her residence. Then a quarrel among them took place, to the extent that they used their swords and guns against one another. Parï Khan Khanum stopped her guards and gave in to her fate, and her carriage was taken to Khalïl Khan's house. There she reached the

222 Munshï, 'Alam Ani-yi 'Abbasï, 225. 223 Ibid., 225-6; Qummï, Khula~at al-Tavarïkh, 660.

75 glory of martyrdom on the auspicious night of 'arafah [a religiously significant night].224

It is evident from Qummï' s account that he was fond of Pari Khan Khanum, presenting her as a brave and honorable martyr. In the end Pan Khan Khanum was strangled by

Khalïl Khan Afshar' s men, and Khalïl Khan Afshar was rewarded with her wealth of approximately 10,000 tümiins. Shamkhal Sultan was killed by Amir Aslan Khan Arashlu

Afshar, and his head was taken to the palace to be shown to the shah. Shah Shuja', the one year old son ofIsma'il II, was also killed on that day.225

At the time of her death, the Safavid princess Pari Khan Khanum was only thirty years old. During her life, she played an important role in shaping the political dynamics of the

Safavid court. Although she was not the official ruler, she was weIl respected among the qizilbiish amirs, and her opinion was sought after by powerful men in the court on many occasions. She also acted as a de facto ruler for a short period of time, between the death of Shah Isma'il II and her own death. Her political career began when her father made her his adviser and consultant. While she managed to bring Shah Isma'il II to power with the help of the qizilbiish elite, and particularly of her uncle, this was as much an asset as a liability in the world of royal intrigue and court conspiracies. This explains why Shah

Isma'il II tried to marginalize and neutralize her. She returned to politics after Isma'il's death hoping for a more active political role. She helped Shah Mullammad Khudabandah ascend the throne, not knowing that his wife, Mahd-i 'Ulya, had already planned to take her out of the picture in order to secure her own position at the court.

224 Qummï, Khula.sat al-Tavarïkh, 662; See also Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï,226. 225 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 226.

76 Mahd-i 'Ulya

Mahd-i 'Dlya was the wife of Shah M$ammad Khudabandah and mother of four Safavid princes. She was bom and raised in Mazandaran and her father, Mïr 'Abdullah Khan, was at one point the ruler of this northem province. He was a descendent of the famous

Mar'ashï sayyid, Mïr Qavam al-Dïn, also known as Mïr Buzurg, who had become the ruler of Mazandaran in 670 AH. Mïr Buzurg c1aimed descent from the fourth Imam, which meant that his family had a long-established knowledge of Shï'ï doctrine and ritual aquired by sayyids.226 Mïr 'Abdullah Khan thus saw himself as the legitimate ruler of

Mazandaran. However, since his father, Mïr Sultan MaJunüd, had died before settling the question of succession with his brothers, Mïr 'Abdullah Khan had to fight his cousins and relatives in order to gain power. During the reign of Shah Tahmasb l, sorne of the

Mazandaranis who were not in favor of Mïr 'Abdullah Khan had asked Tahmasb to offer

Mazandaran to Mïr 'Abdullah Khan's cousin, Mïr Sultan Murad. As the shah did not want any unrest and bloodshed in Mazandaran, he decided to give half of the province to

Mïr 'Abdullah Khan and half to Mïr Sultan Murad. However this plan did not work out and Mïr 'Abdullah Khan was murdered by Mïr Sultan Murad and a group of his

Mazandarani supporters, who by this point had taken over all of Mazandaran?27 Clearly, the qizilbash provincial leaders were powerful enough to challenge the shah's decisions or pressure him to accept the reconfiguration of power among them.

226 For more on the Mar'ashï family tree see Ghaffiirï Qazvïnï, Tarïkh-i Jahan Ara, 88-92. 227 For a full account ofMïr 'Abdullah Khan's rule and his murder in Mazandaran, see Mïr Taymür Mar'ashï, Tarïkh-i Khandan-i Mar 'ashï-yi Mazandaran, ed. Manüchahr Sutüdah (Tehran: Intisharat-i Bunyad-i Farhang-i Ïran, 1355/1976), 124-52. For a summary see Munshï, 'A/am Ara-yi 'Abbasï,240.

77 After Mir 'AbdulHih Khan's death Mahd-i 'Ulya's uncle, Mïr Qavam al-Din, wanted to keep her in Mazandaran and marry her to his son. However, Mir Sultan Murad managed to persuade him that it was better to send Mahd-i 'Ulya to Qazvin along with her brothers.

He believed keeping them in Mazandaran was not a wise thing to do, fearing that they might seek to avenge their father's death with the help of Mir Qavam al-Din and in the process cause more bloodshed among the Mazandaranis.228 Therefore, after her father' s death Mahd-i 'Ulya and her brothers, Mir 'Abdulkarim and Mir 'Azïz, were sent to

Qazvin to take refuge at the court of Shah Tahmasb I. Taking pity on the young girl,

Tahmasb married Mahd-i 'Ulya to his son Prince Muhammad Mïrza (Khudabandah) in

973/1566, and offered Muhammad Mirza the govemorship ofHerat.229

At sorne point III his life, which is not clearly stated in the Safavid chronicles,

Muhammad Khudabandah became sick and suffered the loss of his eyesight. Sorne have suggested that his blindness was due to his refusaI to visit doctors?30 Most historians have suggested that Mupammad Khudabandah's blindness gave his wife the opportunity to assume a more active political role. While Muhammad Khudabandah' s loss of eyesight may weIl have contributed to Mahd-i 'Ulya's assumption of a more active political role, her own ambitions and desire for power should not be underestimated.

228 Mar'ashï, Tiirikh-i Khiindiin, 153-4. 229 Qummï, Khulii.sat al-Taviirikh, 454; Shïrazï Navïdï, Takmilat al-Akhbiir, 128; Hidayat, Raw;at al-Safo-yi Nii.siri, 193. On their marriage see also Mar'ashï, Tiirïkh-i Khiindiin, 157. 230 'Abdal-I:Iusayn Nava'ï suggests this in the end of Shïrazï Navïdï, Takmilat al-Akhbiir, 216.

78 As was mentioned earlier, Mahd-i 'Ulya came from a prominent Iranian family in

Mazandaran which ruled over the province for centuries. Her background as a descendent of a prominent sayyid attests to the fact that Islamic traditions of leaming and socialization were vivid in her background. As such, there was no sharp dichotomy between Iranian-Islamic and Turco-Mongol heritage when it came to the political activities of upper-class women. Reducing the discussion of female political activities of the Safavid era to simply that of a racial heritage is incomplete and unsatisfactory. As

Maria Szuppe has suggested, Mahd-i 'Ulya "could certainly find role models of politically active women in her own extended family, even if sorne belonged to the enemy faction. ,,231

There is not enough information available about Mahd-i 'Ulya's early childhood and upbringing, nor is it clear when she began taking control over the affairs of her blind husband. However, it seems certain that while in Shiraz she exercised a great deal of power in local affairs. Shah Mu}lammad Khudabandah's accession to the throne only brought her hopes and ambitions closer to fulfillment. With her only female political rival, Pari Khan Khanum, out of the way, Mahd-i 'Ulya now began her mIe with a certain force and determination. However, before long her policies and actions brought her into conflict with many of the qizilbiish amirs. The latter started to coalesce against Mahd-i

'Ulya when they [elt that her practices ran against their interests. They could not tolerate what were perceived as nepotistic policies, and quickly decided to put an end to her mIe.

231 Szuppe, "Status, Knowledge, and Politics," 158.

79 Mabd-i 'Ulya and Political Power

Immediately after Shah Muhammad Khudabandah ascended the throne, Mahd-i 'Vlya took control ofthe affairs of state. Qatï Alunad al-Qummï writes that "after honoring and kissing the feet of his highness and his son I:Iamzah Mïrza, aIl the amirs and notables would go to her highness ... and nothing of importance could be carried out without her consultation and approval.,.232 As is evident from this passage, Mahd-i 'Vlya was being briefed on political affairs by the qizilbiish amirs, just as her husband and her son were.

Moreover, she used her influence in the court to appoint sorne of her allies and relatives to high-ranking posts in provincial territories. For instance, I:Iusayn Khan Mazandaranï, one of Mahd-i 'Vlya's relatives, was appointed as the diirüghah of Isfahan.233 Mïrza

Salman, who had warned Mahd-i 'Vlya of the potential power of Pari Khan Khanum and had persuaded her to eliminate Pari Khan Khanum, "was confirmed in the office ofwazïr, and became the staunch supporter of Mahd-i 'Vlya and her pro-Tajïk policies.,,234

Mahd-i 'Ulya's rule did not last long. She tried to take absolute control and made decisions that angered the qizilbiish amirs, to the extent that they sought her total elimination. Just as Mahd-i 'Vlya had eliminated Parï Khan Khanum almost a year earlier, now qizilbiish amirs orchestrated the death of Mahd-i 'Ulya and put an end to her rule. In terms of the factors that shaped her life, Maria Szuppe suggests that

Khayr al-Nisa Begum's character must have been forged by adversities in her early life: defeat of her family in Mazandaran, escape to the Safavids,

232 QummI, Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh, 658. 233 Ibid., 665. 234 Savory, Studies, XV, 182.

80 and dangers to which her husband and sons were exposed during Shah Isma'il II's period when Safavid princes were being executed.235

Despite the importance of personal and psycho-social factors shaping the queen' s outlook, the political rivalry among the qizilbiish amirs, their alliances, their interests and relations to both the shah and the Iranian notables as weIl as the historical developments surrounding the reign of Shah M$ammad Khudabandah, were crucial in determining

Mahd-i 'Ulya's actions and fate. Soon after she assumed power, it seemed that every move she made upset the qizilbiish amirs. A doser look at the events following

M$ammad Khudabandah's accession to the throne will further darify the reason behind the friction between Mahd-i 'Ulya and the qizilbiish amirs.

The Reign of Shah MuJtammad Khudabandah:

Qizilbash Factionalism and Foreign Intrusions

When Shah M$ammad Khudabandah ascended the throne, he began distributing the wealth in the treasury among the qizilbiish amirs and provincial govemors in a generous rnanner. The qizilbiish tribesmen and provincial govemors took advantage of M$ammad

Khudabandah's generosity, and after accumulating sorne wealth began acting independently and stirred up sorne trouble. In the words of Munshï, "in short, the qezelbiis put the satisfaction of their own aspirations first, and the interests of religion and the state a poor second. ,,236 At the same time as the treasury was gradually being emptied by the qizilbiish amirs, the disagreements among thern were also on the rise. Once more,

235 Szuppe, "Status, Knowledge, and Politics," 158-9. 236 Munshï, History, 341.

81 qizilbiish factionalism was the defining factor in how events would unfold in the Safavid court.

As the factionalism of the qizilbiish amirs spread and the hold of the central government over sorne of the territories and provinces was weakened, the enemies of the Safavids took advantage of the situation and decided to strike. Shah Muhammad Khudiibandah and

Mahd-i 'Ulyii were not only faced with the challenge of conflict among the qizilbiish amirs, but also with the threat of foreign invasion from neighbors to the east and to the west, in particular the Uzbeks and the Ottomans. When word of Shah Ismii'ïl II's elimination of most of the Safavid princes had reached Iran's eastern neighbors, and in particular the Uzbeks, following Ismii'ïl's death Jaliil Khan Uzbek decided to take advantage of the situation by attacking the eastern frontier in an attempt to conquer

Khurasan. However, he was defeated by Murtaza-Qulï Khan Turkaman and was killed on his orders?37

On the western frontier the Ottoman Sultan Murad III (r.982-1003/1574-95) decided to take Azerbaijan and Shirvan, breaking the long-term peace agreement between the

Safavids and the Ottomans in the winter of 986/1578.238 Sorne Kurdish tribes in the western frontier provinces, after hearing the news of the death of Shah Ismii'ïl II and observing the weakness and disunity of the qizilbiish, began sorne disturbances in Van. 239

There were sorne disturbances in other areas like Maragha and Shirvan. The Ottomans

237 For more on the Uzbek invasion of Khurasan see Munshï, 'A/am Ani-yi 'Abbiisï,228-30. 238 Ibid., 228. 239 Ibid., 231.

82 then were encouraged to attack when they saw the time was right. The Ottoman sultan then did not hesitate to break the peace treaty with the Safavids and soon sent a strong army led by Mustafa Pasha, the Ottoman sultan's guardian, to attack the Safavids. The qizilbiish tribes, who were preoccupied with their own internaI conflicts, were defeated and in the pro cess lost many soldiers. The Ottomans managed to conquer Qarabaq and

Shirvan, after which they left to spend the winter in Erzerum. Mustafa Pasha then appointed Osman Pasha as the beglerbeg of Shirvan. When the news of the Ottoman victory over Shirvan and Qarabaq reached Mahd-i 'Vlya, she and her eldest son, the crown prince l:Iarnzah Mlrza, decided to leave for Qarabaq to confront the Ottoman army.240 The Persian vizier Mlrza Salman also accompanied the royal camp to confront the Ottomans in Shirvan. It is important to note that "it was the exception rather than the mIe for the waz'ïr to take part in military operations.,,241 This becomes an even more sensitive matter when one take into account the fact that Mlrza Salman was not only a bureaucrat but was also a Persian. According to the customs of the qizilbiish the military was their domain, and they resented serving under the military command of Persians.242

In Shirvan the Ottomans had sought the help of the Tatars to fight the Safavids, and the

Tatar amir had sent his brother, 'Adil Garay Khan, to aid them. The qizilbiish were having a tough time fighting the Ottomans and the Tatars, when on orders from l:Iarnzah MIrza sorne qizilbiish arnÏrs went to their aid. The qizilbiish army met the Tatars, who were headed by 'Adil Garay Khan, in the village of Mulla l:Iasan. During the fight 'Adil Garay

240 For a detailed account of the battles fought by the qizilbiish see Ibid., 230-5. 241 Savory, Studies, XV, 183. 242 Ibid., 185.

83 Khan was taken prisoner by the qizilbiish amirs and the rest of the Tatar army fled. At the same time, Osman Pasha (the Ottoman-appointed beglerbeg of Shirvan) had returned to the fortress of Shamakhï, and when he heard the news of the defeat of his Tatar allies by the qizilbiish he fled to Darband, allowing the qizilbiish to take back most of the lost territory?43

Vpon hearing the news ofvictory, Mahd-i 'Vlya sent sorne soldiers to bring '.Adil Garay

Khan to the royal camp and instructed the qizilbiish to follow Osman Pasha to Darband in order to drive the Ottomans from Shirvan forever. However, the qizilbiish amirs did not obey her direct orders and returned to the camp without pursuing Osman Pasha to

Darband. Mahd-i 'Vlya was furious that the qizilbiish had disobeyed her, and left the camp for Qazvin in the midst of the winter.244 Munshï describes the situation as follows:

Mahd-e 'Olya, still angry because the emirs had returned to Qarabag instead of marching against Darband, decided to leave the decision to the Shah. The emirs and Mahd-e 'Olya did not see eye to eye on many matters, and she made sorne quite reasonable criticisms of their behavior. This dispute led Mahd-e 'Olya to strike camf and retum, and no one could stop her from taking this imprudent action.24

243 Munshï, 'Alam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï, 236-8. 244 Ibid., 235-8. 245 Munshï, History, 356. It is interesting to note that Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh states the opposite. According to Qummï, the amirs wanted to go after Osman Pasha, but Mahd-i 'Ulya ordered them to retum to the camp. See Qummï, Khulii.sat al-Taviirïkh, 685-6. The account in Rawkat al-Sajà-yi Nii~irï is consistent with that of Munshï. See Hidayat, Rawkat al-Sajà-yi Nii.sirï, 192.

84 'Abbas Mirza and the Governorship of Herat

During Shah Isma'ïl II's reign 'Abbas Mïrza, son of Mullammad Khudabandah and

Mahd-i 'Ulya, was the governor of Herat. When Shah Isma'ïl II had begun the systematic execution of aIl of his male relatives, he hesitated to order the execution of Muhammad

Khudabandah and his children. This was probably due both to Muhammad

Khudabandah's blindness and to the fact that he was bis full brother. However, in the end he decided to execute Muhammad Khudabandah's family as weIl. Isma'ïl sent 'Alï-Qulï

Khan Shamlü to Herat to kill 'Abbas Mïrza and take over the governorship of Herat. 'Alï•

Qulï Khan Shamlü, who had been a long-term servant of Muhammad Khudabandah, was hesitant to carry out the orders. Upon bis arrivaI in Herat on a Ramadan evening, 'Alï•

Qulï Khan Shamlü was asked by his mother, who had once been 'Abbas Mïrza's nanny, to delay the execution until the end of the month of Ramadan. 'Alï-Qulï Khan Shamlü was not eager to execute 'Abbas Mïrza, and he waited a few days for religious reasons. It was the twenty-seventh of Ramadan and the night of Qadr (the night that Qur'an was revealed to the Prophet Muhammad), and it was not appropriate to execute the prince at that time. The next day was also another significant religious day, which then was followed by preparations for the Eyd-i Fitr (the last day of Ramadan, and a holiday). As luck was on 'Abbas Mïrza's side, Shah Isma'ïl II died at that time and the news of his death reached Herat before 'Abbas Mïrza could be executed. The qizilbiish amirs, who were also concerned about the safety of Khurasan in the absence of a royal prince as the ruler, were relieved to find 'Abbas Mïrza alive.246

246 Munshï, 'Âlam Ârti-yi 'Abbasï, 243-4.

85 When the news that 'Abbas Mïrza was alive reached Mahd-i 'Ulya and Shah M$ammad

Khudabandah, they were eager to have him back in Qazvin. They did not want to keep any of the princes in the provinces for security reasons, and they sent a delegate to return him to Qazvin. Given the unrest in the provinces and the factionalism among the qizilbiish, Mahd-i 'Ulya and Shah M$ammad Khudabandah were afraid of a qizilbiish conspiracy against the central government through one of the royal princes. Therefore,

Mahd-i 'Ulya sent a delegate to Herat to bring 'Abbas Mïrza back to Qazvin. 247 When the qizilbiish amirs in Khurasan were informed of the queen's decision to take 'Abbas Mïrza back to Qazvin, they approached 'Alï-Qulï Khan Shamlü, who after the death of Shah

Isma'ïl decided to serve as 'Abbas Mïrza's guardian, in order to stop him from complying with the queen' s wishes. The qizilbiish amirs argued that sending Prince 'Abbas Mïrza away from Herat would leave Khurasan, which historically had always been headed by a great Safavid prince, vulnerable to attack, especially from the Uzbeks. If the enemies saw that Herat' s seat was not occupied by a Safavid prince, they would seize the opportunity to attack and this wouldjeopardize the safety of the Safavid state.248

Although the qizilbiish amirs may have had a convincing argument, they did not seem committed to it when Shah Isma'ïl II had ordered the execution of 'Abbas Mïrza. Without a doubt the fear that the queen was attempting to curtail or limit the expansion in the power of several amirs played a great role in the qizilbiish opposition to the queen's decision to move 'Abbas Mïrza out of Herat. Furthermore, the rivalry between the

Ustajlü-Shamlü and Turkaman-Takallü tribes also influenced this decision. The Ustajlü

247 Ibid., 244. 248 Ibid., 244-5.

86 and Shfunlü tribes were hoping that by keeping 'Abbas Mïrzâ in Khurasan they would have a way to counterbalance the power of the Turkaman and TakaIlü tribes, who had been able to consolidate a considerable amount of power in Qazvin.249

When .Aqa N~, Mahd-i 'Ulya's delegate to Khurasan, returned to Qazvin without the prince, Mahd-i 'Ulya decided to send another delegate to bring 'Abbas Mïrza home. This time she sent one of the Turkaman amirs to Khurasan along with tifty of his men, only to see him return empty-handed once more. In Khurasan, 'Alï-Qulï Khan Shfunlü, along with Murshid-Qulï Khan Ustajlü and sorne other high ranking amirs, were aIl in agreement that the prince should not be sent to Qazvin. Murtaza-Qulï Khan Purnak

Turkaman, the governor of Mashhad who had tirst encouraged 'Alï-Qulï Khan Shfunlü to keep 'Abbas Mïrza in Khurasan, now decided to take the side of Mahd-i 'Ulya's delegate,

Ibrahim Beg Turkaman, as a result of his conflict with Alï-Qulï Khan Shfunlü. However

Murtaza-Qulï Khan was from the Turkaman tribe, which at that time were political rivaIs of the Ustajlü and the Shfunlü. This antagonism between the two qizilbiish camps, headed by 'Alï-Qulï Khan Shfunlü in Herat and Mashhad, was on the rise as Mahd-i 'Ulya's second delegate came back to the royal court empty-handed?50

Mahd-i 'Ulya, who was infuriated by the disobedience of the amirs and especially of' Alï-

Quli Khan Shfunlü, reprimanded his father for the son's actions. 'Alï-Qulï Khan Shfunlü's father then decided to go to Khurasan in order to change his son' s mind about the

249 Navâ'î, Tarïkh-i Talzavalat, 162. 250 Munshî, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 246.

87 situation and bring a peaceful resolution to the problem. 'AlI-QulI Khan ShfunIü's father was also unable to gain the expected result from his encounter with his son. Things

Iooked gloomier for the queen when the govemor of Sabzevar, Qubad Khan Qajar, also sent a message to the Shfunlü amirs in Herat stating that even if they let the prince go, he would be stopped by his men on bis way to Qazvin. The father of 'AIï-QuIï Khan Shfunlü decided to go to Sabzevar to further discuss the situation, delaying bis arrivaI at Qazvin.

However, wbile he was in Sabzevar he heard the news of Mahd-i 'Ulya 's murder.25 1

Further developments in Khurasan after the death of Mahd-i 'Ulya attest to the true intentions of the qizilbiish amirs there. Mahd-i 'Ulya's concems about leaving 'Abbas

Mïrza in the hands of the amirs were well grounded. She was aware that the growing power of the qizilbiish and their tendencies towards decentralization had to be restrained.

After the death of Mahd-i 'Ulya the conflict between the Shfunlü-Ustiijlü and the

Turkaman-Takka1ü tribes over Khurasan increased. Eventually after two years of civil warfare among the se tribes, 'AIï-Qulï Khan ShamIü and Mursbid-Qulï Khan Ustiijlü had

'Abbas Mïrza dec1ared as a king in Khurasan in April 989/1581.252

The Mazandaran Crisis

One of the most controversial moves of Mahd-i 'Ulya was her order to execute the

Mazandarani ruler, Mïrza Khan. As mentioned earlier, Sultan Murad Khan managed to

251 Ibid., 245-7; Hidâyat, Raw;at al-Safo-yi Nii~irï, 194-6. 252 Falsafi, Zindigiinï-yi Shiih 'Abbiis-i Avval, 60-3, 68-9.

88 take control over aIl of Mazandaran by plotting the assassination of Mahd-i 'Ulya's father and thus eliminating him as a political rival. After Sultan Murad Khan passed away his son, Sultan Malunüd, also known as Mlrza Khan, managed to take control of

Mazandaran. While Mlrza Khan was in power, another member of the extended

Mazandarani family, MIr 'Alï Khan, who was unhappy with the way he was treated by

Mlrza Khan, came to Qazvin complaining to Shah Muhammad Khudabandah.253 Mahd-i

'Ulya, who was still unhappy about what Sultan Murad Khan and his family had done to her father, believed the time was right to replace Sultan Murad Khan's son with MIr 'Alï

Khan, another of her Mazandarani relatives.254 MIr' Alï Khan was sent to Mazandaran along with a group of qizilbiish amirs and soldiers to take control of the province and oust

Mïrza Khan.255 MIr 'Alï Khan and Mlrza Khan fought two times in Mazandaran. The second battle ended in Mlrza Khan's defeat and he decided to take refuge in a secure fortress in Fïruzjah.256 MIr 'Alï Khan and his army were unable to take the fortress for a long time. Finding his men exhausted and unable to finish the job, MIr' AlI Khan sent for help from the capital.257

In Qazvin, Mahd-i 'Ulya had become furious about Mlrza Khan's aggressive behavior and lack of respect for her authority, and she became even more determined to eliminate him. Unhappy about MIr 'Alï Khan's failure to defeat MIrza Khan completely, she sent

253 Mar'ashï, Tarïkh-i Khandan, 215. 254 Ibid., 217; Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 241; Qummï, Khula~at al-Tavarïkh, 693-4. The author of Raw~at al-$afo-yi Na,sirï states that Mahd-i 'Ulya wanted to give the rulership to her brother, Mïr 'Azïz Khan. See Hidayat, Raw~at al-$afo-yi Na~irï, 193. 255 Mar'ashï, Tarïkh-i Khandan, 217. 256 For more detailed accounts of the battles between the two camps see Ibid., 218-30. 257 Ibid., 246.

89 sorne qizilbiish amirs to the aid of Mïr 'Alï Khan. She wanted them to take the fortress, but they were unable to accomplish this either. This time she decided to send Shahrukh

Khan to Mazandaran to put an end to the situation. Shahrukh Khan, who was a high- ranking government official at the time, was deeply disappointed with Mahd-i 'Ulya's move to appoint him to such a task, since "he saw himself as above being appointed to such assignments.,,258 Shahrukh Khan tried to persuade Mahd-i 'Ulya that her first delegate would be able to take care of the task, and that sooner or later he would accomplish his mission. Mahd-i 'Ulya was very disturbed by Shahrukh Khan's reaction to her orders, and she asked the shah to send Shahrukh Khan to Mazandaran by force. The court vizier Salman Mïrza, as Mahd-i 'Ulya's strongest ally, managed to persuade

Shahrukh Khan to go to Mazandaran without further delay?59 However in the end he did not deliver the results that Mahd-i 'Ulya expected. As Shahrukh Khan reached

Mazandaran and realized that conquering the fortress would not be an easy task, he decided to negotiate with Mïrza Khan. Mïrza Khan, knowing that Mahd-i 'Ulya had the intention of avenging her father' s death and would not let him go unpunished, did not wish to surrender. However, the amirs who were negotiating with him guaranteed that they would not let any harm come his way. They promised him that they would speak with Mahd-i 'Ulya and ask her to forgive him. Mïrza Khan accepted the promises of the se high ranking and influential court officiaIs and finally surrendered himself to them?60

258 Munshï, 'A/am Ani-yi 'Abbiisï, 241. 259 Ibid. 260 Ibid., 241-2.

90 Mahd-i 'Ulya, however, preferred that Mïrza Khan be killed by the amirs while they were taking the fortress by force. Mahd-i 'Ulya therefore fonnulated another plan to get the results she wanted. She sent a group of thirty great guards (qürchïyiin-i '~ziim) to take

Mïrza Khan from the amirs and detain him themselves. Unbeknownst to the amirs, these qürchfs had the order from Mahd-i 'Ulya to execute Mïrza Khan as soon as they got their hands on him. The amirs then felt betrayed when they found out that Mïrza Khan had been killed the same night by the queen's delegates. This was an important turning point in Mahd-i 'Ulya's relationship with the qizilbiish amirs. Munshï describes the situation as follows:

Shahrukh Khan, Pïri MuJuunmad Khan, Qürmis Khan and other great amirs were very disappointed by this event. Their spite towards Mahd-i 'Ulya increased, but since there was nothing they could do about it they said nothing and went back to the city. There they went to visit her and prostrated themselves before her and said their prayers to her, but she did not thank them as they deserved and so their disappointment with her increased even more. Little by little their indignation with Mahd-i 'Ulya increased to the point that, with the encouragement of M$ammad Khan Turkaman, who had been deposed from the governorship of Kennan, they became detennined to eliminate her and soon they did what they wanted 261 tO.

This statement coming from Munshï, who painted the queen in the best light, is insightful.

He clearly shows that she made a bad political move, failing to maximize on her victory in changing the governorship of Mazandaran. She also did not forge positive bonds with those qizilbiish amirs whom she obviously needed when the opportunity arose. Q~

Alunad al-Qummï noted that the Mazandaran crisis "was bad luck for the Begum and her

261 Ibid., 242.

91 mother, and seventeen days after the murder of Mïrza Khan she and her mother were also killed.,,262

Most Safavid chronicles have described Mahd-i 'Ulya's actions as irrational and based on

a personal grudge. For example, Iskandar Beg Turkaman asserts that Mïrza Khan was an

innocent man who was killed because of the "bad conduct of the amirs and the pride and

ignorance ofwomen.,,263 The author of Raw;at al-$afo attributes Mahd-i 'Ulya's decision

to eliminate her enemies to the "stubbornness" of women in genera1.264 In the same way,

most contemporary Iranian historians have also seen Mahd-i 'Ulya as an irrational,

emotional woman, lacking in "political wisdom" and "prudence" like most women, who

in the end brought about her own death.265 Numerous similar acts committed by the shahs

or viziers are never perceived as irrational. Given the trouble Mïrza Khan had caused in

Mazandaran for Mahd-i 'Ulya's delegates, it was not unusual for Mahd-i 'Ulya, as a ruler,

to wish to punish Mïrza Khan. Just like numerous Safavid shahs and even their rivaIs the

Ottoman sultans in comparable circumstances, she wanted nothing less than the physical

elimination of deposed govemors, viziers, and rulers. As the primary authority in charge

of the affairs of the Safavid state, Mahd-i 'Ulya did not wish to send a message of

weakness to the rest of the provincial rulers at a time when disunity and disobedience

among the qizilbash was already on the rise. Mahd-i 'Ulya, just like any other ruler before

her, was trying to consolidate power by eliminating her opponents and replacing them

262 Qummï, Khula.sat al-Tavarïkh, 694. 263 Munshï, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 242. This sentence does not appear in Roger Savory's translation. 264 Hidiïyat, Raw;?at al-$afo-yi Na.sirï, 194. 265 Tiïhirï, Tarïkh-i Siyasï va Ijtima 'ï-yi Ïran, 313-4; Falsaft, Zindiganï-yi Shah 'Abbas-i Awal, 55- 6.

92 with her allies. However, she had not fully anticipated the extent of the problems associated with the qizilbiish disunity and with their antagonism towards her and her policies.

The Violent Death of Mahd-i 'Ulya

As mentioned earlier, the Mazandaran crisis and Mahd-i 'Vlya's decision to kill Mlrza

Khan had increased the opposition of sorne high-ranking qizilbiish amirs to the manner in which she handled the affairs of state. Soon another incident in Kashan was to contribute to the dissatisfaction of the amirs. M$arnmad Khan Turkaman, the govemor of Kashan, had been collecting unreasonably high taxes from the residents of Kashan and in this manner stirring up a great deal of discontent. When the residents of Kashan brought their complaint to the court in Qazvin, Mahd-i 'Vlya had no choice but to dismiss M$arnmad

Khan Turkaman from his post as govemor of Kashan. This incident became a rallying point among the qizilbiish amirs who now conspired against her. Munshï notes that "the amirs knew that as long as Mahd-i 'Vlya was alive she would never leave her children or her husband, or give up her dominance and power. That' s why they decided to eliminate her.,,266 The qizilbiish amirs who wanted to destroy Mahd-i 'Vlya convinced the amirs of aIl the qizilbiish tribes to join them:

the simple-minded qizilbiish amirs, based on pointless excuses such as her giving patronage, official posts, and the govemorship of the provinces to the Mazandaranis, and her transferring of the treasury of the harem to

266 Munshï, 'A/am Arii-yi 'Abbiisï,249.

93 Mazandaran, which were aIl slanders, lies, and false allegations, got together to eliminate her.267

Upon hearing these allegations "Mahd-e 'Olya, who had a choleric temper, lashed the emirs with scathing words.,,268 The amirs, who had become even more upset after Mahd-i

'Ulya's harsh words for them, then sent a message to the shah saying:

Your Majesty weIl knows that women are notoriously lacking in intelligence, weak injudgment, and extremely obstinate. Mahd-e 'Olya has always opposed us, the loyal servants of the crown, and has never agreed with us on matters of state poHcy; she has acted contrary to the considered opinions of the qezelbiis eIders, and has constantly attempted to humiliate and degrade us. We have not been safe from her actions, even though up to the present time we have not been guilty of improper conduct, nor have we done anything to cause her alarm. So how can we feel secure now, when our basic incompatibility has come out into the open, when she has lashed with her tongue the eiders of the qezelbiis tribes, has called us mutinous, and has uttered dire threats against us? In short, we do not consider it proper that word should spread among neighboring rulers that no member of the royal family still remains in the care of the qezelbiis because a woman has taken charge of the affairs of state and is all-powerful. Mahd-e 'Olya's power and influence in the govemment of the realm is objectionable to all the qezelbiis tribes, and it is impossible for us to reach a modus vivendi with her. If she is not removed from power, in all probability revolts will occur that will be to the detriment of both religion and the state?69

Shah Mullammad Khudabandah's response to the amirs was that he would stop Mahd-i

'Vlya from intervening in govemment affairs and would send her away to Qum to spend some time with her son. MunshI stated that Khudabandah was willing to send her to

Mazandaran, or even as a last resort to leave the throne and let the qizilbiish replace him

267 Ibid. 268 Munshï, History, 369. 269 Ibid., 370.

94 with whomever they saw fit. 270 However none of these things happened, since Mahd-i

'Ulya did not seriously consider either option and in the end was not deterred by the qizilbiish threats. On the contrary, she even sent them a message declaring: "1 am the mother of four sons. Killing me will destroy you. 1 have given in to my fate and to God's

Will.,,27!

ln the end the amirs seem to have brought one last accusation, a "classic" one, against

Mahd-i 'Ulya. She was accused of having an affair with 'Âdil Garay Khan, the Tatar prisoner at the court of Shah M$arnmad Khudabandah. 'Âdil Garay Khan was soon put to death.272 Accusing women of sexual indecency seems to have been a common accusation for men to bring against women whom they wished to eliminate. As we have seen, Pari Khan Khanum was also slandered for sexual indecency when Shah Isma'TI II wanted to isolate her.

According to Q~ï Alunad al-Qummï, the vizier Mïrza Salman also joined the camp of the qizilbiish amirs who plotted the assassination of Mahd-i 'Ulya. However, Munshï states that Mïrza Salman played no role in her assassination and had actually gone to one

270 Munshï, 'Alam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï, 250. 271 Hidayat, Raw~at al-Safli-yi Nii~irï, 197; See also MunshI, 'Alam Ara-yi 'Abbasï, 250. This is actually significant since Shah' Abbiis's policies towards the qizilbiish significantly reduced their power. 272 Falsafi, Zindigiinï-yi Shiih 'Abbiis-i Awal, 52; Szuppe, "Participation: Seconde partie," 98. It is interesting to note that Munshï, 'Alam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï, 239, and Qummï, Khulii~at al-Taviirïkh, 696-7, both account for the death of' Âdil Garay Khan but do not mention his affair with Mahd-i 'Ulya. It seems the official historians did not even dare to mention such accusations against the queen, ev en if it was just a slander.

95 of the qizilbash amirs' homes to plead for his life.273 ln the end the qizilbash sent one representative from each tribe to carry out the murder of Mahd-i 'Ulya. She was in the harem when the group of qizilbash swarmed in and strangled her. They later went to

Mahd-i 'Ulya's mother's residence and strangled her along with sorne ofher Mazandarani relatives. They thought Mahd-i 'Ulya had given her mother SUffiS of money from the treasury, so they broke open all the chests in her house and took the contents.274 ln this way the one and a halfyear mIe of Mahd-i 'Ulya came to a violent end.

After Mahd-i 'Ulya's assassination, the population of Qazvin murdered and looted the

Mazandarani and Iranian inhabitants alike. They also did the same to other high-ranking officiais who were on the side of Mahd-i 'Ulya. They looted the house of Mir Qavam al-

Dïn 1:Iusayn, and of Mulla Af~l Munajjim, who was the magistrate of Qazvin. Many other high ranking officiaIs who were affiliated with Mahd-i 'Ulya also went into hiding in the homes of various amirs. In an, there were five days of chaos and riots in the city' s streets and bazars.275

273 Qummï, Khulii.sat al-Taviirïkh, 696; Munshï, 'Alam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï,251. 274 Munshï, 'Alam Arii-yi 'Abbiisï, 251. 275 Qummï, Khulii.sat al-Taviirïkh, 698-9.

96 CONCLUSIONS

During the sixteenth century, the women of the Safavid imperial harem were found actively involved in a wide array of informaI political activities and social influence that is clearly attested in Safavid sources. 1 have discussed the nature of royal marriages, imperial culture, religious and practical education, and certain communal traditions of female activism as central factors in preparing royal women for financial independence and political involvement in state affairs, intra-elite and inter-elite maneuvering and alliance forging leading to critical decision-making at the court.

As we have seen, the marriages of the Safavid household had a political and strategie significance for the empire. Safavids engaged in marri age alliances with qizilbash amirs, civil and religious dignitaries, and provincial rulers for political purposes. The Safavid women given in marriage to the men outside the Safavid family always and above all remained "Safavid." Their importance derived from their being members of the Safavid household and representatives of Safavid interests, promoting, cementing, or abrogating alliances.

97 Education and economic independence were two variables which without doubt enabled royal women to be active in public life and thus to project the image of social benefactors

and revered activists in administering sacred property. Safavid princesses were

consistently trained in Islamic sciences, including Islamic jurisprudence and the Qur'an,

but to varying degrees. As 1 mentioned in chapter two, several Safavid princesses had a

solid learning in Islamic teachings and rituals. Evidence shows that they drew meaning

from this background and identified themselves with vivid Shï'ï Islamic traditions as the

association of Parï Khan Khanum with Fatimah al-Zahra reveals. It is important for future

studies to factor in the role of Islamic traditions in promoting particular political roles.

Royal Safavid women also studied art and poetry, and learned horseback riding and the

use of weapons, which can be clearly attested among nomadic populations who engage

actively in ghazii and a range of military activities.

1 argue that women' s patronage of literature and the arts widened the scope of their social

influence and gave them direct access to leading scholars and learned men of their time.

They used their wealth to become patrons of art and architecture, to donate money and

property to religious and charitable institutions and to found charities. This economic

independence Was partly due to the Islamic inheritance laws which left them a share of

their fathers' wealth and partly a feature of dynastie and imperial practices evident at

Arab, Turcoman and Mongol courts alike. They also had the right to a dowry when they

got married. Safavid princesses were settled urban landowners, sorne of whom owned and

built caravanserais and bridges.

98 ParI Khan Khanum was a clever and learned woman who gained her father' s respect.

Tahmasb then opened the door for her to the domain of politics. He allowed her to be

informed of important political affairs, and encouraged her to offer her opinion and advisè

others. In the Safavid chronicles she is presented as a pious and wise woman. Authors

dedicated books to her, and poets wrote works in her honor. After her father' s death, ParI

Khan Khanum created her own political faction to bring her own candidate to the throne.

She played the same political games as any of her male counterparts, that is by utilizing

the existing political structure but manipulating at times gendered notions of ability and

power. She led Isma'Il MIrza's faction to victory and was considered enough of a threat

to Isma'Il II's throne for him to isolate her from politics. It is crucial to note that aIl

through this phase, ParI Khan Khanum's Circ as sian and Turcoman kin-group did not

view her brokerage as an aberration from a "norm." This points to the presence of upper

class activism, though within limits, among Safavid women who emerged from mixed

Turcoman-Iranian traditions but who at the same time adapted to urban, aristocratic

Islamic norms and traditions.

Mahd-i 'Ulya, being herself an ambitious women, then had to eliminate ParI Khan

Khanum in order to secure her rule, for she was already a moyer and shaker of court

politics. At tirst she was weIl respected by the qizilbiish and there was no indication that

they objected to her rule. However, soon her poli ci es began threatening the dominant

position of the qizilbiish, who after Shah Tahmasb's death were back to their habituaI

conflicts and disorderly conduct. As soon as the qizilbiish sensed that Mahd-i 'Ulya had

99 her own political agenda, was favoring her relatives at their expense, and was perhaps heading towards a more "centralized" state, they decided to eliminate her. Mahd-i 'Ulya as the queen viewed herself as the legitimate de facto ruler, and decided to curtail qizilbiish ambitions. The qizilbiish who dominated the court at the time were able to inflict much damage to her and her plans. Perhaps Mahd-i 'Ulya was aware of this, but nevertheless she was daring in voicing her opinion and continued down her path. In the end the qizilbiish used their rhetoric about women's "emotionalism" and "stubbornness" to declare her unfit to rule. Along with accusations of sexual indecency, they tried to legitimize their actions against her. It is important to note that male Safavid depictions of royal women in the chronicles emphasize not their weakness or ineptness, but rather their evil cunning, their irrationality and emotional anger. Resorting to biological reasons whenever the chronicler fails to explain the actual political events surrounding Pari Khan

Khanum's or Mahd-i 'Ulya's actions must not be taken as a reason for why poiitically active princesses fell out of favor, but rather as a cover-up of other critical factors, central to which was increasing qizilbiish economic ambition which threatened state viability.

ln sum, the local traditions empowering the matrilineal-based ties came to compete with the patriarchal imperial structure at times, carving at times a place for the political activities of the upper-class women, albeit one beset by tensions. During this period, the actions of Safavid women were discussed and framed in upper-class urban Islamic terms as weIl as non-Islamic ones. This study shows that it is misleading to assume that any exclusive or clear affiliation with nomadic qizilbiish or Iranian traditions existed among prominent Safavid women. The Safavid women of the sixteenth century were clearly

100 removed from a nomadic social setting and thus were conforming to upper-class settled urban patterns of leadership. Therefore, future studies must carefully recast the re1evance of nomadic "egalitarian" traditions to Safavid women and their role in empowering women during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

101 Pari Khan Khanum's Letter to Shah Isma'il II

May you be close to alrnighty God. Whenever you are free read this, 0 place of hope and refuge for the people. 1 have heard sorne gossip that has been going around that is unacceptable by any standards. First, the slander of our cuckoldry.276 The forgiving king of the world, whose family is like that of M$ammad M~stafâ and 'AlI Murtap, and is like a full rnoon [... ], should not base the affairs of state on the currying favor of a few people who have sold their hereafter to this world. People have ears and brains. Second, duties that are impossible to perform are not allowed by any religion or people. Choose four people - an Arab, an 'Ajam, a Tajik, and a Turk - to come sit together, and if they take your side then let that be the verdict. Now 1 am willing to accept whatever they say.

Otherwise it is not worthy of your highness' s high position or of your heavenly gatherings to sit and gossip about an innocent. What 1 am saying now is because of rny concerns for the dynasty of Shaykh Safi and his children, otherwise l'rn not afraid of buming and dying. The killing and burning of those who worship God lasts only an hour. Well done!

How happy and how great, that after thirty years of royal existence during which aIl rny relatives always envied my position, the news of my innocence has spread throughout the

276 ParI Khan Khanum was accused ofmaking a cuckold out ofher husband/fiancé.

102 lands of the Arabs and the' Ajam. Let them martyr me while the world is still intact. Not one of the ladies from the harems of the previous kings had the privilege of sending ambassadors to other kings. Praise be to God and his bestowal of blessings that with the grace of the praised king and the will of God, four of my ambassadors went to Anatolia, and every ambassador that was sent to the shah [Tahmasb] was received at my residences.

The only place that he was sure of was by my side. No other princes had this privilege, and my brothers also listened to me and welcomed my advice with an open heart. When you were in the fortress [Qahqaha] and were falsely accused of crimes you hadn't committed, 1 was the only person who could get them to forgive your sins. Much happiness now that after aH this 1 shallleave this world and be seated next to Fatimah al

Zahra. 1 will be secluded but 1 will be seated at the top of heaven, which is the reward for ajust deed. For the Qur'an is true and the commander of the faithful, 'Alï b. Abïtalib, lion of the victorious God, the king of men and lion of God, peace be upon him, is my guardian and aid. Yes, the person who fears death is the person whose bad deeds are scattered in this world and evident in the hereafter. All the Imams asked to die as martyrs.

Another issue they have brought up is the question of women's involvement in state affairs. Oh what wise man would even want the affairs of this world after being separated from that blessed king [Tahmasb]. This is useless speculation. Women never wanted to rule, and if 1 had wanted to, then when 1 was in charge 1 would have chosen one of the princes whose mouth still smelled like milk, and 1 would have ruled without any problems. Or if 1 had wanted a husband like other princesses, 1 could have taken one of the two worthy princes remaining among Bahram Mïrza's children and then 1 would not have fought so much for the revival and survival of that brother [Isma'ïl]. Yes it is a true saying that the response to goodness is badness. 1 have worn my shroud, 1 have written

103 "Oh 'AIr' on the corner of it and 1 am ready to die. Do not hesitate to do whatever you want. Another thing is maybe they don't carry this on in [our] father's family or in others, but the life of the kings is documented and this is going to be recorded in history. Do you think Shah Tahmasb - who had distanced himself from worldly joys and had closed the door on unlawful [haram] earnings, and had instead opened the doors of goodness, and the gate of greatness was not closed to him - could have been so uncaring towards his own respected harem? 1 have studied the books of jurisprudence all my life, and have memorized most of the [Qur'anic] exegeses, so why should 1 be labeled like this?

Moreover, unlike other princesses 1 was never away from my father's court, 1 have never gone through the streets, 1 have never seen the city's bathhouses, and 1 have not gone hunting, but 1 am still being slandered like this. If the problem is that of protective jealousy [ghayrat], there are many others you should be more concerned about than me. If the problem is that you are afraid that 1 am the heir to the kingdom, then send a prince who is deserving of the kingship and is the best soldier among princes to come and wear the dagger and strike [me with] the sword in order to put your mind at ease. 1 am ready to die while others are ready to grab the kingship. Beware, and leave the women of that great king alone, since this [course of action] will not have good consequences. If you want to take over the world and have a clear conscience then do good and he compassionate, since "a big thorn bites deep" but "with good deeds and good intentions the whole world will be covered with flowers." Truly, it is not possible to rule through murder and destruction. If it was possible, Pharaoh, Haman, and Shaddad did a lot of bad.

Beforehand aIl the [Safavid] kings had dignity. This world is an old and endless place.

The most worthless person is he who would want only the succession of this world which is left from Pharaoh and Haman. WeIl done to the person who in spite of the availability

104 of leisure, pleasures, and remorseful enjoyments, would still rule by worshipping and praising God. Who is like that but his highness Shah Tahmasb, lion of l;Iusayn, may God illuminate his grave, who spent all his time worshipping and doing good. He never even hurt an ant, he ate barley bread and it is known to all the women of his harem that he used to eat like this. They would prepare seven different foods for him and he wouldn't even pollute his hand with it, just as he wouldn't pollute his hand with lei sure and sin. 1 told you this because it was necessary. Another thing 1 want to say is that there has been much talk of destroying my houses. This is nothing: the house of the grave should be habitable, but the house of this world was doomed from the beginning. Caution! Do not upset yourself over my homes, it is better to destroy them. A house is only good for a moment.

1 am the servant of the one who said that people deserve to have homes. If you are not sure of me then send me to a tire temple, since after the death of such a father 1 only deserve to live in a tire temple. Keep the garden for other dear and rich sons and daughters.

This world is for the likes of lam, and Caesar, and the Emperor of China.

Worshipping is for the angels and heaven is for enjoyment.

Hell is for the bad and heaven is for the good.

We are for God, and God's essence is for us.

Another thing is that they have taken away my [female] slaves from me. The custom of the royal harem is that whoever does not have enough slaves is not worthy of it. This is not a sound perception, they are of the same rank. They don't know much about me and what 1 have and what 1 don't have. 1 never go out of the harem, while every Friday night

105 they go to Shâhzadah I:Iusayn. That is when their rank becomes evident and covering it is pointless, and God is high and great. During the time of I:Iap-at Muhammad, the infidels would wear ni ce clothes and omaments, but I:Iap-at Fatimah al-Zahra, wife of the deputy of God and God's intermediary on Judgment Day, did not have enough clothes to coyer her body fully.

Even if a wooden snake tries to look like a snake,

Where is its poison for the enemy and its vertebra [a token of good luck] for the friend?

His highness the blessed shah [Tahmasb] also had wives, but none of them allowed themselves to talk about the sisters and daughters of the shah. Oh God, one could lapse from her rank, and 1 am not your sister whenever something like this happens. What is this, that Sakïnah Sultan Khanum has said that two slaves are enough for her [for Parï

Khan Khanum]? If the concem is to mIe, it is wrong. 1 should move like a rIfe stone

[flint] so that fire will come out of me. But what can 1 do, like a magnetic stone 1 cannot produce anything [cannot make rIfe].

You stay clean my brother and don't fear anyone,

Since launderers wash the dirty garment with stones.

Now this is my head and my shroud. 1 am ready to die, do not hesitate to do what you can do, and farewell.

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