"I CAN DO WHATEVER THE HELL I WANT”: FEMALE TATTOO ARTISTS, THEIR EXPERIENCES, AND IDENTITY CREATION

Johni Amos

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

December 2019

Committee:

Lesa Lockford, Advisor

Bradford Clark Graduate Faculty Representative

Radhika Gajjala

Allison Terry-Fritsch ii

ABSTRACT Lesa Lockford, Advisor

In this dissertation I explore the lived experience and identity creation of female tattoo artists. Identity is not singular, as such this project examines identity on multiple levels, each more specific: identity in the broad tattoo community, identity as a tattooed woman, and identity as a female tattoo artist. Each chapter explores identity and experiences within its particular focus and provides evidence, based on interviews, observations, and supporting research, as to how participants negotiate their agency to constitute their identities.

I utilize both a phenomenological and ethnographic approach. As such, I conducted interviews with seven female tattoo artists as well as five female clients and two male colleagues.

The chapters are built around the emerging themes from these interviews and observed interactions, as well as my own experiences as a tattooed woman. These themes include handling emerging conflicts as participants identify with or resist identification with the tattoo community, navigating personal reasons for getting tattooed amidst the various reactions of others, and negotiating their identities as female tattoo artists while encountering societal gender norms as well as gender norms within the tattoo industry. Through the participants’ narratives, their experiences, how they navigate a male dominated work environment, how they constitute their identity and challenge or reify gender norms is revealed. iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I want to take this opportunity to thank those who offered their guidance and support throughout this process. First to my committee: Lesa Lockford, Bradford Clark, Allie Terry-

Fritsch, and Radhika Gajjala. I also want to thank Ellen Berry for starting this project with me and supporting me as I began my doctoral career. Thank you to Brad for serving as my graduate representative and to Radhika for your willingness to join the committee after receiving a random email one day. A special thanks to Allie Terry-Fritsch for introducing me to somaesthetics and for challenging me to expand my perspective. Finally, I need to offer my sincerest and most heartfelt gratitude to my dedicated and infinitely patient advisor, Lesa

Lockford. Lesa, words will never accurately express my appreciation for all the support you gave me. You pushed me to be a better writer even when I resisted, you tolerated and accepted all my idiosyncrasies, and you never, ever gave up on me. I will forever keep your “You will graduate, damnit!” email. Thank you for guiding and supporting me along this journey, especially while navigating your own.

Thank you to each of the women and men who shared their stories and experiences with me. Without you, this dissertation would not have been possible. I appreciate your willingness to talk to a complete stranger, your candor, and your trust in me. I am honored that I had the opportunity to get to know each of you and hope that reflects as I share your stories with others.

Thank you to my family. My parents, the Jerrys, who may not always understand what

I’m doing, but always support me as I do it. To my brother, Jeff, for teaching me to be tough with your big brother ways and for making me (still) question whether it’s possible for you to be the voice of Panthro from the Thundercats. To my sister, Heather. Thank you for being my first role model, for being my first educator and the one who taught me there’s always more to learn, iv for instilling my passion for reading, and for ensuring I embraced my inner nerd. Thank you for making sure I liked good music, pinball, “Yes & Know” books, board games, and trivia. Most importantly, thank you for your constant support and guidance, for always being there for me, and for being the best friend and sister I could ever ask for.

And, finally, a huge thank you to my support network: all my friends, writing partners, and “accountabilibuddies.” I want to thank my main cheerleader in life, Tracy Hardaway. I am forever grateful for the myriad ways you are there for me every day. I especially need to acknowledge your contribution to my main motivator as I finished this project: the sticker chart and prizes. Thank you for sharing a brain with me. To Kate Schaab for being my first friend at

BG, for your constant support and willingness to let me rant and bounce ideas (whatever they may be) off you, for your introduction of various tv shows, and for your ability to write every word you know. Thanks to Jacob Clemens for your years of friendship, acting as a writing partner, and never being more than 85% sure that anyone, including me, should complete a PhD

– even when your completed yours. To all those who forced me to get my butt in the chair to write and cheered me along as I did it: Kelly Jo Larsen, Mallory Jagodzinski, Lisa Woronzoff,

Chris Moody, Charlie Braun, my colleagues at Bowling Green State University and American

University, my supportive friends, and everyone I’ve mentioned: thank you for believing in me. v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Literature Review...... 2

Theoretical Framework ...... 20

Methodology ...... 26

Participant Profiles ...... 32

The Artists ...... 32

540...... 32

Dawn ...... 34

Debbie ...... 35

Kat ...... 36

Kim ...... 37

Mary ...... 38

Naomi ...... 39

Robyn ...... 40

The Clients and Colleagues ...... 41

Anthony...... 41

Clare ...... 42

Cynthia ...... 42

Esmerelda ...... 43

Mike ...... 44

Ruby ...... 44 vi

Chapter Breakdown ...... 45

CHAPTER II. “I FOUND MY PEEPS’: FINDING IDENTITY WITHIN THE GROUP ... 48

What’s in a Name? ...... 49

Is It a Community?...... 49

Or a Subculture? ...... 54

How About a Figuration?...... 60

Conflicts Within the Group ...... 66

As Tattoos Mainstream ...... 67

Old School vs. New School ...... 73

The Rise and Impact of Media ...... 76

Conclusion ...... 83

CHAPTER III. “I’M A PERSON ON A TRAJECTORY IN LIFE”: CLAIMING

IDENTITY AS A TATTOOED WOMAN...... 84

The Complex Answer(s) to a Simple Question: Why? ...... 85

An Aesthetic Appreciation ...... 88

Being Part of the Subculture ...... 90

It’s My Body, and I’ll Do What I Want To ...... 93

The Complex Navigation of Dealing (or Not Dealing) with Others ...... 97

It’s No Longer Just YOUR Body...... 98

Reaffirming Choices and Offering Support ...... 106

Conclusion ...... 109

CHAPTER IV. “YOU JUST GOT TO LEARN HOW TO DEAL WITH THAT”:

IDENTIFYING AS A FEMALE TATTOO ARTIST ...... 111 vii

Identity as an Artist First...... 113

An Artist in Other Mediums ...... 113

An Artist in Tattooing ...... 115

Identity as a Tattoo Artist ...... 120

Establishing Oneself as a Professional Tattoo Artist ...... 122

Gaining Respect as a Professional Tattoo Artist ...... 131

Developing Relationships with Clients ...... 135

From a Tattoo Artist to a Female Tattoo Artist ...... 138

The Argument for Why Gender Does Not Matter ...... 141

Patriarchal Bargaining ...... 145

The Argument for Why Gender Matters ...... 149

She Ain’t Heavy, She’s My Sister ...... 164

Conclusion ...... 168

CHAPTER V. CONCLUSION ...... 170

WORKS CITED ...... 177

APPENDIX A. IRB APPROVAL ...... 181

APPENDIX B. IRB ARTIST INFORMED CONSENT ...... 182

APPENDIX C. IRB CLIENT AND COLLEAGUES INFORMED CONSENT ...... 184

1

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION

As part of a Women’s History Month celebration, I was asked to volunteer at an event.

The program encouraged three to six-year-old children (especially girls) to explore occupations in which women are underrepresented. In order to accomplish this, stations were set up with games, activities, props, and costumes for the children to play with and learn about professions such as science, farming, aviation, engineering, filmmaking, and so on. Given the nature of my interests and this study, it will come as no surprise to learn that my first, internal reaction to the request for help was an enthusiastic, “Would I be able to set up a booth about tattoo artists?”

After all, it is a profession in which women are underrepresented, and what child would not want to draw on another child (or his or herself for that matter?) However, my initial excitement (and imagining of the booth) was immediately followed with an internalized chastising of, “No. You cannot do that. It would NOT go over well.” My suspicions were confirmed when I jokingly mentioned my plan to an organizer of the event, and she replied, “Oh, no. Please don’t do that.”

But why not? With reality television shows featuring shops and competitions, magazines devoted to the art, marketing campaigns featuring tattooed people and tattoo art (flash,1) and clothing and make up lines designed by tattoo artists and featuring tattoo images, tattoos are more prominent than ever. In fact, according to a 2012 Harris Poll, one in five Americans have at least one tattoo, and, in 2012, for the first time, the majority of those tattooed people were women (Braverman). With the apparent increase in popularity and acceptance of tattooing, not to mention the potential profit to be had (the average tattoo costs $150 per hour of work,) why are we not encouraging children to explore tattooing as a profession? Why are tattoo artists not

1 Flash is design already drawn up. Typically, flash images are displayed on the walls of street shops to give customers an idea for a tattoo and/or to allow them to simply choose their design from the wall. Think of the heart with a banner of someone’s name across it. 2 represented at career fairs and job expos? Despite tattoos’ seemingly ubiquity, there still do not appear to be too many children, particularly girls, saying, “I want to be a tattoo artist when I grow up.”

I was surprised – not only by the organizer’s reaction (where was the female empowerment? but also, and especially, of my own. After all, I would describe myself as a tattoo enthusiast; I have long held an appreciation for tattoos and tattoo art. I have multiple tattoos, been tattooed by both male and female artists, and plan to add to my tattoo practice and collection. So, why did I stop myself? Further, if I, as a self-identified enthusiast and scholar, silenced myself, is it that surprising to find a lack of representation and voice of female tattoo artists? And how does this subtle shunning affect those women working in the tattoo industry?

In this study I explore the lived experience and meaning making of female tattoo artists.

What is the experience of female tattoo artists? How do these women constitute their identity as female tattoo artists within the tattoo subculture and in society as a whole? How do female tattoo artists constitute their experience working in a male-dominated field? What differences, if any, do they perceive exist between them and their male colleagues, and how do their perceptions and experiences differ from others’? By examining these questions, I bring to the foreground the stories and experiences of a group seldom studied.

Literature Review

Unlike the study of tattoo artists, the study of tattoos is nothing new. Sir Joseph Banks, a naturalist who accompanied Captain James Cook on his expedition to the South Pacific from

1768 to 1771, became fascinated with the Tahitians’ and Maoris’ practice of tattooing and kept copious notes of his observations including a first-hand account of the process. With the aid of his employee, naturalist illustrator Sydney Parkinson, Banks provided the first English 3 description and portraits of Maori facial tattooing. With Cook’s approval, and perhaps orders,

Banks, in his efforts to bring awareness of tattooing to Western culture, went so far as to bring

Omai, a Polynesian native, to England and exhibit him around the country. After his time with

Cook, Banks became a highly demanded guest at fashionable dinner parties, where he thrilled socialites with tales of exotic lands, adventures, and tattooed “cannibals.” Banks is recognized as the first European to speculate as to the motives for tattooing among the Pacific Islanders

(Gilbert 33). From aristocracy to sailors, Bank’s tales and journals, along with Cook’s crew’s graphic stories and the exhibition of Omai, are credited for sparking Western society’s interest in tattoos (Gilbert 36).

Although tattoos certainly became a curiosity, it would be some time before scholars began a serious study of them. Italian criminologist Cesare Lombroso’s 1896 Popular Science article, “The Savage Art of Tattooing,” famously claimed that all people with tattoos were savage criminals and prostitutes. Of course, now, the article is also remembered for its problematic research method – i.e., the only people Lombroso studied were known criminals and prostitutes. Nevertheless, Lombroso’s work appears to have opened the door for academic study of tattooing. Over 125 years after Banks’ journals became famous, another Englishman offered new scholarly engagement with tattooing. W. D. Hambly’s 1925 The History of Tattooing and

Its Significance provides the first anthropological study on the significance of tattoos in different cultures as well as the various tattooing techniques and a historical overview of the practices.

Using his own and many other anthropologists’ fieldwork, Hambly traces the origin and purpose of the practice of tattooing and compares its meaning for each culture studied. Ultimately,

Hambly divides the purposes behind the markings into three major sections: religious beliefs and 4 practices, body marking and magic, and social and anti-social purposes. The strongest of the purposes, according to Hambly, is religious. Hambly notes,

Primitive man approaches non-human forces by positive rites carried out with meticulous

accuracy, and at the time he employs a number of negative rites in the form of

prohibitions or “taboos.” Association of such ceremonial with body markings is a sure

indication of its importance. When, in addition to caution, secrecy, and ritual there are

definite beliefs relating to the value of tattoo marks in heaven, dedication to a deity,

relegation of the tattooer’s craft to priests, or other clearly expressed concepts of the like

kind, the evidence for a religious dynamic force in body marking is incontrovertible. (25)

At the time, other scholars writing on tattoos largely ignored Hambly’s work, as they focused instead on what they believed were motivations revolving around repressed sexual desires and perversions. Most notably, in 1933, Albert Parry focuses his studies on tattooing in the United

States, which results in his book Tattoo: Secrets of a Strange Art. He makes the debatable claim that, “Very seldom are the tattooed aware of the true motives responsible for their visits to the tattooers” (Parry 1). Parry investigates the various sites of tattoo culture, from circuses to tattoo shops. Supported by interviews with tattooed people as well as tattoo artists, Parry traces the emergence of tattoos as a popular trend throughout the United States, yet he unreflexively displays the sexual assumptions of his times, and concomitantly he offers his pseudo-Freudian answer to the question of why people get tattooed:

Tattooing is mostly the recording of dreams, whether or not the tattooed are consciously

aware of it…Much of man’s dreaming is, of course, his true love – of his repressed

sexual world fighting his way to the surface. Thus, we should expect that tattooing, the

recording of dreams, would be of a decidedly sexual character. 5

The very process of tattooing is essentially sexual. There are the long, sharp

needles. There is the liquid poured into the pricked skin. There are the two participants of

the act, one active, the other passive. There is the curious marriage of pleasure and pain.

(Parry 2)

Praised as accurate in its insights, Parry’s book became an influential work on tattoos. Though the work of Lombroso, Hambly, and Parry are not without their limitations and faults, they are the germinal pieces of tattoo scholarship and are still cited by academics to this day, even if only as something to critique.

Lombroso, Hambly, and Parry all agree on an anti-social aspect of tattooing. Associating motivations behind tattoos with criminal or perverse reasons, these early scholars all point to the act of tattooing as counter to societal standards, as a subculture. Though tattoos are not his focus of study, this denaturalization of the norm is precisely what Dick Hebdige explores in his 1979 book Subculture: The Meaning of Style. By analyzing subcultures, he examines the production of opposition to the hegemonic power. Through positing how hegemonic ideology is won through consent, and then reproduced and sustained, Hebdige argues this taken-for-granted dominancy can be challenged and resisted. Subcultures are able to emerge and create cracks in the ideological framework, to reclaim some of the codes the dominant position has naturalized, and to provide alternatives for their members. For the subaltern, “…this process begins with a crime against the natural order…but it ends in the construction of a style, in a gesture of defiance or contempt, in a smile, or a sneer. It signals a Refusal” (Hebdige 3). According to Hebdige, this subversive dynamic, at least initially, is done superficially through appearances – e.g. style. By creating a style that goes against cultural norms, the subaltern groups are able to start a resistance to the dominant viewpoint. This movement creates 6

the impetus to move from man’s second “false nature” (Barthes, 1972) to a genuinely

expressive artifice; a truly subterranean style. As a symbolic violation of the social order,

such a movement attracts and will continue to attract attention, to provoke censure and to

act, as we shall see, as the fundamental bearer of significance in subculture. (Hebdige 19)

However, despite the challenges that subcultures potentially present to the ruling class, dominant society creates ways to bring them back in line. Hebdige introduces how dominant cultures handle these subcultures through incorporation with the concepts of the commodity form (“the conversion of subcultural signs, dress, music, etc. into mass-produced objects”) and the ideological form (“the labeling and re-definition of deviant behavior by dominant groups – the police, the media, and the judiciary”) (Hebdige 94). These dynamics function as a method for the subculture’s signs of resistance to be devalued and available for consumption by all and/or naturalized and absorbed into the mainstream society. In these ways, the subaltern can be contained, and the dominant position maintained.

As a former punk, David Muggleton reads Hebdige and does not feel the work is accurate; he feels there are “methodological and theoretical inadequacies” (Muggleton 3). In order to redress these inadequacies, in 2000’s Inside Subculture: Postmodern Meaning of Style,

Muggleton conducts his research by interviewing members of subcultural groups (e.g. punks, mods, Goths, etc.) and completing an empirical analysis. He aims to determine if contemporary subcultures display modern (e.g. group identity, stylistic homogeneity, subculture as providing main identity, self-perception as authentic, etc.) or postmodern (e.g. fragmented identity, stylistic heterogeneity, multiple stylistic identities, celebration of the inauthentic, etc.) characteristics.

Muggleton explores several hypotheses regarding group identifications, maintenance of the divide between subcultural and conventional, the boundaries between different subcultures, and 7 attitudes toward style (Muggleton 52 – 53). He finds that, contrary to Hebdige’s beliefs, there is a resistance to labeling oneself in a particular group and that members of a subculture group make comparisons within and outside of their particular group. Muggleton argues there is a rejection of sharply drawn boundaries. He refers to this resistance of boundaries as “liminal (in between) subculture” (69 – 79). Additionally, through his interviews, Muggleton explores the commitment of members of the subculture as they demonstrated the ability to change styles over time, or even in the course of a day, or, at times, incongruent behavior such as buying subcultural clothes from a mainstream store. His interviewees explain these changes as insignificant because, they state, they know what is in their hearts. Muggleton suggests via Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, that “subcultural allegiance is inscribed on and conveyed through the body in ways other than dress” (90). This allegiance evokes a notion of “real” members of the group versus

“pretenders.” Also, unlike what had been traditionally thought, Muggleton suggests cultural members can display mobility between subcultural groups (e.g. mods can change to become rockers). Muggleton ultimately concludes that scholars’ distinctions between subcultures are over-emphasized. Instead, he believes contemporary subcultures more generally focus on a hyperindividualism, placing a higher value on independence and individualized lives (Muggleton

79).

Kenneth Gelder sets out in his 2007 book Subcultures: Cultural Histories and Social

Practices, to provide a cultural history of subcultures, noting that Hebdige’s work only examines post-1950s subcultures. He provides historical narratives of specific subcultural groups and argues that subcultures are social “worlds” and thus should be understood through social terms

(Gelder, Subcultures 4). Gelder also counters Hebdige, stating that subcultural deviance is not a matter of individualistic normative behavior but a matter of social affiliation. Gelder examines 8 and challenges six prevailing logics (based on previous scholars’ works, including Hebdige and

Marx) surrounding subcultures: 1.) Subcultures have a negative relationship to work, 2.)

Subcultures have a negative or ambivalent relation to class, 3.) Subcultures do not own their property; they territorialize it, 4.) Subcultures come together outside of the home and family

(typically as a resistance to the family,) 5.) Subcultures are typically associated with excess and exaggeration, and 6.) Subcultures are seen as a resistance to the banality of everyday life. Gelder stresses that, despite romantic and anti-romantic writings on the subject, “community retains some force in subcultural studies…” (Subcultures 26). It is this sense of community, focusing on family and friendship, that is, arguably, particularly present within the tattoo subculture.

Using subculture explanations and terminology, coupled with the concept of tattoos as a statement of resistance, the argument for a tattoo subculture begins to take shape and specific studies on the group begin to emerge. In 1989, with his book Customizing the Body: The Art and

Culture of Tattooing, Clinton R. Sanders immerses himself in a seven-year ethnographic study of tattooing and its culture, spending time in three tattoo shops as a “regular,” working in a fourth, interviewing 16 tattoo recipients, compiling data from a questionnaire completed by 163 tattooees, and attending tattoo conventions. Sanders points out that, traditionally, body alteration was seen as deviant behavior, a claim originally asserted by Lombroso and Parry, and those participating in the process were seen as morally inferior; however, Sanders argues that body modification is a form of social communication. “Body alteration is culture; it is meaningful to the members of the society in which it occurs, and it is produced within complex webs of collective action” (Sanders 21). Sanders points to, what he calls, the “career” of a tattooed person

– how he or she came to be tattooed, the impact of that decision, etc. In his study, when his participants describe how they decided to get a tattoo, most cited social reasons: friends have 9 tattoos, family members have them, and so on (Sanders 41-43). However, the actual tattooing event occurs more like an impulse purchase (Sanders 42). Although many people share similar decision-making processes, the actual meanings behind the tattoos vary. Sanders highlights the impact getting a tattoo has on self-definition and interactions with others, both positive and negative. He also devotes a chapter to tattoo artists, which I will discuss later. Ultimately,

Sanders predicts presciently that, with more people getting tattoos and thus exposing others to tattoos, the practice of tattooing will continue to grow in popularity. He further contradicts studies like Lombroso’s and Parry’s by arguing that tattooing is “the consequence of people’s normal desires to have close relationships with others, see themselves as special, and mark the passage of their lives on earth” rather than an anti-social act (Sanders 188).

In her 2000 ethnography, Bodies of Inscription: A Cultural History of the Modern Tattoo

Community, Margo DeMello focuses on the emergence of tattooing, since the 1980s, as a cultural, artistic, and social form as well as the community that surrounds and embraces it. She examines the repackaging of tattoos in the middle-class, which she defines as having a college education, as well as the community of celebration that surrounds tattoos, specifically by looking at tattoo conventions. DeMello uses the phrase “tattoo community,” rather than subculture, to refer not only to tattooed people but, more specifically, to those who actively embrace the idea of community and seek out activities within it (i.e., attending tattoo shows.) She does not break this term into subgroups such as “biker tattoo community” as she believes subgroups overlap, a point that reinforces Muggleton’s argument. She sets out to “discover how the tattoo community, as a unified community, came into being, how its meaning has changed over time, and why the idea of the community has commanded the legitimacy that it has” for both its members and scholars

(DeMello 4). DeMello argues that the tattoo community’s uniting occurs through three related 10 processes: the appropriation of the tattoo from the working class, the stripping of the tattoo of its working-class roots to make it acceptable for the middle-class, and the redefinition of tattoo with an exotic, so-called “primitive” flavor. She argues these processes are done through media representations, discourse, and social movements. DeMello engages with tattooed individuals to learn their tattoo stories, or “tattoo narratives,” as she calls them. Tattoo narratives typically contain similar themes including “why the wearer decided to get tattooed, how he or she came up with the design, the meaning of the design, how long the individual had been thinking about getting one, the actual tattoo experience, and what it means to him or her now” (DeMello 152).

These self-reflective narratives create meaning for tattooed people, and, DeMello argues, produced contemporary tattooing and the modern tattoo community. Further, in her analysis of tattoo narratives, she uncovers several themes that arise as reasoning and justification for tattoos: individualism, spirituality, personal growth, sacredness of the body, and so on. DeMello also discusses reactions of tattoo artists to current trends and forecasts possible future trends including the concern that, as tattoos become mainstream, the resistance part will be lessened and those hoping to shock will have to go to further extremes.

In “Tattoo Enthusiasts: Subculture or Figuration?” Michael Atkinson argues that researchers should reclassify tattoo enthusiasts as social “figurations” rather than subculture. A figuration is defined as a collection of social actors bound together by chains or webs of interdependency. In considering this notion, Atkinson breaks the nature of the interdependence into two major components: becoming tattooed as a process and developing relationship chains in tattooing (“Tattoo” 327). The first link of interdependence is the physical process of getting tattooed. Every tattooed person goes through the preplanning, the tattooing process, the healing, etc. Atkinson also contends that, by observing how enthusiasts interact with others who have 11 undergone the same process, one can see how they venture down a series of common, interactive pathways that go beyond just the process. For example, before getting tattooed, many people informally explore what the process will entail by consulting others who have been tattooed.

There is also the process of finding an artist, again usually through asking other tattooed people.

In regard to the relationship chains, Atkinson first points to the bond between artist and client.

Both are mutually dependent on one another – artists cannot work without a client and a client cannot be tattooed without an artist. Further, this initial relationship has a ripple effect in other relationships, both inside and outside of the tattoo world. Enthusiasts begin to recognize fellow enthusiasts, approaching other tattooed individuals to start conversations, hanging out in tattoo studios, etc. As one gets more involved in tattooing, one may rely more on other enthusiasts for positive affirmation. Enthusiasts turn into advocates, challenging others to be more tolerant, attempting to dispel long-standing myths, and encouraging others to “join the club.” Enthusiasts start recruiting others into the figuration. Enthusiasts also tend to be tattooed with other people there as support, thus strengthening the relationship chain. Additionally, there is a relational chain between artists, with artists teaching each other techniques, promoting fellow artists’ work, finding each other jobs, and so on. These business relationships often morph into friendships.

Atkinson concludes, “relationships, both inside and outside of the tattoo figuration are formed, cultivated, and altered through participation in tattooing” (“Tattoo” 339). By recognizing these dynamics, Atkinson argues, one can see how what appears to be a privatized act is firmly based on mutual dependence – a true figuration, rather than a subculture.

Within the tattoo community/figuration, there exists another group: women with tattoos.

Atkinson, DeMello, Sanders, and other scholars discuss cultural prohibitions dissuading women from joining the tattoo community. Traditionally, tattooing is not associated with femininity. “In 12 general, sanctions against the widespread participation of women have come from (sub)cultural associations between tattoos and masculinity, as tattooing has been historically relished within male-dominated subcultures…” (Atkinson, “Pretty” 220). Tattooing for women can be seen as an act of resistance to these exclusionary ideologies.

Although resistance to norms may often be the case, Michael Atkinson argues in “Pretty in Ink: Conformity, Resistance, and Negotiation in Women’s Tattooing” that “women’s tattoos are layered with culturally established, resistant, and negotiated images of femininity” (220).

Over a three-year study, Atkinson spent over 400 hours “hanging out” and interacting with tattoo enthusiasts and ultimately interviewing 40 women in order to understand women’s gendered understandings of tattooing. Atkinson argues, “women’s involvement in the body project illustrates the ways in which forms of body modification are simultaneously replete with cultural messages about conformity and resistance” (“Pretty” 224). He finds that 62% of the women interviewed “conformed to established constructions of femininity through their tattoo projects”

(Atkinson, “Pretty” 224). This is demonstrated in their explanations of debating whether or not to get a tattoo, questioning whether it was lady-like and/or how men would perceive them. Further,

23% of participants viewed their tattoo as a means of enhancing their attractiveness. Even some of those (18%) labeling their projects as a source of empowerment, conform to established norms of femininity. Atkinson argues this embodiment of a cultural construction, this “doing of gender,” perpetuates and reproduces how societal standards are maintained along gender lines

(“Pretty” 224-226). This performance can also be seen in the imagery women (flowers, animals, celestial motifs, cartoons, etc.) choose as well as the placement and size of their tattoos.

Atkinson did find that, for some female participants, tattooing was an act of resistance.

38% “stated that one of their main interests in tattooing projects is derivative of the extent to 13 which a woman’s tattooed flesh is a breach of established body convention” (Atkinson, “Pretty”

227). Some women use tattooing as a method of redefining what makes a body beautiful.

Additionally, the permanence of tattoos allows some women to show commitment to this notion.

With women’s historically limited association with tattoos, participation in a body project can have more significant impact on challenging gender norms. In fact, some women associate their tattoos with identity politics (i.e., remembrances, reclamations, self-definition, and so on.) As opposed to those female participants conforming to gender norms, those aligning tattooing as an act of subversion may intentionally choose imagery associated with masculinity (skulls, daggers, pin-up girls, etc.), place their tattoos in exposed locations, and choose larger designs.

Atkinson urges caution, however, in applying these strategies as standards for interpreting resistance. 15% of the participants felt “their resistance to established gender codes is more subtle and private than the wildly spectacular variation displayed by, what they perceive to be, more ‘radical’ feminists” (Atkinson, “Pretty” 229). These women demonstrate a hybrid of resistance and conformity. “The negotiated centre-point between outright conformity and unapologetic resistance allows a tattoo enthusiast to be compliant or rebellious in situated contexts and interactions” (Atkinson, “Pretty” 229). This notion is predicated on the idea that tattoo projects should be a private matter. Concern over negative perceptions still exists, however, and social factors may still influence decisions regarding imagery, location, size, and so on. Ultimately, Atkinson concludes, “women’s tattoo experiences are highly varied, culturally contextual, and temporally bound” (“Pretty” 233).

In “Revolting Bodies: The Monster Beauty of Tattooed Women,” Christine Braunberger contends, “tattooed women complicate recent body theory by staging an aesthetic revolution in 14

‘feminine’ beauty” (1). Tattoos on women break the boundaries placed on the body and produce feelings of anxiety and misrecognition.

The written body may only speak from a patriarchal script that tried to limit women’s

voices and bodies to supporting roles and scenery. So, on a woman’s body any tattoo

becomes the symbol of bodily excess. When a woman’s body is a sex object, a tattooed

woman’s body is a lascivious sex object; when a woman’s body is nature, a tattooed

woman’s body is primitive; when a woman’s body is spectacle, a tattooed woman’s body

is a show. It would seem that whatever manifold meanings women attach to their tattoos

are culturally written over to simply and only punctuate meanings already attached to

their bodies within a larger cultural domain. (Braunberger 1-2)

Since tattooing was introduced to mainstream US culture, women have used it as a transgressive opportunity, defying accepted conventions and expectations of femininity. Yet, Braunberger points to how patriarchy is historically associated with the practice. She cites articles discussing the threats of tattoos to American womanhood where “tattooing…is something men do to women, akin to detailing their cars…” (Braunberger 15). Further, she points to the contradictions that can surround tattoos on women. Although the act of getting a tattoo may be subversive, some women try to negate the transgression with feminine imagery such as flowers, hearts, or butterflies. Braunberger views these acts as “two contradictory meanings of the possessed and liberated body function[ing] simultaneously” (15). This contradiction is revealed as particularly true in the case of “Property of…” or name tattoos, indicting the name of man who “owns” that woman’s body. Even tattoo conventions, traditionally seen as a safe haven, free from judgment, for tattooed people, have elements of patriarchy. Of the hundreds of conventions that take place each year, there is only one, Marked for Life, dedicated to female artists. The competitions that 15 occur during conventions seemingly have different standards for male and female participants.

Whereas male participants may, grudgingly, walk across the stage in the street clothes they came in with, women are typically expected to have a grander presentation – one that may or may not include high heels and a swimsuit. “For a female participant it is never clear whether the judges give more weight to her tattoo or her body, but it is clear that her body’s desirability is part of the competition” (Braunberger 16).

Braunberger also points to the risk women assume by getting tattooed and thereby any attempt to refuse any cultural claims on their body. What is surprising, and disappointing, with this defiance are the repercussions inflicted by other women. Examples of this female backlash include how other women question tattooed women over what husbands/boyfriends may think of them or they make associations with the “bad girl” stigma. This policing of the body goes back to the question of ownership, indicating that propriety belongs to one whose approval is sought

(Braunberger 19). Challenging a woman’s choice in getting tattooed is ultimately a redressive action that reestablishes gender norms through effectively asserting that these women do not own their body. Being tattooed may be a resistant act against cultural constraints; however, “this act of transgression does not reverse the insidiousness of cultural inscriptions…Rather, by speaking one’s bodily ownership, tattooed women risk further reinscription by the Others who are troubled by their tattoos” (Braunberger 20).

In Bodies of Subversion: A Secret History of Women and Tattoo, Margot Mifflin provides a historical perspective of women and tattoos and is one of the few scholarly works that also focuses on female tattoo artists. In regard to female tattoo artists, Mifflin notes,

Despite their unconventional profession, women tattooists have struggled with many of

the same concerns their peers face in the corporate arena, in the art world, and on the 16

playing field: issues of separatism, competition, and the sort of biological determinism

that says a woman naturally runs or throws or draws (as one male tattooist described his

female apprentice’s early style) “like a girl.” (7)

She begins her exploration with the circus ladies and society women at the turn of the twentieth century, tracing the history and telling the narratives of the performers. However, it was not just circus performers who were tattooed. “In 1897, The New York World estimated that

75% of American society women were tattooed” (Mifflin 43). Tattoos not only allowed women to break with societal decorum, they provided a new form of fashion. Additionally, during this era, some women (mostly the wives of tattooists) were learning the trade (Mifflin 30). After a postwar decline, the 1970s saw a revival in tattooing – especially among women. This trend, however, did not carry over to the profession. Notable female artists, such as Vyvyn Lazonga, recall rampant sexism and prejudice and exclusion from conversation with male colleagues

(Mifflin 57, 65). According to Mifflin, female tattoo artists were few and far between and certainly not connected, either because of a lack of awareness or a healthy sense of competition.

Though it was not without struggle, a few women were able to emerge as successful tattoo artists and acted/continue to act as role models for other women.

The 1980s and 90s saw a rise in women associating their tattoos with empowerment and personal growth as well as a gain in the number of women being tattooed (Mifflin 74). Women began to use tattoos as a mode of personal transformation and empowerment. Like other scholars, Mifflin notes, “women’s tattoos do have real-world ramifications to the extent that they defy socially sanctioned standards of feminine beauty and force the recognition of new, largely self-certified ones” (78). Although tattooing was mainstreamed throughout the 1990s (even

Barbie had a tattoo by 1999,) the practice, according to Mifflin, “still belonged to men” (95). 17

This mindset prevailed in the tattoo artist community through shop practices, trade media, and conventions. Women artists were rarely featured in trade magazines, and, when they were it was often in a sexualized way. They were rarely recognized for their work and not given equal status within the field. Mifflin cites the case of artist Andrea Elston as an example. Elston posed (fully clothed) for the cover of Outlaw Biker Tattoo Revue for what she understood would be a head shot; however, when the magazine was published, Elston was shocked to discover herself as a centerfold, with the focus of the article shifting from her art to her looks (Mifflin 97). Mifflin argues the new millennium has provided tremendous changes in the tattoo world. These changes can be seen not only in the technical aspects of tattoos but in tattoos’ and tattooing’s representation in media, increasing acceptance and popularity in society, and dimensioned barriers to a new generation of female artists (Mifflin 101-107). Female tattoo artists are able to gain acceptance based on their own styles, and male and female artists are beginning to be seen on equal levels.

In her 2015 work, Covered in Ink: Tattoos, Women, and the Politics of the Body, Beverly

Yuen Thompson examines the subculture of tattooed women, specifically heavily tattooed women. This five-year ethnographic study involved Yuen Thompson spending significant time in tattoo studios and conventions as well as interviews with over seventy heavily tattooed women. Yuen Thompson seeks to understand the struggle tattooed women encounter with their choice to become tattooed – gendered expectations, family rejections, and so on. Yuen

Thompson believes many of these challenges are unique to women because of societal understandings of femininity. She argues, “While men can collect many tattoos, which serve to strengthen their masculine identity, women’s tattoo collections can threaten their female identity…” (Yuen Thompson 4). One way a woman may protect herself from society’s 18 judgments is to keep her tattoos small in size, few in number, hidden in placement, and of a so- called feminine design (e.g. flowers, butterflies, etc.) If these unwritten rules are not followed, tattoos are large, plentiful, visible, and/or grotesque, tattooed women “begin to receive social sanctions that reinforce the deviant-ness of tattooing, as well as the gender transgression of the design” (Yuen Thompson 5). For Yuen Thompson, these violations define being “heavily tattooed” (Yuen Thompson 5). She does not believe that women who have few tattoos have a strong connection to, or are a part of, the tattoo community and, therefore, do not encounter the same challenges or share the same concerns that heavily tattooed women do. As Yuen Thompson explains, “The heavily tattooed body provides an important example for concepts including

‘subjectivity, textuality, ethics, pleasure, and power/knowledge’” (37).

Yuen Thompson examines multiple areas in her study. She first provides a history of the tattoo stigma, establishing that tattoos have an undeniable, historic association with criminal behavior. The stereotypes tattooed people face today are because of these outdated associations.

These stereotypes harken back to Lombroso: tattooed people are criminals and prostitutes.

Though the timeline of tattooing’s mainstreaming is established, the roots of historical assumptions still remain as seen in tattooed women’s experiences. Yuen Thompson demonstrates how heavily tattooed women challenge these stereotypes as well as current gender norms. Being tattooed is counter to the hegemonic beauty norm set for women. “Because of this violation of gender norms, the women become monstrous in their violation and become the recipient of public scorn” (Yuen Thompson 46). The heavily tattooed women in the study explain how being tattooed allows them to express themselves but also comes with sanctioning in the form of familial rejection, employment discrimination, and public interactions. The work also briefly discusses stigmas and barriers for female tattoo artists. Yuen Thompson ultimately argues that, 19 what can be seen as a simple act of being tattooed, can change one’s social relationships, especially for women.

Although previously discussed in terms of the existence of a tattoo subculture, Sanders also explores the profession of tattoo artists. He argues that it is rare that a person sets out to become a tattoo artist. Rather, individuals tend to enter the profession serendipitously, though most at first acknowledge they have some artistic ability. Most commonly, the decision to pursue a career in tattooing is influenced by personal encounters with working tattoo artists. Sanders cites a number of motivations behind choosing the profession including long-term interest in tattoos, income potential, occupational independence, and creative outlet (68-69). Sanders argues that there is more to learning how to tattoo than just learning the basic skills associated with the practice. The relationship between tattoo artists and their clients is crucial. “Learning to tattoo, therefore, involves learning how to structure the ritual performance that is central to building client trust” (Sanders 78). Additionally, savvy social skills are needed to navigate the politics of the tattoo community. Sanders cites a tattoo artist’s ability foster a client’s trust, define a client’s need, and handle recurring, sometimes peevish, interactions (i.e., answering, “Does it hurt?”) as examples of these skills (78-82).

Like any occupation, tattooing has its rewards and problems. Sanders argues that the public’s continued negative perception of tattooing presents an “occupational stigma” for artists

(91). This stigma often causes the artists to be the focus of formal or informal negative actions such as legal difficulties, harassment, or stereotyping. Sanders also cites work-life organization as a problem (97). Tattoo artists find themselves working mostly evening and weekend shifts, which can negatively impact their family life. Their income is at the mercy of the demand for tattoos, which can fluctuate based on a variety of factors including economic situations, seasons, 20 and location. This can cause uncertainty in regard to the financial standing of the artists.

Additionally, tattoo artists work for clients, which inevitably will present issues from a variety of sources: unrealistic expectations, sensitivity to pain, disrespect of the artists’ expertise, and so on. Though Sanders examines these problems on a broad scale, he does not consider challenges that may be unique to female tattoo artists.

Theoretical Framework

In framing this study, I look to several theorists of different fields. To begin, there is a critical examination of group membership. As such, I look to the subcultural theorists already mentioned, Hebdige, Muggleton, Gelder, and Atkinson. Beyond subculture, I turn to Erving

Goffman and his work on our understanding of ourselves, our appearance to others, and the social behavior and interactions that result. Goffman argues, “When an individual enters the presence of others, they commonly seek to acquire information about him or to bring into play information about him already possessed. They will be interested in his general socio-economic status, his conception of self, his attitude toward them, his competence, his trustworthiness, etc.”

(1. He continues to explain how one accumulates this information and creates his or her understanding of another individual:

For those present, many sources of information become accessible and many carriers (or

“sign-vehicles”) become available for conveying this information. If unacquainted with

the individual, observers can glean clues from his conduct and appearance which allow

them to apply their previous experience with individuals roughly similar to the one before

them or, more important, to apply untested stereotypes to him. They can also assume

from past experience that only individuals of a particular kind are likely to be found in a

given social setting.” (Goffman 1) 21

Goffman posits that having this knowledge allows an individual to understand how to best interact with another (Goffman 1). This argument explains that individuals make assumptions of others based on their own experiences and understandings; however, the argument also implies that an individual is, at least partially, responsible for the assumption that others make of him or her. Like an actor, an individual plays his or her role, expressing his or herself, which creates an impression for others. Body language, manner, appearance, intonation, etc. create an impression that will drive the interaction between the two. “In so far as the others act as if the individual had conveyed a particular impression, we may take a functional or pragmatic view and say that the individual has ‘effectively’ projected a given definition of the situation and ‘effectively’ fostered the understanding that a given state of affairs obtains” (Goffman 6).

One can cultivate a persona by having tattoos, especially visible ones, that leaves an impression with others. Others’ interpretation, and thus assumptions created, of their impression inform their interactions. In terms of tattooing, this impression could be innocuous, with someone not giving the tattooed person another thought, or it could lead to stereotyping, both positively and/or negatively. Being a woman adds a layered dimension to an other’s impression and, thus, expected interaction. As will be answered, what are some of the social interactions that tattooed women face? Do these varied interactions affect them, and, if so, how? Do the women give thought to and incorporate these interactions (and possibly judgments or even punishments) into their identity-making? What other factors from others play into their life experience as a tattooed woman and a female tattoo artist?

I also look to Judith Butler and her question concerning which bodies count – which bodies matter and are deemed worthy of consideration, protection, etc. – and which do not. In exploring this subject, Butler examines the formation of the body as a culturally understood and 22 constructed site. According to Butler, the formation of identity is always based on the structure of subjectivity:

Juridical subjects are invariably produced through certain exclusionary practices that do

not “show” once the juridical structure of politics has been established. In other words,

the political construction of the subject proceeds with certain legitimating and

exclusionary aims, and these political operations are effectively concealed and

naturalized. (“Gender Trouble” 2)

This established regulatory system assigns expectations, limitations, and value to the body. This normalization process occurs through the repeated representation, in cultural texts and discourses, of bodies that demonstrate the ideal. Any modifications to the body (haircuts, diets, or, in the case of this study, tattooing) accordingly need to comply with this system, especially with the normative expectations of gender.

In regard to the gendered body, according to Butler, gender is not a matter of being but of doing. Butler argues it is “an identity instituted through a stylized repetition of acts. Further, gender is instituted through the stylization of the body, and, hence, must be understood as the mundane way in which bodily gestures, movements, and enactments of various kinds constitute the illusion of an abiding gendered self” (“Performative Acts” 519). Gender, therefore, is a performance: a performance that must be repeated over the course of one’s life. “One is not simply a body, but, in some very key sense, one does one’s body and, indeed, one does one’s body differently from one’s contemporaries and from one’s embodied predecessors and successors as well” (Butler, “Performative Acts” 521). These constant and repetitive acts of performance are not without consequence. “Indeed, those who fail to do their gender right are regularly punished” (Butler, “Performative Acts” 522). Failure to comply with gender norms can 23 call the legitimacy of the body into question, and those bodies not cohering are excluded from bodies that matter.

Being tattooed is certainly a manner in which one does one’s body. With the permanency attached to the modification, a repetitive performance of “tattooed person” is constantly at play.

However, this performance does not align with established social norms for female embodiment.

With tattoos’ association with masculinity and the male, this regulating system is especially true for women with tattoos. Given Butler’s ideas, I ask, how does this break with norms affect women with tattoos? Is it taken into consideration at any point in the tattoo process (e.g., the decision to get a tattoo, the tattoo’s location, the subject of the tattoo, etc.?) Further, if tattooing is subversive to hegemonic standards, then those choosing the practice as a profession would potentially also violate the system. To the extent that Butler’s argument holds true, I asked how does this violation manifest in the case of female tattoo artists? Do they feel punished for their non-compliance to gender expectations? Are they treated differently by those conforming to the norms, and if so, how and to what extent?

I also employ Richard Shusterman’s theory of somaesthetics. At the heart of somaesthetics is the necessity for body consciousness – the awareness of one’s body.

“Somaesthetics can be provisionally defined as the critical meliorative study of one’s experience and use of one’s body as a locus of sensory-aesthetic appreciation (aesthesis) and creative self- fashioning” (“Body Consciousness” 19). In other words, somaesthetics is the mindful cultivation of the body, focused not only on the external representation of the soma but the internal knowledge of the self and the influences both have on the creation of experience. The practitioner aims to master and control the body and ultimately enjoy it in its full potential, perfecting what Shusterman describes as, “the art of living” (Body Consciousness 48). 24

Shusterman suggests three branches as fundamental to somaesthetics: analytic, pragmatic, and performative (Body Consciousness 23 – 29). Analytic provides the theoretical framework for exploring the epistemology of the body and practices in creating an understanding of the world. Like Butler, Shusterman contends, “The body is both shaped by power and employed as an instrument to maintain it, how bodily norms of health, skill, and beauty, and even our categories of sex and gender, are constructed to reflect and sustain social forces” (Body

Consciousness 23). Getting tattooed can be seen as a transgressive act or a rite of passage depending on the culture. Limiting the scope to contemporary US culture, how do female tattoo artists view the practice? In what ways does social class, age, religion, gender, occupation, or geographical location impact one’s thoughts on the matter?

The second branch, pragmatic somaesthetics, suggests specific methods for the cultivation of the body. These methods (such as cosmetics and yoga) stress the complementary aspects of the internal and external dimensions of the self and intend to improve not only the body but the experience as well. Shusterman believes these methods can be classified in different ways. He discusses the separation of the practice as being directed toward oneself or directed toward others. This same dichotomy can be found in tattooing as a tattoo artist is, typically, focusing his or her work on someone else (who is using the tattooist’s art as a form of self- fashioning.) Additionally, Shusterman distinguishes between practices that are holistic in nature, focusing on the whole body and the mind, and those that focus on individual body parts. On the surface, one could argue that tattooing concentrates on just one aspect of the body, or, more broadly, the skin. Some people just want to add art to their body. However, for many people, the practice is very holistic, the tattoo itself functions as a bridge by bringing the body and mind together. 25

Finally, there is performative somaesthetics, or what Shusterman calls practical somaesthetics, which is “about actually pursuing such care through intelligently disciplined practice aimed at somatic self-improvement” (Body Consciousness 29). This final branch is the actual doing part of somaesthetics. Tattoo artists make this final branch possible. How do they describe both the experience of being tattooed and the practice of tattooing another?

As Shusterman argues, “Besides grounding our social norms and moral values, the body is the essential medium or tool through which they are transmitted, inscribed, and preserved in society” (“Thinking” 6). Through bodily actions, speech, and expressions standards are legitimized and given meaning. Shusterman continues, “by being inscribed on our bodies, social norms and ethical values can sustain their power without any need to make them explicit and enforced by laws” (“Thinking” 6). However, this embodiment can be challenged through alternative somatic practices. Martin Jay argues that an explicit example of somaesthetics acting as a site of resistance can be seen in body art – artists using their own bodies as sites of artistic expression. According to Jay, body art has allowed for “an ecstatic sense of release from normal constraints…” and, like Butler, advocated for the breakdown of gender boundaries (59-60).

Further, body art offers an “explicit resistance to the disciplining and normalization of the docile body… (Jay 66). Although, arguably, tattooing may be tame in comparison to, for example, performance artists piercing their backs with meat hooks and using the hooks to hang from the ceiling2 or being shot in the arm,3 it certainly challenges the boundaries placed on the body.

2 In a 1976 performance “Event for Stretched Skin,” Australian artist Stelarc pierced his back with meat hooks and suspended himself over various sites including a street in New York City and a gallery in Tokyo (Jay 62). 3 Chris Burden is an American artist who, debatably, is best known for his 1971 performance piece Shoot, where he was shot in his arm by a colleague (Jones 130). 26

Although Shusterman separates somaesthetics into three distinct parts, I contend all three branches work in conjunction with one another, especially in regard to tattooing. Analytic somaesthetics claims the body is shaped by power; however, Jay argues body art can be used as a site of resistance. This study examines in what ways female tattoo artists view their work as a break from the established norms. Further, I explore in what ways they view their work as a practice of somaesthetics (though that term may not be used and how the artists view tattooing as a manner to, as Shusterman says, cultivate one’s body.

Methodology

The purpose of this study is to explore the lived experience and meaning making of tattooed women especially female tattoo artists. As such, a phenomenological approach is appropriate. As defined by John W. Creswell, a phenomenological study “describes the meaning for several individuals of their lived experiences of a concept or a phenomenon” (57. According to Max Van Manen, “Phenomenology aims at gaining a deeper understanding of the nature or meaning of our everyday experiences” (9. Phenomenology allows for possible explanations and insights into an everyday experience. Lenore Langsdorf explains that “the facts” of phenomenology are not the behaviors of the subject but rather “topics to be thoroughly described as what presents itself to us, in terms of (a how those presentations are experienced and (b as what they are experienced” (85. According to both Langsdorf and Clark Moustakas, it is crucial that the phenomenological researcher aim to describe and not explain and remain as free as possible from judgment. (Langsdorf 85, Moustakas 34.

Sonia Kruks argues that phenomenology is particularly appropriate when conducting a feminist project as it focuses on women’s embodied, lived experiences. She cites two distinct advantages to the methodology: “First, we can attain a more adequate account of the intentional 27 and volitional aspects of the subject…Second, we gain an appreciation of the importance of embodiment as the locus for certain kinds of shared experience between women that may be significant for a politics of feminist solidarity” (Kruks 144). Phenomenology enables us to challenge how perceptions have traditionally been explained. According to Kruks, “For feminism to endure as a movement that can encompass differences among women without reifying them, it is urgent that we explore areas of possible common experience: notably those of the lived feminine body” (152).

Further, as my aim is to gain insight into the artists’ everyday lives, an ethnographic approach is also applicable. “Ethnography is a qualitative design in which the researcher describes and interprets the shared and learned patterns of values, behaviors, beliefs, and language of a culture-sharing group” (Creswell 68). David M. Fetterman explains that ethnography employs, “a holistic outlook in research” where “Ethnographers attempt to describe as much as possible about a culture of a social group” (29). In the case of this study, I explore the tattoo community, specifically in regard to female tattoo artists, as a culture-sharing group. By immersing myself in the day-to-day lives of the artists, I am able to observe and offer interpretations of the behaviors, language, and interactions of the group.

Fetterman argues, “The typical model for ethnographic research is based on a phenomenologically oriented paradigm” (15). Because phenomenological studies make few assumptions about a set of relationships, they can accept multiple realities and embrace individual perceptions (Fetterman 15-16). This emic perspective is the fundamental purpose behind ethnography and “crucial to an understanding of why people think and act in the different ways they do” (Fetterman 30-31). Ilja Maso also calls for ethnographic approaches inspired by phenomenology. Maso finds the phenomenological practice of bracketing (epoché) crucial to 28 ethnographic work. “Because experiencing the experience of others is only possible by bracketing one’s own contaminating presuppositions and prejudices about those expressions…empathy can be seen as a special case of the phenomenological epoché” (Maso

139). Though not without its issues, empathy allows the researcher the ability to approximate an understanding of the experiences of others as well as understand the meanings behind them

(Maso 139). Bracketing also enables the researcher to keep an open mind, embrace multiple realities and experiences, and gain understandings they may not have previously had. Like

Fetterman, Maso contends, “phenomenological ethnographers assume that there are individual differences as well as different ways of looking between each other and within a group” (144).

These differences can lead to corrections or additions to previously held ideas as well as further research. As Van Manen notes, “To do…phenomenology is to attempt the impossible: to construct a full interpretive description of some aspect of the lifeworld, and yet to remain aware that lived life is always more complex than any explication of meaning can reveal” (18).

Qualitative research emphasizes discovery and description. More specifically, phenomenological methodology requires the examination of personal experiences. Additionally, ethnographic studies are “grounded in a commitment to the first-hand experience and exploration of a particular social or cultural setting on the basis (though not exclusively by) participant observation” as well as turning participants into “co-researchers” through conversations and interviews (Atkinson et al. 4-5). As such, in-depth interviewing as well as participant observation are necessary methods. Van Manen suggests two purposes to interviewing in phenomenological work: 1.) a means for exploring and gathering material that may serve as a resource for understanding a human phenomenon and 2.) a vehicle to develop a relationship with a partner

(interviewee) around the meaning of an experience (67). Along those lines, Steinar Kvale 29 discusses a semi-structured lifeworld interview, which he defines as “an interview whose purpose is to obtain descriptions of the lifeworld of the interviewee with respect to interpreting the meaning of the described phenomena” (6). Interviewing has the potential to elicit rich stories and descriptions, allowing participants to share their personal stories. It “edifies the personal insight” (Van Manen 7). Further, it provides the researcher with an opportunity to clarify statements and ask for additional information. My study employs Kvale’s seven method stages

(i.e., thematizing, designing, interviewing, transcribing, analyzing, verifying, and reporting) in conducting semi-structured interviews with eight female tattoo artists. I developed questions for the interview within the framework of the research questions that guide this study. As Kvale suggests, I constructed matrices to illustrate the connectedness of the interview questions to the research questions.

In addition to interviewing, I spent time in six of the women’s shops, interviewing two of the women while they were tattooing someone. This ethnographic fieldwork involves working with and observing people over time in their natural environments and allowed me “to see people and their behavior given all the real-world incentives and constraints (Fetterman 41). A key method in this fieldwork was participant observation, an immersion in the culture while maintaining professional distance (Fetterman 45). As such, I spent several hours (between two and five) in each of the studios beyond just the time spent interviewing the women. I was able to visit the studios on multiple occasions allowing me to maximize my interactions with a variety of people and provide opportunities to compare visits. Further, I was able to observe different types of studios (i.e., a “street shop” where walk-ins are accepted and a “custom-only” studio where the artists can be more selective in their clientele.) By observing the artists in their work environment, and interacting with their colleagues and clients, my understandings of their 30 experiences and the lifeworld of tattoo artists’ culture deepened. Further, my observations helped in identifying themes as well as served as another method in which to confirm (or contradict) issues and topics the participants may have mentioned in their interviews and also extend and/or challenge existing scholarship on tattoo culture. Additionally, I was able to interview some of the participants’ clients and colleagues to glean information from their perspective.

To yield the most information, I used purposeful sampling in identifying participants. As the study sought to locate and understand women from a variety of backgrounds, a snowball sampling strategy was used, whereby participants were asked to refer other women who they know. The original criteria for selection of participants was as follows:

1.) All participants must self-identify as female.

2.) All participants must be currently working or previously worked as a tattoo artist

Using this process, I began with my interviewing two artists I know, each of whom recommended additional artists, who then recommended additional artists. As such, I was able to interview seven artists: Robyn, Mary, Dawn, Kim, Naomi, Kat and Debbie. Six of the interviews were completed in person, and one (Kat) over email correspondence as she was abroad. The participants ranged in age from 24 to over 60 and had anywhere from 4 to over 30 years of experience. All in-person interviews took place within three states in the Mid-West of the United

States.

In completing my initial interviews, it became apparent that hearing from the artists’ male colleagues and clients would also be crucial to the study. I therefore expanded my criteria to include:

1.) Clients who have been tattooed by a female tattoo artist

2.) Male artists who directly work with at least one female artist 31

The clients had similar, personal stories to share as the female artists but, more importantly, are a critical component/participant of the artists’ experiences. Also, some of them could not help but participate as they were being tattooed while I was interviewing the artists. I was then able to interview five clients: Esmerelda, Clare, Cynthia, Ruby, and X. Clients ranged in age from 27 to over 60 and have as few as one tattoo to being heavily tattooed, and their careers spanned from full-time graduate student to corporate executive. The male colleagues I interviewed, Mike and

Anthony, both worked in a shop with one of the female artists (540 and Robyn, respectively.)

Both men were in their 30s. Mike had been tattooing for over ten years, and Anthony was an apprentice. Both men offered insight into their perceptions of and experience working with female artists. All client and colleague interviews, except those noted, were in-person and occurred in the same states as the artists’ interviews.

Identifying themes in analysis of the transcriptions is both an ethnographic and phenomenological analysis method. “Phenomenological themes may be understood as the structures of experience” (Van Manen 79). Moustakas suggests a template for organizing and analyzing the data collected in a phenomenological study, which I used as a guideline. The first step is to “obtain a full description of your own experience of the phenomenon” (Moustakas

122). In an attempt to set aside my personal experiences and focus on the participants’ experiences, I began with a full description of my own experience of the phenomenon. After completing this, each transcript was read several times to get a general feeling for them. I compiled a list of significant statements pertaining to the lived experience of a tattooed woman and female tattoo artist. I next grouped these statements into themes or “meaning units”

(Moustakas 122). Using verbatim examples, I then wrote a description (the “textual description”) of what the participants experienced with the phenomenon as well as a description of the 32 structures of the experience (the “how” of the experience (Moustakas 122. Throughout this process I utilized the ethnographic method of triangulation, “compar[ing] information sources

[interviews and field notes] to test the quality of the information (and the person sharing it, to understand more completely the part an actor plays in the social drama, and ultimately to put the whole situation into perspective” (Fetterman 89. This process allowed me to compare what a participant said to what I observed. Once this process was completed for each transcript, I identified any common themes among all participants that helped answer the original research questions. These themes are used in the chapters to provide a description of the experience with examples provided from the transcripts and observations as well as connections to larger theoretical frameworks.

Participant Profiles

In order to gain an understanding of each participant’s background, it is important to offer a bit of a backstory for each of them. These profiles are by no means meant to provide a complete biography of the participants but merely help to frame each person’s point of view.

The Artists

540

540 is a white woman in her mid to late thirties. She would consider herself heavily tattooed, with full sleeves on her arms and a chest piece; however, she is not tattooed on her face, neck, or hands. She has a relaxed demeanor and is very personable; we quickly fell into a conversational tone rather than an interview. She appears to have a “go with the flow” attitude but clearly will not allow others to take advantage of her. 540 has been professionally tattooing for 14 years. Her passion for art began in her early teens, when she discovered drawing. At the end of her high school career, she decided to pursue tattooing as a career while simultaneously 33 working on her Bachelor’s degree. After asking for an apprenticeship and being rejected by a friend of a friend, she walked into the shop in which she currently works, looking for advice on how to break into the industry. It so happened the man with whom she spoke was looking for an apprentice; he gave her an assignment to draw up some pieces of flash and told her to come back. Two days later, after hours of research on tattoos and trying new drawing techniques, she returned with her work and was awarded the apprenticeship, beating out a man who was also in the running in the process. She later learned she was selected because she had done the research the artist had asked her to do and quickly returned with her work after given the assignment.

After a difficult, three-year stint, she was hired as a full-time artist. Of the seven tattoo artists working in the shop, she is the only woman.

Although 540 mostly does custom work (consulting individually with clients, taking some time to think about and draw out the art, and often booking sessions weeks in advance) the studio itself would be described as a street shop. Many clients are walk-ins who may or may not have a particular artist (or even design) in mind when choosing the shop. It is possible to get a tattoo the same day you walk-in, if an artist is available and the piece is not too complicated. The large studio is located in a mid-sized city in the Midwest. Situated on a major street, the shop has the distinct feel of a tattoo studio. The reception area has portfolios of each of the artists as well as books of flash for clients to peruse. In the shop, each artist has his or her own individual room each with a door. I met with 540 in her studio. Her small space is decorated with books on art and tattoos as well as art that speaks to her and some of her own (she is currently into reimaging found Virgin Mary statues, so there were easily a dozen various statues standing on a bookshelf in the space.) Although the space is small, it does not feel cramped. She has music playing in the 34 background, a mixture of anything from 90s pop to rap to metal. The space is uniquely hers, and she is obviously proud of it.

Dawn

Dawn is a white woman in her late thirties who has been professionally tattooing for over

14 years. She is extremely welcoming and willing to talk about any topic. Toward the end of our time together, she began talking about religion and then moved to personal and familial issues.

As this happened, the conversation morphed into something akin to two friends discussing life rather than two strangers who had met just a few hours earlier. Dawn considers herself heavily tattooed, with full sleeves, covered hands, chest and back pieces, and a bindi in the middle of her forehead. Since she was a child, she knew she would be a tattoo artist. Her mother had a “biker tattoo,” so she was familiar with the art at a young age. She was constantly drawing and knew that tattooing was a way that she could make money with art, so, when she was old enough, she pestered a friend’s boyfriend into apprenticing her; he charged her $1000. She spent two years cleaning, answering phones, scrubbing tubes, and learning a bit about tattooing. After her friend broke up with the artist, he broke up with Dawn, forcing her to work professionally although she was, admittedly, not ready. She was able to find professional work at another studio with an owner who had a great reputation, did excellent work, and taught her a lot. However, he was also a bully, and, after eight years, Dawn was fed up. She approached a friend, brought in another partner, and the three opened their own studio. Now, she and the second partner own, operate, and work in two shops with at least six artists working for them.

Dawn is a nationally known and recognized tattoo artist. In addition to being featured in multiple trade magazines and internet sites, she has written several articles and pieces for national and international publications including The Huffington Post. She does primarily custom 35 work, with clients scheduling appointments months in advance. Her studios, however, are street shops, accepting walk-ins. I originally met Dawn at one of her shops, a smaller studio in a major metropolitan Midwest city. Rock music plays throughout the open-space studio, which has three workstations made up of the artists’ tool chest and client chair or table, and flash decorates the walls and desk. After being in the shop for some time, we walked across the street to continue our conversation over coffee.

Debbie

Debbie is a white woman in her sixties with tattoos down her arms but none on her hands or neck; she does not make a distinction of being heavily tattooed; she just says tattooed. She is a gregarious person who clearly loves to laugh and tell stories. She would often run off course in her responses to tell a related (or unrelated) story, sometimes to provide context but mostly to reminisce and share an experience. Debbie was not interested in tattoos until her early 20s, until she encountered a woman with a tattoo that she found appealing. It made her start thinking she may get a tattoo someday. Years later, in the 1970s, she met her husband, John, a tattoo artist, and began helping him at his studio. She would interact with clients and even draw some art for clients. In 1981, she started tattooing with John in their street shop. John had learned from some of the well-known artists of the time (Burt Grimm and Paul Rogers) and taught Debbie the basics. At one point, they worked almost like an assembly line, with John doing the outlines of the piece and Debbie filling it in. After John fell ill, Debbie took over the business and has been in charge ever since, over 30 years. Tattooing has become the family business, with three of their seven children involved in the studio. Even the artists who are not related by blood are considered family, with one artist working with them for over 20 years. Debbie is one of the longest working female tattoo artists in the area, if not the country. She knows and is known by 36 nationally established and respected artists. Multiple participants told me I needed to interview

Debbie. Despite her popularity in the community, Debbie is extremely humble and genuinely just loves talking about tattoos and the history of the industry.

I met Debbie at her shop located in a mid-size city in the Midwest. Located in a strip mall, the shop is large and open, with a large front window that runs the length of the studio.

Flash adorns the walls along with standing displays a client can flip through. Each artist of the eight artists has a cubicle, and Debbie’s is filled with photos of family, friends, and clients. It was not uncommon to hear the artists and clients talking to each other over the cubicles. The shop was extremely busy while I was there as Fridays are designated as “Walk-In Day,” with artists, including Debbie, only taking walk-ins. No appointments are scheduled for Fridays. Even so, it is sometimes difficult to get to every waiting customer as the shop is known as “The Place” to get tattooed in the city.

Kat

I interviewed Kat over email, so her demographics and tattoos are unknown. Kat focuses on tattooing as an art form, one that she was drawn to during her late teens. She had friends who were getting tattoos and then befriended tattoo artists. In order to get her foot in the door, and to decide if tattooing was actually something she wanted to pursue, she became a shop manager.

After some time working in the shop, she decided to commit to tattooing. She has now been tattooing for over 18 years and is established enough that she only tattoos one person a day, four or five days a week. Kat also travels internationally to work as a guest artist at different studios.

She was in Germany at the time of her interview, which is why we were unable to meet in person. Kat mostly focuses on her identity as an artist and views tattooing as just one medium in 37 which she works. As such, she acknowledges, she does not engage much with the tattoo community or tattoo artists.

Kim

Kim is the youngest of the artists and all participants. She is a white woman in her early twenties who speaks and answers questions as such, often referring to being young. She was energetic and excited to talk about her path into tattooing. Kim is quickly building her own tattoo collection; she is working on arm sleeves, has large pieces on her legs, and is mapping out additional projects. Additionally, she has multiple visible piercings, including her septum, lip, eyebrow, and more. Kim is also a model who is often asked for because of her tattoos.

As a teenager, she liked tattoos and thought tattooing would be “something cool to do”

(Kim). After she graduated high school, she saw an online offer for a tattoo apprentice at the shop she where she got pierced. She got the job and quickly realized tattooing was more than a hobby but something she was willing to work at to become a better artist. Her apprenticeship lasted three years, until she realized her mentor was essentially taking advantage of having a

“slave” do the work around the studio that he did not want to do, for instance, scrubbing and cleaning (Kim). She moved onto her current studio in a small, Midwestern city. It is a small shop with only a few tattooing stations, and there was only one other person in the shop while I was there. Because she is newer to tattooing, Kim is still establishing her clientele. Most of her clients are walk-ins or people who have seen a piece she did on the shop’s website and ask for her specifically. She is starting to have a few regular clients. We met in the studio in which she works. It is an open studio with short cubicle walls, and Kim has a space that consists of her tattoo table, a cabinet with supplies, and a chair for clients. Although the shop was open when we spoke, no clients were in or entered the space. 38

Mary

Mary is a soft-spoken, calming white woman in her mid to late forties. She describes her personal “look” as an “older librarian,” complete with horn-rimmed glasses and her greying hair piled into a knot on top of her head. Her tattoos are mostly covered, but she does have visible full arm sleeves. The distinction between being heavily tattooed and having tattoos does not matter to

Mary. Mary grew up in a rural area in the Bible Belt during the 1970s and 80s. She was not exposed to tattoos until she read a book exploring feminist perspectives on beauty when she was a teenager. She remembers seeing a woman who had had a double mastectomy and had her chest tattooed with a beautiful floral design. Mary thought about how tattooing could help one take control of one’s body and change the view of one’s body into something positive. She started tattooing in the mid-90s. She had befriended some local tattooers who needed help at their shop.

At first, she was the shop manager but quickly began learning how to tattoo as well. At the time, seeing a woman working in a tattoo studio was a bit of a novelty, and she believes this novelty not only drew in customers but also lent a calming presence to the shop. Because she was working with friends, Mary was able to have a respectful apprenticeship where she was able to learn the mechanics of tattooing (building machines, making needles, etc.) as well as to develop her techniques over time.

After about two years, Mary went to work at another street shop. After ten years working with mostly walk-in clients, Mary was ready to focus on large, custom pieces and began to feel confined by the shop environment. Her husband, an internationally known tattoo artist with celebrity clients, had been successfully running a private studio for several years. In the early

2000s, Mary joined him in this studio, which is a converted apartment above retail shops in an older neighborhood just outside of the downtown area of a large Midwestern city. The shop has 39 no identifying markers on the outside of the building, and the two artists only accept private customers, who often wait months for their first appointment. I interviewed Mary in her studio, which is a large room, probably what would be a bedroom in the apartment. Aside from her tattooing space, she has a lounging area with a couch, coffee tables, and side chairs as well as a large desk that she uses as her drawing area. There are large bay windows that bring in bright, natural light, and she has decorated with plants and art that speaks to her. Aside from the tattoo table, sitting in Mary’s studio seems no different than hanging out in someone’s home.

Naomi

Naomi is a white woman in her late thirties or early forties. She is straight forward and speaks in an almost dogmatic tone, while at the same time being approachable. The sides of

Naomi’s head are shaved, and she has the start of a mohawk. Her arms and hands are completely covered in tattoos as well as most of her legs. Naomi simply collects tattoos; she no longer cares about what the subject is and will allow anyone who wants to try a design to try it on her. Naomi got her first tattoo when she was 16 (though she started asking her mom for a tattoo at the age of

12) and kept getting tattoos from then on. At 18 she moved to a Midwestern college town where she found a tattoo shop with an appealing atmosphere and ended up hanging out there a lot. After a short amount of time, in the early 1990s, she moved back to her hometown where she began art school and tattooing out of her house. She did not pursue an apprenticeship and is completely self-taught. In 1995, she opened her own shop in a suburban part of a large city in the Midwest.

She was in that location for 17 years before moving to her current location a few blocks away, which is an entire house. Naomi describes herself as a “girl in a world of dudes.” She was a skateboarder and active in many countercultures. She feels tattoos naturally appealed to her 40 because they were part of the “underbelly” (Naomi.) Aside from running the business, Naomi creates and hosts community events, for example, Punk Rock Flea Markets.

While we are talking, Naomi’s client, X,4 walks in to begin her tattoo. X has been coming to Naomi for over 15 years, and Naomi is currently in the middle of working on a project on her arm. They both allow me to continue to interview as Naomi works, both engaging in conversation, answering questions, and reminiscing on their relationship. They easily bring me into their conversations, joking and laughing with me. Toward the end of the interview, other artists who work there enter the house, and their clients begin to arrive as well. The atmosphere is jovial and familial.

Robyn

Robyn, who is my tattoo artist, is a white woman in her early forties. She is a quiet, soft- spoken person. Robyn considers herself heavily tattooed; she has full black and grey sleeves with just a pop of red in them as well as a full back piece and gauged ears. She is also about eight months pregnant at the time of the interview and, after she finishes with her clients, jokes about how it is hard to work with a client when she wants to pee all the time. Robyn was part of the punk subculture and became a tattoo artist by getting tattooed. In 2001, she was getting a tattoo done on her back and asked the artist, who now owns the shop in which she works, how to become a tattoo artist. He explained the process, and, the more he talked about it, the more intrigued she became. She brought him a portfolio of her artwork, and he took her on as his apprentice. After several years apprenticing, Robyn began tattooing on her own, moving to the studio in which she currently works.

4 This is the pseudonym the client chose to use. 41

At first, Robyn took most of the walk-in clients; however, as her work improved, she

began to establish a regular clientele. Now, she no longer accepts walk-ins and only does custom

pieces, with clients booking months in advance. Robyn can go through phases of working in

particular styles of tattoos and is sometimes sought after because of that. For example, for some

time she was working on a unique take on watercolor-esque tattoos and, more recently, is

working with dotted tattoos and sacred geometry such as mandalas. She now works on no more

than two clients a day, with each sitting lasting several hours. The store Robyn works in has only

three artists, one of whom is part-time. It is on the main street of a small, eclectic neighborhood

that is part of a large Midwestern city. As I interview her, Robyn is the only artist working,

tattooing a man who rarely speaks, only answering Robyn as she asks how he is doing.

The Clients and Colleagues

Anthony

Like Robyn, getting tattooed is what inspired Anthony, who is now in his early to mid-

thirties, to join the business. He first began as the shop manager in the same studio in which

Robyn works. He was the manager for seven years before thinking he may want to be an artist.

He approached one of the artists who frequently tattooed him, and the artist agreed to take

Anthony on as an apprentice. At the time of the interview, for the past year, he still works part-

time as a manager while apprenticing and often sits with Robyn and her colleague as they work.

He is tattooing his friends and honing his craft. He is also debating whether or not he wants to be

an artist or just continue to work in the shop. Anthony and I spoke in the front part of the shop

after interviewing Robyn. 42

Clare

Clare is a white woman who has on tattoo on her back that is only visible when she wears tank tops. She got it in her late 20s during a particularly rough time during her Master’s program.

She found an image in a book that she liked and asked around for recommendations for artists.

Several people recommended Dawn, and she and a friend traveled over an hour to have a consultation with her. She brought images and even a video of ideas and styles she wanted to incorporate into her tattoo and was pleased with how easy it was to work and express herself with Dawn. Both she and her friend scheduled appointments with Dawn that day and came back together, two months later, for their tattoos. Clare has thought about getting another tattoo from

Dawn, but she lacks the money. Recently, she moved across the country and no longer has accessibility to Dawn. She is debating whether she will take the time to find a new artist. She also recently started a new job after completing her PhD and is waiting to see the culture of her new workplace. Clare and I interviewed over Skype.

Cynthia

Cynthia is a white woman in her late fifties who considers herself heavily tattooed. She had been fascinated by tattoos her whole life but came from a conservative family and then married a controlling and abusive man. After leaving her abusive relationship, Cynthia moved away and established her new life, teaching at a college in a small Midwestern town. After coming out as a lesbian, she got two tattoos in this town at the age of 45. Once she received those tattoos, she was hooked, wanting to get more, and better, tattoos. She began reading books and articles on tattoos, completing internet searches, talking with tattooed people, and happening upon Dawn. She received her first from tattoo from Dawn in 1998 and has since received several more. Cynthia has tattoos all over her body, including ones that go completely down her arms as well as others on her upper arms and legs. Each of her tattoos has a special significance to her, 43 varying from one honoring a former lover, to her son’s name, and to a portrait of her deceased dog. She also has her “vision animal,” a deer, a tattoo that was completed by the famous tribal tattooist Leo Zulueta (Cynthia). Cynthia expects her collection to grow, though she jokes that she can no longer afford Dawn. Cynthia and I met in her office on her campus, which is full of books and has a couch on which we both could sit. She was enthusiastic to show me her tattoos and tell the stories behind them.

Esmerelda

Esmerelda is a white woman in her mid-forties. She got involved in the punk scene in her early 20s, which drew her to tattooing. She liked that it was seen as anti-authoritarian and showed that she was not part of “the normal society” (Esmerelda). For her first tattoo, she drew up an image and took it to one of the few tattoo studios in her hometown in a small, Midwestern city. The male artist had a snake in an aquarium in his workstation and did not speak to her at all as he tattooed her upper arm. Several years later, she decided to go to a more well-known, cleaner studio and had the outside of her calf tattooed by the owner himself, a known and respected artist in the area. One night, in her early 20s, Esmerelda gave herself a small tattoo on her knee using a needle and ink. Almost twenty years later, still part of the punk community but also working for a corporate bank, Esmerelda decided she was ready for another tattoo: an octopus that runs across her back and buttocks, up her side, and down her thigh. Esmerelda is friends with Robyn from the local scene and first went to her with the tattoo idea. Robyn was not at a point where she felt comfortable completing such a large project and recommended her to

Mary, who ultimately completed the project over multiple, day-long sittings. Esmerelda’s octopus tattoo has special meaning to her and is a massive piece; however, it is completely hidden when she is clothed. Few people, especially at work, even know it exists, and Esmerelda 44 often finds humor in this fact, in an “if they only knew” way. Esmerelda and I spoke in her house, which has an extensive record collection on display as well as artwork from local artists, shelves of books, and photos of her family and her international travels.

Mike

Mike is a white man in his late thirties or early forties. He was not expecting to be a tattoo artist at all. In 2003, in his late 20s, he was hired by a tattoo shop to complete a mural on its wall. The owners were impressed and realized they would be able to make money off of

Mike’s artistic abilities. They convinced him to be an artist, gave him a month to learn, and then had him tattooing full-time. Mike did not even have any tattoos at the time, though now he is heavily covered, with arm sleeves and hand work, work on his chest and back, and some pieces on his legs. Although his journey to becoming a tattoo artist was completely unconventional,

Mike is grateful to the owners. He feels he has found his true calling. Mike is gregarious and prides himself on being approachable. If he is not in his studio, he is at the front of the shop where he and 540 work, talking with clients and other artists. The large shop has more than a dozen artists working there, and Mike and 540 are two of the few who have private spaces, an indicator of their seniority in the shop. After interviewing 540 and hanging around the shop for some time, I came back again to hang out and interview Mike in his workspace.

Ruby

At the time of her interview, Ruby was a PhD student in her late 20s. She got her first tattoo at 18 but cannot remember what exactly inspired her to do it. It was small, and on her hip, as she had to keep it hidden from her parents. Fortunately, she was house sitting at the time and able to effectively hide it until a week later when she left for college. Before her first tattoo, she had her belly button pierced. After leaving for college, she began to get more piercings including 45 different types in her ears and her nostril and also got one more, tiny tattoo on her other hip. Her family knew about the piercings, but the tattoos were still a secret, one that she proudly embraced. Then, her siblings started getting tattoos, and the thrill of her secret began to diminish.

Her parents did not seem to mind, and, now, tattoos did not set her apart in her family. Since her

“thing” was taken from her, she stopped getting tattoos. For years, she stewed as her siblings got more and more tattoos. Once she started her PhD program, she decided her resentment only affected her and that she needed to let it go. She did some research of tattoo studios and found

Kim, to whom she was drawn because she was a woman. In just two months, Ruby got two new tattoos from Kim. Both are still small, but now they are in visible locations on her body. Ruby and I met in a coffee shop where we traded tattoo stories, and she excitedly discussed her plans for future tattoos.

Chapter Breakdown

Identity is not singular, as such this project examines identity on multiple levels, each more specific: identity in the broad tattoo community, identity as a tattooed woman, and identity as a female tattoo artist. Each chapter explores identity and experiences within its particular focus and provides evidence, as constituted in the interviews, observations, and supporting research, as to how and why participants may, or may not, constitute that identity. Moreover, the specific negotiations of the individual interviewee’s agency and gender performativity as per each theme are explored.

Chapter two, “I Found My Peeps”: Finding Identity Within the Group, is a discussion of the participants concepts of the tattoo community at large, their membership in it, and their struggle to name it. Throughout the chapter, I utilize Hebdige, Muggleton, and Gelder’s concepts surrounding subcultures as a basis for my analysis. Further, in focusing on the tattoo aspect, 46 tattoo scholars Sanders, DeMello, and Atkinson are employed. In this chapter, I discuss characteristics that are widely shared amongst artists, regardless of gender, while highlighting unique factors identified by and applicable to women in the tattoo community.

Chapter three, “I’m a Person on a Trajectory in Life”: Claiming Identity as a Tattooed

Woman, narrows the focus to identity based on gender. In this chapter, I explore the significance of being tattooed and, more specifically, of being a tattooed woman. I employ Goffman in exploring presentation and social interactions as well as Yuen Thompson and her examination of tattooed women. Here, I examine how breaking with norms affects the women in my study and how such social breeches factor into how they constitute their identity. In exploring these issues,

I explore how being tattooed factors into the artists’ identities.

Chapter four, “You Just Got to Learn How to Deal with That”: Identifying as a Female

Tattoo Artist, focuses on identity as a tattoo artist and utilizes Shusterman’s pragmatic and performative somaesthetics, Butler’s exploration of bodies that matter and repercussions of violating gender expectations, and Deniz Kandiyoti’s idea of patriarchal bargaining. I begin by examining how the women create their identity as female tattoo artists and the various factors that contribute to that constitution. I also examine the ways female artists’ gender has, or has not, influenced their identity formation, and how that may create a gendered understanding of tattooing. Specifically, I examine how the women perceive how those conforming to social norms treat them and how they personally view their chosen profession and tattoos. Finally, I explore the ways in which the difference between the prevalence of masculinity versus the function of patriarchy within society and the tattoo community conditions the women’s experiences as tattoo artists. The final chapter provides conclusions that can be drawn from the study as well as suggestions for future scholarship. 47

Tattooing in the United States has a gendered history. This project is a recovery of female voices that have long been ignored. By interviewing and observing female tattoo artists, as well as their clients and colleagues, we have a better understanding of the lived experience of the women as well as a deeper insight into the tattoo community. This project brings to the foreground the stories and experiences of a group often overlooked if not ignored. Although there may not be a time when tattoo artists are setting up booths at career fairs, recognizing these women and their stories honors both their experiences and their careers. 48

CHAPTER II. “I FOUND MY PEEPS”: FINDING IDENTITY WITHIN THE GROUP

Like so many things in life, it seemed like a good idea at the time. After months, probably years, of talking about it, at the age of nineteen I was finally going to make it happen.

My first tattoo. Just a small doodle that continuously popped up in the margins of my notes from class. A turtle. A tiny turtle that I would put on my toe, so it could be easily covered up. No one would know about it; everyone knew about it. I talked about it to anyone who would listen.

Sought advice and guidance from anyone I knew who had a tattoo. And constantly fretted over the amount of pain I was about to endure. No less than four women accompanied me to the local tattoo studio: mostly friends who wanted to be there for support, and one woman, Mickey, who invited herself. Since she had recently been tattooed, she felt it was her responsibility to make sure everything was being done correctly. Too excited and nervous to make any argument against turning my adventure into a group outing, I begrudgingly allowed Mickey to join the group. When we arrived at the studio, the woman who would be my artist informed me that only one person would be allowed to accompany me into the room where I would get my tattoo (a fact that, at the time, seemed preposterous though now perfectly reasonable.) Who did I choose to join me? One of my best friends who, even though she thought I was crazy, was eager and willing to make sure I felt comfortable throughout the entire process? No. I chose Mickey. The woman who had annoyed me by inviting herself and implying I could not be trusted to know if something was off with the process. As it turned out, I did take comfort in the fact that she had been through it before and would understand exactly was I going through (all 15 minutes of actual tattooing.) She and I would now have a connection that the others would not (could not) understand. And it was permanent. 49

Clearly, I was special now. I was marked, by choice, in a way that, at the time, most others were not. I had set myself apart from the rest of those who were just part of the system, one in the flock, doing what was “right” and “expected.” But, really, did one tiny turtle on my toe really make me the rebel I thought, even hoped, it would? And though it seemed as though they were few, I knew there were others out there like me. Was I alone in feeling as though I had been inducted into a special society? Is there even a group into which one can be inducted?

This chapter explores the ways in which tattoo practitioners, both artists and clients, conceptualize a group identity. It begins by simply trying to name the group; a task the ends up proving difficult. Is it a tattoo community, a tattoo subculture, or a tattoo figuration? Arguments for and against each label are made. I also argue a reason why labeling the group might be difficult is because of the conflicts that arise among members of the group. I identify and explore three such conflicts: the idea that tattoos have become “mainstreamed,” an internal tension that exists between established members of the group and the newest generation, and the impact felt by the rise of media. Ultimately, these label debates and internal conflicts point to one conclusion: the group of tattoo artists and enthusiasts is currently in a liminal state, one that currently cannot be defined and might not want to be.

What's in a Name?

Is It a Community?

How does one refer to the group of people who are tattooed? At first glance, the term

“community” may seem appropriate. On a fundamental level, it could be argued that it is a group of people sharing a common value – an interest and appreciation for tattooing. Victor Turner

(1969 uses the term communitas for a feeling of homogeneity, equality, camaraderie, and lack of hierarchy common among those who are marginalized or are undergoing a liminal transition 50 from one state to the next. Artist 540 recalls attending her first tattoo convention, her first interaction with a large group of tattooed people, and heavily tattooed people at that:

I’m not talking one [tattoo] here and one there. I mean head to toe, back pieces, leg pieces

of stuff that you just generally didn’t see before. Maybe in magazines or whatever. And

everybody was cool. And tattooing/tattooed people have such a bad stereotype. You get

all these people in one room. You have these bikers, or you may have outlaws, or you

may have all these people. Everybody just was so polite, and everybody gathered around,

and it was always cool. Like everybody was just like a family, like a community.

Despite the variety of people who have tattoos and the myriad ways and degree of tattoos they have, artist 540 still felt a connection and understanding, the equality and camaraderie Turner discussed. She continues, “There was almost always some sort of acceptance between people who are tattooed” (540). This feeling of community creates a safe space for an individual; there is a shared understanding that tattooed peopled will be welcomed within the group. When describing the tattoo community, Cynthia, a tattoo enthusiast and client of artist participant

Dawn’s, succinctly explains, “I guess I found my peeps.”

There is a comfortableness present among those who are tattooed that may not exist with someone who is not. With its previous association with deviance, some participants expressed expectations of judgment from non-tattooed people. Tattoo artist Debbie explains, “There’s a quote I like that says, ‘The only difference between tattooed people and non-tattooed people is that tattooed people don’t care if you’re not tattooed.’ I really like that. And it’s true.” Within a community, tattooed people can feel open to express themselves without judgment and share a common link with others. Furthermore, this open and accepting discourse can create connections to new people and ideas. Tattoo scholar Margo DeMello argues, “The notion of 51 community [is] not being defined exclusively in the tattoo shop, but [is] more of a fluid notion, one that takes shape in the realm of the discourse…community occurs whenever tattooed people talk about themselves, about each other, and to each other – community is part of that discourse”

(DeMello 18). Cynthia echoes DeMello’s idea of a community stating, “I love the tattoo community. It’s pretty fun. I talk to strangers on the street all the time. Way more than I ever would without them….and I’ll initiate conversations too occasionally” (Cynthia).

However, despite its openness, not all tattooed people feel part of the tattoo community.

Clare, a client of Dawn’s, has one tattoo on her shoulder. Although the tattoo is significant to her, she does not feel its presence is defining for her or enough for membership in the community:

Well, I guess that means something that I’m not a part of. I would not consider myself a

part of a tattoo community. Tattoo community to me would mean people who are

probably heavily tattooed. People who a large part of their identity somehow rests in their

tattoos. Be it the work that they had done, or if they go to conventions, or if they’re artists

themselves. So that some…tattooing takes up some kind of large part of their lives.

Rather than just people who have tattoos. (Clare)

DeMello maintains that, although individual identification is important, there are key rituals that define membership in the tattoo community. The first of these, though not necessarily the defining one, is being tattooed. Second, she argues that it is “crucial to have enough interest in tattooing to either read tattoo publications (including magazines, books, pamphlets, and calendars,) attend tattoo conventions, or both” (DeMello 20). Although she has multiple tattoos,

Esmerelda, a tattoo enthusiast and client of Mary’s, reinforces DeMello’s argument. “When I think “tattoo community” I think…probably people who are more active…Maybe they go to 52 conventions. And they are artists…I don’t know if just having tattoos makes you part of the tattoo community. I mean I guess if I was actually going to conventions, then maybe I would be part of the tattoo community” (Esmerelda).

The implication is that membership in the tattoo community requires a deep commitment.

The permanency of the tattoo is not enough; there needs to be a desire to be more engaged in the culture. “To be a member of the tattoo community requires more than just getting a tattoo – it involves a commitment to learning about tattoos, to meeting other people with tattoos, and to living a lifestyle in which tattoos play an important role” (DeMello 20-21). This involvement creates a shared feeling of specialness, a sentiment that some feel is currently lacking. Esmerelda explains:

Honestly, I don’t know what the tattoo community is any more. I don’t know what I

would consider the tattoo community…It used to kind of be a thing that if you saw

someone else with tattoos, you felt…you were like, “Alright. I’m going to have

something in common with that person.” And then you could see their tattoos and even

more so it would be like, “Oh. I don’t really like Black Flag bars, but that guy’s got Black

Flag bars so he’s probably into music. Or that girl. So, we can talk about that.” Or “That

person has art from an artist I really like…” And you kind of have this instant, “I have

something to talk about with this person.” But anymore you don’t have that. Everyone’s

got tattoos. I just don’t feel like you can go up to people anymore and just have that

instant sense of recognition like you’re going to have something in common to kind of

spark a conversation…When I think “tattoo community” any more, I think of people that

are more in the magazines, and going to conventions, and are artists, but, as far as just 53

being a tattooed person, I don’t really feel like part of the tattoo community

anymore…the sense of community has kind of been taken out of it actually. (Esmerelda)

Esmerelda is not alone in feeling that “community” no longer applies to tattoo enthusiasts. As she argues, the fact that more and more people are participating in tattooing affects the culture of the group. This growth appears to have some negative impact on the acceptance among tattooed people that was once so easily found. Artist Kat explains, “The tattoo community is enormous now. There are so many different styles and attitudes and approaches.

Some people are elitist about being covered while others are very approachable.” Additionally, the increase in the tattooed population can alter clients’ expectations. Tattoo artist Kim explains:

The tattoo community, meaning the collectors,5 range very far, from the

moderate…novelty tattoo clients to the serious collector of art. You get a huge range. You

get price shoppers, but then you also get people who say, “I have four grand, tattoo me.”

There’s a big difference between how people approach you and how everything is.

Serious collectors respect tattoos the way artists do, but the novelty collectors don’t know

much. They just know it’s cool right now, so they’re getting each little tattoo to be a little

postage stamp thing that most of them regret later.

With these changes in expectations as well as changes in the approachability of members, it comes as no surprise that it feels as though the shared, common value is disappearing. Although the diversity of the group can be a strength, it makes it difficult to create one coherent understanding of the group as a community. What connection does a heavily tattooed person

5 Just as some people who intentionally acquire paintings, sculptures, etc. are considered “art collectors,” some tattoo enthusiasts apply that same intentionality in acquiring tattoos and are considered or referred to as “tattoo collectors.” Tattoo collectors may have specific interests they are collecting (e.g. a particular artist or style,) or they may just consider the entire scope of their tattoos to be a collection. 54 share with one of Kim’s novelty clients, or someone who has been following and studying tattoos for years with someone who just liked a photo on Instagram? Tattoo artist Mary no longer believes the term “community” applies. “I think community is kind of a funny word for it. I don’t feel particularly connected to a lot of [tattooed people] anymore. I think tattooing has changed drastically” (Mary). Although aspects of the group may align with the idea of community, it does not seem to be the term that best applies.

Or a Subculture?

Subculture has been defined in many ways by many theorists. For Phil Cohen, subcultures are always connected back to a parent culture. Cohen contends, “the latent function of subculture is this: to express and resolve, albeit ‘magically’, the contradictions which remain hidden or unresolved in the parent culture” (Cohen 90). These contradictions may be on an ideological, economic, or social level. Cohen maintains:

But subculture is also a compromise solution to two contradictory needs: the need to

create and express autonomy and difference from parents and, by extension, their culture

and the need to maintain the security of existing ego defences and the parental

identifications which support them. For the initiates the subculture provides a means of

“rebirth” without having to undergo the pain of symbolic death. The autonomy it offers is

thus both real (but partial) and illusory as a total “way of liberation”. And far from

constituting an improvised rite de passage into adult society, as some anthropologists

have claimed, it is a collective and highly ritualized defence against just such a tradition.

(91)

Dick Hebdige positions subcultures in relation to hegemonic power. Specifically, Hebdige

“interpret[s] subculture as a form of resistance in which experienced contradictions and 55 objections to this ruling ideology are obliquely represented in style” (133). Ken Gelder simply states, “Subcultures are groups of people that are in some way represented as non-normative and/or marginal through their particular interests and practices, through what they are, what they do and where they do it” (Gelder, Subcultures 1). He further contends that subcultures typically

“position themselves in opposition to the ‘mainstream’ by disavowing [their] corporate/industrial/commodifying features” (Gelder, Subcultures 8). Though distinct, all three theorists identify subcultures as groups that distinguish themselves from the larger, dominant culture. Further, this subcultural group can act as a support mechanism for those acting as a counterculture.

Tattooing has been associated with counterculture and, at times, deviant practices. It has not been viewed as “normal” in society and is rarely associated with those from an upper social class. Debbie describes her first experiences as an artist:

In those days, in the late 70s, there were a lot different clients than we have now. It was

more hardcore. Not all the people were hardcore, but it was like a lot of bikers, and I’m

not talking anything against bikers, but there was a lot of hardcore bikers, 1%ers and stuff

who were always really nice to me.6 But it a little intimidating, and I didn’t want to do

my first tattoo on one of them. You know if you messed up, you might lose the hand.

Although artists may not fear physical retribution from their clients anymore, the association with a fringe part of society remains for some time. This association can be seen in both who is getting tattooed and where the tattooing is occurring. Debbie explains the anomaly of her shop’s

6 In 1947, a motorcycle rally in Hollister, California turned violent. Allegedly, in response, the American Motorcyclist Association (AMA) issued a statement claiming that 99% of motorcyclists were law-abiding citizens. However, this claim may be apocryphal. Regardless, some outlaw motorcycle gangs refer to, and wear patches to identify, themselves as the “1%ers,” implying they are the last 1% of motorcyclists who are outlaws. 56 location when it first opened. “Well [her town] is kind of, it’s not as bad now, but it used to be kind of like the elite area. You didn’t have tattoo studios. You didn’t have like porno shops. You didn’t have anything like that” (Debbie). Growing up in the 1970s and 1980s in a smaller city in the Midwest, Esmerelda did not encounter many tattooed people. “But, at the time, I didn’t really know…there weren’t tons and tons of people that I knew who had tattoos. I mean, there was a handful of people, but there really wasn’t a lot of them” (Esmerelda). Even after the beginning of the “Tattoo Renaissance” that started in the 1960s, the practice was not associated with the upper class (Sanders 18). Ruby, a client of Kim’s, knew exactly with whom she should speak when she decided to get her first tattoo in the early 2000s. “I was friends with a lot of people who were…you know…of the lesser sort of social crowd, and so they knew people who tattooed because they would hang out in tattoo parlors” (Ruby). Ruby’s statement highlights both the type of people who get tattooed (those of a lower social status) as well as the feelings of cohesion and connectedness within the group.

Often, what matters to those participating is not just who is getting tattooed but also the meaning of the action itself. Getting tattooed is marking oneself as outside the standard. To many with tattoos, this anti-establishment attitude may be part of the appeal of the practice. “I really wanted to do something kind of like rebellious and different, and body modification appealed to me in that way” (Ruby). Tattooing allows both collectors and artists to be both individually unique and a member of a counterculture. These characteristics were enticing to Mary when choosing tattooing as a career. “I just thought what a wonderful outsider kind of way to make a living off of art and was very attracted to the idea of doing something that was really alternative.

It was not typical. Wasn’t greeting cards, or commercial design” (Mary). Esmerelda echoes both

Ruby’s and Mary’s feelings of specialness: 57

At the time [the late 80s,] it was, well at least where I grew up anyway, it was pretty

subversive. Not everybody had tattoos. It was all bikers, and it was still seen as

something good people in society didn’t do. But I liked it, and it was…I see it as an art

form. And it obviously was kind of a way that you showed people that you weren’t part

of the normal society. That you stuck out more.

Debbie, Ruby, Mary, and Esmerelda all identify the practice of tattooing, at least at one point, as being different from what was seen as “normal.” For them, that uniqueness has been substantial factor in their participation in tattooing.

However, that special quality experienced by members of the culture, that statement against Cohen’s parent culture, seems to be waning. Being tattooed is no longer unique. “It’s sad to me because now it is so much about herd mentality. And banality. And it is like, ‘let’s all be different together.’ And it’s the most lame shit. I mean it’s sad really” (Mary). What once was used, in part, to proclaim oneself as outside the norm is no longer the case. In fact, the rise in popularity of being tattooed has essentially stripped tattoos as a sign of resistance. “It’s interesting though…like it’s not necessarily subversive of a thing as it used to be” (Esmerelda).

This evolution is bemoaned by those in the group:

You’ve got people who are really just with the pack. If you go to a convention, and you

should go to a convention if you’ve never been, they’re crazy. They’re not crazy like they

used to be. It used to be crazy because you would see all this tremendous work. These

really outrageous characters that tattooing was special to them. That they never really got

to unveil their work and their body suits and things except at conventions, and people got

wild. They were crazy in a different way. Now they’re crazy because tattooers have

sponsors, and they’re so many corporate…like there are companies are involved. And a 58

tattooer will use all of this company’s product, and they’re a spokesperson for this

product. And you’ll see these groups that are just so identical. This particular slant on

tattooing. All the dudes will dress the same. It’s really an exercise in conformity to me.

For the most part. Which I think is kind of sad. That is a major change. (Mary)

Further, Esmerelda and Mary’s thoughts highlight not only the decrease in uniqueness of being tattooed but also a shift from an anti-establishment mentality to a corporate one. This shift may not come as a surprise. After all, the group is not static. “Subcultures are not discrete entities; they are always in the process of acting upon, and being acted on in turn by, the world around them” (Gelder, Subcultures 8). Hebdige suggests two ways in which the dominant cultures harnesses subcultures: the commodity form (“the conversion of subcultural signs (dress, music, etc.) into mass-produced objects”) and the ideological form (“the ‘labeling’ and re-definition of deviant behavior by dominant groups – the police, the media, and the judiciary”) (94). In the case of tattooing, both forms are in play. At its most basic level, a tattoo is still something that is consumed; a transaction occurs between the artist and the client. For a tattoo artist to be successful, she or he cannot only produce work but must also market and package that work as well. While tattooing has created its own trend, it has also created a commodity. And while that commodity may have been ignored and/or rejected for some time, that is no longer the case.

Although being tattooed may not quite be at a place of total acceptance, it is not seen as the taboo it once was. In some ways, tattooing has become naturalized. It is seen in popular culture through television, movies, advertisements, etc. There is an increased exposure of celebrities who are tattooed (Angelina Jolie, Johnny Depp, “The Rock,” etc.) as well as celebrity tattooers (Kat von

D, Ami James, Ed Hardy, etc.) Children can now play with a tattooed Barbie, create their own temporary tattoos, and even practice tattooing with their own toy tattoo machine. Even banks are 59 using tattooing as a promotional tool.7 As Mary’s story on conventions highlights, some tattoo artists now have corporate sponsorship. This sponsorship may be limited to tattoo equipment and supplies, but it can also include energy drinks and apparel. Tattoo artists have started their own make-up and clothing lines. By increasing their presence in the media and as sellable goods, the dominant culture has both mainstreamed tattoos and solidified them as commodities. Tattoos both help sell products and are a sold product. As Hebdige suggests, tattoos’ repeated exposure results in their weakening as a subcultural sign.

As tattooing has evolved, its “success” as a practice (the increase in popularity and acceptance) has perhaps led to its downfall as a subculture for its members. It would appear that tattoos have gone through the process of commodification as they can be purchased to embody status and be used to sell other commodities. It is telling to hear a tattoo artist or collector refer to the “tattoo industry” rather than “tattoo community” or “tattoo subculture.” However, tattoos still may remain a signal of resistance. Mass culture is said to exploit and homogenize consumers, creating passive consumers and killing creativity; however, when it comes to tattooing, consumers cannot be passive. The consumption and production of a tattoo cannot be separated,

7 In 2012, Fifth Third Bank sent to their customers an insert for its new Preferred Program, asserting that it will go beyond the average banking service. The insert stated that when customers were ready to go deeper than just “scratching the service” they should contact Fifth Third. The insert then suggests that customers express themselves by partaking in the temporary tattoos provided. These tattoos were old school flash designs, images of daggers, anchors, lucky charms, and ships with messages that said, “S.S. Retirement Fund,” “My Banker is My Anchor,” “Risk Vs. Reward,” “Home Equity,” “Amortize This!,” “Long Live Liquidity,” “Fiscal Prudence,” and “Death Before Divestiture.” It should also be noted that this insert was specifically marketed to those customers who were potential Preferred Program customers. According to the Fifth Third website, the program offered its members a private banker as well as an Investment Professional in addition to special interest rates on checking and saving accounts as well as home mortgages. Of course, “In order to qualify for the Preferred Program, a combined account balance equal to or greater than $100,000 must be maintained” (Fifth Third, 2012). Clearly, Fifth Third marketed this program to a wealthier clientele. For this corporation, tattoos were no longer associated with the working class or even the middle class but rather the upper class. 60 and tattoos can still be highly individualistic and personal. Tattoo artist Mike’s thoughts may best illustrate this juxtaposition between subculture (resistance) and mainstream (commodity):

When I came into [tattooing]…I did not aspire to it. I was introduced to it, and then I was

convinced to do it. And I was a pretty low-level guy before that. Clean cut. No tattoos or

piercings to be found. I was a manager at a store, and I was as square as you could get. I

didn’t realize that inside was lurking somebody who was just knocking on the door to get

out. And this industry really opened that up. Being a tattoo artist, I think has always been

a natural thing for me. So, coming from that perspective, what I first fell in love with was

the culture. And there is a culture to it. I’m not going to call it a subculture. You know?

It’s easy for people to label things this day. And there is a culture that goes with it. It’s a

culture of acceptance. That’s what it is. And because I’ve gotten to see sort of the last

bastion of when tattoos were just reserved for a certain amount of people to becoming a

very mainstream thing, I’ve got to see some pretty interesting perspectives.

How About a Figuration?

Thus far, I have explored “community” and “subculture” as an identity for tattoo collectors. Although both have some characteristics that resonate with participants, neither seems to provide a complete match. There is one more term I would like to explore, Michael Atkinson’s use of figuration.

As discussed in chapter one, Atkinson argues that tattoo enthusiasts constitute a figuration (a collection of social actors bound together by chains or webs of interdependency) rather than a community (“Tattoo” 327). In considering this notion, Atkinson breaks the nature of the interdependence into two major components: becoming tattooed as a process and developing relationship chains in tattooing (“Tattoo” 327). The first link of interdependence is 61 the physical process of getting tattooed. Every tattooed person goes through the preplanning, the tattooing process, the healing, etc. Atkinson also contends that, by observing how enthusiasts interact with others who have undergone the same process, one can see how they venture down a series of common, interactive pathways that go beyond just the process. For example, before getting tattooed, many people informally explore what the process will entail by consulting others who have been tattooed. There is also the process of finding an artist, again usually through asking other tattooed people. Regarding the relationship chains, Atkinson first points to the bond between artist and client. Both are mutually dependent on one another – artists cannot work without a client and a client cannot be tattooed without an artist. Further, this initial relationship has a ripple effect in other relationships, both inside and outside of the tattoo world.

Enthusiasts begin to recognize fellow enthusiasts. They approach other tattooed individuals to start conversations, hang out in tattoo studios, etc. As one gets more involved in tattooing, one may rely more on other enthusiasts for positive affirmation. Enthusiasts turn into advocates, challenging others to be more tolerant, attempting to dispel long-standing myths, and encouraging others to “join the club.” Enthusiasts start recruiting others into the figuration.

Enthusiasts often get tattooed with other people there as support or just as a diversion from the pain, thus strengthening the relationship chain. Additionally, there is a relational chain between artists, with artists teaching each other techniques, promoting fellow artists’ work, finding each other jobs, and so on. These business relationships often morph into friendships. Atkinson concludes, “relationships, both inside and outside of the tattoo figuration are formed, cultivated, and altered through participation in tattooing” (“Tattoo” 339). By recognizing these dynamics,

Atkinson argues, one can see how what appears to be a privatized act is firmly based on mutual dependence. 62

When I first explain to people I research tattooing, I am typically met with a confused expression followed by an amused one. People do not always view it as a valid topic of scholarly interest, and I can honestly say that this skepticism never surprises me. What has surprised me is how I have become a sort of “tattoo guru” for people. Working on a college campus, I frequently encounter tattooed people, especially young adults. What has recently begun to happen is that students seek me out to talk about tattoos and seek advice. In this manner, I can observe the concept of figuration in play and am often a contributor to the figuration. Multiple times, I have been asked where a person should get tattooed in the local area. At times, people say they came to ask me because they heard I research tattooing, but, more often than not, I am approached simply because I have visible tattoos. On more than one occasion, a student has come to me seeking advice about his or her personal tattoos (guidance on the tattoo process, an idea for a new tattoo, where her or she should put the tattoo being considered, a new tattoo’s healing process, etc.) Through these interactions, I recognize my role as a tattoo advocate thereby assuaging misconceptions about tattooing and recruiting others to be part of “the team.” Earlier in the chapter, Cynthia discussed talking to tattooed strangers on the street. Her tattoos give her the confidence to speak with people she may not otherwise. I, too, have struck up conversations with strangers based solely on the fact that I liked their tattoos. Furthermore, I can attest to the desire to have positive affirmations from other tattoo enthusiasts (and artists) about one’s work.

While interviewing participants, if I was asked to show someone my tattoos, I would often think,

“Oh. I hope he/she likes them.” I also acted as that positive reinforcement for some of the participants, as they would often showcase their work for me, recounting each piece’s origin story. Cynthia, a tattoo collector and also a university professor, explains the difference in collegiality between academia and tattoo enthusiasts: 63

I think if I had a million dollars, I would start a tattoo studio so I could hang out there all

day long and hire famous people to come in and do tattoos on other people. That would

be totally fun. So, yeah. It’s more…It’s closer to my nature than academia is. And I came

out of the working-class background. And the shit that goes on around here just makes

me tired a lot of times. Like the way people treat each other.

As Atkinson argues, relationships are created and cultivated through the tattooing process.

This process is not limited to just tattoo enthusiasts. Atkinson highlights the interdependence among artists. Anthony, a tattoo apprentice, had a multi-step approach to becoming an artist. First, he began getting tattoos. Then, he was able to get a job at his current shop working the counter. After some time, in his case seven years, he realized he wanted to make a career of it and approached his artist who agreed to take him on as an apprentice

(Anthony). Anthony’s story is not unlike many artists’ stories. Though there are exceptions, most artists begin tattooing as apprentices, working with an experienced tattooer to learn the process and technique. Debbie is a unique example of the relational chains Atkinson discusses. She first learned to tattoo by apprenticing with her husband, John. John learned to tattoo by visiting some of the most renowned tattooers of his time like Burt Grimm and Paul Rogers. “We were lucky to know all those people, the old timers. It was a teaching lesson to be there, at that time, it was like the perfect time, because all these people were so alive. They were very receptive to young artists, they really were. So, we talked to them, and then he learned kind of like an old school style and that’s how I learned” (Debbie). After years running their shop together, Debbie and

John apprenticed one of their sons. Although John is retired, Debbie still runs the shop, and three of their children are involved with it (two are tattoo artists and one is the shop manager.) 64

Although not all tattoo studios are family businesses, it is not uncommon to hear artists talk about their shops, and profession, in terms of family and tight, personal relationships.

Colleagues become each other’s support system and friends:

Among tattooers, we all try to be…we’re not all against each other. A lot of our clients

think that we’re all competing against each other. Even within the same shop, sometimes

I get people who say that. And I’ll say, “No. It’s ok. We’re all friends.” But there’s a

tattoo shop up the street from here, and I like everybody who works there. We’re not like,

“Oh, don’t go there. They suck.” Or whatever. (Robyn)

For 540, those friendly, familial relations play a major role both inside and outside the studio.

The artists in her studio often socialize outside of the shop, going to a local bar to unwind and relax. Inside the studio, her relationships help her feel at home. “I always feel comfortable, because I do work in a shop with all these guys, who are my family, and they’re like brothers.

They would do anything to stand up for me if anything would happen” (540). Mike, a colleague of 540’s, echoes those sentiments. He also explains his approach to approaching new artists.

“I’ve worked at nine shops at this point. And this is my last shop. I will never work in another shop. This is the best of the best…I see a lot of newbies coming into it. I want to encourage them. Everyone has to start somewhere. But you better come in and bring your ‘A’ game. And be serious about it” (Mike). With the rise of social media, this support, and positive affirming, is not confined within the walls of the studio. “When someone posts a tattoo that they did on the internet, it gets nothing but praise. I’ve met a lot of really good artists around the country, and everybody’s friendly. I’ve never had anybody talk poorly about anybody. I’m sure it happens, but I think it’s a pretty good industry with more support than negativity” (Robyn). 65

Although figuration, as the participants’ comments above support, seems to be applicable to the group, it is not without its limitations. Although two people may participate in the same process, does that automatically create the relationship Atkinson argues it does? It does, and it does not. I can speak to strangers with tattoos, and, yes, I can relate to students who have an interest in tattoos. However, admittedly, there are times when I think, “What do I have in common with an eighteen-year-old who is talking about tattooing her sorority letters, in white ink, onto her wrist?” We have been through the same process, but do we share the same appreciation for tattooing? Does someone who is heavily tattooed (perhaps with full arm sleeves and a full back piece) feel a connection, or camaraderie, with me? Like community and subculture, figuration does not seem to fully encapsulate the tattoo experience. Artist Naomi illustrates this when she first affirms the group and then counters it:

I have a lot of friends. A lot of my best friends are tattooers. I spend a lot of time with

tattooers…talking to them every day. I tattoo a lot of my friends. We send each other

drawings and tattoos and what not. And give each other constructive feedback. So, in that

aspect it’s super awesome. And then I don’t know anymore, man…It’s not quite the same

as it used to be. (Naomi)

This shift is difficult to both articulate and identify. It is undeniable that there have been major changes in tattooing both as an art and as a culture. Whether these changes are for the best is up for debate. Is it a good thing for the group that tattooing has become so popular? How has the group been affected by so many new people, and new technologies, entering the field? In the next section, I discuss some points of contestation within the group. 66

Conflicts Within the Group

It would be a mistake to suggest that tattooing is becoming popular in the United States for the first time. Over the course of history, the popularity and acceptance of tattooing has waxed and waned, with tattoos seen as a sign of patriotism to a sign of deviance and everything in between. Tattooing was at its apex of popularity in the United States during the time between the two World Wars; it has been called the “Golden Age of Tattooing” (DeMello 63. This cultural approval was, at the time, due to the association between tattoos and the military. So strong was this connection that it was widely assumed that a man with tattoos was either serving in the military or had served at one time (DeMello 63. Patriotic tattoos became a sign of nationalism and a point of pride. This mentality would last through World War II. However, after the war, attitudes and policies toward tattooing began to change. Authorities took a closer look at tattoos and began creating laws and codes to regulate the practice. This scrutiny resulted in tighter regulations and the consequent closure of some tattoo shops. Further, many returning soldiers began to regret their decisions to get tattoos. Attempting to reintroduce themselves to civilian life, ex-servicemen found that, despite their previous sign of social status, tattoos were no longer appreciated by wives, girlfriends, or potential employers. Postwar Americans were looking to settle down, marry, and raise a family in the new suburban areas that were forming.

Tattooing went against the calming influence of middle-class conformity and material comfort

(Govenar 229. Additionally, many people developed negative attitudes toward tattoos with the association of the Nazis’ practice of tattooing Jews in concentration camps (DeMello 67.

Although tattooing was still seen throughout the working class, after World War II, its popularity hit rock bottom, and, by the 1960s, many municipalities were outlawing tattooing all together

(DeMello 66-67. 67

During this time, new tattoo subcultures began to emerge: (outlaw) bikers, convicts, and gang members. With the more aggressive artwork – in technique as well as imagery and location

– these tattoos were associated with criminality, and attitudes toward and perceptions about tattooing took a dramatic, negative plunge. No longer seen as a symbol of patriotism or even adventure, tattoos became associated with the deviant. Throughout the 1960s, additional marginalized groups, such as hippies, began to embrace tattoos. This would continue throughout the decades with other subaltern groups the punks of the 1970s and 1980s also claiming tattooing. Clinton R. Sanders views this time as a “tattoo renaissance” (18). Starting in the late

1980s and 1990s more, younger artists, often with university training, began using tattooing as a medium. Tattoo practitioners began defining themselves as “artists” and their tattoos as their

“collection.” DeMello categorizes this time as “a period marked by technological, artistic, and social changes” (71). These changes are felt and noted by those participating in the practice.

As with most groups, the culture around tattooing is ever evolving. This constant flux can be exciting and a characteristic that draws people into the culture. Earlier, Mike identified tattoo enthusiasts as producing a culture of acceptance. This acceptance allows a diversity of people to participate in the practice. However, as more and more people become tattoo enthusiasts, the dynamics of the group shift, and, within the group, divisions can often be found. This section discusses three such conflicts.

As Tattoos Mainstream

“Well, everybody gets tattooed” (Dawn, tattoo artist).

While, in the past, it may have been socially understood that tattooing was limited to marginalized groups and seen as a fringe act, that is not currently the case. Mary pinpoints the early 90s as the “tattoo boom,” since she first started to notice a significant change in the tattoo 68 culture at that time (Mary). Similarly, Esmerelda recalls the difference between the time when she got her first tattoo, in the late 80s, and her latest tattoo, over twenty years later. “But it’s interesting now, stories of having been tattooed in the 80s when no one had tattoos but dirty bikers and drug kids or whatever. I mean, obviously, now tattoos are a lot more acceptable”

(Esmerelda). For many tattoo enthusiasts, this growing acceptance has led to tattoos being defined as “mainstream.” They no longer believe tattooing holds the symbolic resistance to the dominant culture it once did. Instead, tattoos have become incorporated into that culture. “But still a lot of artists were known for being rough, and mean and bikers, sort of still the fringes of society. Whereas today, it definitely has changed quite a bit, and become more mainstreamed, and a lot more accepted. And we see a lot more of everything. More people are getting tattoos”

(540).

The maintstreaming of tattoos has caused a schism among tattoo enthusiasts. Some view the rise in popularity as something to be celebrated while others view it as something to lament.

For those who bemoan the change, it boils down to a fundamental change in the culture. For some, tattooing’s acceptance by society makes it less appealing. Ruby was first attracted to tattoos because she saw herself as a rebel. Being tattooed set her apart from others. She knew her parents would not approve of her decision to get tattooed, so she made sure she waited until she would not see her parents for several weeks before getting her first piece. When she finally decided to show her artwork to her family, she was shocked by their reactions. All of the sudden, her family was on board. “I got one, and it was like the dam broke. And then I stopped caring about it as much because it was like my siblings were all into it, and it was like, ‘Well, screw you guys. This was my thing originally’” (Ruby). Ruby is not alone in feeling that something special is now missing. Naomi exemplifies an ambivalence that currently exists within the tattoo culture: 69

And there was kind of an appeal to that part of that, too. Which I kind of wish it was

still…like I used to walk into an intersection and people would look like I landed a

spaceship in the middle of the intersection, and I have a business up here. But, not that I

like that, because I don’t. It would piss me off. But at the same time, I kind of miss a little

bit of that. You know? Where it’s more unique. Because now it’s just like everyone has

tattoos. It’s just like whatever.

Before, Naomi wanted acceptance, or at least for people to not stare at and judge her tattoos.

Now, she faces the reality of what that acceptance has led to – the loss of being seen as part of a counterculture, which, for Naomi, is a loss of part of her identity. She used to stand out, now she can be ignored. For some, tattoos have become banal, almost devoid of any significance:

Everything changes, but tattooing has become kind of celebrity driven in a lot of ways.

It’s become really popular, and there are a lot of people wearing them. There are a lot of

people doing them. And a lot people wanting to get into the business. And it’s interesting

to me because it used to be an outsider profession. An outsider art. Yeah. But the people

who were drawn to it were independent. And they were attracted to the idea of doing

something that was outside of the norm. That was an alternative lifestyle. And as time has

gone on, and it’s gotten more and more accepted. And we see it reflected in media

constantly” (Mary).

Mary’s feelings highlight not only the changes in those who are getting tattooed but changes in the profession as well. As Mary states, it is not the outsider profession that it once was. As previously discussed, there are tattoo artists with corporate sponsorships and some who have become an international brand. These brandings have created a drastic shift in how some perceive tattooing: 70

So, you have the tattoo industry, and that’s got this giant dome that’s been created.

Before, you know, and I’m going to say go back maybe fifteen years ago. I’ve been doing

this for twelve [years,] so before I got my feet wet. I know that this was not an industry,

so to speak. It was...it belonged to a certain type of people in the public’s mind. And

believe it or not, tattooing hasn’t really changed since electric tattooing really came on

the scene in the early 1900s. But the public’s perception is what’s changed. So, you get

media involved and all that stuff. And now it’s an industry because it’s become very

mainstreamed. (Mike)

This corporate mentality has artists fighting for recognition and success. It is not enough to be part of “the Refusal” (Hebdige). If an artist wants to make money as his or her craft, he or she has to attract clients:

So, it’s really weird like how this subculture has become, not so much of a counterculture

anymore. It’s the opposite. You want to be the cool guy. You want to be the popular one.

You want to be the mainstream. You want everyone to want you. Whereas before people

had to find you. They had to seek you out. You may have been a secret, but then you

know, “Oh my God, that’s this guy’s work! Oh shit!” or “That’s so and so’s tattoo I can

spot it anywhere.” Different kind of branding I guess. (Dawn)

Like Naomi previously, Dawn has lost part of her identity as a part of the counterculture. Before, she did not have to care if she was “cool,” and it was better to be underground. Now, her “secret” identity is not only known; it is advertised. In speaking with some participants, they are mourning a loss. For a brief time, they had found something that made them unique. Something that allowed them to make a statement and celebrate being counter to the dominant society. 71

However, now, it seems as though the very people they were resisting are joining them. How can something symbolize opposition when, as Dawn said, everyone has one?

However, there are some who can see the mainstreaming in a positive light. 540 takes the bad with the good:

I think [the community] has kind of broken down a little bit more because it has become

so mainstreamed. It’s just anybody and everybody today with tattoo. A lot of people who

don’t take the time [to think through the entire tattoo piece.] They get them to just get

them, which has always happened, but more so. But it’s also opened up a lot of doors for

people who would have loved to get them before but always didn’t feel comfortable

about it. Now they can.

As more people get tattooed, the demographics change. As a self-identified “older” tattooed woman, Cynthia recognizes this change within the group. “Very diverse. Now, it’s very diverse.

I don’t think there’s still a ton of people my age with tattoos like this. The bigger, better tattoos”

(Cynthia). The rise in the popularity of tattoos has not only affected the people getting tattooed but the art itself. “And the acceptance level there is more, and people are getting better tattoos.

I’ve seen young women with full sidepieces. It’s like, ‘Holy shit! That’s awesome!’…And good.

People are really investing in them and getting good stuff” (Cynthia). Advances in techniques as well as supplies (machines, needles, ink, etc.) and training has produced new artwork as well as a new clientele with greater expectations and higher demand placed on the artists. Debbie notes the difference from when she first started tattooing. “Many of the designs we would buy, and most people in the 70s had flash on the walls. It was mostly you picked from the wall. Now it’s like

99.9% custom. But back then, so you had to have a stencil for every tattoo that you had on the wall” (Debbie). She further states, “I think, first of all, [the clients are] pickier, which is okay. 72

They’re choosier, but the work they get, a lot of them get bad work, and they’re aware that it’s bad. So, they’re becoming aware of what’s a good tattoo, and what’s not a good tattoo” (Debbie).

Ultimately, tattoos as part of the mainstream society puts tattoo enthusiasts and artists in an awkward position. Although there may be disappointment that the practice is no longer viewed as counterculture; its popularity has opened the door to many possibilities. Collectors now have more artists and techniques from which to choose. Artists rely on clients, and the more people getting tattooed, the higher the demand and, ultimately, an artist’s paycheck. Mike summarizes the two positions:

And you can’t be on just one side of this either. I don’t think I can be. I make money off

of it. I make a very good living…There’s a lot of people who naysay it. They hate that

it’s become a mainstream thing. They hate that grandmas and grandpas are getting

tattooed. And moms are coming in and getting their little souvenir tattoos and what not.

But, really honestly, I think it’s kind of a cool time. Because it has so much possibility.

You can absolutely apply whatever side you want. If you want to be like that dark tattoo

artist who won’t…who will only do giant body suits on people and what not, you can

totally get away with that. There’s plenty of people to pick out of the crowd for that. And

I’m cool with that because to each his own, and I don’t think that anybody should be shut

out of it. I don’t care what their mental capacity for it is. So, you get the tattoo crowd. It’s

diverse as ever. It’s interesting because you never know what you’re going to get. You

never know what people are going to ask you. I get pastors that come in here. I recently

tattooed a Father of a church. I tattooed a Father. And it wasn’t just an insignificant

tattoo. I mean this was a giant chest tattoo. Nobody’s ever going to see. You know?

Whoever does? That’s his story. You know? I don’t even want to know. (Mike) 73

Old School vs. New School

As tattooing becomes more accepted, more people begin to see it as a possible career.

Although this could be viewed as the legitimizing of the profession and art, it is not without its challenges. It presents another schism within the group. Among the participants, the most frequently discussed concerns were the differences in attitudes between the established artists and the new generation of artists just getting started. This circumstance is not unique to tattooing.

It can be exciting as new members join the group, bringing with them new ideas and styles.

However, it can also be frustrating as new members do not always know the history or disregard tradition or norms. These same concerns arise among tattoo artists.

For some, a major change in the industry is simply how people are learning to tattoo. An apprenticeship today looks very different than the apprenticeship of several years ago. Debbie, who has been tattooing for over 37 years, learned techniques that are seldom, if ever, used anymore. When she started out, flash designs were purchased, and artists created a design’s stencil by carving it out of acetate. Although flash still exists today, most work is custom and acetate stencils are no longer used. Further, Debbie had to make her own needles. In fact, few tattoo suppliers even sold needles, so she had to purchase them from the Garment District in

New York, cut off the eyes, and solder them onto a needle bar (Debbie). Making needles used to be a critical learning process in the apprenticeship. It is a knowledge that, for some, separates them from others in the profession. Robyn’s apprenticeship was just over 13 years ago, and she views it as significantly different than current apprenticeships:

I would say, with the up and coming tattoo artists [apprenticing is different] because I had

to learn how to make needles, and they’re not really teaching people that now. It depends

on who’s teaching you, but they would have to know it. And a lot of younger tattoo 74

artists never, even their teachers are younger, and they don’t know that art of the

soldering of the needles on the needle bar and what not. They just say, “Oh, you know,

you just go buy them in a shop.” (Robyn)

Robyn emphasizes the art of soldering a needle, and views it as a lost art. Debbie learned this lost art from tattoo legend Paul Rogers, who hand-crafted a slate jig for her. She tells this story:

I remember when he gave it to me. We were at a tattoo convention, and we were sitting in

the lobby, and everybody wanted to talk to Paul. He was like the guru of tattooing. Paul

Rogers, nicest guy you would ever want to meet. He sat there and taught me how to

solder, in front of all these people. “Yes, this is how you do it.” I mean so patient. The

man was the most patient person, the most caring person I have ever met. So, when we

lost Paul, it was like, “Oh, part of the history is gone.” (Debbie)

Debbie’s story illustrates the larger issue at play. Although there are those artists who are concerned about changes in techniques, what these changes are truly indicative of is the loss of tattoo history. That is their true concern. For Debbie, this concern is not just a matter of remembering her friends. It is remembering how artists used to support one another and tattooing’s historical trajectory. “There are still a lot of people in the industry that are very helpful. There are others that are you know [wiggles hand in a questioning motion] …A lot of the young people, there are quite a few that are interested in the history of it. but I don’t know how many are” (Debbie). Dawn echoes Debbie’s feelings and elaborates on it. For Dawn, it becomes an issue of respect, both for the history and for those who came before. This idea holds especially true as new trends come into play. “Like, I tell people, ‘Hey, this is part of our history.

These people are part of our history. You know what, maybe they don’t have 100,000 Instagram followers, but if it weren’t for them, you wouldn’t be here’” (Dawn). 75

It is not just a matter of changes in techniques that contribute to the contention between new and old artists. It is also an issue of who is tattooing. For many, there appears to be a shift in who is entering the profession. Mary explains:

People used to get into the industry because they were seeking something different. And

now you get people that, really, they’re seeking fame. And they want the lifestyle that’s

portrayed a certain way on the TV. The rocker lifestyle where you drive a flashy car. You

know. They’re buying into something that I don’t know. I don’t want to say it’s not real

because I guess there are people that do live that way. But to me it’s not substantial…It’s

spooky. It’s really weird. It’s changed the industry a lot in that sense. It’s made for a

lot…it’s become more mediocre, I think.

Mary’s concern with the new generation of artists is not just the mentality they bring into the profession but the quality they do not bring into it. When a person’s desire to make money outweighs their desire to produce a quality product, the art suffers. For many, it feels as though it is no longer the opportunity to create art that attracts people to the profession. It is the opportunity to make money, lots of it. At least, there is a perceived ability to make money.

Robyn explains:

A lot of people think that tattooers take home every single dime they make. It’s not true. I

have so much overhead that I pay for. From the taxes to the gloves I use to the ink to

tattoo machines. There’s a lot of stuff that I have to spend money on, and the percentage

of what I actually get is not…I’m not living large, like it looks like on so many of these

shows. (Robyn)

Anthony may just be beginning his career as a tattoo artist, but he can see this new attitude creeping into the profession. “I think a lot of people have a rock star [celebrity] mentality about 76 things. And that can reflect poorly in some circumstances. I think it’s going to depend on who you’re around. It’s really going to affect your mentality and manner. Some people take themselves too seriously” (Anthony). With people entering the field because of a desire to be a star and not because of an appreciation of the art, learning and understanding the history and traditions of the practice falls by the wayside. When one considers the discontent expressed over tattoos becoming mainstream, the concern over the loss of history is not surprising. As if it were not bad enough that tattoos are no longer considered subversive, might we forget that they ever were?

The Rise and Impact of Media

The major conflict within the group is the rise in the use of media and its impact on the tattooing culture. It has been a contributing factor to all the other issues, and, it can be argued, has had both a positive and negative effect. Tattoos have only been seen in the media in the last thirty to forty years. “I grew up in the 70s and 80s, so those were my formative years. And it wasn’t like now. You didn’t see tons of tattoos reflected in the media. You didn’t see, I was in the Bible Belt, so I didn’t see a lot of tattoos” (Mary). Tattoos may have occasionally been seen in the media prior to the 1970s; however, those occurrences were few and far between and rarely celebrated tattooing. In 1982, well-known tattoo artist Don Ed Hardy launched the magazine

Tattootime featuring work by tattoo artist Leo Zulueta (Hardy 200). Zulueta was creating pieces inspired by traditional Samoan designs, and he and Hardy decided to call it “New Tribalism”

(Hardy 200). Although the circulation of the first Tattootime was small, its effects were massive.

Within the year, “tribalism” became the buzzword and tattoo trend of the 1980s (Hardy 200).

Tattootime served as the inspiration for other magazines to begin and artists had a new medium for sharing their work. “The magazines were really important to us in the 80s and 90s. That was 77 how you found out about everything” (Mary). In this manner, it is easy to see the positive influence media had on tattooing. By subscribing to trade magazines, artists could learn about other artists, be exposed to new techniques, and have a venue to display their art. Additionally, tattoo supply companies would find a new forum to advertise their products. Although

Tattootime is no longer in circulation, its impact is still felt; dozens of tattoo magazines exist now. Some are available for anyone to subscribe to while others require the subscriber to provide proof that he or she is a tattoo artist. Like Tattootime, these magazine include interviews with and features on artists; however, they are also filled with plenty of pictures of provocatively dressed tattooed women (a topic that will be discussed in a later chapter) and a multitude of advertisements for tattoo supplies, tattoo studios, clothing lines, and more. Here again is an example of the commodification of tattoos and how tattooing has become an industry. Like any other magazine, such as Real Simple, the publication is a vehicle for consumption, with close to

50% of the pages acting as an advertisement for some product. Additionally, as with many current publications, a lot of the content is shifting to an online format. “And now the magazines are still out there, and they still sell. Amazingly, I guess, because they’re still there. They have to, but it just seems like everything has moved online” (Mary). This shift to technology is not without its own issue.

The popularity of social media (such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram) has a significant effect on how we communicate and disseminate knowledge. Many tattoo artists and enthusiasts have embraced this technology and used it to their advantage. Collectors use such applications to display and share new pieces, discover new artists, and find inspiration for future work. The level of participation with social media obviously varies depending on the user and is not limited to tattoo enthusiasts. During my latest tattoo session, another client was Snapchatting 78 her progress throughout her entire appointment. After her artist completed her piece, she immediately “needed” to Instagram the results and share her new piece with all her friends.

Although I made a conscious choice not to share a picture of my new tattoo on any social media sites, I, despite my love-hate relationship with social media, do follow several tattoo artists and studios on Facebook and Instagram. I have a close friend, who has no tattoos, but loves browsing

“#coveruptattoo” on Instagram. While using social media may be a passing hobby for some people, others are almost reliant on it. Artists and studios create webpages, Facebook pages,

Twitter handles, Instagram accounts and so on to feature and promote their work. For many artists, having an online presence is a necessity. “The tattoo community is so revolved around social media. It’s so revolved around that branding” (Dawn). Although many artists still cite

“word of mouth” as the predominant method in which their clients find them, more and more are relying on social media to reach a new clientele (e.g. 540, Dawn, Debbie, Kat, Kim, Mary,

Naomi, Mary). There is a perception that participation in social media has become a requirement, and this requirement is often maligned and resented. To begin, the medium is not always the best way to display tattoos. A large, intricate design, that an artist spent hours working on, is limited to a phone screen and quick glance before swiping. Although social media applications may aid in exposure and recognizing tattoos as an art, in some ways, it is also diminishing appreciation and limiting the creative side. Certain images seem to be appearing repeatedly. Tattooing styles always go through trends, but, now, it seems to be the same tattoo image repeated over and over again. “We always joke about that chick with the animal head8…You just see tons of one particular image over and over and over. [The clients] want what they see. And they know it’s

8 A recent popular tattoo often seen in Instagram is an image of an ethereal woman wearing an animal carcass (typically a wolf) on her head. I do not know why this is popular other than it just started being seen a lot on Instagram. 79 ok, so that’s what they want. And then tattooers regurgitating the same thing over and over and over as well” (Mary.) Although the majority of tattoos today would be considered custom work, it is as though applications such as Instagram and Pinterest have become the virtual flash hanging on the walls of studios. It is not uncommon for a client to request the same tattoo he or she saw on someone else’s feed. “A lot of people getting tattooed are younger. They want a tattoo now. They don’t have a lot of money to spend on a bigger piece. They’re just getting that instant gratification. ‘I have a tattoo that’s put on the Internet. Put on Pinterest’ or whatever”

(Robyn). It is not just social media that affects the art of tattooing. Naomi thinks the internet in general has altered clients’ expectations on what can and should be a tattoo. Some potential clients see a picture and think it will make a great tattoo without recognizing the challenges that may be present. “And there’s a lot of shit on the internet. Not all images transfer to a tattoo successfully and are successful tattoos. They may be successful pieces of artwork, but they may not translate well on skin. Especially in 10, 20, 40, 50 years from now” (Naomi). Despite social media’s ability to alert tattoo enthusiasts to new styles, new artists, and new techniques, it appears to also be contributing to the reproduction of the same work over and over. For many people, especially collectors, who create an identity around being tattooed, their (albeit cultivated) uniqueness falls away when others start, not only, joining the club but getting the same work done.

It is not just social media applications and the internet that have changed the culture around tattooing. A major contributor to the shift has been film and television, specifically reality television shows based on tattooing such as Miami Ink, LA Ink, Best Ink, and so on. Like the magazines before them, reality television has helped introduce new artists and styles. In some ways, it has acted as educational tool, alerting people to what should and should happen while 80 being tattooed as well as what makes a good tattoo. “People see negative and positive sterilization techniques. People do see that there are good tattoos out there, so starting to recognize the difference” (Kim). It has created a more educated consumer, one who wants the best, and most personal, product. “Everything is custom nowadays. It’s not like it used to be where people would walk in and just pick something from the walls. They’ve been trained by TV shows that everything should be unique and special, which is wonderful, but it makes for a lot of work…” (Mary).

Although there are arguments to be made about the influences these shows have had, the majority of opinions seem to be more on the negative side. Mary adamantly believes these shows have significantly altered the reality of the tattoo world:

Because we’re talking about basically reality TV, we’re not talking about in depth news

coverage on the subject or anything. It’s reality TV. So, that’s what we have to deal with.

All the bullshit that comes with that. And, frankly, the stupidity of the average person

who watches that and believes it. And they do. They do. They don’t realize that it’s not

real. The bare bones of it might have some basis in reality, and, yeah, there are some

tattoos getting done. But, aside from that, the situations are created.

Mary believes these shows create unrealistic ideas of what the tattoo process entails thus morphing clients’ expectations. “[Clients] end up with a weird idea about how long the process takes because those shows intentionally fake all that stuff and compress things. They have all their tricks. But really that it is fully created. It’s not realistic at all…The whole thing is the viewer thinks it’s real when it isn’t, so they take cues from it” (Mary). Kim has also experienced this unrealistic notion surrounding time. She also believes the reality shows distort the reality of how tattoos work on a client’s body. “[The shows] make you think you get a whole sleeve in five 81 hours as well as it being drawn up. And don’t do multiple sessions. And make people think that you can be any person and get any size tattoo anywhere. And any kind of tattoo goes anywhere”

(Kim). Mary takes this idea to the next level; she is not convinced that there is always real tattoo work occurring. “A few of them, they don’t even look like they’re really tattooing the people.

It’s like how far are they going to take the staging? Because a few times I’ve seen stuff like that where I’m like, ‘I don’t think that’s really tattooed, I think that’s painted on there’” (Mary). Kim also points to a cold, hard truth that the reality shows also avoid: tattoos cost money and often a lot of it. “People don’t understand that they’re paying 15, 25, 35 thousand dollars for these tattoos that people on TV are doing, and they come in here thinking [a tattoo’s] like 50 bucks”

(Kim). Mary also argues that the television shows alter perceptions of time spent in a tattoo studio. It is not necessarily the work an artist does but the drama they can create that casts them in show:

You’re chosen for a look. And they want people that are willing to fight and that are

bringing…they need that drama. So, they look for those personality types. And they look

for people who have made themselves a character and caricatures. Because that’s what

they’re trying to sell. So, I look, and I see the girls that, they may be a good tattooer or

not, but they’ve got the bustier. They’ve become these caricatures because maybe they’re

seeking celebrity? Because that’s where we are. You can become a celebrity tattooer,

which is crazy” (Mary).

Mary’s thoughts also reflect the concern over people entering the field to seek a celebrity status.

For Kim, this boils down to a simple reality: “Most of the time the artists on TV are NOT the best artists in the world like they claim they are. There are far better artists in the world than people on TV” (Kim). 82

Like most things, the rise of the use of media with tattooing is neither wholly positive nor wholly negative. Even tattoo artists who appear to be firmly ensconced in the negative camp temper their feelings. “Is it positive? Is it negative? I think it’s a combination” (Mary). Like tattooing itself, the relationship with the media will be ever evolving and ever controversial, even among tattoo enthusiasts. Ultimately, the artists try to go with the flow. Naomi explains:

But it’s still tattooing. It fluctuates. And all that stuff, it changes over time. I’m really

interested to see where we’re going to go from here. And how things will end up. I have a

lot of grumblings about it. You probably don’t want to get me started on that. I don’t

want to be disrespectful to anybody who’s doing the things that I’m not that into. Because

there are really good tattooers that are doing stuff, and people that I’m friends with as

well who have been on the television shows and stuff. To me that’s just very weird. The

whole thing. It has done a lot of things to the tattoo industry that I feel like have been

detrimental to tattooing. I mean, there are certain things about it that are good and certain

things that are bad. I don’t want to be rude to people. There are people that I love that do

it differently. And that’s cool, too. It’s just this is how I do it. I do everything my way.

Although the conflicts that arise with more people becoming tattooed (mainstreaming, old school versus new school, and the media) may seem presented as tattooers complaining about a changing industry, the reality goes deeper. For many of the female artists, tattooing began as an opportunity to establish a counterculture identity, literally marking themselves as different and finding others who felt that same connection. That resistant act loses its significance as others “join in,” lose an understanding of its meaning, saturate their social media with repeated images, and thus sanitize the entire process. 83

Conclusion

The group identity of those participating in the practice of tattooing appears to be in a liminal state. Although the group can, and has been, labeled as a community, a subculture, and a figuration, it currently seems to be in a transitional, in-between state where those labels no longer apply. Though seen as a community that embraces anyone with an interest in tattooing, with so many people now claiming that interest, there is a lack of commonality. Though once seen as a fringe practice embraced by those wishing to express their defiance to the dominant culture, tattooing has become mainstreamed. It is transitioning from a subculture to a new category, one that is hard to identify. Part of the reason it may be a challenge to identify this category are the conflicts occurring among its members. Although some welcome the idea that more and more people are getting tattooed, others see this as a watering-down of the significance of the practice, with fewer people understanding and appreciating the rich history that goes along with it. A larger reason it is difficult to label the group is a simpler one: maybe it does not want to be labeled.

Tattooing has been, and arguably continues to be, a practice that allowed a person to defy labels. It should come as no surprise that practitioners continue to be hesitant to place themselves in one, convenient box. 84

CHAPTER III. “I’M A PERSON ON A TRAJECTORY IN LIFE”: CLAIMING IDENTITY AS A

TATTOOED WOMAN

“Excuse me. I just have to say I love your tattoos.” “Just how many tattoos do you have?”

“Hike up your pant leg so I can see that better.” “I’m thinking about getting a tattoo, can I ask you some questions?” I probably hear a variation of at least one of these statements on a weekly basis. It often feels that my visible tattoos make me a magnet for anyone who has any sort of feeling about tattoos, positive or negative (and gods forbid anyone find out I research them.) I understand that I consciously choose to identify as a tattooed woman and welcome questions about that. Each of my tattoos have a meaning behind them for me, and I do not need them to mean anything to anyone else. I see my tattoos as markers. Markers of an experience, a favorite thing, and a philosophical approach to life. I see my tattoos as restorative. A way for me to establish control over something that I alone can and should have control over. I see my tattoos as part of my identity. I do not mind people having differing opinion about tattooing and sharing those thoughts with me. Trust me, people have no problem doing so. I do not mind answering questions people may have about my tattoos. I even have some standard answers ready to the most common questions. “What are you going to look like when you’re older?” “Bad ass.”

As discussed in the last chapter, if a person is actively choosing to get a tattoo, then he or she is literally choosing to mark him or herself as a member of the tattooed group, however one defines the group. Additionally, whether or not he or she identifies as a member of that group is also an active choice. Most people take time to think about the decision to get a tattoo, considering the design, location, artist, and, of course, the permanency of the piece. Getting tattooed is a conscious choice. A choice that, for some, will immediately associate you as a member of that (sub)culture. In this chapter, I explore the ways in which women make the decision to get tattooed and then identify as a tattooed woman. I first examine several common 85 themes participants shared as the reasoning for obtaining their initial tattoos, how that reasoning may change over time, and how that choice informed their identity-making. Although having a tattoo is a personal choice, the reactions of others to those tattoos are not. I further examine common reactions from others that participants receive and how these reactions are understood by the participants to shape their choices, experiences, and identity making.

The Complex Answer(s) to a Simple Question: Why?

Rarely is the decision to get a tattoo a flippant one. Although there are exceptions, most people think about getting a tattoo for some time before going through with it: what will the tattoo be? Where will it go? Who will do it? For women in particular, these questions have gendered sub-questions to consider: Is the image feminine enough? Is the tattoo going in an appropriate place, and will it be seen? Choosing to be tattooed already goes against societal expectations but choosing to be a tattooed woman violates gender norms. Before discussing the reasoning and repercussions of this decision, I first want to examine the choice from a somaesthetics perspective.

Being tattooed is not passive. It is an active process in both getting the tattoo and living with it. Each tattooed person decides for him or herself what that process will entail. The tattoo experience is both mental and physical and can be used to have the body and mind align. To have the outside match the inside. To have agency over one’s body. As Richard Shusterman explains, “Somatic self-awareness activates the whole person, as subject and object” (Body

Consciousness 98. Changing somaesthetic representations can help change one’s body but also improve one’s self-image and feelings of empowerment (Shusterman, Body Consciousness 86.

It may not be possible to control societal expectations and gender norms placed on women, especially those norms surrounding beauty. Women are expected to present themselves as 86 delicate and soft, reinforcing the notion that femininity means weak and passive and removing any agency they may have. Schusterman argues:

…the very idea of viewing a person in terms of representational properties would seem a

way of negating that person’s subjectivity by reducing that person to the status of a

perceived or representational object. In other words, the active, perceiving, dominating

subjectivity of the perceiving self would render the other, represented, human subject as a

mere object, a product of subjectivity’s representational objectifying gaze” (Shusterman,

Body Consciousness 85).

Shusterman also argues, “the body is both shaped by power and employed as an instrument to maintain it…” (Shusterman, Body Consciousness 23). However, tattooing can serve as a way to resist those hegemonic controls. Additionally, at times, body modification can be a way of regaining emotional control just as much as physical control. “Rather than focusing on how one’s body looks to others and trying to make it conform to external stereotypes of beauty that seem designed to exercise power over us, experiential somaesthetics concentrates on examining and improving one’s own inner somatic experience” (Shusterman, Body Consciousness 92).

Tattooing allows women to regain their lost agency – to own and control their body. They set the standard for how they want their body to look. It is collaborative with an artist, but it is also personal. They are able to cultivate who they are and define themselves. However, that does not mean that others are not involved in the process.

It is not uncommon for a tattooed person to be asked about his or her tattoos. The first set of questions is the usual greatest hits of, “Did it hurt? How long did it take? and Where did you get it done?” These standard questions produce standard, straight forward answers. “Of course, it hurt. It took this amount of time, and my artist is in this location.” Often, the next question is 87 more personal. “Why?” There is no standard, straight-forward answer to this question. Each person will answer in a different way, and that answer, and delivery, may change on any given day. The easiest, and usually most honest, answer to the question is simply, “Because I wanted to,” or, “Because I like tattoos.” Having a tattoo does not necessitate a deeper, esoteric reasons; however, for some people, those esoteric meanings are a significant part of their decision.

Three themes emerged while participants discussed their decision-making and identity- creation around tattoos: appreciation, membership, and reclamation. Within these reasonings, another, intrinsic, concept emerges; for most participants, there is a distinction between having a tattoo and being tattooed. Simply having a tattoo is not the same as being tattooed. The idea of having a tattoo seems passive, as though a tattoo is something you simply acquire with ease, and, perhaps, once completed, something that loses symbolic power and significance over time. Being tattooed is active, a constant. Being tattooed implies a particular mindset. The acknowledgment of these differences illustrates the recognition and claiming of an identity, of being a tattooed person. In her work Covered in Ink, Beverly Yuen Thompson discusses this development of an identity explaining, “Tattoos will show this search for identity… [a person’s collection] represent[s] the authentic self” (Yuen Thompson 38). She also posits, “Collectors love tattoos because they find them beautiful, self-expressive, and represent independence. When women consciously reject beauty culture, it can be liberating. Women express that they are reclaiming their bodies and developing a heightened self-confidence. Becoming tattooed often makes women feel ‘closer in line with their own self-image’” (Yuen Thompson 51). In trying to answer why someone becomes tattooed, this idea of becoming one’s own person emerges. 88

An Aesthetic Appreciation

Several participants first identified an appreciation of tattoos as their initial reasoning behind their choice. They saw tattoos on other people and thought they were interesting, or they saw artwork elsewhere and found it intriguing. Artist Dawn’s mother had a tattoo, and Dawn remembers always liking it as a child. Her mother was a biker, so Dawn was around a bevy of people with tattoos (Dawn). She knew for years that she liked and would get a tattoo; it was a forgone conclusion, an established rite of passage. Naomi, a tattoo artist, also gives an almost- shoulder-shrug when it comes to the “why” behind her tattoos. At first, it was simply because she wanted one, and the reasoning has not really changed that much over time. “I’m heavily tattooed.

So, for me, I collect tattoos. I don’t even care what they are anymore. I just get tattoos from people who I’m friends with. Or I do pick tattooers, sometimes, where I really like their tattoos, so I go and get a tattoo from them” (Naomi). This type of appreciation for her is just a matter of fact; it is what she does. Naomi does not need an esoteric reason behind a tattoo. She likes tattoos, so she gets tattoos. For both Dawn and Naomi, being tattooed is just part of who they are.

They knew tattoos would be part of their identity and enhanced that identity by becoming tattoo artists and more defined by tattoos.

Although a simple admiration for tattoos might be what starts a collection, additional reasoning can develop over time. Ruby, Kim’s client, had always wanted a tattoo before eventually getting one at 18. “I don’t even really remember what drew me to tattoos. But I can remember looking them up on my computer, printing out colored pictures, and holding them up to different spots of my body [saying,] ‘I want this!’” (Ruby). As Ruby aged, her appreciation for tattoos only grew, and she sees her tattoos as a method to tell her story, “It’s hard to even pinpoint what really drew me to it to begin with because all I can think about now is that it’s a really neat way to see your body as a canvas. And what are the little bits and pieces that you can 89 add to [your body] to kind of enhance what that says about your personality?” (Ruby). Ruby’s appreciation developed into an expression of her identity. Her tattoos literally mark her experiences in life and tell her story; she can “walk” another person through the story behind each of her tattoos and explain what was going on in her life at that time, how she became the person she is today.

Although Dawn, Naomi, and Ruby all knew they would someday be tattooed, not everyone enters into tattooing process with the same amount of decisiveness and exposure.

Tattoo artist Debbie explains the moment she first started thinking about being tattooed, “I saw a lady one day while I was shopping, [in] my early 20s, and she had a beautiful tattoo on her arm.

It was the first woman that I had really seen that wasn’t like scratchy…like a scratcher had done it.9 It was a beautifully done tattoo, and I was always thinking at the back in my mind that I would maybe someday like to get one.” Debbie’s exposure to, not only a tattooed person, but, specifically, a tattooed woman helped her realize that she wanted a tattoo and that it was “okay” for a woman to have one. Similarly, Mary, a tattoo artist, had always liked art, but she had not really considered tattoos as something women did until she explored different interests in her reading and education. She explains, “My first exposure to tattooing was through books on feminist perspectives on beauty. I remember seeing a woman who had had a double mastectomy, and she had been tattooed. This beautiful, floral design. Just thinking about that implication of tattooing helping you to take control of your body and change your view of your body into something positive” (Mary.) This realization helped Mary begin to view art, specifically

9 A scratcher is a person who tattoos but has not been trained and, therefore, is usually self- taught by questionable means (e.g. YouTube videos.) Scratchers do not operate in a professional studio, sometimes lack artistic skill, and, usually, are not respected by professional tattoo artists. Think of any internet post citing “The World’s Worst Tattoos.” I would argue most of those tattoos were completed by scratchers. 90 tattooing, for more than its aesthetic appeal. Understanding why people get tattooed is something in which she is still interested. She discusses some of her thoughts on why women get tattooed,

There’s a huge variety [of reasons.] It is about ownership. It’s about changing your

relationship with your body…For some women, it is definitely reclaiming…I’ve

definitely had some clients and friends that are just complete individualists. They really

don’t give a fuck what anyone thinks…They’re really seeking to express themselves. I

had people, female friends, that it’s almost therapeutic for them. Getting a tattoo for

literally the process of getting a tattooed applied can be very cathartic for people. Some

women want to approach [getting a tattoo] the [same] way if they go through a bad

relationship or something traumatic; they want to cut their hair or make a big change.

Well, some people really want to make a mark on their body to signify that…I think it’s

fine to get tattooed just because you like tattoos. It’s great. That’s why I get tattoos. Or

just because you like a certain style of artwork. That’s not less important to me. I guess

I’m just trying to say I’ve seen such a full range of reasons women get tattooed

specifically, and it has changed a lot. We bring lots of reasons to it. (Mary)

Mary perfectly articulates how what can start as a simple liking of a particular art form can transform into a major life experience and choice for an individual. Further, her story reflects a somaesthetics approach of using art and body modification to bring together the body and the mind. Some people change their hair to look and feel good. Others tattoo their skull.

Being Part of the Subculture

For some participants, being tattooed goes beyond appreciation of the art and includes appreciation of the community and what that art symbolizes. For some, that symbolism distinguishes them as a member of a group and allows them to interact with others in that group. 91

“I love the tattoo community. It’s pretty fun. I talk to strangers on the street all the time. Way more than I ever would without them” (Dawn’s client, Cynthia). For others, that symbolism marks some tattooed people as a member of what is, or was, a “deviant, rebellious” counterculture. Brenda’s client, Esmerelda, was first drawn to tattoos in her early 20s. She explains:

I guess I got into tattoos from my being involved in the punk scene. And, at the time, it

was, well at least where I grew up anyway, it was pretty subversive. Not everybody had

tattoos. It was all, you know, bikers, and it was still seen as something good people in

society didn’t do. But I liked it, and it was…I see it as an art form. And it obviously was

kind of a way that you showed people that you weren’t part of the normal society. That

you stuck out more. (Esmerelda)

For Esmeralda, being tattooed started as a deliberate choice to eschew societal expectations and distinguish and identify oneself as “different.” As Beverly Yuen Thompson explains, “The process of becoming…tattooed means letting go of social expectations of normalcy in appearance. This decision represents a certain authenticity to the self” (53). Yuen Thompson’s argument is further illustrated by Ruby and Naomi.

Growing up as a teenager in a rural area, Ruby was looking for a way to break free from the small-town norms. “I was in a place where I really wanted to do something kind of rebellious and different, and body modification appealed to me in that way” (Ruby). She explains that tattooing was a way to be part of a counterculture group. “I was friends with a lot of people who were…you know…of the lesser sort of social crowd, and so they knew people who tattooed because they would hang out in tattoo parlors” (Ruby). However, Ruby’s rebellious action soon lost its subversive strength as her family members joined the club. “Then I stopped caring about 92 it as much because it was like my siblings were all into it, and it was like, ‘Well, screw you guys.

This was my thing originally’” (Ruby). Once Ruby was no longer seen as rebellious and different, tattooing lost its appeal. She stopped getting tattoos. Until recently. As Ruby has met more people who are tattooed and have an interest in tattooing, she has started getting tattoos again. What started as an act that would set her apart, has now turned into one that draws her closer to more people.

Naomi had similar motivations to Ruby and Esmerelda. Although she may disagree, it would appear that Naomi wanted to set herself apart by subverting societal norms regarding gender and body standards. She begins, “I have never once in my life thought about the fact that

I’m a woman in relation to tattooing or skateboarding or being in a mosh pit or whatever the hell it was. I don’t. It’s never come into account” (Naomi). However, she also admits that tattoos were not viewed as something women did. “I’ve always been a girl in a group of dudes. My whole life. All of my friends…most of my best friends are all guys. And I was always into stuff that was mostly guys” (Naomi). Regardless of any possible unconscious thought processing,

Naomi wanted to be seen as deviant, as an outcast. “What I saw when I started seeing the world of tattooing when I was young, was like these images on the walls. It was kind of seedy. It was kind of the underbelly of society thing that I’ve always been attracted to” (Naomi). In fact,

Naomi goes on to bemoan the changes in tattoos’ perception. “I kinda wish it was still

[subversive.] I used to walk into an intersection and people would look like I landed a spaceship in the middle of the intersection. It would piss me off, but, at the same time, I kind of miss a little bit of that. Where it’s more unique. Because now it’s just like everyone has tattoos. It’s just like

[shoulder shrug] ‘whatever’” (Naomi). Naomi’s annoyance with the ubiquity of tattoos is a bit ironic considering she is a tattoo artist thus creating more tattoos every day and profiting from it. 93

However, it is telling that Naomi identifies herself as a part of the subversive first and foremost, and, through her work, she enables others to establish their identity, regardless of the reasoning behind it.

It’s My Body, and I’ll Do What I Want To

Many people have the desire to be part of something (a community, a team, a greater cause, etc.). As seen in this chapter and the one before, being tattooed allows individuals to become part of something. That inclusion will mean different things to different people, but it can be about finding “your people.” It can be about finding support in whatever way that is needed. Being tattooed can grant one access to others, but it can also help one obtain a release and independence from restraints, both physical and emotional, and create the person one wants, or does not want, to be. “When I was younger, I can only ever remember hearing family members and people on the streets saying to me, ‘Oh, you’re such a pretty little girl.’ As I got older, I didn’t take it as a compliment anymore. It wasn’t a compliment ever. First tattoo I got, I did myself. I was like, ‘I’m rejecting that. I am not pretty anymore. I. Am. Not. Pretty!’” (Dawn).

Dawn no longer wanted others to dictate who she was and a made an intentional choice to shatter their perceptions and expectations. This intentional rejection does not go unnoticed or unpunished. “Choosing to be ‘ugly,’ as it is perceived, is one of the biggest gender crimes women can commit. Thus, they provoke social sanctions from moral entrepreneurs that are often tainted with an insult against not only the tattooing but also the social crime of transgressing gender norms” (Yuen Thompson 158). In choosing to be tattooed, Dawn not only recreates her concept of femininity, she began establishing part of her identity as a woman who rejects hegemonic expectations of beauty and reinforces Christine Braunberger’s concept of “monster beauty” (1-23). 94

Gaining control and ownership of one’s body can be powerful reasons for getting tattooed. Cynthia tells her story:

I actually…ditched a really bad husband that I’d had for a long time. Abusive. And when

I came [to her current city] the crowd I fell among here were all into tattoos, and I started

getting interested. I’d always been fascinated with tattoos my whole life, but I grew up in

a very conservative family. I was also coming out as a lesbian at the same time, and so…I

left my husband. Came out. And had my first tattoo at forty-five [laughter]. Yeah. And

the first one was a lesbian pride one. So, you know, I just kept getting them from

there…And, for me, I think the whole process has been really like taking back my own

life. It was sort of…I get questioned a lot. You know it’s funny, for an intelligent person,

I never gave really any thought to what people would say once I had them. But for me, it

was just a really tangible way of saying, “This is my body. It doesn’t belong to anyone

else. No one can boss me anymore. Or isolate me. Or take things away from me.”

Because with my husband it was like, I got shit if I cut my hair. If I bought anything for

my son. If I bought any clothes whatsoever that weren’t from Goodwill. He sold cars out

from under me. I mean, prevented me from taking jobs. Scared away my friends. You

know the whole nine yards. And those [tattoos] were just a way of saying, “You know

this is my body, and you can’t make me do anything.” And it served its purpose. It

absolutely served its purpose. (Cynthia)

In tattooing, Cynthia found support in several ways. She became a member of a group with which she was comfortable and supported her through the transition and turmoil of leaving an abusive relationship and establishing a new life. She found an outlet to express her identity and show herself, and the world, a piece of herself that had been hidden. She reestablished ownership 95 of her body and abolished any previous claims on it that others may have thought they had.

Certainly, it was only a small piece of the process, but being tattooed is a significant part of

Cynthia’s cultivation of her identity.

Although the circumstances are unique to her, Cynthia’s story of reclamation is not unusual with women and tattooing. In her study of the tattoo community, Bodies of Inscription,

Margo DeMello states that “women…are much more apt to explain their tattoos in terms of healing, empowerment, or control. [She has] not had any straight men report to [her] that they acquired a tattoo as a means of regaining control over their life while undergoing a crisis” (173).

Mary reiterates DeMello’s claim by highlighting some of her experiences with clients:

I do get a fair amount of clients who have had life altering experiences. Painful ones. And

tattooing can become can be this incredible personal, powerful thing. Sometimes it’s that

they wear it on their sleeves, and they don’t care if people see it, or they want people to

see it. Or sometimes it’s incredibly personal or private. And those are really fulfilling

things to be a part of. Those experiences. Because you do get a sense that it’s really

changing. I’ve had clients that have had mastectomies. I’ve had clients that were cutters

when they were younger and are looking to transform that experience into something

beautiful and just acknowledge that they’re in a different place. I’ve had people who have

gone through serious car accidents who have gone through years of therapy and pain, and

they seek…Some people seek to cover scars, and some people seek to embellish them.

(Mary)

Mary continues, “We do lack those markers in our lives. These rituals. So, for some people, it is real important to have that experience… getting tattooed is a unique experience because there is a power.” Dawn’s client, Clare, illustrates this concept. She explains: 96

[The decision to get tattooed] was also kind of on the heels of a difficult time in my life,

and it was nice to do something for myself in a way that sort of…getting a tattoo felt

like…somehow…doing something nice for myself. Or taking control at a difficult

moment of my life. Like I’m thinking to my Facebook status update around that time. I

said something along the lines of, “Since life keeps marking me, I’m going to mark

myself as well.” (Clare)

Cynthia, Mary, and Clare’s stories demonstrate another way in which tattoos allow a person to create their identity. A tattoo can be a visual reminder of an identity, a reclamation of one’s body, and marker of an experience. A tattoo (its subject, its meaning, its placement, and so on) can say, “I survived.”

In conversations with people, I often reflect on my somaesthetics experience. Personally, the idea of reclamation is a large reason behind several of my tattoos. I have a large piece on my leg, a brightly colored phoenix that emerges from flames on my foot and consumes the entirety of my lower leg. This tattoo has significant meaning for me. It involved consultation with my artists and several, hours-long sessions of tattooing. I took part in creating that tattoo. It is mine.

Although I did not physically create it, I inspired and influenced it. I bled and winced in pain for it. I originally thought that watching the progression of the project over time was watching the phoenix come to life, but now I realize that I give it life. My movement creates movement for the bird. In some ways, my attitude when displaying the piece creates an attitude for the phoenix. It is a piece and an experience that is unique to me. Further, that experience is continuous. I carry it with me every day. Whenever I wear an outfit that exposes the tattoo, I have a conversation about it with someone. These conversations have been as innocuous as answering the ubiquitous 97 question “Did it hurt?” to as esoteric as a conversation about society’s creation of gods.10 If I am being completely honest, my tattoo gives me confidence in a body in which I rarely have confidence. Although I know there are people who look at my leg and hate it, I know there are people who appreciate it, and they express it. At times, these appreciative comments can be obtrusive. I have had people in public grab me while I was talking to a friend, interrupting our conversation and physically touching me to tell me they like my tattoo; however, I have to admit,

I love having people admire it. This is my body, and I am cultivating it in a manner that pleases me. While I may feel a lack of control with most of my body (my size, my skin tone, etc., I can control this aspect of it, and I recognize the effect that has on how I define myself. In these aspects, I did not simply get a tattoo. I am tattooed.

The Complex Navigation of Dealing (or Not Dealing) with Others

In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Erving Goffman, explains how others seek to acquire information about an individual – using clues from one’s appearance. “’Appearance’ may be taken to refer to those stimuli which function at the time to tell us of the performer’s social statuses. These stimuli also tell us of the individual’s temporary ritual state, that is, whether he is engaging in formal social activity, work, or informal recreation, whether or not he is celebrating a new phase in the season cycle of in his life-cycle” (Goffman 24. Goffman continues to explain that it is expected that appearance and manner will align, and these differences indicate expected interaction roles (Goffman 24. “Failure to regulate the information acquired by the audience involves possible disruption of the projected definition of the situation; failure to regulate contact involves possible ritual contamination of the performer” (Goffman

10 While sitting on a bench by myself, a total stranger came up and asked me, first, if my tattoo was a phoenix, and, then, if I believed in God. We had a twenty-minute conversation about people and society giving gods their power, religion, spirituality, and the ridiculous price of cable television (you had to be there) before I had to leave. 98

67). As such, visibly tattooed women are constantly navigating a space of self-expression and blending in. They have to control the impressions they are leaving on others as well as how others choose to react. Obviously, this can be tiresome. Sometimes, you just want to get your car washed without a philosophical conversation on “Is there a God?”

In discussing etiquette around interactions with strangers, Goffman states that the central idea behind social etiquette is that, “When in public place, one is supposed to keep one’s nose out of other people’s activity and go about one’s own business” (230). However, being tattooed seems to negate this civil understanding. A tattooed woman disrupts the expected order, creating

“a type of scene [that] occurs when the audience decides it can no longer play the game of polite interaction, or that it no longer wants to do so, and so confronts the performers with facts or expressive acts which each team knows will be unacceptable” (Goffman 211). A visible tattoo is often interpreted as an open invitation for others to invade the tattooed individual’s space, whether by stares, conversations, or even physical contact.

Although it is probably not any tattooed person’s favorite part of their identity, the reality is part of identifying as a tattooed woman is handling the reactions of others. Does, or can, one choose to ignore the reactions? Does one embrace and incorporate the reactions (positive or negative) and, if so, how does that acceptance affect a tattooed woman’s identity and experience?

In this section, I explore the participants’ answers to these questions. Unsurprisingly, there is not one definitive answer, just as there is never one singular reaction to a tattooed woman.

It’s No Longer Just YOUR Body

Any tattooed person may have to deal with negative reactions to his or her tattoos; however, there is a different perception of judgment based on the tattooed person’s gender identity. As Braunberger argues, “As symbols demanding to be read, tattoos on women produce 99 anxieties of misrecognition” (1). Women are held to different societal expectations, and these norms and standards certainly apply to how tattooed women are understood by others. A tattooed woman is a curiosity; “It’s more surprising to see a girl fully covered than it is a guy” (tattoo artist, Kim). For some women, their visual representation of their identity is literally worn on their sleeves; however, outsiders often misread these women’s stories as anti-society or deviant and, therefore, worthy of judgment. Yuen Thompson explains, “This estrangement from embodied representation particularly colors the experiences of women, as they are engulfed by the prevailing gender norms. Both men and women are in a continuous production of gendered identity through behavior and self-expression” (39). Yuen Thompson further states why there are different standards for women versus men, arguing, “Women are hyper-visible; their social value is heavily dependent upon their physical appearance and beauty. In contract, men’s power stems from their social status: their employment and financial ability” (39). Other types of body modification, dieting or plastic surgery for example, are often praised for enhancing a women’s beauty and thus value. To some outsiders, it is beyond comprehension for a woman to eschew social expectations surrounding gender norms, specifically beauty. A tattooed woman’s purposeful violation of standards allows some people to feel justified in completing their own violation: refusing to mind their own business.

Although not impossible, in my experience, it is rare to find a tattooed woman who have regrets around being tattooed; however, based upon what my participants have said, it is not uncommon for them to encounter other people who deem the women’s tattoos as regrettable. For some women, others’ interest (both positive and negative) is commonplace, so they developed strategies to handle them. Kim explains her daily experiences: 100

The most common occurrence is the simple act of someone stopping a tattooed woman to

discuss her tattoos. If a person is so moved (either positively or negatively) to stop

another person to comment on her appearance, it is not that surprising that those reactions

tend to be strong ones. [Seeing] a tattooed woman - it is a very shocking reaction.

Always. Every single day I have somebody new stop me. “Oh my God. You have such

good tattoos,” or, “Didn’t those hurt?” or, “Wow! You are covered!” Every. Single. Day.

Multiple times a day. (Kim)

Similar to DeMello’s observation earlier, in Kim’s experience, this does not happen to tattooed men. She highlights a recent occurrence, “When I visited California recently, I was walking on

Venice Beach with my friend who’s got just as many tattoos as I do, and he has some good quality work as well. But he was not the one who people stopped every five seconds to talk to.

They stopped me...” (Kim). For some tattooed people, entering spaces can compare to Western movies where the new person walks into the saloon, and everyone stops to stare. “In different communities you can feel it, and you can feel it on you. Just walking in certain places, and you sort of get that look of disgust that that they’re giving you. That you’re just a terrible person because you have a tattoo” (tattoo artist, 540). Although these reactions do not bother Kim or

540, experiencing them can certainly be tiresome and influence decisions they make about tattoos. For example, 540 waited until her grandparents passed away before she was visibly tattooed. She explains, “They were still very against it…They didn’t believe in it, especially women getting tattoos were harlots and hussies. Guys were sailors, and bikers, and outlaws”

(540). She also continues to make choices based, in part, on others’ judgments. “I don’t think I’ll ever get my hands [or] my neck tattooed. I like the option of being able to be untattooed. I put my hair down. I can wear a long-sleeved shirt. I look just like everybody else, and I don’t have to 101 deal with questions or harassments or whatever” (540). Kim also makes choices based on others’ reactions – the opposite choice. “Like I said, it’s more shocking to see females fully tattooed, with hand pieces. Eventually I’ll have my neck done, sideburns. It’s only going to get worse from here” (Kim).

Although 540 and Kim react to the negative judgments and, at times, take them into consideration when making choices, Mary focuses on the positive reactions she gets. She acknowledges that people can be negative, but she explains, “I’ve probably trained myself not to pay attention to people too much and not worry about it” (Mary). She continues, “They obviously don’t understand that I’m a person on a trajectory in life, and that’s part of my experience. You just literally wear it on your sleeve. So that’s their first impression, and that’s what they’re responding to. And yeah, they’re just curious” (Mary). Regardless of how they handle them, tattooed women incorporate judgments and actions as part of their experience.

Debbie easily brushes others’ reactions aside, “If you don’t want to do this, why criticize people if they want to do it? They’re not hurting you…I have friends who don’t have any tattoos, but they appreciate what I do, but they would never have one, because it’s a matter of choice. It’s like anything in life. People are too judgmental. But I think it’s getting better as far as acceptance.”

With tattooing’s growing popularity, participants felt the reactions they get to being tattooed have evolved. As the oldest, and most experienced artist, Debbie can easily recall changes over time. She explains that, in the 1970s, a woman being heavily tattooed was “socially unacceptable” (Debbie). She grew accustomed to negative reactions and developed defense mechanisms to deal with them. She recalls one occurrence: 102

Yeah, people had a real attitude, if you were heavily tattooed, being a woman. I can think

of multiple times that I was like, “Wow! People are so rude.” I was pregnant with one of

my kids, and I was buying curtains. I’m looking at curtains, and I can see the woman

watching me, and it must have been her daughter with her. She goes, “Oh look at that

over there.” And the daughter looked, and they were saying something. Her mom was

loud enough to catch my attention. She kept just staring and talking. I go, “Hey there.

You know what?” I said, “People that have tattoos can hear.” (Debbie)

As part of her daily experience, Debbie accepted negatives attitudes as a given for being tattooed. She had to learn to handle scorn and judgment from others. The social contract

Goffman alludes to vanished. Although Debbie never allowed these attitudes to have a negative effect on her personally, she realized the impact it was having on her children. She remembers a different story:

But what my kids had to go through. We went to the zoo one time, and there was this

older couple with maybe their children, who were adults as well. I had the tattoos. I had

the kids with me, and we’re having a great time. Just like they couldn’t hear you talking,

these people look over…They say, “Oh look at her.” Then they said, “She’s probably

waiting for her biker gang friends.” (Debbie)

Debbie vividly remembers laughing because she was wearing a polo and khaki shorts that day, a definitely “un-biker” outfit. Although Debbie was not afraid to confront people throughout the years, some of her children had different reactions. She recalls, “It was mainly my youngest daughter, who didn’t want me to come to school. She would threaten me. Well not threaten, but beg me, ‘When you come to school for the conference or whatever, please cover your arms.’ She was embarrassed of her parents that were tattoo artists. I’m like, ‘Okay. I’ll do that for you’ 103

(Debbie). Even though Debbie did not feel the need to hide her identity as a tattooed woman and artist, she recognized a need to balance that identity with her identity as a mother. That decision was influenced more by others’ choices to make negative comments than by Debbie’s own choices. “Especially upon getting married and raising a family, women are expected to be ‘other oriented.’ Women become the default caretaker of their spouse and children and face social sanctions if they prioritize their own interests above that of their family” (Yuen Thompson 52).

Debbie was prepared to face the social sanctions that others placed on her, but she was unwilling to expose her daughter to those judgments.

Debbie’s experiences highlight a unique circumstance for women with tattoos: being pregnant and visibly tattooed. At the time of her interview, Robyn, a tattoo artist, was dealing with this same situation. She explains:

I’ll just get stared at. People think it’s strange…and I’m pregnant right now and really

showing. So, now I’m in this weird thing where they’re looking at me as a pregnant lady

with tattoos, and I get weird reactions. Like weird looks…I think they think I’m some

sort of rebel or something. “That girl’s knocked up walking around tattooed. What’s she

going to do?” Whereas, not pregnant, I may have gotten looks, but there are so many

people walking around with tattoos now that it doesn’t feel as weird. Like I’m being

singled out now. (Robyn)

Debbie and Robyn’s experiences as pregnant, tattooed women demonstrate a telling paradox. In one aspect, they are meeting societal expectations for women to have children and complete their motherly duties, to be other-oriented (e.g. shopping for curtains, taking the kids to the zoo, and attending teacher conferences.) However, despite their compliance with these expectations, they are still seen as aberrant. Robyn, who is married, believes others label her in a negative tone as 104

“knocked-up,” a phrase often associated with single motherhood and accidental pregnancy, rather than “pregnant” and question what she is going to do and, by implication, how she is going to raise the baby, as if she is incapable of raising a child on her own. Thus, all of this judgment is placed on her solely through a glance at her arm.

Eschewing societal norms is not only limited to tattooed women. As mentioned before, another unique experience to tattooed women is other people believing they have a right to invade a tattooed woman’s personal space. Although it is not uncommon for people to ask to see another person’s tattoo, some people take this request to an extreme. 540 identifies a significant issue, “One thing, as a woman with tattoos, is the intense need for strangers to want to grab you.”

This action goes beyond an invasion of personal space (though it is certainly that,) and enters into a violation of one’s body. 540 explains her experiences, “I don’t know if people just absolutely forget the boundaries. ‘You’re a complete stranger, and I’ll grab you.’ I’ve had my arm twisted. People are looking at stuff. ‘Oh! Let me check that out.’ I’m like, ‘Uncle! Hello!’”

(540). This phenomenon happens so often, she has actually nicknamed the approaches she receives,

My favorite is the “sneaky sleeve.” When I’m sitting there doing something, and I can

actually feel my sleeve, ever so gently, moving up like I’m not going to feel it. I just kind

of look over and someone’s peeking. ‘Excuse me. May I help you?’ They definitely do it

to women. Women and guys will do it to women, way more than they’ll do it to guys. It

does happen to guys too, but for all the women in my life, and all the women that I’ve

tattooed, and I’ve heard their stories from all over, yeah it happens. I don’t know why

people forget that that’s not okay to go up and grab somebody” (540). 105

She continues to illustrate a more extreme violation, “And it’s one thing when it’s my arm, but I have my chest tattooed. I’ve had guys come up, walk up to me and just pull my shirt down, which that gets a little [mime someone pushing away.] And then they get defensive. ‘Oh, I’m trying to look at your ink or whatever,’ and I’m like, ‘Yeah. Chest [motions over chest.] No. I don’t know you!’” (540). 540 is not alone in her experience. Clare tells of her experiences and others’,

A lot of people tell me they really like my tattoo. They think it’s pretty. I have had that

thing happen where strangers, usually men, if they see it, think it’s ok to touch my back

when they’re talking to me about my tattoo. I think I’ve had that happen less than other

people that I know. I know other women that I know who are more heavily tattooed have

a harder time with that. I’ve seen that. And I’ve probably been lucky in the sense that

mine is covered for a large part of the year. [laughter] So, that’s annoying. Having

someone…you know violating…having someone touch your back” (Clare).

540 and Clare both understand their experiences to be unique to tattooed women11. Women’s ownership of their bodies is already precarious in society; however, for tattooed women, that ownership appears to have been forfeited completely. This forfeiture not only occurs but is treated as an expectation. When a man grabs 540’s chest, what would and should be considered an assault is brushed aside because the perpetrator was “just trying to check out her tattoos.”

Similar to the argument that how a woman is dressed is an invitation to assault, being tattooed makes this action permissible, and the tattooed woman is the one expected to remain calm, even

11 Recently, I was having a meal with a friend, discussing these incidents. Without any knowledge of our conversation, our server came over and started telling us of an experience she had when she used to bartend. She had a man grab her tattooed arm while she was handing him his drink and say, “I like your tattoos.” He then licked her arm and said, “I like the way tattoos taste.” 106 understanding, throughout the interaction. After all, societal courtesies no longer apply to someone who violates the standards. “As for moral entrepreneurs, they justify their behavior because they are attempting to save someone. The heavily tattooed woman is put in the position of upholding the order of public behavior. Some of the extreme reactions that the participants provoke borders on harassment” (Yuen Thompson 160). These violations are so prevalent that

540 incorporates them into her client consultations. “So, I’ve warned women when they come in

[and say,] ‘Okay I’m ready to get a sleeve.’ [I say,] ‘Okay. I’d like you to know this [grabbing] will happen before we go and get involved in this sleeve...Really. All the time. It will happen’”

(540). This reveals another sad juxtaposition that exists. While some women get tattooed to establish agency and control over their bodies, they often lose that control in the process.

Reaffirming Choices and Offering Support

Fortunately, it seems that attitudes toward tattooed women have recently turned more toward the positive. Debbie’s daughter eventually came to appreciate Debbie’s tattoos. Debbie explains,

One night, probably a year or so later, she was I think in ninth or tenth grade at this time.

I went to pick her up. She was with some friends, and she comes to the car door, and she

was, “Mom, my friend wants to meet you.” I’m like, “Okay.” She said, “He thinks your

tattoos are really cool.” All of a sudden it was like, “Oh my God! She is the cool mom!”

and all this crap. Then, all of a sudden, it was okay, I could go wherever. (Debbie)

Debbie’s daughter now works at the family’s tattoo shop with her mom and several other siblings. It was not just Debbie’s daughter who eventually accepted Debbie’s tattoos and profession. Debbie can remember when she first noticed society’s attitudes changing: 107

The first time it really hit me…I was shopping. You could see part of my tattoo. I had

three-quarter length sleeves on. This lady that worked in the cosmetics department, and

this was probably in the mid-80, she said, “Oh my gosh, can I see your arm?” She was

just blown away. She just loved [the tattoos.] I was kind of in shock. That was the first

time that ever happened. I was like all of a sudden something told me, “People are

starting to get it.” (Debbie)

For some, what helps balance these negative experiences, is the development of more positive reactions. Cynthia appreciates her colleagues’ thoughts on her tattoos and sees a growing acceptance with tattoos. “I guess some work environments would have been bad. But nobody had anything but admiration around [where she works]” (Cynthia). To her surprise, her mother supported her as well. She explains,

Even my mom. Which really surprised me...the first time I went out there, when I had

gotten these tattoos. I was all tense with her because I wasn’t sure…my mom’s a

Fundamentalist Christian. And she was in her mid-seventies at the time. And she was just

thrilled with them. But she was an art teacher for a lot of years. She’s just like, “Look at

how pretty my daughter’s arms are.” And stuff like that. And I was just like, “Wow!

That’s a trip.” (Cynthia)

Although Cynthia does not need others’ approval of her tattoos, positive reactions help her reaffirm her choices and support her identity.

Positive reactions are not limited to only the choice of being tattooed. There is also a growing appreciation of the artistry itself. Despite her negative experiences, Robyn receives positive feedback on her tattoos as well. “My arms get a lot of positive attention because they’re pretty unique looking. The guy who did them is really good, so they’re bright, and that catches 108 people’s eyes. [People] usually have nothing bad to say about them. I’ll have people say, ‘I hate tattoos, but your tattoos look really good. That’s a great tattoo’ (Robyn). The evolution of attitudes is present in all ages. Cynthia works with a younger generation and sees a better understanding of the art in tattoos. She explains, “I’m always around these younger women and younger people. And the acceptance level there is more, and people are getting better tattoos.

I’ve seen young women with full side pieces. It’s like, ‘Holy shit! That’s awesome!’” (Cynthia).

Mary and 540 really notice the change in older generations. Mary states, “There are a lot of tattooed women, so I think that it’s become commonplace. People are used to seeing it. It’s not the traffic stopper the way it used to be. I’ve had funny experiences where a ninety-year old woman came up to me and said, ‘I love your tattoos. And I love Kat Von D12.’ You just never guess sometimes” (Mary). 540 also notices this change. “It’s funny how sort of a lot of older people these days react in a very positive way. To which they wouldn’t before. They’re like, ‘Oh you know what they are just beautiful.’ I’m like, ‘Oh well, thank you’ (540). The greater exposure to tattoos allows people to focus on new aspects of tattooing. Whereas, before, there was judgment because someone had a tattoo, now there is an appreciate of the art. In fact, I will be the first to admit that my judgment of others’ tattoos is by no means about whether or where someone has a tattoo but the quality and artistry of tattoo they have.

Dawn welcomes the new attitudes surrounding tattoos. “Now, because there are so many people with a lot of tattoos, it’s nothing. I can walk around and it’s not a problem. But before, like 10 years ago, it would be a big deal. ‘Oh my God!’ People would be taken aback by it, the fact they have so many tattoos. Now not so much, which is fine with me. I’m like, ‘Cool! I’m blending in’” (Dawn). She continues, “It’s no longer like, ‘one of these things it’s not like the

12 Kat Von D is a female tattoo artist and model who had her own reality television show about tattooing on TLC, LA Ink. It ran from 2007-2011. 109 other.’ Like no, I kind of fit in a little bit. That’s fine with me. It’s okay” (Dawn. It seems that what was once seen as a deviant act has lost some if the subversion surrounding it. Although it certainly can be, being tattooed no longer has to be a statement against the hegemony. It can be an appreciation of an art form, a declaration of self-ownership, a symbol of an identity, or just something someone did one day.

Conclusion

Regardless of the reasons behind their choice, becoming tattooed was a significant decision for participants, not a capricious action that happened one night. For all participants, it is also a choice if, when, and how they identify as a tattooed woman. Though she shares similar reasoning behind her tattoo and experiences with it as others, Clare does not identify as a tattooed woman. She has one tattoo and does not believe that it defines her in anyway. The experiences she had before and after the tattoo, however, have been incorporated into her identity-making. For others, like Ruby, who has four small tattoos, identifying as a tattooed woman developed over time. What started as a rebel stance for Ruby has evolved into a collection process and becoming a member of a community. Others, like Dawn, with full sleeves, chest and back pieces, and a tattoo in the middle of her forehead, identified as tattooed starting with her first tattoo. The subculture, experience, and label “tattooed woman” is a well- incorporated facet of their identity. Their choices in tattoos and placements, the reasons they choose a tattoo, and the encounters with and reactions of others all combine to create their experiences and serve a role in their identity creation. Regardless of whether or not participants choose to incorporate the label, all would agree that having a tattoo is part of who they are.

Existing as a “marked” woman is part of their experience in life. The formation of their tattooed- identity is a navigation of various negotiations. As women, they continue to struggle for agency

110 of their body, encountering societal sanctioning along the way. Ultimately, each woman must choose what factors matter, and which do not in processing their live experience. 111

CHAPTER IV. “YOU JUST GOT TO LEARN HOW TO DEAL WITH THAT”: IDENTIFYING AS A

FEMALE TATTOO ARTIST

With my first several tattoos, I did not think about it all. I wanted this piece of art; here was the person who was available and willing to do it. Done. The artist’s gender never crossed my mind. However, as I grew older and became more discerning, and, yes, experienced and recognized sexism, I began to think about it more. I noticed that, typically, when I looked into different tattoo studios, the artists were all men. If there was a studio that had a woman tattooing, it was not uncommon for that fact to be treated like a novelty. “Look! We have a chick!” Often, the focus was not on the artist’s work but rather her gender.

I thought back to comments that were made to me while being tattooed by men. While preparing to get a tattoo to on my wrist, the artist asked me if I had other tattoos because, “Girls always go for places that can be covered up like the wrist. They don’t always want people to know they have a tattoo, and they think it’s not going to hurt. But this is going to hurt.” When I informed him that I did in fact have other tattoos, he nodded, replying, “Oh. Ok then. You’re good.” At the time, the exchange did not bother me, and I gave it little thought. Maybe the artist was simply trying to prepare me for the pain that was about to come, but now I wonder if the same comment would have been made to a man who wanted a tattoo on his wrist. I think about conversations I have had during consultations and the frustration I have experienced in trying to convey my vision for the tattoo and not be bulldozed by the male artists’ vision for it. Although both of these experiences can be explained by many factors (the artists’ attitudes and experience, my ability to express myself and stand up for myself, etc.,) I still find myself comparing them to my experiences with the two female artists with whom I have worked. Neither of my female artists commented on desired placement or mocked other women’s expectations about the 112 amount of pain they would experience. I never felt as though I needed to defend my choice in design or argue why I wanted a design a certain way with my female artists. Maybe it had to do with gender, and maybe it did not, but it does make me take pause and think about past experiences and create hopes and expectations for future ones.

I cannot say that, from this point forward, a woman will do every tattoo I get. Like most of the clients I interviewed, I am always going to look at the art first. However, I can say that my preference would be to work with a talented woman. Like the clients in this chapter, I want to be able to have a connection to my artist, and I want to be able to support another woman. If nothing else, I know that, as I get tattooed, I am always going to take a second and ask the artist to tell me about his or her experience as an artist.

This chapter explores the ways in which participants conceptualize their identity and their experiences as female tattoo artists. It investigates the many factors and circumstances that may influence and constitute that identity. It begins broadly by examining the women as artists, discussing the various mediums in which the women work and how those mediums inform their identity and their art. It then narrows by focusing on the women as tattoo artists. The women discuss not only tattooing as an art but also as a profession; they examine changes in the profession and how it has gained respect as a profession (and them as a professional,) and how they create and maintain relationships with their clients. I then narrow the chapter’s focus further by exploring the participants’ experiences as female tattoo artists. In answering the question,

“Does gender matter?” the women offer opposing arguments, often contradict each other (and sometimes themselves.) 113

Identity as an Artist First

“I’m first, and foremost, a mixed media artist,” (Kat. Though Kat gets specific with the type, her sentiment rings true for the tattoo artists in this study. They are first, and foremost, artists. They are creating art, and they are passionate about their work. Being an artist is crucial to their identity. 540 describes how she discovered her passion, “[It was] probably junior high school [where] I discovered that I could draw. Once I discovered that, I couldn’t stop…I was hooked on art.” Dawn echoes this, explaining that she has always been drawing and creating art, even as a child (Dawn. They practice their art, are always creating some type of art, and have studied, and continue to study, art. Mary and Dawn both have a Bachelor of Fine Arts degree.

540 studied art in college, though she got her degree in psychology. She notes, “which, in my profession now, it kind of deals with both” (540. For all of the women, art is beyond an interest; it is something they have to do, a driving force.

An Artist in Other Mediums

It should come as no surprise that, for most women in this study, their interest in art did not start with tattooing. Most of them work in other mediums, and several got their start as a different type of artist. Robyn began with acrylic painting and sketching. Kim works with charcoals and toyed with graphic design as a possible career. 540’s space in the studio is not covered in her tattoo work but rather filled with her other art; she is currently redesigning found

Virgin Mary statues, painting them as Day of the Dead figurines. She explains the importance of art beyond tattooing saying, “Recently I got back into doing some more art for myself, which is good, and that helps [me] grow” (540. Kat also feels her work in other mediums challenges and frees her a bit. “Mixed media work generally takes me down a more intellectual path, delving into subjects and the nature of materials I’m drawn to” (Kat. Painting, sketching, and sculpting provide creative outlets for these artists. It is a chance to express themselves without the 114 demands of a client. They do not have to meet the expectations of another person or attempt to convey someone else’s ideas. It is an opportunity to explore and express themselves and their emotions, thoughts, fantasies, and so on.

For some of the artists, working in another medium is a way to experiment; the creative processes can be less restrictive, and provide opportunities to explore different techniques and styles. Mary explains the differences in her approaches to tattooing and her work in other mediums:

I think that there can be bigger differences. That’s another reason I’d like to explore it

more. I think I recognize that I’m bound to the rules of tattooing a little bit more than I

need to be when I approach my own work. There are certain rules that you need to follow

in tattoo design that aren’t so for other things. I recognize I’ve learned a lot, but I’m kind

of constricted through my daily work, so I need to kind of develop a different approach, I

think. Something a little more freeing.

Robyn echoes the idea of not being bound by tattooing rules:

With tattooing, because I cannot make any mistakes, I have to plan out everything exact.

I don’t have to necessarily plan out how the color is, but as far as getting a drawing, I

have to definitely have a finished, nice drawing, whereas with paint I’ll make a crappy,

you know, gesture-like sketch and just work the paint around, bring out details. Whereas

with [tattooing], I can’t do that. Because you can’t layer like you can on paper. You’ll

just tear skin up. So, yeah. It’s more planning ahead and more making it perfect whereas I

have plenty of time to correct mistakes with paper or a piece of wood.

Naomi furthers this liberating sentiment but hits on another point: It does not have to be as serious. “My other art I don’t really give a shit about it. Like it can be fucked up…I mean I get 115 pissed when I fuck up a painting. I hate it. But I hate all of them, so it doesn’t matter. But it’s like a totally different thing” (Naomi). The stakes are not as high in other mediums as they are in tattooing. At the beginning of her career, these stakes physically manifested for Robyn. “When I started out, I was so tense about tattooing people. It was just incredible to break myself and try to loosen up. To go from being a painter to tattooing is really difficult because you have to change how you do your art. How you make it” (Robyn). For Dawn, who has recently been dabbling in portraiture (both human and animal,) the pressure is still omnipresent, but the difference is social:

[It is] totally different. I have to go in [the client’s] environment, photograph them, paint

them. We have a session to paint them from life and spend some time with them, actually

looking at them. Whereas, when I tattoo, I’m not looking really at them. I’m looking at

their tattoo. It’s different. The social interaction between looking at somebody’s eyes,

while you’re speaking to them, or looking with your head down, while speaking to them,

it’s completely different things. That’s the biggest difference to me. (Dawn)

Creating art outside of tattooing allows the tattoo artists to fill a need that tattooing may not complete. Whether it’s the freedom to make mistakes, create art without others’ input and demands, or control the social interactions one has, it relieves some pressure and creates an outlet for different opportunities of expression. Regardless of reason, it is an important aspect of who these individuals are.

An Artist in Tattooing

Despite the differences in mediums, the artists’ outside art certainly informs their tattooing. Kim does not believe her creative processes differ at all, whether she is working on a computer or by hand. “In all forms of art, you start with just a basic sketch or even a layout. And 116 the sketching aspect of it, even with computer graphics…transitions into tattooing. Really you can use anything, any kind of art in your tattooing. It’s just how you translate it” (Kim). After some further thought, Mary does not know that there is an actual difference in her creative approaches either:

I was actually thinking about, a few days ago in fact, that the two, after a point, they seem

to have merged. Because I always made art when I was younger. I went to school for just

a tiny bit. Not very long at all. But I never really found any artistic style. And I learned

art through tattooing. So, everything I do tends to be sort of seen through that lens. And I

think the processes have gotten very similar.

Kat is adamant that she is an artist first; however, her art informs her tattooing. “When I began learning tattooing, I was limited to drawing, but, even now, the more I draw to my satisfaction, the more that enriches and improves my compositional and technical skills as a tattooer” (Kat).

In fact, Naomi, who is friends with Kat, reinforces this:

But there’s a lot of people that they do it a different way. They’re like an artist and then a

tattooer. And that’s fine for you. If that works for you. I have really good friends who are

that, like Kat... She is an artist, and she does tattoos. And they’re like her art. And they’re

done in her style. And they’re very well done. And she’s really awesome.

Kat is not alone in having her artistic style recognized in her tattoos. Though she prefers acrylic,

Robyn recently began experimenting with watercolor. As she perfected her skills is watercolor painting, she has worked on developing a technique to translate those paintings into tattoos.

Robyn’s approach is becoming quite popular, and she is often sought after and receives requests specifically for that style. It is also easy for the artists’ outside works to become tattoos. It is not 117 uncommon for Dawn to post on her social media a picture of a recent drawing she has completed and state she would like to tattoo it on someone. There are always several volunteers.

However, it is not just tattooing as an art form that appeals to the women in this study. It is what tattooing allows them, and their clients, to do. For Mary, tattooing provides her an opportunity to work collaboratively with someone to create art:

I think I’ve been quite surprised at how much I’ve enjoyed that as a tattooer. That a client

will come in, and they’ll bring ideas that I never considered. Or we’re talking about

possibilities and ideas. And part of my job is to weave through that and throw some

things out. You can’t give the client everything they want because they don’t know what

will work and what won’t. So, a lot of my job is telling people no. And figuring out what

can work. And sometimes they throw things, we’re talking about possibilities, and they’ll

throw things into the pot that are really crazy. Or I never would have considered. And it’s

really challenging. I’m a little bit of a problem solver or puzzle solver. So, sometimes I

will just fixate. It seems like there’s almost always a solution in a way that things will

work out. So, I think you’re two people coming together, and we end up with an idea

that’s a combination. I, as an artist, have to take control of it. And I have to guide them

through the experience. And they have to be receptive to that. But when it works well,

and it’s a good relationship that way, we end up with a great result that I…certainly

neither of us would have come up with alone. I enjoy it. I really like it. I think it’s really

challenging and fun to work with a client. It’s stuff that, like I said, I would have never

thought of on my own. And I think it’s the combination of the two of us coming together

to make something. 118

Having worked with both male and female artists, I have found it easier to collaborate with my female artists. Although all of my artists have wanted some input, the women with whom I have worked have been more open to my ideas and incorporating them into the piece.

Dawn acknowledges that this sometimes happens. I worked with a male artist who, once I told him what I wanted, refused to get any more input, declaring he knew more about how it should look than I did. Another male artist stopped working with me because I was becoming too particular in how I wanted the piece to look. A female artist may exercise the same authority; however, that has not been my experience. I understand that, regardless of gender, ultimately, they are the artists, and I have to trust their knowledge and skills, but I also have a vision that I want/need acknowledged. Not to mention that it is my body.

For other artists, tattooing’s appeal is in this collaboration between artist and tattooee and the person’s ability to control his or her own body. Naomi highlights the connection she feels in collaborating with someone as he or she exercises this claim. She is always acutely aware of what is happening with her clients, “And I have people that I’m tattooing. Permanently altering their bodies” (Naomi). Dawn further elaborates,

[Tattooing] allows people to have control over how they look and how they perceive

themselves and how the rest of the world perceives them, which is what I think people

are trying to do when they get tattooed because they don’t necessarily want…You know,

we don’t get to choose. I don’t think we get to choose the body that we come into. And

we have limited choice about how we look because it’s genetics that controls that. So,

you can kind of identify or disassociate with a group by branding yourself with some

kind of image or mark. You can…it’s just a way of controlling where you belong and 119

where you don’t belong…I’m consciously aware of that every moment, and I don’t know

that everybody is.

Mary, Naomi, and Dawn’s thoughts highlight Shusterman’s concept of pragmatic somaesthetics. “Pragmatic somaesthetics has a distinctly normative, prescriptive character by proposing specific methods of somatic improvement and engaging in their comparative critique”

(Shusterman, Body Consciousness 24). According to Shusterman, pragmatic somaesthetics can be directed at the individual or at others (Body Consciousness 24). In the case of tattooing, it is both. A tattoo artist is practicing pragmatic somaesthetics by working on a client while a client is practicing pragmatic somaesthetics by having the tattoo done. By permanently marking the body, one is clearly altering and cultivating the body to one’s preference and declaring agency over it.

However, the practice goes beyond the physical act of repeatedly injecting a needle of ink into someone’s skin. As the artists explained, there is a symbiotic relationship that exists between artist and client. This collaboration is key, and its significance is not lost on the artists. Clients come to artists with half-formed ideas, and the artists help fulfill them. This may be on the tattoo design itself (e.g. someone wants a flower but is unsure which kind or another person has a specific design in his or her mind but cannot draw it out.) It may also have to do with the placement and how that can enhance both the piece of art and the body or a combination of all of this. The tattoo should satisfy both the artist’s and client’s vision and enhance the client’s body in the manner he or she desired. The same butterfly wrist tattoo that works perfectly for one client may be terrible for the next client. The artist and the client must work together to create a piece that works specifically for that individual at the time. This collaboration highlights a more complex interconnectedness between the artist and client. It goes beyond a simple transaction. 120

There is a give and take of control. It demonstrates how one person’s continuous project of self- cultivation is, ironically, not something he or she can do alone. Enter the tattoo artist.

Identity as a Tattoo Artist

“Tattooing is the only thing I have never quit probably in my life. I quit high school. I quit college. I quit various jobs. And then I did tattoos. You can’t half ass it, and you have to give like 200% at all times. And do the best of your abilities” (Naomi). Naomi’s experience articulates how tattooing goes beyond artistic expression and becomes part of her identity. For her, finding tattoos was finding herself. Tattooing gives her purpose and determination. Her career as a tattoo artist, and being a tattooed woman, is ingrained into who she is.

People have varying opinions on tattooing as a profession. Some people hold it in high regard while others may not consider it a “real” job. Regardless of personal sentiment, the reality is tattooing is hard work, and the artists are the first to tell you that:

People get into tattooing for the wrong reasons. They think it’s some really glamorous

lifestyle. They think that it’s like that you’re a famous person. You’re not! People in the

tattoo community may know of you, but that doesn’t make you fucking famous. It’s not

like I walk down the street and people are like, “Hey! Wow! Can I have your autograph?”

It’s ridiculous the things that people say when they don’t know. I’ve had two apprentices.

None of them were women, both males, that didn’t end up tattooing. What they thought

that it was in the beginning, and what it really is was totally different. They thought it

was a cool way to do art and make money, and it is. But that’s not all it is. It’s also

constant busting your ass. (Dawn)

Dawn’s narrative emphasizes the intentionality that should be used when choosing to be a tattoo artist. One can like tattoos and be an artist; however, that does not mean that one should be a 121 tattoo artist. Aside from the hard work, and obvious skill, it takes a certain personality to be a successful tattoo artist, one that is both talented and able to work with the clients. Mary elaborates:

It’s interesting to me some of the people who are interested in tattooing who want to

become tattooers. Sometimes I think, “Why? You don’t like people. You can’t stand to

touch people. Have you really thought about this?” Because, like I said, it is rough stuff

when you get into it. You are touching someone. You are in an intimate space with them.

Whether you’re having intimate conversations or not, it’s kind of intense. And when you

get to really…like body tattooing, it is way intense and private and hard to do. So, some

of those people, I don’t understand why they’re attracted to it. It’s like if you want to

make art, just make art. You’re going to be dealing with people. If you can’t make them

feel comfortable, it’s going to suck for them. It’s going to be miserable. I don’t know. It’s

weird what people get attracted to it. And I think, “You’re going to hate it. You’re going

to hate people. You already do.” (Mary)

For the artists, tattooing is not just a job, or even a career; it absorbs their life, forcing them to make difficult choices and forces them to think about who they are and want to be. Kim explains:

When you first start tattooing, you get a pyramid. You get three sides of a triangle. You

have work. You have sleep. And you have friends. You get to pick two of them. You

don’t get all three. Especially if you want to be good and actually improve. And that’s

what tattooing’s about. Never stop improving, and never stop growing as an artist. (Kim)

Tattoo artists admit that it is a great way to generate an income from their art; as 540 says, “It’s a good way to be an artist, and actually make a decent living, and not be a starving artist. It’s cool.” However, it is more than that. Tattooing has shaped who they have become. 540 points to 122 her apprenticeship as a defining period for her, “But in that time, it was difficult. It was different.

I started out as a very sort of meek and shy, 17-year old girl. In those three years, it definitely toughened me up and developed me into the person I am today” (540). Through years as an apprentice and years as a professional, tattooing became ensconced in their being. “I would never imagine not wanting to do tattoos” (Naomi). Their identity is firmly established not only through the art but their careers.

Establishing Oneself as a Professional Tattoo Artist

Unsurprisingly, tattoos and the profession are not stagnant, and there have been many changes to the community over the last few decades. To begin, the art itself is evolving. The days of walking into a studio and pointing to a piece of flash on the wall seem to be gone, with more clients wanting customized pieces. With artists entering the field with different artistic backgrounds, the techniques used, and quality of art produced, has become more advanced.

Debbie explains, “I have seen [the profession] change being in it for over 34 years. I’ve seen so many changes, which is like wow! The artists, like I said, some of them are phenomenal, which is amazing…It’s more demanding now, I would say. You get to use more of your creative style.”

These changes in the art appeal to different clientele and professionals. There are new people, with different backgrounds and experiences, finding careers in the industry. As I discussed earlier, more and more tattoo artists are entering the field with a background in fine art.

However, it is not just the artists’ backgrounds that have evolved; the artists making up the profession are changing. 540 points to changes in the gender makeup of the profession. When she started, she was seen as an anomaly. “Probably in high school, towards the end of high school, is when I started making the decision of becoming a tattoo artist, which was really strange, because at that time, I graduated in ’97…there really were not a lot of female tattoo 123 artists” (540). More women are becoming professional tattoo artists and some of the stigma associated with tattooing is dissipating. Mary explains that, although there are lingering misconceptions of who gets tattooed, her career is no longer shocking to people:

They think it’s really cool. A lot of people will assume that I am [a tattoo artist.]

Sometimes they don’t because I don’t look like some rocker chick. So, most people have

a difficult time with that. I’ve had someone tell me, “You look like a librarian. I can’t

believe you have tattoos.” And they’re just brining whatever their weirdness is to

whatever…people have weird ideas about who gets [tattoos] and who doesn’t. But it’s

actually pretty positive. (Mary)

This positive attitude may be because tattoos are, seemingly, more visible than they have been in the past. Tattoos are seen more often on television now thanks, in part, to popular reality television shows and competitions taking place in tattoo studios. Additionally, the omnipresence of the Internet and social media makes easy work of the rapid dissemination and sharing of an artist’s tattoo triumphs…and failures. As seen in chapter one, these phenomena are both exalted and abhorred by the artists and tattoo collectors. In addition to the discussed conflicts in creating a cohesive group identity, tattooing’s heavy presence in the media presents personal challenges to female artists, at times making them question who they want to be as an artist and an individual.

Tattoos’ popularity in the media has had some positive outcomes for the industry. Clients are learning more about best practices (both from a sanitary and artistic side,) and preconceived notions of who gets tattooed are being challenged because of what they learn about tattoos in the media. There no longer appears to be a particular type of person who has a tattoo. However, despite the potential for positive outcomes, the artists find themselves torn between embracing 124 the exposure of media and shunning it. Regardless, the ubiquity of media has created a significant impact on how tattoo artists both do their business and promote and perceive themselves. Although there may be a reluctance to understand the need for media to help their business, there is a distinct resentment toward it that exists within the artists. Additionally, media can create a fissure in an artist’s identity: who they truly are versus the persona they are forced to cultivate.

Although reality television shows and social media have catapulted the careers of and introduced the world to certain female artists (e.g. Kat von D and Megan Massacre,) it has not necessarily advanced the proliferation of acceptance of tattooing or female artists. Societal expectations of how women should look and dress (specifically as gorgeous sex kittens) are reinforced through television, magazines, and social media. Robyn explains, “The media definitely glamorizes women in tattooing. You have to be skinny. And have long hair. And the perfect body.” She continues, “I think that [male tattoo artists] get more attention in the media.

At least when you watch TV, or you see a magazine. The female artist is dressed in a sexy outfit a lot of the time. I think it’s getting better. But, at least on the shows, they always seem to have to dress a certain way. They wear these bikini tops when they tattoo” (Robyn). Not only are the media promoting unrealistic, and harmful, social expectations for body norms, beauty, and femininity, they are not always highlighting the artists who deserved to be recognized. At times, an artist is well known based on her looks more than her work. As Kim points out, “But then you also have the Kat von D’s who make things not so awesome for females. Because she doesn’t do things very sanitary.13 And her work is not the best compared to these other [female artists.] But the way she’s portrayed, and the modeling that’s she’s done has pushed her further in her career

13 Kat von D has long hair that is often down in her face and near the tattoo site while she is working. 125 than some of the other [female artists.]” Mary illustrates the conflict that exists between the positive and negative impact that television shows about tattooing have on the women tattoo artists’ profession, “So, yeah. Seeing [a female artist in a bustier] is like, ‘Gosh. That’s not how

I’d hope that female tattooers would be perceived.’ [laughter] But that has certainly become a big part of it. And I’m sure not all it. I know some very good female tattooers that have been on those shows that don’t do that. That haven’t done that. The focus has been on their work.” While television may aid in challenging stereotypes of tattoos, it seems to have gone to another extreme: glamorizing the lifestyle and thus creating unrealistic expectations of the profession and, in some ways, diminishing the quality of the work and tattoo community. These portrayals can, at times, have female tattoo artists questioning their own expectations of what it means to be a female artist. If a woman is not wearing a sexy outfit while tattooing, is she truly a tattoo artist, or at least performing her identity to meet the social expectations?

As some of the artists explain, the rise of social media platforms has similar mixed consequences. With more and more artists, as well as collectors, posting pictures of tattoos and labeling (hashtagging) them a particular way, certain artists, and tattoo styles, are gaining more popularity. This rise in exposure can help new artists and styles gain visibility. Although there were limited avenues for sharing art before, for some artists, social media allows them to share their work with an audience that may not know them otherwise and exposes them to the work of artists they do not know. It allows for instant feedback on a piece and the possibility for building future clientele. It can also challenge artists to improve their own work. 540 explains how

Instagram can act as a motivation and push artists to grow and improve:

Just recently I was thinking how Instagram is becoming a very nice source for looking up

tattoo artists. Somebody recommended me to go to a hashtag or whatever, 126

“#LadyTattooArtist.” I was like, “Oh, that’s sort of cool. Maybe I’ll do that.” I was like,

“Maybe I could submit some pieces in here.” I started looking at these women’s tattoos

and stuff and was like, “Nope. I’m not good enough for that.” These women blew my

mind. They’re just doing the most awesome, wonderful things. I was like, “Wow! Now I

feel like a terrible artist again. I have to go back and redo everything that I’ve ever done,

work harder.” Which is just a constantly evolving thing in our industry. There is always

somebody better than you, and you always have to be doing something at the next level.

540’s narrative highlights the reality of social media’s influence on her self-perception as well as her identity and practice as an artist. While appreciating the work of other artists, she begins to conduct a self-comparison, which has the possibility of diminishing her own work and perhaps her work and her self-esteem. She begins to see herself as “terrible” and “not good enough.” For

540, these thoughts are an impetus to work harder; however, for any person, persistent exposure and ideas of not being good enough become demoralizing and can call one’s entire self into question.

Although Instagram can inspire current artists and help lesser-known artists promote their work, artists believe it also has the ability to cause damage to the profession and artists. Similar to the television shows, social media platforms can promote a “rock star” mentality and often create “celebrity” tattooers. For some clients, an artist is only good if he or she is well-known and has a huge following on social media. This expectation can create an impossible bar for artists to meet, in addition to the compromising their artistic integrity. Do they focus on creating quality work that may not be seen and/or appreciate, or do they produce a mass quantity of work that lacks quality but will be “liked?” If their work is not “liked” by a minimum number of people does that diminish its quality? Beyond their own self-esteem concerns, some of the artists 127 argue this mentality from clients means the wrong people are appreciated. “There’s a lot of

Instagram crap. There’s a lot of ‘InstaFamous,’ I like to call it” (Naomi). Mary echoes Naomi’s feelings. “I think it’s a weird time because we have so many great tattooers now. Really the higher tiered tattooing: it’s incredible what people are doing. Yes, there are more phenomenal tattooers everywhere, but there are way more crappy ones, too” (Mary). One of the issues with social media is that anyone can promote him or herself, regardless of skill level. Dawn illustrates not only how Instagram has changed the industry but also how it can diminish the quality of work and prevents an artist from growing:

Then there is social media too, which I don’t have quite as a big handle on, because I am

from a different time, where the way that you promoted yourself was you made a flier.

You drew a flier, and you took it, and had it copied. Then you took it to places where you

thought people who might like your work would frequent, and that’s how you got work.

So, everybody nowadays, it’s just that they’re starting out, and they’re like Instagram

famous in like the first year that they’ve been tattooing. Yet, they can only do this one

kind of thing. So, if you actually went to them and asked them for any variety of things,

they couldn’t do it. They can only do this one thing, this one traditional style or only this

kind of flowers. I know this, because we had an artist that worked for us, that was like

that, and I had to fire him, because he couldn’t do the tattoos that people wanted. It’s very

weird.

It can be frustrating for an artist, like Dawn, who spent years promoting, building a clientele, and creating a name for herself, watch an, arguably, lesser artist quickly rise to stardom based on social media savvy rather than talent. For some artists, this success calls into question what it 128 means to be a “good tattoo artist.” Is it the person with the artistic skills or simply the one who promotes themselves on social media and becomes renowned?

In some ways, social media, specifically Instagram, has become a necessary evil. As the owner of two shops, Dawn has to ensure that her businesses thrive, which means she needs clients. However, the type and demands of the clients is changing and how she reaches them has to evolve. She has been forced to change her promotional angle for a new generation of clients:

I’m a little bit older being like 37 now. So, I know, not that that should matter, I have

more experience. That should definitely be a plus, but it’s not. Not with this, because this

is a special niche, that you don’t have any handle on what…you can’t just dig right down

into that generation, and what’s important to them, and how they like to see things. Then

that market, it’s just going pass you, but that’s our target market. It’s huge, so I have to

figure out how exactly to manage that content. And then I have to also know that’s going

to change in 3 years. (Dawn)

This new approach catalyzed by social media is exhausting and time consuming for tattoo artists.

Often, the artists’ focus shifts to creating a social media presence. “Now my primary focus is making sure that this shop is busy enough to support everybody who works here, including myself. So, a lot of people don’t understand that that’s like…that’s a lot of work. Because every second you’re thinking about that. Every moment I’ve got people sending me pictures of tattoos they’ve done, so I can post on social media” (Dawn). So much time is spent in posting the newest photos, that, sometimes, the artistic work seems to take a back seat. Further, there is the question of whether social media is the best way to fully appreciate the time and effort as well as the skill that goes into tattoos. Mary perfectly illustrates the mixed emotions that the artists have when it comes to the social media experience. As Dawn did earlier, Mary explains her frustration 129 with the perceived requirement of not just being present on social media but being an active contributor. She explains,

Tattooing, I guess like any other visual medium, has become so much about self-

promotion…And there are people who have great success not even being that good, but

they’re good at the self-promotion part of it. So, they get lots of clients. It’s strange, but

you have to do that…It’s something I get resentful about sometimes because I don’t

really enjoy doing it. I don’t like it. I’m private. But it’s a huge part of it now. (Mary)

Mary values her privacy. In fact, a mystique is part of who she is as a tattoo artist. Her studio is a converted apartment above retail shops. It is unmarked in any way. She takes no walk-ins (as if it would be possible for walk-ins to even find her.) In order to book an appointment with her, a client must first email her with a general design idea. If she finds it compelling and does not feel she has done too many similar projects, she will take the client. Although she may not label it as such, this secrecy informs her relationships with her clients. She creates an intimacy with her clients while maintaining her artistic ideals. She does not have to engage projects in which she has no interest, and clients feel their experiences and tattoos are personal and unique. However, being forced to post her work on social media leaves Mary feeling compromised in her identity as an artist. She also believes the postings do not actually create an appropriate appreciation for tattoos, especially larger pieces like she typically creates. She explains:

It also diminishes the work though. When you look at a tiny image of a tattoo that maybe

took hours to complete, and it technically was very difficult, the impact could be

tremendous, but it’s lost when you see it on this tiny screen. And not just the way it’s

mediated, in that fashion but also because it’s thrown in there with pictures of kittens, and

somebody’s lunch, and 40 other tattoo images from that particular time period you’re 130

looking at your Instagram feed. And some of them are shit and some of them are great,

but they’re all shoved in there together, and you view it for three seconds, and you give it

a life. You break one off for it or you don’t. But it’s diminished. There’s that part of it

too. It’s like, yeah people are seeing it, but are they seeing it…You just see tons of one

particular image over and over and over. So, it’s like a certain amount of that is the

clients wanting it. They want what they see. And they know it’s ok, so that’s what they

want. And then tattooers regurgitating the same thing over and over and over as well. So,

it’s weird. It’s like a weird soup. But sometimes the strength of the work often gets lost.

And now you also see a lot of portraiture in tattooing. And I think…that it lends itself so

beautifully to this little Instagram model where, if you’re looking at a full back piece

that’s tremendous and incredible you can’t really take it in viewing it that way. But you

can you see a close up of a face. These little one- shot tattoos. It works really beautifully

for them. And they look fantastic. Whereas the bigger work it’s just not really

appropriate. It’s on there. We have to put it in on there. It’s kind of sad sometimes unless

that person is looking at it on a bigger screen, they’re never going to get a good

appreciation for it. (Mary)

Mary’s insight explains the juxtaposition in feelings that social media has created. On the one hand, social media is an excellent way for the artists to highlight their work; it gains them clients and respect within the industry. Further, it can expose artists, and clients, to new styles of art; it challenges artists to expand their techniques. However, it can also diminish high quality art while promoting mediocre work. It further creates an idea that anyone can tattoo, and anyone can excel at it, provided one gets enough people to “like” a picture. This ability makes separating the charlatans from the skilled artists a difficult task. 131

Gaining Respect as a Professional Tattoo Artist

The idea of respect is important to the artists on multiple levels. First, they want respect from their fellow artists. This starts with their work as an apprentice. Kim explains the importance of hard work when an artist is first starting. “I pushed and pushed and pushed until I got what I needed out of it. I’d say that there’s a lot of lax apprenticeships for people that don’t get pushed to that point that I got to, but I don’t actually respect them as artists most of the time because they don’t show that, and you can tell in their work ethic in the end when they do tattoo that they didn’t have that apprenticeship” (Kim). Completing an apprenticeship demonstrates an artist’s commitment to the profession and his or her art. 540 explains that tattooing is more than just a flashy job. “Don’t come into saying it’s a cool job. And, as a tattoo artist, you can definitely tell the difference between people who care about it and people who don’t. And we take it seriously” (540). Paying one’s dues goes a long way in legitimizing oneself as a tattoo artist. As does the quality of the shop in which one works. Debbie explains, “Even if you’re good and you go to a shop that does crappy work, it’s kind of bad. The name of the shop is actually probably more important.” Even more important is the fact that an artist works in an established studio. Debbie illustrates this in two ways. First, she explains the importance of working in a studio from a health and sanitation perspective:

We've got a lot of underground tattooers now. It’s becoming an issue. They think, “Oh

wow, I can do that.” Little do they know that in most states and cities…you have to be

registered. We get two surprise inspections a year, because we have to pay a registration

fee, not only for the studio, but for the artists. And these guys are tattooing out of their

kitchen or wherever they are. And who’s to say? They may be the best artist in the world,

but you’re thinking health. I mean they’re trading like Nintendos for a tattoo. 132

I guess that if you look back in time, when there were only 250 tattoo studios, maybe

that’s how it worked then, but we’ve come beyond that. New York City, the whole city of

New York was closed down in the 60s because somebody got hepatitis14. They closed

every studio. They closed them all down, because of this one incident of hepatitis. They

didn’t even find out where the person got the tattoo. They just said, “That’s it.” And

who’s to say that, if we get a bunch of problems, that the State wouldn’t say, “Hey. You

can’t do it.” Then we’ll all be going underground! (Debbie)

For professional artists, the health and safety of their clients is always going to be a concern, and, if artists fail to take that into consideration, they are not only not respected as a professional, they are seen as disrespecting and jeopardizing the profession. Debbie also alludes to the significance of working in a studio with an additional comment. “I think you get a certain respect. You’ve always got those people don’t know who the hell you are, and you’ve been tattooing all these years. But they are the ones that are tattooing out of their house” (Debbie). Debbie easily dismisses the opinions of artists who do not work in shops (also known as “scratchers”) as unimportant. Also significant within the artist community is respecting those who have come before you. Debbie has been tattooing for over 34 years and states, “I think I get more respect now than I used to, definitely. More respect. A lot of the people that actually care about the history of tattooing, they actually come to me and will show me what they’re doing, and ask,

‘What do you think about this?’ And it’s kind of nice, because they value my opinion.” She furthers this idea saying, “I might not be able to [tattoo] that good, but I know what looks good. I think that [younger artists] just love to show me what they’re doing, which I kind of take as a

14 In 1961, New York City banned tattoos. Several speculated reasons are often cited for the ban, including an outbreak of Hepatitis B. The ban on tattooing was not lifted until 1997 (Nalawicki). Although the reasons for the ban may be speculated, Debbie’s comment on it underscores her concern for hygienic practices. 133 compliment, because they care what I think, because I’m like the old timer around here. ‘We want her approval’” (Debbie). This is not just Debbie’s hubris speaking. In interviewing the other female artists for this study, half of them told me I “had to talk to Debbie.” She is clearly well revered by the other artists and respected as an established part of the local history of the industry. As is often the case in many professions, there seems to be unwritten world of respecting those who came before in the field.

Although respect within the industry and with other artists is crucial, it is not the only kind of respect that tattoo artists are seeking. Also important is a certain amount of respect within society. Despite tattoos’ association as a subculture, the artists still want to be recognized as professionals at what they do. 540 explains that she grows increasingly frustrated with those who write off her career. “We take our jobs serious. Take us serious” (540). Often times, it is easy for others to brush off tattooing as a side project, not a vocation in which someone could make money and thrive. Naomi describes how her profession remains suspect by some in an example of her interactions with parents at her daughter’s school:

When my oldest daughter was really young, she went to private school. She went to a

pretty fancy, pricey private school. And a lot of the parents there would always want to

ask me about what I do because they always wanted to know how my kid was going

there. I was like the only single parent there. And I had the crappiest car in the parking

lot. So, when there were events and crap, the parents were always fishing, and they would

ask me what I do. And when I’d tell them they’d be like, “Oh.” And then, at the time I

had been in business for 13 years, so then the obvious question was, “How long have you

had the shop?” And when I’d say, “13 years,” they’d be like, “OOOOOHHHH!” Like all

the sudden it’s a legit business. And I was always just like, “Fuck you, man!” Before you 134

were like snooping around to know what I do, and it’s like, “Oh. It’s not an actual real

thing until you have a business.” It’s not a hobby.

In Naomi’s experience, it was easier for people to afford her legitimacy by her being a business owner rather than a tattoo artist. Because tattooing is often not seen as a legitimate career, artists do not always receive the courtesies that other professions earn. It is not uncommon for people to ask for advice after learning another person’s job (I often get, “Oh? You work at a University?

Can you explain the FAFSA to me?”) However, it seems these unsolicited consultations happen at a higher frequency and with higher expectations for tattoo artists. Robyn explains, “If people find out I’m an artist, they immediately start either telling me about all the tattoos they want to get done, or else showing me the work they have. Then it’s pretty much tattoo consultations on the side, ‘Oh, you give tattoos? That’s great! I want to get this and this and this.’ I’ll never see these people. But yeah. Lots of consultations.” She furthers, “I try to keep it on the down low where I live because I don’t want people to know, but I’ve had a few find out, and they’ll ask if I tattoo out of my house” (Robyn). While discussing tattoos with a tattoo artist can be a way of relating to another person, it is often seen as seeking free advice or even discounted work. The conversation is not always a natural one either as often it begins by others commenting on the artists’ own, visible tattoos. Other artists also experience this phenomenon of strangers seeking advice. 540 articulates why she finds this behavior disrespectful:

Come see us at the shop. Make an appointment. Respect us as a profession. That’s one

thing that we do get a lot, [strangers] on Facebook say, “Hey, give me a call,” or “In your

spare time why don’t you draw this?” It’s like no. This is my job. If you would like to get

this done, you can come and see me. You can get a hold of me at the shop. You don’t

Facebook your doctor for an appointment. (540) 135

Robyn and 540 illustrate a crucial difference in the unsolicited requests for consultations they receive versus some other professions. Although a doctor may be asked if a mole looks irregular, he or she would not be expected to complete a biopsy in his or her kitchen. It is understood that there is a line; however, this understanding is not always applied to tattoo artists. Ultimately, having these boundaries recognized not only aids in the profession earning the respect it deserves, it also helps the artists gain the respect they are seeking.

Developing Relationships with Clients

Having respect from fellow artists and the outside community is important, but it is not nearly as critical as the artists having a respectful relationship with their clients. As discussed, tattooing is an obvious example of a mutually dependent relationship. Like any relationship, a key component is trust. The reality of getting a tattoo is that it is going to hurt. A client is willingly having another person inflict pain on him or her to create a permanent mark on his or her body. The client has to know that the artist is not going to cause more harm than needed or do something the client does not like. Cynthia, Dawn’s client, has been tattooed on several occasions. The first time she went to Dawn, she had a specific design in mind, which Dawn completed. Over time, Cynthia and Dawn developed a relationship where Cynthia could simply say that she wanted a tattoo with birds in the Japanese style and know that Dawn could deliver.

Cynthia explains she is able to do this and continues to go to Dawn, “Because [she] trust[s] her to do the right thing.” She furthers, “I always know that she has my best interests at heart”

(Cynthia). 540 has had similar experiences with clients, building more trust over time and allowing that to affect the art. She explains:

We can go from copying that signature style that they gave us to maybe a whole back

piece that they just sort of gave us the direction to go in. We can go on a super creative 136

level to do what they gave us. So, that’s awesome. It’s always better, I think, when we get

a little bit more freedom, a little more control, and express our artwork. Because that’s

hopefully why somebody is coming to see us. Because they like the way we’re doing

something. (540)

Dawn believes a key element in building that trust, and intimacy, is honesty, which sometimes means telling a client that his or her idea is not going to work. “I prefer to give the client what they want and to do the cleanest possible job I can do. If I know something won’t work as well,

I’m happy to make a suggestion and say, ‘you know that’s really not the best way to approach it.

If that’s really what you want, I’ll do it. But I can’t guarantee it’s going to hold up’” (Dawn).

Clare confirms that this was her experience with Dawn, “She was really great to work with from the beginning in that she asked a lot of questions like, ‘Ok. So, what is it that you want to maintain from this piece?’ and explained to me kind of how tattoos work. And like, ‘this is the thing that we can recreate from this, but this is the thing that just doesn’t work as a tattoo.’” A trusting relationship is one that, ultimately, is mutually beneficial. “It’s really important, I think, the client and artist rapport. It’s so important. Even if you’re doing something small, and they want it a certain way, and they tell you just to do what you think. When they love it, it’s like it’s a reward in itself. It really is. It’s very satisfying” (Debbie).

At times, this trust can go beyond the actual tattooing and become part of the client’s overall experience. Further, the placement of tattoos can be in intimate places, and the stories behind the tattoos can be deeply personal. It is not uncommon for a tattoo to take several hours to complete over multiple sessions. It is not surprising that as an artist’s rapport grows with a client, their conversations can become more personal. The process of getting a tattoo is not just physical for people; it can be psychological as well. For some, it can be cathartic: 137

I’ve gotten really intimate moments with people…One woman had a mastectomy, and

she couldn’t get breast reconstruction. She let me tattoo her chest. And that was an

emotional thing. She felt that she was missing something there, so we put a bouquet of

flowers, each flower representing her children, her family and everything else. I just

recently added on to it…So, there are things of that nature that have been really awesome

experiences. Like we’d mentioned from the beginning [of the interview] some sort of

psychology. We’re sort of this armchair psychology, and people feel that they can really

open up to you and tell you things. Sometimes things you just don’t want to hear. (540)

Debbie echoes 540’s sentiments, “I tend to get very close to my clients, because I just kind of have a personality that they feel comfortable with, and they start telling me. I’m like a psychiatrist.” She continues, “I’ve tattooed a lot of people that will start talking about stuff like that to me when I’m tattooing them. Like they’ll totally open up about stuff, and I’m like, ‘Oh!’

Sometimes you want to hear, sometimes you don’t” (Debbie). For many clients, having a strong rapport with the artist is a crucial component of the tattooing process. Mary’s client, Esmerelda, described her first tattoo experience as terrible. Her artist had an unwelcoming studio (there was a giant snake in an aquarium next to where Esmerelda sat,) and he did not engage in any conversation with her. She describes the difference in that experience than in her time with

Mary:

[The tattoo] was definitely more of a process over months and months. But it was

definitely a more positive experience. When you’re in an uncomfortable situation like

that. And you’ve got somebody’s who’s, you know, working to make sure you’re

comfortable. And, not only that, but the thing that I liked about her, too, was that she

totally understood where I was trying to go. What I was trying to accomplish. It’s hard 138

when you don’t have any sort of artistic skill to try to explain to somebody what you have

in your head. And she did a great job of understanding what I wanted and didn’t make me

feel like I was… She didn’t make me feel like my idea was silly. Or that I was being too

crazy talking about any sort of symbolism. (Esmerelda)

Esmerelda, Clare, and Cynthia, clearly demonstrate how the relationships they had with their artist directly influence their tattoo experience. Their artists’ ability to build trust and rapport reaffirmed the clients’ confidence in the artists and ensured their positive experience. For many artists, like Dawn, 540, and Debbie, creating those relationships is part of the appeal in tattooing.

Although they may struggle to gain societal respect, they clearly garner respect from their clients. In some ways, this respect goes deeper than respect of other professions, with clients exhibiting a trust and confidence in the artists that may not be given to others they encounter. An artist’s personality certainly dictates his or her ability to develop those relationships; however, there may be other contributing factors. This next section explores how an artist’s gender may or may not have an impact on his or her relationship with clients and the creation of his or her identity as a tattoo artist.

From a Tattoo Artist to a Female Tattoo Artist

As discussed in Chapter One, women have been getting tattooed and giving tattoos professionally in the United States since the late 1800s. Although their presence in the tattoo arena is not new, there certainly seems to be a rise in female tattoo artists and their recognition in the profession. Mike, a male tattoo artist who works with 540, explains:

This is a great time to be a female tattoo artist. Females have always existed in tattooing.

They just have never been put out there in the spotlight. And they’re kind of taking over

the industry right now. They bring a certain charisma to it. And it is a male-dominated 139

industry, but that’s changing. That landscape is completely changing. Some of the best

tattoo artists in the world, and the most recognized, are female. And I don’t think it’s

weird for people anymore. I don’t think people are like, “WOW! It’s a girl that did

that?!” Well, why not?

This growth, and its effects, can be seen, and felt, both within and outside of the tattoo industry, regardless of gender. For some artists, the increase in female artists is affirming, knowing there are others out there like them and opportunities to make connections. Dawn highlights the recent establishment of a network. “The female tattoo community…only recently have there been so many [female tattoo artists] that you can consider it a community. Because, before, there wasn’t a community” (Dawn). A strong network creates opportunities for connection, celebration, and support:

It seems like everyone supports and appreciates each other. When someone posts a tattoo

that they did on the internet, it gets nothing but praise. I’ve met a lot of really good artists

around the country, and everybody’s friendly. I’ve never had anybody talk poorly about

anybody. I’m sure it happens, but I think it’s a pretty good industry with more support

than negativity. (Robyn)

540 expands on this point. “[The female tattoo artist community] definitely has grown, definitely it has gotten way better. In fact, just recently…you still don’t see a lot [of women artists.] But there are quite a few tattoo artists out there now, female tattoo artists that I’m like,

‘Wow! Awesome! That makes me happy and makes me excited to see that’” (540). For other artists, the significance of the increase of women’s presence is not limited to the creation of community but also to the art itself. “You see a lot of women in tattooing now. And really tremendously talented graphic illustrators have gotten into tattooing. And just every possibility 140 from the style and art perspective you see that there are a lot of women doing just about all of it.

Which is really exciting. It used to be much more rare” (Mary).

For clients, the growing presence of female tattoo artists presents an increase in options.

Clients can be more deliberate in choosing an artist, specifically searching for a tattoo artist who is a woman. Kim’s client, Ruby, explains the intentionality in her choice to work with Kim, “I specifically wanted a female artist. The more I had looked up various parlors, the more I had looked through their artists, the more I started to realize it’s such a male-dominated industry. I really wanted to seek out a female tattoo artist. It was like I almost didn’t care how good her tattoos were. I wanted to have a female artist.” Additionally, some clients claim being tattooed by a woman is a different experience than being tattooed by a man. Ruby maintains she had a better tattoo experience with Kim and attributes this to Kim being a woman. She explains, “I sometimes feel like when you are with male artists or piercers there’s a little bit of a flirtation sometimes. Which is really irritating. Or there’s talking down to you. Over explaining. There seems to be some mansplaining sometimes for no reason.” (Ruby). However, an artist may just view this discrepancy between experiences as a matter of self-fulfilling prophecy. “I think there are perceptions of differences…a certain amount of clients have a different expectation” (Mary).

These real or perceived differences in experiences consistently emerged in talking with both artists and clients. Most participants had an automatic response to whether gender “mattered” to her or the client’s experience: definitively yes or definitively no; however, when pressed for an explanation, some artists found it difficult to articulate their reasoning. In trying to answer the question, participants often contradicted each other and, at times, even themselves. In this section, I will explore those contradictions. 141

The Argument for Why Gender Does Not Matter

As previously discussed, most of the participants started as artists in various mediums and worked their way into tattooing. Not one considered her gender when choosing to pursue tattooing both as an art and a profession. There was no contemplation about whether it was possible or “suitable” for a woman to tattoo, and hesitancies toward the profession were not based on gender. “To me…whatever you are…gender-wise or whatever, you just do whatever the hell you want to do. If you want to do something, you just do it” (Naomi). Most of the artists initially indicated they saw no difference between male and female tattoo artists. “I know a lot of male tattooers, and I don’t really feel drastically different from them. In my approach or in my relationships with my clients. I don’t feel it” (Mary). Naomi is adamant that her gender has had no effect on her as a tattoo artist. She explains, “I am just a woman. Because I was born that way.

And then I can do whatever the hell I want. I have never once in my life thought about the fact that I’m a woman in relation to tattooing or skateboarding or being in a mosh pit or whatever the hell it was. I don’t…it’s never come into account.” (Naomi). Furthermore, she takes umbrage when gender is made an issue. She explains:

I, personally, I don’t like it when women set themselves apart. As a tattooer, and I have a

lot of friends who do this, but it irritates me that they put themselves in a category like

“female tattooer.” And there’s no difference. You’re just a tattooer. At least to me. It

seems like a gimmick. When you’re on the internet and hashtagging shit like that.

15 (Naomi).

15 Within social media, especially Instagram, it is not uncommon for tattoo artists to include hashtags with their photos to label their work. These labels become searchable for all Instagram users. For example, if I wanted to see black and grey tattoos, I may follow or search #blackandgreywork. Two popular hashtags are #ladytattooers and #femaletattooartist. 142

For Naomi, it is simple; Put up or shut up. Gender does not, and should not, matter, and it should never be made an issue. Artists either have what it takes, or they do not. Although most of the participants would agree with that sentiment to an extent, Naomi is, by far, the most adamant that her gender does affect her profession.

To Naomi’s point, when it comes to tattooing, the quality of artwork will always be the first standard against which artists are judged, by other artists and by clients. For most clients, it is the determining factor when choosing an artist, and the artists recognize this notion. “I think as far as who I would go to, it would definitely be based more on their skill, what they can do, rather than them being a woman or a man” (Esmerelda). Clare sites a specific example of

Dawn’s skill as an artist being the deciding factor in choosing Dawn as her artist:

One thing that really impressed me with her was that I looked at the design and

automatically knew that there was a component that was missing that I wanted…I said,

“Oh. I was really wanting this.” And she said, “Oh, yeah. No problem.” And she freehand

drew it in. And then put it on me. And, actually, it’s my favorite part of the tattoo. And it

was something that she just drew freehand. That really impressed me. Because it really

showed her skill as an artist.

Esmerelda argues that considering an artist’s skill level is the sign of a serious tattoo collector.

“I think that people who are serious about getting good work, rather than just wanting to be cool,

I think those people are really going to consider the artist. Look at the artist’s work and make a decision based on the artist” (Esmerelda). Naomi echoes these thoughts, though she acknowledges that personality should also come into play. “I think people should choose their tattooer by, ‘That person does good work.’ And I think there’s something to be said about getting 143 tattooed by someone you like. If you go into a shop, and the guy’s an asshole. I mean, you can get tattooed by him, but I wouldn’t.” (Naomi).

Again, an artist’s relationship with her client enters as a key component to both the artist’s and the client’s experience. The idea of gender mattering to an artist’s skill or the physical experience of being tattooed is a frustration for most artists, who are adamant in their insistence that it does not. Dawn recognizes that some clients may wish that there is a difference in the physical experience by working with a female tattoo artist, but she insists that there is not.

When asked if there was a difference between being tattooed by a woman rather than a man, she proclaimed,

No! Not really. Because they expect me to be like really tender and maybe not hurt them

as much and all this stuff, but that’s not going to happen. This shit is going to hurt. It’s

going to hurt. I’m going to hurt you, because I’m going to do a nice job. I don’t care if I

hurt you. I’m not trying to hurt you, but that’s part of the gig. So, I think [the clients]

wish it did. They wish that it would hurt less, because I was a woman, but it’s not true.

(Dawn)

Naomi shares Dawn’s frustration,

Some people say that getting tattooed by me…they have all these weird ideas…when

people say that they would rather get tattooed by a woman. I get all sorts of things like,

“Women pay more attention to detail.” Or “Women are more gentle” or “more

understanding” or “more artistic.” All sorts of crap that I’m like, “No. None of that is

true.” I just do tattoo. (Naomi)

More often than not, artists are also clients, so they can speak from personal experience about both sides of the relationship. Reinforcing her stance on gender, Naomi argues, “I’ve been 144 tattooed by a few women but mostly men. And getting a tattoo sucks. It’s not fun. And it doesn’t matter if a girl or a guy does it. It doesn’t make the tattoo better or worse because of [the artist’s] gender.” The reality is, in most studios, the act of getting a tattoo consists of needles repeatedly being stabbed into your body for hours. According to the artists, it does not matter who is holding the tattoo machine, for the majority of people, that is going to physically hurt.

However, while the physical pain may be omnipresent, there is an emotional component that may affect a client’s experience. In exploring this side of the experience, a contradiction emerges. Kim thinks her gender allows her to build a better rapport with her clients. “I think it actually makes things a little easier once they get comfortable with me. Because I’m a little bit more sensitive in the way that I talk to people. I adjust my register and the way I joke with my clients and the fact that I have a female voice, for some, makes it a little more comfortable”

(Kim). Ruby, Kim’s client, believes that Kim’s gender played a significant role in her tattoo experience. She specifically discusses Kim’s ability to guide her through the pain versus her experiences with male artists:

She was constantly…she has a very soft voice. She was always like, “How are you

doing? Are you ok?” Especially with my back tattoo. Because it got really fucking

painful sometimes. I almost wanted to ask her to stop at some point. I just could not

believe how much it hurt. But she kept checking on me. She was just like, “How are you?

Are you ok?” I think it’s probably the ethics of care. There is a little bit more [with

women.] The development of relational concerns…so like I said [previously,] asking me

about my future plans. Investing in me as a person outside of the moment. Whereas, my

interactions with male artists have been mostly, “This is what we’re doing right now, and

then you’re leaving. And I don’t care to ever see you again.” (Ruby) 145

For Ruby, and others, the relational aspect is key to having a positive experience. Although

Dawn does not believe her gender affects the quality of her work, she is cognizant of her gender and believes it can have an influence on her relationship with her clients. She explains,

When I say that I’m consciously aware [of my gender,] I’m aware, but that doesn’t

necessarily mean that I know what to do with that. The fact that I can figure that out, it

doesn’t mean I know how to deal with it. For some people though, it comes

naturally…Maybe because I’m a woman, I think about things like that. Like, I’ll ponder,

“Umm, I wonder why this person wants the word ‘hurt’ across their throat. I don’t think I

want to do that tattoo.” (Dawn)

The fact that Kim is a woman did not change the amount of pain Ruby experienced (or would have experienced,) and it is possible a male artist would have been just as effective in helping

Ruby push through the pain. However, Ruby’s past experiences and her perceptions certainly molded her reality.

Patriarchal Bargaining

Ruby is not alone in having past experiences and present perceptions create her reality.

As previously stated, initially, most participants (artists and clients) were emphatic that gender was never a factor in any decision-making, identity development, or experiences. However, as our conversations continued, many participants would begin reflecting and telling stories that indicated that gender was, in fact, influential. With the female participants, in reflecting on specific experiences, it often started with an explanation that seemed like a dismissal. “That is just the way it is, especially for women.” There seems to be an acceptance of how women will be treated and how life will be in a community, specifically a male-dominated one. At times, it is women who perpetuate this acceptance. 146

Deniz Kandiyoti, a researcher on gender as well as Middle East politics argues, “that women strategize within a set of concrete constraints that reveal and define the blueprint of what

[she terms] the patriarchal bargain of any given society” (80). She explains, “These patriarchal bargains exert a powerful influence on the shaping of women’s gendered subjectivity and determine the nature of gender ideology in different contexts. They also influence both the potential for and specific forms of women’s active or passive resistance in the face of their oppression” (Kandiyoti 80.) At times, a woman may choose to conform to the demands of the patriarchy to gain some benefit, be it financial, social, emotional, etc. or, possibly, to avoid some punishment. Kandiyoti notes an example of some Muslim women opting to wear a veil because the benefits of conforming (security, stability, respect) outweigh the restrictions compliance creates (Kandiyoti 85). She also emphasizes that this conformity does not “exhaust the range of possible responses available to women” but merely “demonstrate[s] the place of a particular strategy within the internal logic of a given system” (Kandiyoti 85).

As participants discussed their experiences, a common theme of normalization and acceptance emerged. Although some behaviors displayed by male colleagues, clients, and even comrades may be construed as sexist or misogynistic, often these behaviors were explained away as “common,” “normal,” and “the way it is.” Esmerelda has been active in the punk subculture for over thirty years. She talks about feeling frustrated about the sexist things that are often said around her, but then she also shrugs them off. She utilizes this approach in dealing with encounters about her tattoos as well. “When you’ve grown up with some of the gender inequality, or when you’ve chosen to involve yourself in a community or scene that’s predominantly male, you just kind of develop the skills to deal with it” (Esmerelda). As a tattoo artist, Kim has experienced multiple incidents of inappropriate behavior from her male clients. 147

These have ranged from comments on her body to comments regarding the possibility of the client being aroused during the tattooing process (Kim). She recognizes these behaviors as almost an expectation and her acceptance as a necessity. “The collectors are either really perverted with you, or they’re not. You just got to learn how to deal with that. It’s not even a big deal” (Kim). 540 explains that learning to accept and not be bothered by comments was especially important as she was starting. “I did get a thicker skin, which, back then, especially being a female in the tattoo industry, was important because there weren’t a lot of [women,] and tattooing was evolving at that time too” (540). Dawn has given some thought to her experiences with sexist and misogynistic comments and behaviors and developed her own strategies to resist.

“Like, I accept it. I don’t accept it in the way that, ‘Hey, it’s okay.’ But I accept that it happens, and I say, ‘Okay, this happens, and, when it does, this is how I’m going to respond’” (Dawn).

She further explains why she believes women are hesitant to confront this dynamic:

I think maybe [women are] taught that you’re not supposed to speak about it. Because

then we become a target even more. It’s almost like it’s a bully thing. It’s like when you

have somebody bullying you, you’re supposed to stand up to them. But you don’t want to

overexpose them, because then you might become a target. That’s why [women aren’t

confronting.] (Dawn)

This compliance creates a level of normalization that leads to the desensitization to sexist and misogynistic comments. Although Naomi is adamant that her gender does not have any influence on her experience as a tattoo artist, she describes several occurrences that would suggest otherwise; however, she consistently accepts them as part of the life of a tattooer. She offers several examples: 148

Obviously, there are times where things a little more difficult. And I’ve had people say

things like…I had a guy at a tattoo convention say that my tattoo was not bad for a girl.

I’ve had other tattooers tell me that I should show my tits, that I would get more business

at the tattoo conventions. I should wear tighter t-shirts. Stuff like that. I just fuckin’

ignore it. That’s how…when you’re in the tattoo shop, you don’t know what kind of

shit…you might hear anything. People might be talking about God knows what. And I

am not easily offended. I probably offend more. We talk about…People talk about

anything. And tattooers might get kind of raunchy and shit. I’ve had an old tattooer say

some shit like that to me about my tits. But I just laughed. I’m like, “I don’t know.” And

that dude…I respect that guy. I’m not really pissed. He’s like an old tattooer, biker guy.

That’s how he sees things. I don’t take it personally. There have been a lot of times where

I have been the only female tattooer at a convention or event, but I don’t know.

Sometimes I get more business because of it, and sometimes people say dickhead things.

Who cares? I don’t know. Whatever. The guys at Sturgis I worked with, they’d say [to

others,] “Would you pay extra if she tattooed you topless?” So, the guy I’m tattooing is,

of course, staring at my tits going, “YEAH!” And I’m like…yeah. These [other male

tattooists present] are going to tattoo topless even though my buddy who I’m tattooing

with won’t take his shirt off when he goes swimming. (Naomi)

These participants demonstrate, as Kandiyoti argued, the strategies they employ while negotiating the patriarchal bargain. As demonstrated by the participants, these approaches result in a normalization of the offensive behaviors, and it is understood that acceptance of the behaviors is more beneficial than resistance. In other words, participants find themselves internalizing the idea of “choosing their battles.” For some, this means accepting the behaviors as 149 a normal part of the culture whereas others choose a personal breaking point at which they will address the behavior. Either way, patriarchal bargains are omnipresent, and a woman’s approach and attitude in handling them may also indicate her ideas on how her gender may influence her experience.

The Argument for Why Gender Matters

Female tattoo artists are more common now than in the past; however, for many people, a woman is probably not who they picture in their minds when they think of the occupation.

Anthony, an apprentice working with Robyn, exemplifies this. “I think [women are] more common, but, when you come into a shop, you’re more or less going to expect a male to be doing the work” (Anthony.) Although most of the participants were, at first, resistant to the notion that their gender had an influence on their experience as a female tattoo artist, almost all of them provided examples of how the preconceived expectations of a male-dominated field had affected them in some way. These effects were mostly felt within the artists’ experience within the industry and/or with their clients.

“I do know some artists, some male artists, who have said, and who absolutely believe, that women should not be in the industry” (Mike). Breaking into tattooing can be difficult for anyone, regardless of gender. For some women though, this challenge can be amplified by colleagues’ intentional, and unintentional, sexist and misogynistic actions and attitudes. Dawn is adamant that she, and others, have experienced these behaviors. When asked about experiencing sexist behaviors, she argues:

Oh yeah for sure. I would lie if I said no. There are other women that will tell you no.

“No, that doesn’t happen to me.” I think that they’re not telling the truth. I think that

they’re delusional because they’re not recognizing things for what is really going 150

on…Sometimes a person is mistreating you because they’re a bad person. Sometimes,

there are plenty of guys that I’ve encountered that do not like women. That do not feel

that women should be equal to men. Plain and simple. I even had it put to me before that

way. Like, “Women should not be tattooing. Women have no business tattooing.” I said,

“Oh yeah, well, I made plenty of business. I have lots of business, and I own businesses,

so whatever.” (Dawn)

Although other women may not be as resolute as Dawn, several of them shared stories about similar behaviors. Most artists spend years in apprenticeships, and it is not uncommon to hear tales of hazing and ridicule. 540 discusses some of the “fun harassment,” such as being forced to do push-ups or silly dances and being dressed in demeaning outfits, she would have to endure, for no legitimate reason, with the other apprentice during her early years (540). However, at times, this hazing went further for her than others. She explains, “I got a lot name calling, which it sort of affected me way more then, than it would do me now, but stuff like that. [Her teacher] was very hot and cold. One day I’d be doing just perfectly fine, and the next day I’d done everything wrong. He would yell at me in front of customers, belittle me and make me feel just awful. He made me cry on several occasions” (540). Although her boss’s personality certainly was a factor in his behavior, 540 believes part of his issue may have been due to her being a woman. Similarly, Dawn also apprenticed and worked with a mercurial and egotistical man whom she described as a “bully.” In addition to being treated poorly, Dawn was, at times, denied opportunities afforded to men in the shop. She explains,

It wasn’t just me he picked on. He picked on other people too, but I think the fact that I

was a woman, definitely [makes upward motion with hand.] Like one time he said to a

coworker that, he would never travel with me because I’m a woman. In my line of work 151

that’s really important – to be able to travel and travel with your coworker. The fact that

he would never travel with me just because I was woman, I felt that was really

demeaning…It’s not like I wanted to travel with him anyway. But it’s the whole principle

of it. (Dawn)

Kim had a similar experience as 540 and Dawn during her first years as a tattoo artist. She stated that the shop where she apprenticed was “very sexist” (Kim). This sexism was seen in how clients, and therefore financial opportunities, were distributed. She was consistently given walk- in clients who just wanted small, cheap pieces. Even when she was at a point to take on larger pieces, she was denied the opportunity. She explains,

The owner of that shop was the reason why I quit because, when I finally started to do

work that I was really proud of, and I kept getting recognized by places around here, he

came up to me and said that the $40 tattoos that he had me do the first year I was there

was the reason why I was the artist that I was at that time. So, I was like, “Goodbye.”

Because that’s not anything like what it should be. (Kim)

She also feels that she had little freedom in her choices as an artist. “Well, men try to tell you as a female, until you earn their respect, how you should do things and what you should do. And they try to force you into things just because you’re a woman” (Kim). When asked to expand on what she meant by being “forced into things,” she uncomfortably describes incidents of sexual harassment:

Just like…price wise. And then, if you’re working with someone who’s attracted to you

as a girl. And maybe it’s your boss or something. Our apprentice ran into it in her last

shop…They had an owner that was very, very not appropriate. We’ll just go that way

without saying anything. And he was trying to get her to do not appropriate things. And 152

you have to deal with stuff like that. I’ve been in situations similar but not as bad. Like I

said, you just have to be tough about it, and say, “What the heck are you doing? Back

off.” If they fire you, they fire you. If not, then you’re in an ok place. (Kim)

540 also believes that some of this behavior is part of her profession and an aspect that simply has to be accepted and handled. She explains:

People might…they’re going to give you shit. You’re working in a tattoo shop…with a

bunch of guys, generally, who love to tease and battle each other. So, either, you stand

your ground, and you don’t show them your weakness because they will exploit it, or

they’re going to get to you. And then you’re going to learn how to do it better. Then they

stop fucking with you. Once you can battle with the best of them, then it’s cool…Like I

said, for me, it was always a battle at first, and back in college, I was definitely a little bit

more of, maybe I considered myself a bit of a feminist. So, I guess it did affect me quite a

bit. Then it just became a part of what I did, and I became proud of who I was, and proud

of what I was doing. But it did take a while. I always felt inferior. I wasn’t as good. I

couldn’t be as good, never going to be as good. All these guys are better, and they were

going to give a better opportunity to them than they would to me. And then I was like,

“Get over it.” And I like proving people wrong…That’s always been one of my favorite

things. I like it when people break a stereotype or whatever. (540)

For 540 and Kim, survival in the industry means accepting the fact that unacceptable, sexist, and misogynistic behavior is going to happen, and they had to decide and strategize how they were going to handle it. They learned how to “toughen up.” As Kim highlighted in her explanation about sexual harassment, the concern was not the fact that the harassment occurred. That was almost a given. Her indicator that she worked in an acceptable place was whether she was fired 153 after she demanded the harassment stop. She accepted that the behavior would happen, it was up to her to be strong enough to handle it. “You have to turn your personality to a guy’s personality...It’s really just about taking out the sensitivity of your life. And learning to be more tough” (Kim). For 540, developing that mental toughness is a point of pride. Like Kim, to a certain degree, 540 recognizes that working in her industry means she may have some challenges, and some of these challenges may exist for her because of her gender. Her way of coping with the obstacles is to improve and, eventually, surpass her male colleagues, both in skill and attitude. In a prime example of patriarchal bargaining, these female artists have to lose the female part of their identity in order to make it in the industry. Mike, 540’s male colleague, believes emotional intelligence and strength is imperative, especially for women. He explains:

There’s a mental toughness that you have to have to be a tattoo artist in the first place,

ok? So, if you look at it in…compare it to the military. So, you get a lot of females who

want to be in the military. Well…there’s a mental toughness that they have to have. They

have to match or exceed that of their male counterparts. It’s the same thing. It works the

same way in here. (Mike)

Mike’s comments perpetuate the idea that “this is just how it is.” Though perhaps unintentional, he suggests that, in order to succeed, women artists have to be better than the men in the industry. He compliments 540 in her ability to be tough, “Normally female tattoo artists are, I think, sort of tougher than most of us guys. We’re a bunch of drama queens. [Women artists] usually have some sort of glue. You know? I wouldn’t mess with [540.] I wouldn’t mess with her at all. Not on my best day” (Mike). Mike illustrates the respect that both 540 and Kim suggest is needed from their male colleagues in order for women to thrive in the industry. 154

Dawn recognizes that how she exists and navigates as a woman in a patriarchal society influences her approach to sexist behavior within the tattoo industry. She, too, discusses propelling herself to be better. Her answer merits quoting at length:

I think [my gender] impacts me in this world, in this society that we live in.

[Johni] How so?

For example, if I’m running down the street with my fiancé, who is a man, no one is

going to bother me. But, if I ran down the street by myself, it’s going to be a barrage of

somebody shouting, somebody honking. Something. And I’ve got to ignore it. But those

kinds of distractions sometimes can get to you, and makes you feel like you are, like it

makes you feel slightly threatened in a way. Sometimes it makes you pissed off. But I use

that anger for fuel to do better. To do more. To be a bigger, stronger presence.

[Johni] What about as a professional, as a tattoo professional?

Same thing.

[Johni] Same thing.

If I get that kind of shit from people, any kind of shit from anybody like that…some kind

of misogynist attitude towards me for some reason that I perceive that way. Sometimes it

happens. Sometimes it doesn’t. Sometimes an asshole’s just an asshole. It has nothing to

do with my gender. That person is just a piece of shit, and they want to treat you like shit.

But I, again, use that to fuel myself to do better. I try not to focus too much in the fact

that I am woman in this business. I try to meet people on an even playing field. If they

don’t want to meet me there, I move on. I don’t dwell on that, because you can’t. (Dawn)

Ironically, as Dawn pushes herself to be better, she is compared to men. “I’ve had it put to me before that I tattoo like a man. I’m not sure exactly what that means. It’s even been published 155 that way” (Dawn). So, although Dawn was featured in a tattoo magazine (a significant achievement for any artist,) it was partly because she was perceived as doing as good a work as and as conducting herself like a man. She explains,

Then what [the man I apprenticed with] told [the magazine] about me was that I tattooed

like a man. I am the girl that tattooed like a man. So, for a long time, people were like,

“Oh, yeah, you’re Dawn. You’re the girl that tattoos like a man.” So, I perceived that that

was a compliment. Like okay. He meant that as a compliment. I’m supposed to take that

as compliment. But somehow it doesn’t feel like a compliment. It feels like, because I’m

a woman, somehow it makes me inadequate. So, they have to compare me to a man, then

that makes me better. So, yeah, I mean whatever. If you can’t say that that is sexist, then

what can you fucking say? But it’s funny though; it makes me laugh…

At first, I didn’t know how to respond to things like that. If it were meant as a

compliment, I try to take it that way. And I would just be like, “Cool, thanks. It really

means a lot coming from you.” But, then after some time, people would say some shit

like that, and I’d be like, “Really, how does a man tattoo? Is there like blanket way that a

man tattoos?” (Dawn)

Dawn and the other female artists work in an industry that is not typically associated with their gender. For some men in the industry, the way to handle that incongruence is to neutralize it. To say it is alright that this woman not only exists but thrives in the field because she does it the way a man would do it. Some of the participants accepted this attitude as the norm. Others, like

Dawn, reach a point where they actively resist these gendered expectations.

However, even as some of the women are countering gender norms, they are also fighting 156 their internalized feelings around them. Although Dawn points to sexist behaviors, she also experiences self-doubt based on those attitudes. She gives an example of a recent tension:

As you get older, it’s like you’re not as pretty anymore. So, no one would want to get

tattooed by you, right? I had this strange like crisis, where I realized that I was getting

older like, “Oh I’m getting older, I have wrinkles.” It was like, “Oh! I may not be able to

support myself anymore, if I am too ugly or old. Or fat. That no one really wants to get

tattooed by me.” Which, that’s horrible. You shouldn’t have to fucking think that way.

I’m guessing guys don’t. No. Because the older they get, the grayer their beards, the

larger they become, the uglier they are, the more their peers respect them. So, I don’t

know. But whatever. I don’t subscribe to that. La, la, la, I’m not listening. It’s not real.

I’m being delusional, too. (Dawn)

Dawn struggles with resisting expectations of her gender while, at the same time, recognizing how not prescribing to those ideologies may affect her ability to continue in her career.

Ultimately, to be successful, she must appeal to clients, and she understands the internal conflict that may arise because of that.

As I previously discussed, an artist’s relationship with her client plays significant role in her success. In order to be a tattoo artist, one needs clients, which means an artist needs someone to select her for the job. Several artists discussed gender-based challenges they have faced in having clients choose them. Debbie discusses starting out in the 1970s and the reactions she would get when the shop’s owner, her husband, John, would have clients work with her:

I remember when I first started tattooing, because I was one of the only females in the

whole area, and the biker sort of guys would come in. John had always tattooed them,

and he said, “You guys, my wife, Debbie’s, going to do your tattoo.” And they’re like, 157

“Oh no. I’m not having no woman do my tattoo.” And [John] goes on, “She’ll do a really

good job.” And I did. To me, it was a great job, and, obviously, [the clients thought so]

too, because, the next time they came back, they asked for me…It was tough breaking

into it though. (Debbie)

Twenty years later, 540 experienced similar resistance. “The one thing that I did find hard was the way that customers and clients looked at me as being a female artist. That’s where I would get more opposition in the get-go, in the beginning” (540). She explains further:

But that’s when I got more opposition of…well, I get called “little girl,” which I still hate

to this day. “Are you sure you can handle this, little girl?” “I don’t want no girly crap.”

“I’d rather not have you do it, because you’re a girl.” Just all that crap. I hated that so

much. I was like, “Hey, I just don’t draw bows and rainbows. I can do it.” But it’s hard

for anybody who’s starting out to tattoo. But it definitely was a little bit more difficult,

because I got turned down a lot from clients.” (540)

540’s experience highlights the importance of reputation in the field as well as the challenges presented to women to obtain a positive one. In order to combat the bias that she encountered,

540 initially decided to conceal her identity. “That’s why I started using the name [540.] That way, they could judge my artwork first, before realizing that I’m a girl, and it worked” (540).

She continues, “People would just hear about 540, still to this day, come in and they go, ‘Oh you’re a girl?’ ‘Yep, sure am.’ But I think on the website or something like that [I say,] ‘Yes, I’m a girl. Yes, I tattoo. Yes, blah, blah, blah” (540). Starting out, Kim, too, adopted a strategy of concealment. “When I first started tattooing, I didn’t want to even dress feminine or anything like that, so people looked at me only for my art. I never posted photos of myself online or anything like that. Just my tattoo photos so people could see them over and over” (Kim). 158

Judith Butler theorizes that gender is an act that is both intentional and performative

(“Performative Acts” 522). Hegemonic ideologies prescribe expectations associated with gender

(e.g. gender as a binary, feminine versus masculine behaviors.) Butler argues, “Just as a script may be enacted in various ways, and just as the play requires both text and interpretation, so the gendered body acts its part in a culturally restricted corporeal space and enacts interpretations within the confines of already existing directives” (“Performative Acts” 526). These acts have explicit regulations attached to them. Butler furthers, “It seems fair to say that certain kinds of acts are usually interpreted as expressive of a gender core or identity, and that these acts either conform to an expected gender identity or contest that expectation in some way” (“Performative

Acts” 527-528). Acting outside of social conventions of one’s gender can result in punitive action. This retribution can be overt or covert and even violent. Butler posits:

Performing one’s gender wrong initiates a set of punishments both obvious and indirect,

and performing it well provides the reassurance that there is an essentialism of gender

identity after all. That this reassurance is so easily displaced by anxiety, that culture so

readily punishes or marginalizes those who fail to perform the illusion of gender

essentialism should be sign enough that on some level there is social knowledge that the

truth or falsity of gender is only socially compelled and in no sense ontologically

necessitated. (“Performative Acts” 528)

Although 540 and Kim may not argue that they have been punished for eschewing social expectations around their gender, their efforts to conceal or downplay their gender hints at an unconscious (or perhaps conscious) acknowledgement of the possibility of some type of retribution. Although both women want clients to see their art first, they both recognize the possibility that their gender may affect how they are treated within the industry. Kim discussed 159 hiding her femininity at first. She explains that this was to avoid assumptions that she was relying on her body and sexuality to advance, rather than her art. “Because I didn’t want to get be mistaken for one of those ‘modely’ tattoo girls. However, I do model now. But I’ve earned a little bit of respect in town, so I’m not just going to be looked at as that girl who looks good and does tattoos or that girl who’s trying to use her look for tattoos. But that’s a big, big issue with female tattoo artists” (Kim). Kim continuously strives to be taken seriously as a tattoo artist, yet there are times when people do not even realize that she tattoos - a fact that she can both bemoan and dismiss in one thought. “I get called a piercer a lot.16 Until they see my portfolio. But that’s just natural instinct because you don’t see too many chick artists” (Kim). Both 540 and Kim experienced assumptions of their skills based on their gender. Kim explains, “You also get the guys who are like, ‘Well, I’ve seen more male artists that are good than females,’ so they instantly go talk to someone else.” This assumption can lead to a punitive action, costing the artists clients and, therefore, money. This behavior is recognized by male colleagues. Mike explains:

[540] actually told stories about guys who didn’t know she was a girl because she usually

goes by the name 540. And they see her art, and they’re like, “Oh yeah! This tattoo artist

is badass!” And then they meet her. Do a consultation with her. And then they literally,

she’s literally been told, “I don’t want to get work done by you because you’re a girl.”

That’s unfortunate. And stupid. I can’t believe that someone would say that, but they’re

out there. (Mike)

These refusals recount the same hesitancy Debbie described from her first clients in the 1970s.

16 In my experience, there is a perception that most piercers are women as well as a perception that piercing is not as difficult as tattooing and, therefore, does not generate the respect as an art form. Kim’s comments appear to allude to this assumption that, if a woman is working in a shop, she is probably the piercer and not the tattoo artist. 160

Although several female artists experienced rejection because of their gender, some were specifically chosen because of their gender. These selections can be for a variety of reasons.

Some male clients view getting tattooed by a woman as a novelty. “Sometimes you’ll get a guy

[who] says, ‘Oh, I’ve never been tattooed by a girl before.’ It’s a lot more rare, but you do get that” (Kim). Robyn, too, has had customers say this to her. She explains:

I think with female artists, we’re so…there are lot of us, but, then again, it’s not nearly as

much as male tattooers. I can tell you sometimes customers, new customers, if I get a

male client, and they’re not seeking me out, they’re just coming in, “I want a tattoo,” and

I’m like, “Ok, I’ll do it,” sometimes I’ll get them when they’re like, “Really?” or “I’ve

never had a female tattoo me.” Which is weird to say, you know? I mean, we’re not any

different. “I’ve never had a female artist. This is great!” It’s like, “I’m really no different

than the guy.” [laughter] (Robyn)

Robyn further describes her feelings toward these statements. “Yeah. ‘I’ve never had a female.’ I like when they say ‘female’ because it makes me feel like I’m not even a person. Just kind of a weird breed of animal” (Robyn). These clients’ statements negate Robyn’s identity and her humanity and recall a time when tattooed women were exhibits.

At times, this sentiment has gone beyond viewing the artists as exhibits and made them objects. 540 once overheard clients discussing why they should choose her as their artist. “There were some guys, they were looking at the flash inside, and I was just there, but they couldn’t see me, but I could hear them talk. One guy goes, ‘Hey man, if you get a tattoo, get it by the girl that works here, you put it on your forearm. When she leans over, you can totally cop a feel’” (540).

When she was first starting to tattoo, Mary also encountered clients seeking a female artist for a perceived sexual reason. She explains, 161

When I did work in an environment like [a walk-in shop] there used to be the occasional

element of just a perverted dude who wanted to…you know. You would get the calls like,

“Do you have a woman tattooer?” because he wanted to get his penis tattooed or

something. Which I never…I don’t mess around with that stuff at all. It’s like, you’re

looking for something different. And I’m not interested in that. If you’re looking for a

prostitute, go find a prostitute. You’re getting a little thrill from the experience, I’m not

interested. But you would get that. I know male tattooers have to deal with this stuff, too,

but I think female tattooers would have to deal with it a bit more. Or you would get the

weird, kinky couple, and they want the girl to tattoo them or stuff like that. It’s just truly

distasteful. (Mary)

Women continue to be seen as sexual objects, and the potential for a client to use his or her tattoo experience as an opportunity to violate their artist is alarming. Although these encounters may be few, they still point to a genuine threat that exists for female artists.

The intentional selection of a female artist is not always nefarious. At the beginning of her career, 540 encountered clients refusing to work with her because of her gender. She now has people intentionally choose her because of her gender, and she believes that happens for a variety of reasons:

Now it’s quite the opposite. I get people who seek me out because I’m a female. And

now I have the experience, 14 years under my belt. But jealous husbands who don’t want

their wives with guys or boyfriends, or whatever. Girls who just feel more comfortable.

Guys who feel more comfortable. People who think a female touch will be better; maybe

they’re getting something in this area [gestures toward pelvis.] I’ve dealt with women

who’ve had mastectomies and things like that. I get phone calls from people, who travel 162

to come because I’m a female artist. So, it definitely shifted as the years went on…So,

that’s really kind of cool and people [choose to be tattooed by a woman.] They say, ‘I

don’t know, I just really want to,’ or ‘I’ve never been tattooed by a girl. So, I want that

experience. I want you to tattoo me.’ I’m like, ‘Okay, awesome.’ It’s worked out” (540).

Robyn, too, has experienced this assumption that a client, both women and men, will be more comfortable working with a woman. She explains:

I think the one benefit for me…I get more clients who would rather have a woman

tattooing them. Especially female clients. Even if it is just on an arm or something. Not

that it has to be in a more intimate place that they just feel more comfortable with a girl. I

get an advantage there. If there’s a girl who wants her hip tattooed. Some girls are just

nervous about showing their stomach to a guy. And they don’t really want to do that, so I

get the advantage there. And then I’ve had some weird issues where I’ve had a guy want

to tattoo them in a more intimate area because they’re afraid that, if they have a guy

tattoo them and something happens, that that means they’re gay. [laughter] And I’m like,

“That’s not true.” And I personally don’t want to tattoo guys near there. (Robyn)

A person has to define his or her own comfort level, and this determination is a subjective decision. As a tattoo artist, Mary does not necessarily believe there is a difference between being tattooed by a man or a woman; however, she recognizes that some clients may have that perception. “I’m sure that a difference for people getting tattooed by [women.] There a lot of people who feel more comfortable with that” (Mary). Esmerelda, a client of Mary’s who had previously only been tattooed by men, felt the most comfortable with Mary. She explains,

I was glad to have a female artist. I guess, predominantly because the work that I was

getting is pretty extensive, and I knew I was going to have to be unclothed a lot. So, it 163

was just kind of not having to deal necessarily with that, like getting over the fact that if

you did have a male tattoo artist, you’d be naked half the time. And you know that

they’re good, and they’re supposed to be professionals. But still there’s the kind of, “Well

I just have to deal with it.” But with a female artist, you’re still having to deal with

someone seeing you naked, but it didn’t seem quite as a big deal. (Esmerelda)

Even as she describes her reasoning, Esmerelda recognizes there is an undefinable quality that factors into her level of comfort. Whether it is comfort level or preconceived notions and expectations, an unspoken feeling exists that often influences a client’s decision on an artist.

Earlier, Mary made a point about male tattooers also dealing with perverted clients. She discussed her belief that, although men may have to deal with those situations, they occur more often with women. The artists argued why their gender did or did not matter and, at times, contradicted themselves. Regardless of where they landed in the debate, each woman I interviewed had thought about her gender and how it may or may not have an influence on her experience as a tattoo artist. When I asked Mike how his gender has affected his experience, he was taken aback. He admitted that he had never thought, or had to think, about his gender. He was prepared to talk about how gender matters in the tattoo culture but only if that gender was female. Regardless if one believes gender has influenced an artist’s experience, it is hard to deny the privilege that exists for men in the industry. Mike appears to believe that considering his gender is unnecessary. He has not had to worry about clients rejecting him as an artist because they doubt his skills because he is a man, people saying he should not be in his field because he is a man, clients groping him, or most of the other issues the female artists encountered. Mike recognizes these differences as well. After some time thinking about the question, he 164 acknowledged his privilege, pointing to clients coming to 540 specifically because they find her gender a novelty. “Nobody has ever said, ‘I want you because you’re a guy’” (Mike).

She Ain’t Heavy, She’s My Sister

Being tattooed changes one’s body, but it can also change relationships. With the challenges of evolving social relationships coupled with working in a male-dominated field, it is critical for the artists to have a support system. For some artists, this assistance comes from friends and family, whereas others seek out other women in the industry. Twenty-five years ago, networking with other female tattoo artists was a challenge. As some artists describe it, even if they could find other women, those women were not necessarily interested in forming a relationship. In fact, there were times these relationships could be toxic. “In the [earlier] era, women were really catty against one another, and that’s how it was for me coming up in that community of women tattooers. They were not really nice to me” (Dawn). The artist with whom

Dawn apprenticed was not offering support, and she could not find that support with other artists, male or female, so she was left to figure things out on her own. Because of her experience, Dawn has made a point of supporting, encouraging, and highlighting female artists:

A lot of female-slamming-females in that era of time. Up until recently really. I have

really tried hard to be a proponent of building a community for female tattooers. I’ve

made tons of blogs about it. They are mostly through tattoo artists’ magazines, where I’ve

named “15 Female Tattooists You Should Know About Working Today,” or “20 Tattoo

Woman Artists That Have Been Tattooing for Longer Than 15 Years That You Should

Know.” Things like that like; I would make it a point to make it my mission to do that.

(Dawn) 165

She believes it is important to not only highlight female artists but also those female artists who have been working in the industry for years and should be respected. “Another thing, too, is I’ll find females artists that haven’t really been ever featured, or ever noticed, and I will try to notice them. Tell people, ‘Hey, this is part of our history. These people are part of our history. You know what? Maybe they don’t have 100,000 Instagram followers, but if it weren’t for them, you wouldn’t be here’” (Dawn). She explains why she makes a point of featuring experienced tattooers:

I think it’s important because when I notice that people, who have only been tattooing for

2 years, have like 10,000 Instagram followers, and I meet them at a convention, and I say,

“Hey I really like your work, and you’re doing a really great job.” They look at me like,

“Who the fuck are you?” I’m thinking, “Okay dude. I’ve been tattooing for a lot longer

than you. Why don’t you fuck off?” That’s when I started thinking, “You know what?

Maybe I should just, rather than being angry at that, just set an example that’s better.” So,

that’s kind of my mindset for it. (Dawn)

For Dawn, creating a system of support, encouragement, and respect is important not only because it was something she did not experience, but because it sets a standard within the community and the industry. Dawn’s actions establish a tone that other artists can emulate, especially since support was lacking when they were beginning in the field. 540 made a point to become an artist whom other women seek out when considering tattooing as an occupation. “I’ll get emails from people, females, who are maybe interested in getting into the job, and I’m more than happy to answer to their questions. Like giving them a little heads-up on what they might expect. I think it’s exciting. Come on! Let’s do it! Girl power!” (540). Debbie has seen the highs and the lows as women have become more present in the industry. She believes there has been 166 significant progress but acknowledges that challenges still exist. She explains, “Now with female tattoo artists, I think we stick together pretty good. I think we do. There are a couple that are just like, they want to be catty. Now, that’s very few. I only know a couple; I don’t really respect them anyway. They can give me catty all they want. One told me I was too old to be tattooing anyone. I’m 62 years old. I’ve been tattooing for 34 years” (Debbie). Debbie exemplifies the kind of artist Dawn describes as needing to be featured, thereby highlighting that it is not only a matter of solidarity but also respecting those who came before you. Unfortunately, Debbie’s experience also points to the improvements that still need to be made. It is not uncommon for female relationships to be depicted as competitive and spiteful. Ridiculing another women’s age only reinforces this socially conditioned behavior. In order to transform hegemonic conditions about tattoos and tattooing, it is crucial to transform social relations, supporting, respecting, and encouraging other female artists rather than cutting them down.

The notion of female solidarity is not uniquely found among the female artists. For some of the clients, the artist-client relationship goes beyond a business interaction and develops more into a friendship. As I noted earlier, Esmerelda connected with Mary on a personal level during her tattooing process. Though she did not specifically choose Mary because she was a woman, for future tattoos, she would continue to work with Mary because of that relationship they built.

She explains, “I would say [I would choose Mary] because she’s an artist who’s very close to my age. We grew up in very similar situations. She’s from a small town [like Esmerelda.] We ended up having a lot of the same experiences. So, we actually became friends from the experience…She was comfortable to talk with (Esmerelda). As I noted in chapter 3, when

Cynthia began working with Dawn, she had just escaped an abusive relationship. Because of this relationship, she had a hard time trusting people. However, she felt connected to and supported 167 by Dawn, and that connection developed into a respect and friendship that continues. “I always know that she has my best interests at heart. And I suppose if I was that close of friends with a male tattoo artist, that might happen” (Cynthia). She continues, “And I love her so much as a person. She’s just…I really respect her. I mean, she and I were both single mothers. And she went into a man’s field and kept working until she got the respect. So, I just kept getting [tattoos] from her” (Cynthia). Sharing similar experiences and backgrounds allowed these artists and clients to connect and act as a support system for each other outside of the tattooing relationship.

As Cynthia mentioned, she might be able to form a similar relationship with a male artist, but

Dawn’s understanding of what it is like to be a woman in the world helped in developing the relationship they now have. Additionally, as with the relationships between artists, the idea of respect is key.

Although most of the female clients may not specifically seek out a female artist, they recognize an amount of significance in supporting female artists. For some, this has to do with the experience. As she explained earlier, Esmerelda connected with Mary, and they formed a friendship, which made this tattoo experience better than previous ones, and ultimately made her

“glad to have a female artist” (Esmerelda). Other clients see the ability to support other women, both financially and in showcasing their work, as a bonus in choosing a female artist. Clare explains, “I like to work with women...in all aspects of life I like to work with women. So, I’d be excited if I asked someone who had a gorgeous tattoo, ‘Where do you get your work done?’ and they said their artist was a woman. I would like that” (Clare). She furthers, “I was really happy to give my money to a female tattoo artist because I like to support women-owned businesses”

(Clare). Like Clare, Cynthia recognizes the financial significance of working with women, acknowledging that, if she can give her business to a woman, she does (Cynthia). She explains 168 her reasoning, “…In a business like [tattooing], if I can give the work to a woman, I will. Just because it’s been a hard road for women. All these years. It’s probably a little easier now.

Because of women like Dawn, and Vyvyn Lazonga17, and Laura Vida18. People like that. But it still can’t be easy” (Cynthia). In this case, choosing a female artist gives a client the ability to support a female artist financially and acknowledge and recognize the challenges the artist may have encountered because of her gender. This choice also acts as a method to eschew expectations around female relationships.

Conclusion

This chapter highlights the positions the artists take when explaining their experiences and identities. The women all begin at a similar place: they are all artists. While maintaining their identity as artists, they become a specific type of artist, defining their work as tattoo artists.

Although the creation of an identity is undeniable, there is no doubt external factors and experiences come into play in the formation of that identity. Whether those factors are due to their interpersonal interactions with clients or their outward global interactions created through social media, the artists incorporate those negotiations into their sense of agency. There is often a struggle for respect, from the clients, the industry, and society. Expectations exist, and are reinforced through media, colleagues, and clients, of what it means to be a female tattoo artist, and the women are faced with defining themselves within those social expectations. Just as they are made to negotiate what it means to identify as a tattooed woman, they must navigate identifying as a female tattoo artist. For some, like Naomi, identifying as a tattoo artist is enough.

She refuses to acknowledge that her gender has any role in her profession and identity, despite

17 Vyvyn Lazonga, “Madame Lazonga,” started tattooing in Seattle during the early 1970s and is recognized as one of the most influential female tattoo artists in the country as she is the first woman to open her own shop in the country (Mifflin 57). 18 Laura Vida is a well-known female tattoo artist in San Francisco (Mifflin 75). 169 identifying instances where it had. Perhaps that is because she feels she worked so hard to be accepted in the male-dominated subcultures she is a member of (e.g. skateboarding and heavy metal) that she does not want to acknowledge or point to something that would set her apart.

Perhaps, she simply wants to be part of the group. However, it may also be because patriarchal bargaining is so prevalent that it becomes invisible. For others, Naomi’s ideal is great…in theory. They choose to embrace their identity as female tattoo artists but negotiate the difficulties that may emerge in practice. Multiple women discuss how their gender has had a positive impact

(e.g. forming relationships with clients and with other supportive female artists) while highlighting times they experienced various forms of sexism. Each develop their own method of handling these situations, often completing an internal bargaining of acceptance. After some time, some artists choose to fight this idea. Dawn understands the nature of the patriarchal bargain, but she has begun to push back. Although the artists may all experience similar situations, they all constitute their identities as female tattoo artists through unique processes of identification. Some accept the social formations, some accept them or fail to acknowledge their presence, and some resist them. 170

CHAPTER V. CONCLUSION

Although having tattoos may becoming more accepted in society, it is still not seen as conforming to society’s norm. Women, particularly those who are tattoo artists, must navigate their way through that tenuous sense of social acceptance while processing how and if their tattoos and experiences feature in their constitution of their identity. This process is not without its challenges. Becoming a “woman with a tattoo” is literal. One day, a woman has no tattoos, the next day she does. Being a “tattooed woman” and a “female tattoo artist” is decidedly harder to define. To an extent, identity should imply some choice; however, it, as the participants demonstrate, proves to be more complicated. It is a constant negotiation with social forces presenting challenges along the way.

In her article “The Forum: The Performance Turn – and Toss,” Mary Frances HopKins engages the scholarly conversation that at the time revolved around the multiple uses of the term

“performance” to explore how we interact with others and within society. She “add[s] [her] voice to the speculations about what the term offers or can offer to our understanding not only of rhetorical practices but of how we live in the world, especially how we communicate in it. [She] ruminate[s] about what we might call the “performance turn” as we continue to see metaphors to explain what we do (HopKins 228). In her discussion, HopKins highlights the influence of others as we perform our identity. “Audiences, consciously or unconsciously, measure the performer in the role against some idea of what the role demands. Restrictive views of roles explain why, for instance, for some people women cannot perform the role of priest, no matter what the church authorizes, because the role has an exclusive male identity” (HopKins 229). Or why, I might ask, for some people, women cannot be tattoo artists. HopKins furthers that performance is always a negotiation between the performer, the role, and the audience, which “occurs in a site of 171 resistance” (HopKins 233). As such, she suggests a new way of exploring the “performance turn”:

Instead of “the performance turn” we might better talk about “the performance turn and

toss,” to suggest that a certain amount of squirming, of turning and tossing, characterizes

our negotiations as we perform roles, also our actions as we occupy subject positions. We

never have a perfect fit. There is always resistance. We may remain unaware of the

resistance and our struggle to conform, but we may choose to perform it consciously,

even with exaggerated and obvious effort. By creating an excess of noise, we exert a

measure of control. (HopKins 235)

This negotiation, the push and pull, is certainly reflected in participants’ lived experiences. How do they reconcile their identity with the gender and societal expectations and assumptions placed on them by others?

To explore this question, this project examines how female tattoo artists create their identities through three areas: identity in a group, identity as a tattooed woman, and identity as a female tattoo artist. Chapter two demonstrates how finding and creating an identity within the global tattoo cohort proves difficult with the group struggling to even want to apply a label to itself. There is resistance to any labels at multiple levels and marked changes over time. As seen, for some, the concept of joining a community was appealing. For others, it was the desire to eschew societal norms that drew them to the practice. Regardless, the increased popularity, and thus mainstreaming, of tattooing has, in some ways, morphed the meanings behind participants’ original thoughts on and desires for the tattoo community. This evolution has created some discomfort and, perhaps, destruction in finding identity as part of a group. Multiple participants discuss no longer knowing or understanding what the tattoo community is, let alone being able to 172 identify with it. At the same time, although they may not associate their identity as part of the tattoo community, others do and react as such.

The theme of others’ interpretations and interactions continues into chapter three in its exploration of participants’ identification as tattooed women. HopKins’ concept of the performance turn and toss continues to be demonstrated as the participants negotiate their agency in how they personally constitute their identity and how the reactions of and interactions with other people influence them. For some women, the choice to become tattooed is a search for, or reiteration of, their identity, adding art to cultivate and/or reclaim the body and/or actively resisting cultural expectations of women. However, one person’s representation of their authentic self can still be influenced by society. Debbie quickly identified as a tattooed woman and female tattoo artist; however, while performing those identities, others’ statements and perceptions called another identity into question by removing her agency as a “good mother.” Although she knows this assumption is not the case, Debbie still negotiates her identity between what she has determined for herself and what others have proscribed to her. Further, personal claims of identity can morph over time. Dawn first discusses how she first chose to be tattooed to disrupt societal expectations of being a “pretty girl;” however, she later acknowledges some relief that, with the mainstreaming of tattoos, she is now “blending in” (Dawn). Dawn’s experience begs the question, once one is identified as a tattooed woman, is that an identity that one always keeps?

Dawn will always be tattooed (unless she undergoes major tattoo removal,) but will she always identify as a tattooed woman and a female tattoo artist?

Even after an artist claims “female tattoo artist” as an identity, what that identity means is influenced by a person’s experience and the social norms that shape expectations for artistry and for femininity. Chapter four demonstrates the opposing positions those who share essentially the 173 same identity positions (i.e., as women who are tattoo artists) can take from their experiences.

Naomi maintains that she has never encountered any stigmas or negative effects as a female tattoo artist and resists when gender is made an issue. However, in the next breath, she tells a story of being told to tattoo without her shirt on. She does not associate this example of the treatment she experienced as part of her female tattoo artist identity. Whereas, Dawn is more forthright in claiming how experience shapes her identity and, had she had Naomi’s experience, would likely point to it as an example of the negative encounters that are unique to female tattoo artists. In each of their ways, Naomi and Dawn constitute what it means to be a female tattoo artist. They each negotiate the vicissitudes of gendered experience and decide what experiences matter to their identities and negotiate strategies for how they must learn to live with them.

My goal for this project was to give voice to a group that is rarely studied and heard. I began thinking I would only interview female tattoo artists. As I began my interviews, I quickly realized the vast differences in perceptions I would encounter and the need for more information

I would require. Fortunately, I was able to expand my study to include clients and colleagues. I believe doing so allowed me to not only understand how others perceive the experience of female tattoo artists but to create greater understanding of the lifeworld of female tattoo artists through incorporating those clients’ and colleagues’ experiences as well. Most tattooed people love talking about tattoos and can keep talking about them until they are forced to stop.

Consequently, there is more that could be explored than I have room to do so here.

There are two significant limitations in this study. To begin, one limitation is I was unable to include women of color, either artists or clients, as participants. Both populations are drastically underrepresented in society and in academic tattoo literature. This gap is surely in need of redress. Tattooing holds different implications as well as techniques and imagery for 174 different cultures, race, and ethnicities. Future studies should consider how those factors affect experiences and identity making for women of color. Given how women of color are already marginalized and denigrated by society, consideration should be given to what personal or cultural sanctions affect them when they get tattooed, especially insofar as having tattoos represents an embodied act that is always already considered deviant. The experience of a female tattoo artist of color surely differs from that of the women in this study who are all white.

Moreover, their perspectives on how gender affects their identities would differ or align with those of the women in this study and thereby offer a significant avenue of study. Consideration of their other intersectional positionalities to discern how those positions hold significance for them would also offer potentially rich line of inquiry. Another limitation in this study is that only women clients rather than male clients of the women artists/participants are included. This omission was not intentional. Indeed, it remains a locus of investigation worth consideration.

How men choose an artist, how they consider the gender of the artist, their perceptions of female artists, and how a gendered dynamic factors into forming and maintaining relationships between male clients and female artists would all serve as an interesting counterpoint to my study. These are but a few possibilities for future research.

There are other various opportunities for expansion or future study relevant to what this study seeks to accomplish. A topic that came up at times in interviews and which was alluded to a few times in this study, was age and ageism. As the oldest and most experienced artist, Debbie was able to provide historical insight. However, she also talked about issues of respect, the juxtaposition between wanting respect as a seasoned professional and her disavowal of concern for what the younger generation thinks of her. She also shared that her husband, the original owner of the family studio and the one who taught her to tattoo, no longer works because of his 175 age and that some other artists have told her she should stop tattooing because she was “too old.”

Dawn also mentioned her fear about growing older and her ability to maintain her business because clients would potentially be less inclined to engage her as an artist. These comments urge consideration of how age factors into the social expectations for female tattoo artists, how it is decided and who decides that an artist is “too old” to tattoo. Physical ability is an important factor to consider as one ages and, of course, for those choosing an artist; however, there are other factors influencing artists’ decision to continue tattooing. Considerations of those facets and how age has an impact on their identity as tattoo artists raises questions such as, what do tattoo artists do and how do they identify when they cannot tattoo anymore? Specifically, in regard to female tattoo artists, how are they affected by their age in terms of client expectations and social taboos on women and aging? Will their age and experience be viewed as an advantage or will it be used as a dismissal of their qualifications? Beyond just artists, the generation that ushered in the tattoo boom is aging. Broadly speaking, how do their tattooed identities change along with the aging process? The tattoos that held symbolic meaning to them thirty years ago may no longer carry the same power. Does the Black Flag tattoo that was important to the punk in the 1980s hold the same significance and meaning to him or her now? How has that tattoo aged, both physically and in its significance? How does the evaporating significance of a tattoo, as others cease to recognize it, affect the tattooed person’s understandings of his or her identity?

Exploring age and tattooing would provide insight beyond the hitherto commonplace dichotomy of “the kids love it, and the old folks hate it” notions from the past.

Additionally, the participants had vast amounts to say on the topics of media and technology in tattooing. I only discussed a portion of what they shared on that topic. Throughout history, tattoos scholars and, as this study demonstrates, tattooed people can point to the wax and 176 wane of tattoo popularity and approval. Currently, with the help of media, tattooing is at a peak in popularity; however, over time, this trend could change, taking tattooing’s popularity to new heights or plummeting its acceptability. New platforms could have a similar effect. Regardless of whether new platforms emerge, the long-term relationship both tattooing and tattoo artists have with social media would be worth exploring. It is not only the perception and philosophies of tattooing that could morph over time. With the advent of new technologies, tattooing has the potential to drastically change. With developments in Artificial Intelligence it may not be too far in the future when tattoo artists and their clients do not even need to be in the same room. Clients may not even need a tattoo artist; perhaps they could just upload any design into an app. How will that distanciated technologically enhanced enactment affect the culture and the art? These are but two topics to explore that came from my interviews.

The reality of any identity is the liminality of its existence. So often, we expect development to be in stages. Step 1: Crawl. Step 2: Stand. Step 3: Walk. Step 4: Run. The creation of an identity, or really any development, of course, does not work that way. Sometimes steps are skipped. Sometimes a step is never reached, and sometimes there is a fluidity between steps. Furthermore, identity is never, as HopKins would argue, quite “a perfect fit.” It is not a precise box into which one can be placed. There is often a struggle and discomfort (a toss and turn) as one creates their identity. This holds true as women navigate their gendered understanding of a tattooed identity. A tattoo alters one’s body but has the potential to change more, such as societal relationships, social relationships, and/or the intrapersonal relationship.

The significance of these changes, and their level of incorporation, funds the unique constitution of the self through each individual’s interpretation of their given experiences. 177

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APPENDIX A. IRB APPROVAL

DATE: April 23, 2014

TO: Johni Amos FROM: Bowling Green State University Human Subjects Review Board

PROJECT TITLE: [553830-2] Female Tattoo Artists and Their Experiences SUBMISSION TYPE: Revision

ACTION: APPROVED APPROVAL DATE: April 20, 2014 EXPIRATION DATE: April 19, 2015 REVIEW TYPE: Expedited Review

REVIEW CATEGORY: Expedited review category # 7

Thank you for your submission of Revision materials for this project. The Bowling Green State University Human Subjects Review Board has APPROVED your submission. This approval is based on an appropriate risk/benefit ratio and a project design wherein the risks have been minimized. All research must be conducted in accordance with this approved submission.

The final approved version of the consent document(s) is available as a published Board Document in the Review Details page. You must use the approved version of the consent document when obtaining consent from participants. Informed consent must continue throughout the project via a dialogue between the researcher and research participant. Federal regulations require that each participant receives a copy of the consent document.

Please note that you are responsible to conduct the study as approved by the HSRB. If you seek to make any changes in your project activities or procedures, those modifications must be approved by this committee prior to initiation. Please use the modification request form for this procedure.

You have been approved to enroll 60 participants. If you wish to enroll additional participants you must seek approval from the HSRB.

All UNANTICIPATED PROBLEMS involving risks to subjects or others and SERIOUS and UNEXPECTED adverse events must be reported promptly to this office. All NON-COMPLIANCE issues or COMPLAINTS regarding this project must also be reported promptly to this office.

This approval expires on April 19, 2015. You will receive a continuing review notice before your project expires. If you wish to continue your work after the expiration date, your documentation for continuing review must be received with sufficient time for review and continued approval before the expiration date.

Good luck with your work. If you have any questions, please contact the Office of Research Compliance at 419-372-7716 or [email protected]. Please include your project title and reference number in all correspondence regarding this project.

This letter has been electronically signed in accordance with all applicable regulations, and a copy is retained within Bowling Green State University Human Subjects Review Board's records.

- Generated on IRBNet 181 - 182

APPENDIX B. IRB ARTIST INFORMED CONSENT

American Culture Studies

Greetings,

My name is Johni Amos, and I am currently a doctoral student in the American Culture Studies program at Bowling Green State University. In order to fulfill the requirements of my degree program, I am conducting an original research study to investigate how female tattoo artists describe their experience in their chosen profession. I am contacting you because you are a female tattoo artist.

Purpose of the Study The purpose of my research is to explore the experiences female tattoo artists have in their chosen profession. Exploring these perspectives will provide a better understanding of how female tattoo artists experience working within the tattoo community and society as a whole. Also, this study may aid in understanding how women describe their experience working in a male-dominated field. Individual participants may benefit from participation in this study as they will have the opportunity to have structured time to reflect on their personal experiences.

Procedure As a participant in this study, your involvement will consist of a recorded interview. The interview will take place in person or through an online video format (e.g., Skype, Google chat) and last between one and two hours. After the interview, you will be provided with and asked to verify transcriptions of our conversations. The total time expected on your part for your participation in this study will be approximately 3 hours. This includes the interview, your review of the transcripts, and any email or phone exchanges we may have. You will also be provided with a copy of the informed consent document.

Voluntary nature Your participation is completely voluntary. You are free to withdraw at any time. During the interview, you may decide to skip a question or discontinue participation at any time without penalty. Deciding to participate or not will not affect your relationship with Bowling Green State University.

Confidentiality Protection All project-related data and information will be stored on a password-protected computer that only I have access to, and your personal identity will be kept strictly confidential. You have the opportunity to select a pseudonym for the study to help protect your identity. The pseudonym you select will be used to identify your interview responses, files of your interview transcripts, and any other study related documents. Alternatively, you may request that I use your actual name if you prefer. The audio files and transcription files of the actual interviews will be kept in a password protected computer until the completion of the study at which point these files will be destroyed. Any documents with identifying information, such as your signed consent form, will be stored separately. BGSU HSRB - APPROVED FOR USE IRBNet ID # _553830 101 East Hall Phone: 419-372-8886 EFFECTIVE 04/20/2014 EXPIRES 04/19/2015 Bowling Green, OH 43403 Fax: 419-372-7537 Email: [email protected] 183

American Culture Studies

Risks Participation in this study poses the possibility of minimal risk to participants. The nature of questions asked during interviews may explore personal matters and choices; however, any risks you experience will be no more than expected in daily life. As a participant, you have the right to limit or end your participation at any time. As stated previously, all project-related data and information will be protected, and your personal identity will be kept strictly confidential. Participants must be at least 18 years old to participate in the study.

Contact information Please contact me if you have any questions about the research or your participation in the research. You may contact me at 419-372-9623 or [email protected]. My dissertation advisor, Dr. Lesa Lockford, may be reached at 419-372-9381 or [email protected]. You may also contact the Chair, Human Subjects Review Board at 419-372-7716 or [email protected], if you have any questions about your rights as a participant in this research.

Thank you for your participation.

Sincerely,

Johni Amos Doctoral Student American Culture Studies Bowling Green State University

I have been informed of the purposes, procedures, risks and benefits of this study. I have had the opportunity to have all my questions answered, and I have been informed that my participation is completely voluntary.

 I agree to participate in this research.

I would like to use:  a pseudonym.

 my real name. I understand that if I opt to use my real name, this study and my participation in it will not be confidential.

Participant Signature

Participant Printed Name BGSU HSRB - APPROVED FOR USE IRBNet ID # _553830 EFFECTIVE 04/20/2014 EXPIRES 04/19/2015 101 East Hall Phone: 419-372-8886 Email: [email protected] Bowling Green, OH 43403 Fax: 419-372-7537 184

APPENDIX C. IRB CLIENT AND COLLEAGUES INFORMED CONSENT

American Culture Studies

Greetings,

My name is Johni Amos, and I am currently a doctoral student in the American Culture Studies program at Bowling Green State University. In order to fulfill the requirements of my degree program, I am conducting an original research study to investigate how female tattoo artists describe their experience in their chosen profession. I am contacting you because you are a client or colleague of a female tattoo artist.

Purpose of the Study The purpose of my research is to explore the experiences female tattoo artists have in their chosen profession. As a client or colleague, you can provide valuable insight about working with a female tattoo artist. Exploring these perspectives will provide a better understanding of how female tattoo artists experience working within the tattoo community and society as a whole. Also, this study may aid in understanding how women describe their experience working in a male-dominated field. Individual participants may benefit from participation in this study as they will have the opportunity to have structured time to reflect on their personal experiences.

Procedure As a participant in this study, your involvement will consist of a recorded interview. The interview will take place in person or through an online video format (e.g., Skype, Google chat) and last between fifteen and thirty minutes. After the interview, you will be provided with and asked to verify transcriptions of our conversations. The total time expected on your part for your participation in this study will be approximately one and a half hours. This includes the interview, your review of the transcripts, and any email or phone exchanges we may have. You will also be provided with a copy of the informed consent document.

Voluntary nature Your participation is completely voluntary. You are free to withdraw at any time. During the interview, you may decide to skip a question or discontinue participation at any time without penalty. Deciding to participate or not will not affect your relationship with Bowling Green State University.

Confidentiality Protection All project-related data and information will be stored on a password-protected computer that only I have access to, and your personal identity will be kept strictly confidential. You have the opportunity to select a pseudonym for the study to help protect your identity. The pseudonym you select will be used to identify your interview responses, files of your interview transcripts, and any other study related documents. Alternatively, you may request that I use your actual name if you prefer. The audio files and transcription files of the actual interviews will be kept in a password protected computer until the completion of the study at which point these files will be destroyed. Any documents with identifying information, such as your signed consent form, will be stored separately. BGSU HSRB - APPROVED FOR USE 101 East Hall Phone: 419-372-8886 Email: [email protected] ID # _553830 Bowling Green, OH 43403 Fax: 419-372-7537 EFFECTIVE 04/20/2014 EXPIRES 04/19/2015 185

American Culture Studies

Risks Participation in this study poses the possibility of minimal risk to participants. The nature of questions asked during interviews may explore personal matters and choices; however, any risks you experience will be no more than expected in daily life. As a participant, you have the right to limit or end your participation at any time. As stated previously, all project-related data and information will be protected, and your personal identity will be kept strictly confidential. Participants must be at least 18 years old to participate in the study.

Contact information Please contact me if you have any questions about the research or your participation in the research. You may contact me at 419-372-9623 or [email protected]. My dissertation advisor, Dr. Lesa Lockford, may be reached at 419-372-9381 or [email protected]. You may also contact the Chair, Human Subjects Review Board at 419-372-7716 or [email protected], if you have any questions about your rights as a participant in this research.

Thank you for your participation.

Sincerely,

Johni Amos Doctoral Student American Culture Studies Bowling Green State University

I have been informed of the purposes, procedures, risks and benefits of this study. I have had the opportunity to have all my questions answered, and I have been informed that my participation is completely voluntary.

I would like to use:  a pseudonym.

 my real name. I understand that if I opt to use my real name, this study and my participation in it will not be confidential.

Participant Signature

BGSU HSRB - APPROVED FOR USE IRBNet ID # _553830 Participant Printed Name EFFECTIVE 04/20/2014 EXPIRES 04/19/2015

101 East Hall Phone: 419-372-8886 Email: [email protected] Bowling Green, OH 43403 Fax: 419-372-7537