The Beginnings of Christianity in Merv

Iranica Antiqua, vol. XXX, 1995

BY G. KOSHELENKO, A. BADER, V. GAIBOV (Moscow Institute of Archaeology)

The history of Christianity in Merv is well-known enough beginning with the Sassanian era, thanks to the famous Chronicle of Seert and al- Biruni’s descriptions1. Other sources are unfortunately very often neglected, so one could have the impression that the earliest penetration of Christianity into Merv is only from the IVth century A.D. However, some materials show clearly that a certain presence of Christian religion can be traced in the town of Merv as well as in the area of the Merv oasis (Margiana) already in the Parthian epoch. While describing the famous scene of assignment of peoples and countries for missionary activity among the apostles (by throwing lots), Pseudo-Hyppolytus mentions Parthians, Medians, Persians, Hyrcanians, Bactrians and Margians as the peoples which the apostle Thomas had to baptize. From the same text we learn that (according to Pseudo- Hyppolytus) St Thomas preached in an Indian town Kalamene also, and that he was buried there2. A confirmation of the Pseudo-Hyppolytus’ information seems to be preserved in the Armenian Christian tradition. In an Armenian synaxare under the 12th day of navasardom month (i.e. August, 22) St Thomas is mentioned as the prophet who contributed much to the christianization of India. Unfortunately, other details are lacking of this part of the Armenian

1 E. SACHAU, Die Christianisierung-Legende von Merv, Festschrift für Wolf Wilhelm Grafen von Baudissin, Giessen 1918; G. MESSINA, Al-Biruni sugli inizi del Cristianismo a Merv, Al-Biruni Commemoration Volume, A.H. 362 — A.H. 1362, Calcutta 1943, p. 221-131; J.M. FIEY, Chrétientés syriaques du Horasan et du Sagestan, Le Muséon, LXXXVI, Louvain 1973, p. 75-104 (the same article is republished in the volume: J.M. FIEY, Communautés syriaques en Iran et Iraq des origines à 1552, London 1979). 2 Q¬mav dé Párqoiv, Mßdoiv, Pérsaiv, Ürkano⁄v, Baktrio⁄v, Márgio⁄v kjrúzav êlakidásqj to⁄v tétrasi méresin aûtoÕ. Êp pólei Kalamßnj t±v Îndik±v kaí taptétai êke⁄ (Hippolyt. De duodec. apostolis). 56 G. KOSHELENKO text. On the contrary, St Thomas’ activity in another region is described much better:

“L’apôtre du Christ Thomas, surnommé le Jumeau, était l’un des douze élus. Lorsque les apôtres se partagèrent au sort la terre, Thomas fut désigné pour aller aux Indes. Au cours de son voyage, il traversa la Mésopotamie, des Arméniens et des Syriens. Il envoya son frère Thaddée à Edesse au roi d’Arménie, Abgar, pour accomplir la promesse que lui avait faite le Saveur et là il illumina beaucoup de gens adonnés à idolâtrie, par le baptême des saints fonts. Quand à lui, le bienheureux Thomas, il prêcha aux Parthes et aux Mèdes, aux Perses et aux Kirmans, aux Bactriens et aux Mages et jusqu’en Chine, opérant partout des miracles et des prodiges au nom du Christ, convertissant beaucoup de gens à la vraie foi, établissant des églises en plusieurs pays et des ministres pour le culte”3.

Comparing Pseudo-Hyppolytus’ list of peoples which St Thomas began to convert into Christianity to the list in above-mentioned Armenian source, we discover a striking correspondence. In both texts Parthians, Medians, Persians and Bactrians are present. The difference between the two sources consists only in two words: on the place of Hyrcanians of Pseudo-Hyppolytus’ text we find Kermanians in the Ter-Israel’s writing, and instead of Margians Magians (Mágoi) in the second one. The first set of words can be easily explained as simple mistake in the man- uscript, probably provoked by the phonetical similarity of two words. Anyway, the change of one term with the other does not seriously change the logic of the narration. On the contrary, the presence of term Magians in the Ter-Israel's writing does not correspond to the general logic of text and seems to be completely out of place. The use of a technical term designating an estate (clergy) among the names of peoples seems to be very strange and probably signifies a mistake. The explanation for it could be the following: the term Margiánoi (or Márgoi) “Margians” in the Greek original of the source used by the Armenian author for his writing could be unknown for him, so he possibly changed it with a better known word Mágoi “Magians”.

3 Le Synaxaire Arménien de Ter-Israel publié et traduit par le dr. G. Bayan, Patrologia Orientalis, tome V, Paris 1910, p. 420-421. CHRISTIAN PENETRATION INTO MERV 57

If so, Pseudo-Hyppolytus, information about the apostolic mission of St. Thomas in the lands of Parthians, Medians, Persians, Hyrcanians (Kermanians), Bactrians and Margians is confirmed in another and more or less independent source. If it is not isolated but represents a certain tradition attested in some sources, the problem of the authenticity of this tradition arises. In fact, the history of the apostolic activity of St Thomas has been unclear untill now. It is well-known that in the Syrian Christian Church existing now in some parts of India (in particular, on the Malabar shore) the apostle Thomas is considered as the founder, and St Thomas’ name became a part of the official appellation of this Church. According to the Indian Christian tradition, the apostle Thomas came to India around 50 A.D. and converted many local habitants into Christianity. He is also supposed to be the founder of 7 churches on the Malabar seaboard. Later St Thomas is said to move to the Koromandel shore and continue his propagation there. According to the legend, his popularity arrouse dissatisfaction and later the anger of the local brahmans he who finally managed to kill St Thomas after he refused to worship the goddess Kali4. This tradition is widely spread (not only among the Christians of the Indian Church of St Thomas5), but a few modern scholars have certain doubts about it. Such being the case the most natural way of studying the problem should be an attempt to re-examine the main historical source of St Thomas' activity, i.e. “Acts of Thomas”. This source is not included into the main Christian Canon and is preserved among the apocryphal writings6. Very probably, the Acts in their actual form are a literary fiction which includes certain real historical

4 C.P. MATHEW, M.M. THOMAS, The Indian Church of St Thomas, Delhi 1967; L.W. BROWN, The Indian Christian of St Thomas. An account of ancient Syrian Church of Malabar, Cambridge 1981; S.G. POTHAN, The Syrian Christian of Kerala, New York 1963; F.F. KEAY, A history of the Syrian Church in India, Madras 1951; J.W. SEDLAR, India and the Greek World. A study in the transmission of culture, Totowa (New Jersey) 1980. 5 R.P. PLACID, Histoire de l’Eglise Syro-Malabare, l’Orient syrien, I, No 4, 1956, p; 375-380. 6 The Acts of Thomas, The apocryphal New Testament being the apocryphal Gospels, Acts, Epistles and Apocalypses with other narratives and fragments newly translated by M.R. James, Oxford 1924, p. 364-438; A.F.J. KLIJN, The Acts of Thomas. Introduction, text, commentary, Leiden 1962; H.J.W. DRIJVERS, Thomasakten, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen in deutscher Übersetung, hrsg. v. Schneemlecher, II. Band, Apostlisches Apokalypsen und Verwandtes, Tübingen 1989, p. 289-367. 7 See A.F.J. KLIJN, The Acts... p. 27; J.W. SEDLAR, India... p. 178. 58 G. KOSHELENKO information7. Almost all of researchers who have studied this problem in recent time are of this opinion, so we will not repeat all their arguments. According to the Acts, the activity of St Thomas took place on the territories of two important states, one of them under the rule of Gondophar and the other under the rule of Mazdai. Almost all the facts more or less corresponding to the historical reality are connected to the first state, i.e. Gondophar’s kingdom. The use of the real names of the king Gondophar and his brother Gades in this part of the Acts is very important8. The main events of Gondophar’s rule are reconstructed well-enough on the base of numismatic materials9. Probably he founded the Indo-Parthian kingdom about 20 A.D. During the rule of Gondophar his kingdom included the territories of Sistan, Arachosia, Gandhara and Djammu; the date of his death remains unknown, but probably it happened about A.D. 5010. In such a case the dates of life of king Gondophar correspond to the time of St Thomas’ activity, if to follow its traditional chronology and to consider apostle Thomas a real person. The main purpose of the Acts was to tell the story of victorious christianization of India by St Thomas, but the parts the most realistic and exact from historical point of view are connected to the Parthian world. This fact drew already the attention of a certain number of researchers since long ago11. If to analise the tradition about St Thomas activity as a whole, one can distinguish three main parts in it. According to the first, apostle Thomas’ lot was to go to Parthia, after the second one, he had to go to India, the third one is a contamination of the first two versions of tradition.

8 J.W. VAN LOHUIZEN — DE LEEUW, The “Scythian” period: an approach to the history, art, epigraphy and palaeography of North India from 1st century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D. Leiden 1949, p. 351, 354-358; B.N. PURI, India under the Kushans, Bombay 1965, p. 16; A. DIHLE, Neues zur Thomas-Tradition, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, 6, 1963, p. 58; R.N. FRYE, The history of ancient Iran, München 1984, p. 199-200; N.C. DEBEVOISE, A political history of Parthia, Chicago 1938, p. 63, 66-68. 9 See M. MITCHINER, Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian coinage, Vol. 8, The Indo- Parthians, London 1976. 10 J. CRIBB, New evidence of Indo-Parthian political history, Coin hoards, Vol. VII, 1985, p. 282-301. 11 See for instance A. VON GUTSCHMID, Die Königsnamen in der apokryphen Apostolgeschichten, Rheinisches Museum, N.F., Bd. XIX, 1864, p. 161-170. CHRISTIAN PENETRATION INTO MERV 59

The first version is attested in the writings of Origenes12, Eusebius of Caesarea13, Socrates the Scholast14, Rufinus of Aquileai15; the same information is attested in the Pseudo-Clementinae16. The second version of St Thomas’ tradition is known thanks to the works of Ephraemus of Nisibis17, Gregorius Nasiansinus18, Ambrosius of Mediolan19 and St Hieronymus20. The third version combining two previous variants of tradition is represented by the works of Pseudo-Hyppolytus21 and also by those of Pseudo- Dorotheus22 and Bar Hebreus23. The “Acts of Thomas” are also following this variant of tradition about the apostle. Confrontation of these three versions of one and the same tradition is often very fruitful. Though all the chronology of the sources of this kind is very unsecure, the first (Parthian) version seems to be undoubtedly the oldest one24. The fact that the second (Indian) version is younger is undi- rectly confirmed by the absence of any mention of India in the New Testament while Parthia is mentioned there in a direct form at least twice. The contextes of both mentions of it allow to trace the diffusion of Christianity to the East.

12 Orig. Comment. in Genesis, 24 (Patrologia cursus completus, series graeca prior, t. 12, Paris 1862). 13 Euseb. Hist. eccl. III, 1 (EUSEBE DE CESARÉE, Histoire ecclésiastique, Livres I — IV, Texte grec, traduction et annotation par G. Badry, Paris 1952). 14 Socr. Schol. Hist. eccl. I, XIX (Patrologia cursus completus, Patrologia graeca, t. LXVII, Paris 1899). 15 Rufin. Hist. eccl. I, IX (Patrologia cursus completus, series prima, t. XXI, Paris 1849). 16 Recognitiones clementinae, IX, XXIX (Patrologia cursus completus, series graeca, t. I, Paris 1857). 17 Ephraemi Syri Carmina Nisibena additis prolegomenis et supplemento lexicorum syriacorum edidit, vertit, explicavit G. Bickell, Lipsiae 1866. 18 Gregorii Theologii oratio XXXIII contra arianos, II (Patrologia cursus completus, series graeca, t. XXXVI, Paris 1858). 19 Sancti Ambrosii Mediolensis episcopi in Psalmen XLV, enarratio 21 (Patrologia cursus completus, series prima, t. XIV, Paris 1845). 20 Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi ep. LIX ad Marcellam, 5 (Patrologia cursus completus, patrologia latina, t. XXII, Paris 1899). 21 See above. 22 Pseudo-Dorotheus, Index apostolorum (T. SCHERMANN, Propheten- und Apostellegenden, Texte und Untersuchungen, T. XXI, Fasc. 3, Leipzig 1907). 23 Chron. eccl. I, 34 (BAR HEBREUS, Chronicon ecclesiasticum, ed. J.B. Abbelos et T.J. Lamy, Louvain 1872). 24 See L. BROWN, The Indian... p. 45. 60 G. KOSHELENKO

First, in the Acts of Apostles (II, 9) Parthians, Medians, Elamites and inhabitants of Mesopotamia are mentioned25. In the First Epistle of apostle Peter (I, 13) there is a mention of a church of Babylon26. Modern historical critics sometimes reject these evidences (especially the second of them), but we think that they reflect however a certain historical reality. It is well- known from a lot of sources of different types that the Jewish population has been important in the Western part of the Parthian empire beginning with the Neo-Babylonian epoch. Their permanent contact with Palestinian region is also well-traceable, so some spread of teaching of Christ could be possible there already in the middle of the 1st century A.D.27. It is very important that in the Christian tradition St Thomas is not alone to pretend to the role of the “apostle of India”: the other pretender is St Bartholomeus. According to above mentioned works of Rufinus of Aquileia and Socrates the Scholast that was St Bartholomeus who brought Christian religion to India. After Eusebius of Caesarea, when Pantei (Pántaiov) came to India to preach and to help the spread of Christianity there, he discovered some Christian communities existing already in India. According to a local legend, their members have been baptized by apostle Bartholomeus who had come to India before Pantei. The latter found out even the Gospel of Matheus in Jewish language (ëbraíwn grámmati)28. We have no reason to have doubts in the exactness of this information of Eusebius29. There are other evidences of faithfulness of this tradition. In particular, in the mid-IVth century A.D. Theophylos, the Ambassador of Roman emperor, met in India Christian communities in which St Bartholomeus was considered as their founder30. Besides that, certain useful information

25 Act. II, 9: Párqoi kaí M±doi kaí ˆElam⁄tai kaí oï katoikoÕntev tßn Mjsopotamían. 26 Ep. Petr. I, 13: ™ én Babul¬ni. 27 E. TISSERANT, L’Eglise nestorienne, Dictionnaire de Théologie catholique, 1931, col. 160. 28 Euseb. Hist. eccl. V, X, 1 (EUSEBE DE CÉSARÉE, Histoire ecclésiastique, livres V- VII, texte grec, traduction et notes par G. Badry, Paris 1955). 29 J.W. SEDLAR, India..., p. 180. 30 PHILOSTORGIUS, Epitome of the ecclesiastical history of Philostorgius, compiled by Photius, Partriarch of Constantinople, transl. by E. Walford, London 1855, p. 437; A. DIHLE, Sendung des Indiders Theophilos, Palingenesia, vol. 4, Politeia und Res Publica, Wiesbaden 1969, p. 331; E. TISSERANT, Eastern Christiantity in India, transl. by E.R. Hambye, Bombay 1957, p. 7-8; A.E. MEDLICOTT, India and the apostle Thomas, London 1905, p. 188-202. CHRISTIAN PENETRATION INTO MERV 61 about religious situation in India is preserved in the Greek text of Passio Bartholomei compiled in IVth or Vth century A.D. but reflecting with a won- derful precision the Greek idea of Indian geography of I-II century A.D.31. Thus, we have enough reasons to consider the first (and the earliest) version of Christian tradition about apostle Thomas locating his main activity on the territory of Parthia to be the nearest to the reality. Very probably the honour of bringing and spread of early Christianity in India belongs in fact to St Bartholomeus. Later the figure of this apostle was somehow “put in shadow” by the personality of St Thomas due to a simple reason: after IIIrd century A.D. the Indian Christian Church was depending of the Persian (East-Syrian) Church. Besides the Syrian tradition itself, a confirmation of this fact is seen in another source independent of this tradition, i.e. in the works of Cosmas Indicopleustes who visited India in VIth century A.D. This author fixed the fact of nomination of the bishop of Malabar shore from Persia32. In these new circumstances a “re- writing” of early history of the Christian Church in India in order to “find” out its origin in the East-Syrian Church (and not in Alexandria) seems to be quite natural from point of view of Edessa hierarchy. St Thomas was the best candidate to become the “apostle of India” as everywhere in the Eastern Christian tradition he has been already considered the apostle of the esternmost part of oicumene of his time. St Thomas has been known also as the single Christian apostle who had visited the kingdom of Gondophar located partly in India — having a Parthian royal dynasty and gov- erning class of Parthian origin. Gondophar’s Indo-Parthian empire included in the 1st century A.D. some important provinces of ancient India (among them Gandhara). The advantage of St Thomas’ position in this story was also the fact that according to the tradition his brother Taddei (Addai) was the apostle of Edessa33 — as we know, that was Edessa where the history of early Christian Church in India was re-worked in order to prepare a redaction corresponding to the new role of this town in Eastern Christianity as a whole. This new version of the tradition was finally fixed in the Acts of Thomas34.

31 A. DIHLE, Neues zur Thomas-Tradition, p. 62-64. 32 Cosmas, Chr. top. III, 65 (COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES, Topographie Chrétienne, t. I. Introduction, texte, critique, illustration, traduction et notes par W. Wolska-Conns, Paris 1968). 33 E. TIXERONT, Les origines de l’Eglise d’Edesse et la légende d’Abgar, Paris 1888. 34 H.J.W. DRIJVERS, East of Antioch, studies in early Syrian Christianity, London 1984, p. 13; L.W. BROWN, The Indian... p. 44; J.W. SEDLAR, India... p. 177; E. TISSERANT, Eglise... col. 161. 62 G. KOSHELENKO

This reconstruction is accepted now by almost all scholars, and only the date of compiling of the Acts provokes still a discussion: the date of early III century A.D. has a lot of partisans35, however some scholars date the Acts from the IVth century36. So, we have a lot of reasons to think that St Thomas has been the real apostle of Parthia. This hypothesis does not correspond very well to the fact that in Christian tradition no bishop chair of the East-Syrian Church has considered apostle Thomas as its founder37. The information about the foundation and early history of the Eastern branch of Syrian Church is unfortunately very scarce. From the Doctrine of Addai we learn that one of the pupils of Addai, called Aggai, “gave the bishops for all the Persians, Assyrians, Armenians, Medians and also for the lands confining with Babylon, for Huzites (Huzistanians), gels and the peoples till the bank of Indus and the country Gog and Magog”38. However, there are other important persons known in the Christian tradition as participants of christianization of some of the above mentioned peoples and countries. In some sources belonging to the Syrian Christian tradition St Thomas is presented as the apostle of Persia, but in some other sources this role is given to one of the pupils of Addai, Mar Mari39. From the texts containing more concrete information about early bishop chairs of the East we learn that — Edessa has been the most important centre of spread of early Christianity in the East; Taddei (Addai), brother of St Thomas, has been the first bishop there; — in Seleucia-Ctesiphon one of the pupils of Addai, Mar Mari, has been the first bishop40;

35 A.F.J. KLIJN, The Acts... p. 27; E. TISSERANT, Eglise... col. 161. 36 L.W. BROWN, The Indian... p. 43; J.W. SEDLAR, India... p. 171. 37 See E. TISSERANT, Eglise... col. 161. 38 See E. TIXERONT, Les origines... p. 69 sq. 39 See for details J.M. FIEY, Diocèses syriens orientaux du Golfe Persique, Mémorial Mgr Gabiel Khouri-Sarkis, Louvain 1969, p. 177-178 (the same article is republished in the volume J.M. FIEY, Communautés syriaques en Iran et Iraq des origines à 1552, London 1979). 40 Acta Sancti Maris Assyriae, Babyloniae ac Persidis seculo apostoli aramaice et latine edidit nunc primus J.B. Abbelos, Analecta Bollandiana, t. IV, 1885, p. 43- 138. CHRISTIAN PENETRATION INTO MERV 63

— in Arbela Pekida, another Addai’s pupil, has become the first bishop41. About St Thomas’ mission we can be sure now that — it has taken place mainly on the territory of the Parthian empire; — it has taken place on the territories populated by Parthians, Medians, Persians, Bactrians, Hyrcanians (or Kermanians) and Margians; — it has taken place also on the territory of the Indo-Parthian kingdom of Gondophar. In such a way it becomes clear that St Thomas has preached only among the Iranian-speaking peoples, and that all of these peoples have been depending of the Parthian empire at the beginning of the new era. St Thomas in the sources is never presented as someone pretending to the role of apostle of the Western part of Parthia populated by the peoples which spoke Semitic languages. Trying to define better the area of apostle Thomas’ missionary activity, we have to remember that the term Parthia (Parthian) has had two meanings at the beginning of new era (and a little later, three meanings). According to the first one, all the peoples of different ethnic origin and languages which have populated enormous territory depending of the Parthian dynasty of Arsacids were called Parthians. The second meaning has not been so large, according to it only the population of initial (“domestic”) North-Eastern territories of Parthian empire were called Parthian. These initial, “basic” territories of Arsacid kingdom have included North-Eastern areas of modern Iran and the Southernmost part of actual Turkmenistan (piedmont area of Kopet Dagh)42. The third meaning of the term Parthia (Parthian) is attested later in early-Sassanian official inscriptions: the term is used in their texts only in application to a part of the Sassanian empire where the local population has continued to speak Parthian language, already archaic for the early- Sassanian period but used till the mid-IVth century A.D. in South Turkmenistan (including Margiana), North and East Iran (Media,

41 E. SACHAU, Die Chronik von Arbela. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis des ältesten Christentums im Orient, Abhandl. der Kgl. Preuss. Akademie de Wissenschaften, 1915, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, N 6. 42 See for details M.E. MACCOH, GorodiÏa Nisx v selenii Bagir i ih izuwenie, Trudx ÙTAKY, T. I, Ajhabad 1949 (M.E. MASSON, The sites of Nisa in the Baghir village and their study, Works of JuTAKE, vol. 1, Ashkhabad 1949). 64 G. KOSHELENKO

Khorasan, Sistan). In Sassanian royal inscriptions the term Parthia (Parthian) is used to distinguish the population which was not “truly Persian”-speaking of that one speaking already middle-Persian at that time43. The first version of Christian tradition about St Thomas as the apostle of Parthia contains no precise information on the exact region of his activity — we have just a general indication of Parthia as a whole with no precision about any part of it. Very probably, only the first (and not the second neither the third) of above mentioned meanings of the term Parthia is used there. So, to define better the area of St Thomas prophetical mission we have to follow once more the version of tradition represented by the works of Pseudo-Hyppolytus and Ter-Israel. This means that in the initial variant of St Thomas’ story the latter has been probably presented as the apostle of Iranian peoples of the Parthian empire, i.e. its Eastern part. Merv oasis (Margiana) has all the reasons to be on the list of countries converted into the true religion by apostle Thomas. However, it is known that St Thomas was not alone to bring Christianity in the Iranian part of Parthia: in Persia (Pars) Mar Mari, a pupil of Addai, has been acting by the same time; the apostolic mission of Aggai, another Addai’s pupil, had place in Media and Persia in the same period. If it is true, the only area where St Thomas had been alone to preach among the Iranian peoples of Arsacid Parthia could be the North- Easternmost part of it, i.e. the region in which Margiana with its capital Merv had the central place. In such a case Pseudo-Hyppolytus’ and Ter- Israel’s statement that Margians have been among the peoples which learned Christianity thanks to St Thomas, has a good confirmation. Now the question of a more exact date of formation of this version of tradition about apostle Thomas arises. Unfortunately, in written sources we have not a lot of material which could help to solve this problem. It is clear that the new accentuation of the tradition in its part concerning the area of apostle Thomas’ mission can be dated in two ways: from early IIIrd or IVth century A.D. (see above). So, anyway the initial variant of the tradition should be compiled before this time, very probably before the years 30 of IIIrd century, as Parthian Arsacid state is still figuring in the text.

43 See for example famous Paikuli inscription: H. HUMBACH, P.O. SKJAERVØ, The Sassanian inscription of Paikuli, part 3.1, restored text and translation by P.O. Skjaervø, Wiesbaden 1983. Usual formulae here are “the princes, the grandes and nobles and Persians and Parthians” or “princes and grandes, householders and nobles and Persians and Parthians”. CHRISTIAN PENETRATION INTO MERV 65

Another very important problem of the study of the early version of St Thomas’ tradition is the problem of the real historical information in it. It is very important to know, for instance, whether the earliest penetration of Christian ideas into Merv and, larger, Iranian part of the Parthian Arsacid empire can really be dated from the 1st century A.D., or did it take place later? A later date is not at all excluded, in such a case the legends about this first (but later than 1st century) Christian penetration into Merv and North-East part of Parthia could be easily contaminated with St Thomas’ apostolic mission in later writings. In fact, the problem of definition of the date of the earliest Christian presence in East Parthia is very complicated and remains without any good solution till now. To solve the problem, the analysis of very different and particular sources is needed; moreover, it is well-known how complicated has been the ideological and religious situation in the Parthian empire which included artificially a number of and ethnies of different origin, history, religion, traditions. Finally, the problems of early history of Eastern Christianity as a whole are also extremely complicated. A.S. Atiya was absolutely right to note about the studies of it:

“it must be remembered that works on the Nestorian Church have been composed by either Catholic or Protestant authors who approach it either as dissident, schismatic and heretic or retrogressive and antiquated”44.

We see often enough examples of such an approch in the works on early Christianity, the ideas of J. Labourt could give one of these examples. He wrote:

“Tout nous porte à croire qu’avant l’avènement de la dynastie sassanide, l’Empire perse ne contenait pas de communautés chrétiennes organisées. Ce n’est guère que vers 250 que le christianisme “catholique”, issue des grandes luttes qui divisèrent au IIe siècle les églises du monde gréco-romain, avec les dogmes nettement définis,

44 A.A. ATIYA, A history of Eastern Christianity, London 1968, p. 241. 66 G. KOSHELENKO

et sa hiérarchie rigoureusement constituée, put éteindre ses conquêtes jusqu’aux rives de Tigre”45.

There are other few examples of this approach more or less neglecting the early evolution of the Eastern Christian Church. Till now the history of it is counted sometimes only from the reign of Sassanian king Shapur I, i.e. from the moment of massive deportation of the inhabitants of Syria to the Sassanian empire after victorious wars of Sassanians against Roman empire. But in such a manner the Eastern Church is completely deprived of its real sources — it has no early history and no evolution in the East but is considered just as something brought and planted artificially in an accomplished form. It is regretable that this type of “West-centered” approach to the analysis of Eastern Christianity is attested in a number of concrete researches, often without being clearly expremed and sometimes even not realized deeply by the scholars. It provoked often a hyper-critical attitude to the sources characterizing early Christian presence on the territory of Parthian and later Sassanian empires: all of the sources were thought to represent just legendary tradition with no historical importance. Only very recently some works not exagerating the legendary origin of East Christian tradition are published. Thanks to them, we have certain confirmation of reality of some events described in Christian writings as well as in some other sources and having probably real historical origin. Anyway, a complete history of the spread of Christianity in enormous Parthia and minor states which have depended of the Arsacid dynasty is far of being written. In the Acts of Mar Mari46 we have a narration about the life and prophetical activity of the bishop of Seleucia-Ctesiphon. One of the pupils of Addai, Mar Mari made a lot for christianization of Eastern Mesopotamia. He preached in the area between Tiger and Minor Zab rivers (Arbela was the centre of this region), later in the regions of Western limits of the Iranian plateau and Kashkar (Lower Mesopotamia), after that in Seleucia-Ctesiphon and finally, at the end of his life, in North Mesopotamia (where he died).

45 J. LABOURT, Le christianisme dans l’empire perse sous la dynastie sassanide (224- 632), Paris 1904, p. 17. For early critics of these ideas see M.A. VAN HARNACK, Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christianismus in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten, 3 ed., vol. II, Leipzig 1915, p. 148. 46 Acta sancti Maris... CHRISTIAN PENETRATION INTO MERV 67

There was a long discussion about possible historical interpretation of Mar Mari’s legend. Some of scholars rejected completely this source as a literary fiction compiled presumably to improve the apostolic origin of the churches depending of Seleucia-Ctesiphon47. Now a certain number of researchers is ready to accept some parts of the Acts as reflecting historical reality. For instance, the authenticity of the tradition about the earliest stage of Christian presence in the capital of the Parthian empire seems to be proved. The arrival of Mar Mari to Seleucia-Ctesiphon is dated nor- mally by the time between 79 and 116 A.D.48 Some useful information about further history of this church is preserved in the Chronicle of Nestorian Patriarchs49. According to it, after Mar Mari the bishops of Seleucia-Ctesiphon were Abres (90-107), Abraham (130-152), his son Ioannes (172-190), after him Anadabuni (205-220) and Sahlupa (223-244). One can note the periods of temporary anarchy separating the periods when the bishops performed their functions in the Parthian capital. Sometimes this list of Ctesiphon bishops has been considered to be a false one, but we see no serious reason to neglect it50. We have also to pay attention to the famous Chronicle of Arbela discovered in one of the manuscripts from the church of Eqrour in Kurdistan. The first publication of its text with a French translation51 provoked a lot of inter- est, and in a few years later E. Sachau published a new (German) translation of it with introduction and commentary52. After that the Chronicle of Arbela has been largely used by A. von Harnack in the IVth edition of his classical work on the early history of Christian missionary activity53. But later during a certain period this source has been considered to be very suspect54, some of

47 E. TISSERANT, Eglise... col. 161. 48 J.M. FIEY, Topographie chrétienne de Mahose, L’Orient Syrien, vol. XII, 1967, p. 397-420; Idem, Les étapes de la prise de conscience de son identité patriarchale par l’Eglise Syrienne orientale, L’Orient Syrien, vol. XII, fasc. 1, 1967, p. 3-22. 49 Maris, Amri et Slibae de patriarchis nestorianorum commentaria, ed. H. Gismondi, Roma 1896-1899. 50 E. TISSERANT, Eglise... col. 161-162. 51 Sources syriaques, t. I, Histoire de l’Eglise d’Adiabène sous les parthes et les Sas- sanides par MsiÌa-Zkha, Mossoul-Leipzig 1907. 52 E. SACHAU, Die Chronik von Arbela... 53 A. VON HARNACK, Mission und Ausbreitung der Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrunderten, vol. II, Leipzig 1924, p. 683-691. 54 A. PEETERS, Le “passionaire” d’Adiabène, Analecta Bollandiana, t. XLIII, 1925, p. 261-304. 68 G. KOSHELENKO scholars thought even that it was false55. A lot of specialists proposed to consider the Chronicle of Arbela to be a medieval writing containing very little real historical information56. Finally, in a recent time this text after new studies is once again thought to be authentic and a reliable historical source57. We see no serious reason for doubts about the authenticity of the Chronicle. According to the Chronicle of Arbela, Christianity has come to this town at the very beginning of II century A.D., and Peqida has been the first bishop there (104-144 A.D.). His successors were Semson (120-123), TsÌaq (135-148), Abraham I (148-163), Noh (163-179), Habel (183-190), {Ebed Mesiha (190-217), Hairan (217-250). P. Kawerau noted already that no one episcopy of the Christian world has such a complete Chronicle descending directly from the time of apostles and containing a full list of bishops down to 500 A.D. with practically no contradiction or correction. If to follow the Chronicle, at the moment of fall of the Parthian Arsacid empire about twenty bishop chairs existed already on its territory. Unfortunately, we find in the Chronicle of Arbela no precise information about the East part of Parthian state, neither on its North-East extremeties like Merv and its province. A few dozen of years ago one more important source has been re-exam- ined and thought more reliable from point of view of historical information. This source is the Chronicle of Karka d’bet Sloh58 which has been previously considered to be far from historical reality. According to this Chronicle, beginning of Christianity in this town dates from about 171 A.D.59.

55 F. DECRET, Les conséquences sur le christianisme en Perse de l’affrontement des empires Romain et Sassanide. De Shapur Ier à Yazdagard Ier, Recherches augustiennes, Vol. XIV, Paris 1979, p. 99. 56 E. TISSERANT, Op. cit. col. 163. 57 N.V. PIGULEVSKAQ, Goroda Irana v rannem srednevekovbe, Moskva- Leningrad 1956, p. 141-145 (N.V. PIGULEVSKAJA, Cities of Iran in early Middle Ages, Moscow-Leningrad 1956, p. 141-145); Die Chronik von Arbela, Übersetzt von P. Kawerau, Lovanii 1985; P. KAWERAU, Ostkirchengeschichte. Das Christentum in Asien und Afrika bis zum Auftreten der Portugiesen im Indischen Ozean, Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium, vol. 451, subsidia, tomus 70, Lovanii 1983, p. 4. 58 J.M. FIEY, Vers la réhabilitation de l’histoire de Karka d’bet Sloh, Analecta Bollandiana, t. 82, Bruxelles 1964, p. 189-222. 59 Ibid., p. 190-191. CHRISTIAN PENETRATION INTO MERV 69

Basing on these and some other sources, we think it is possible to date the beginning of East Christianity in important towns like Edessa, Arbela, Seleucia-Ctesiphon from the second half of 1st century A.D., and the formation of a good organization of Christian communities there — from early IInd century. In small towns like Karka d’bet Sloh such an organization of first Christian communities and foundation of first episcopies can probably be dated from the second half or the end of IInd century A.D. If it was so, early prophetical missions to the Eastern part of the Parthian empire should be dated from late IInd — early IIIrd century, or just a little later. Unfortunately, the lack of precise information about these first missions makes impossible any better definition of the chronology of Christian penetration in East and North-East Parthia. For Margiana and, first of all, its capital Merv we have in the sources two dates of the first appearance of Christians there. After al-Biruni, this happened “about 200 years after the death of Messiah”60. According to the Chronicle of Seert, this important historical event took place during the rule of Shapur II61, probably about 370 A.D. (suggestion of J.M. Fiey62). The first date corresponds very well to our conclusions made on the base of other sources (see above). The second date does not seem us to be secure not only from historical point of view, but also because of presence of certain traces of a redactor’s work in the episode containing the date: the famous Sassanian king Shapur II is presented there as “Shapur, son of Ardashir”. Certainly, it is a mistake and the only king who could be on the right place in this context with a correct genealogy is Shapur I who really has been son of Ardashir, the founder of the Sassanian dynasty. Moreover, in another place of the text of Seert’s Chronicle there is a mention of the bishop of Merv called Elie63, known to participate in the Nikea Council. The latter took place few dozen of years before the beginning of Christianity in Merv, if to respect the date in the actual text of the Chronicle of Seert. Some other traces of inter-

60 ABUREÎHAN BIRUNI, Pamqtniki minuvjih pokoleniî, Izbrannxe proizvedeniq, tom I, Tajkent 1957, p. 330 (ABUREIHAN BIRUNI, Monuments of past generations, Selected works, vol. I, Tashkent 1957, p. 330). 61 M.A. SCHERR, P. DIB, Histoire nestorienne (Chronique de Seert), Ie partie, fasc. 2, Patrologia Orientalis, t. 5, Paris 1910, p. 252-257. 62 J.M. FIEY, Chrétientés syriaques... p. 75. 63 Histoire nestorienne inédite (Chronique de Seert), Ier partie, publiée par Mgr Addai Scher, Patrologia Orientalis, t. IV, Paris 1908, p. 276-277. 70 G. KOSHELENKO vention in the initial text are seen in the part of the Chronicle concerning Merv Christian communities. So, we have strong reasons to think that a tradition about the first Christian penetration into Merv before the time of Shapur II had existed but has been re-worked later. One of the traces of this work we can see in the Chronicle of Seert. The necessity of such a work becomes clear if we remember the central role of Edessa both in missionary and literary activity of the East Syrian Church. At the presumed time of the apostolic mission to Merv — late IInd — early IIIrd century A.D. — Bardesan was the most important person in Edessa Church64. It is known that Bardesan was coming from a noble Parthian family65 and knew very well Iranian as well as Indian Orient66. Very probably it was Bardesan who encouraged a Christian mission to East Parthia. Al-Nadim wrote about the Christian communities of Bardesanids which are said to exist everywhere in Khorasan till the Chinese lands67. Later, when Bardesan was proclaimed a heretic68, it became necessary to eliminate from memory (and manuscripts) the facts confirming the important role of this eminent person in the christianization of the East-Iranian world, so that the whole tradition about the beginning of Christianity in Khorasan (including Merv) could be re-worked and re-written. Basing on all these facts, we think it is possible to date the first Christian mission and beginning of Christian penetration to Merv from the end of Parthian Arsacid epoch or (as maximum) from the very beginning of the Sassanian era, i.e. late IInd — early IIIrd century A.D.

64 He lived in about 154-222 A.D.; see for details H.J.W. DRIJVERS, Bardesan of Edessa, Assen 1966, p. 218. 65 Bardesan belonged to the highiest level of Edessa Parthian nobility. Julius Africanus called him “a Parthian” (Bardjsánjv ö Párqov) and enjoyed very much his bowshoot- ing (see Veterum mathematicorum opera, Paris 1693, p. 300, col. 2). For more details about important role of Parthian culture and Parthian nobility in Edessa, see R. DUVAL, Histoire politique, religieuse et littéraire d’Edessa jusqu’à le première croissade, Paris 1892, p. 27 et al. 66 See for instance: BARDESAN l’astrologue, Le livre des lois des pays, traduction française... par F. Nau, Paris 1899. 67 The Fihrist of al-Nadim, transl. by B. Dodge, vol. II, New York 1970, p. 797. For more details see S.N.C. LIEU, Manichaeism in the later Roman empire and medieval China. A historical survey, Manchester 1985, p. 44. 68 H.J.W. DRIJVERS, Bardesan... p. 127, 227-228.