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Home , Afghan, Afridi, Andar (Pashtun tribe), Chamkani (Pashtun tribe), Dawi, Dilazak

UNITEDUNITEDNATIONS NATIONS - NATIONESVNIESNATIONES UNIES ~ UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL MISSION TO (UN(UNSMA) SMA)

SERGEISERGE! ANDREYEV, D. Phil.Phil. (Oxon) Civil Affairs Officer

A SURVEY OF ETHNICETHNIC COMPOSITION,COMPOSITION, SOME SOCIAL INSTITUTIONSINSTITUTIONS AND RECENT POLITICAL HISTORYHISTORY OFOF AFGHANISTAN.

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ISLAMABAD 2002

© Sergei Andreyev, 2002 NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION OF THE AND LANGUAGES. III LIST OF MAPS AND CHARTS.CHARTS. IV

INTRODUCTION. 1-21 -2 CHAPTER ONE. THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF AFGHANISTAN AND ITS RELIGIOUS, LINGUISTIC, ETHNIC AND TRIBAL 3-933 -93 COMPOSITION. 1. Geography ofof Afghanistan.Afghanistan.

1. 11~ -6 1. Economy and thethe LifeLife CycleCycle inin thethe AfghanAfghan Society.Society. 2. 7-177 -17 1. The Social Structure ofof thethe AfghanAfghan Society.Society. 3. 17-2717 -27 1. Major Languages ofof Afghanistan andand TheirTheir LiteraryLiterary 44. . TraditionsTraditions. . 27-3027 -30 1. Major EthnicEthnic Groups.Groups. 5. 31-8131 -81 1.1.5. 5. . 1. 31-7131 -71 1.5.1. . 1. 32-5732 -57 1.5.1. 2. ,' :'. 5757-60 -60 1.1.5.1. 5.1. 3. 1 L.L +'1 60 1.5.1. Hazara. 4. 60-6360 -63 1.5.1. Char Aymaq 5. 63-6463 -64 1.5.1. . 6. 64-6564 -65 1.5.1. The 7. / 65-7165 -71 1.1.5. 5. . ,,t 2. "' h ~~ 71-7371 -73 1.1.5.2. 5. 2. 1. 71-7271 -72 1.1.5.2. 5. 2. 2. 72 1.1.5.2. 5.2. Kirghiz 3. 72-7372 -73 1.1.5. 5. Other peoples. 3. 73- 1.1.5.3. 5. 3. 1. 73-7773 -77 1.1.5.3. 5. 3. The Dards 2. 78-7978 -79 1.1.5.3. 5. 3. Brahui 3. 79 1.1.5.3. 5. 3. Mongols 4. 79 1.1.5.3. 5. 3. 5. 80 1.1.5.3. 5. 3. 6. 80

IIII 1.5.3. and 7.7 81 1. Peculiarities ofof AfghanAfghan .Islam. Sunnites,Sunnites, Shiites,Shiites, 6. Ismailis andand Sufis.Sufis. 81-9381 -93

CHAPTER TWO. TWO. A ARECENT RECENT POLITICAL POLITICAL HISTORY HISTORY (1973 (1973-2001) -2001) . . 9494-155 -155 2.1 HistoryHistory PriorPrior toto thethe EndEnd ofof Monarchy.Monarchy. 94-10994 -109 2.22. 2 The Republican Period.Period. 109-115109 -115 2.3 The April 1978 Revolution and the End of the Mo-hammadzaiMo- hammadzai Rule. 115-119115 -119 2.4 The Soviet InvasionInvasion andand thethe Jihad.Jihad. 120-134120 -134 2.5 The Moj¢ahedMojcahed3n3 n Rule.Rule. 134-142134 -142 2.6 The , al-Q¢aeal-Qaé3da3 da andand thethe UnitedUnited Front.Front. 142-148142 -148 2.72. 7 The Fall of thethe Taliban.Taliban. 148-149148 -149 2.82. 8 Afghanistan andand thethe UN.UN. 149-152149 -152 2.9 Afghanistan andand thethe OutsideOutside World.World. 152-154152 -154 2.1 The Humanitarian Situation.Situation. 0. 154-155154 -155 APPENDICES. • The .Accords. 156-171156 -171 • Agreement on Provisional Arrangements inin Afghanistan PendingPending thethe Re-Re-establishment establishment of Permanent Government Institutions (the(the Bonn Agreement) .. 171-174171 -174 • Key Players in Afghan (Groups(Groups and Individuals) .. 175175-175 -175

THE CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS. 176176-178 -178 RECOMMENDED READING. 179 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 180180-191 -191

III NOTE;NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION.

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lp KHW ..b -Z lS -:-y

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This system of transliterationtransliteration is aa simplifiedsimplified versionversion ofof the the transliterationtransliteration usedused inin Encyclopaedia Encyclopaedia Iranica and Series.Series. Special Pashto letters and sounds are shaded in the Note on Transliteration. In Dari words the final short a, spelledspelled h, isis given as ah, inin Pashto words the final h is preceded by a vowel connoting an appropriate grammatical form. The Dari izafah is given as -e, or -ye after a vowel. Izafah after ah is given as -ye. For transliteration of words, which were not borrowed by Dari or Pashto, the rules of Arabic transliteration, as as specifiedspecified in in TheThe EncyclopaediaEncyclopaedia of of Islam, Islam, are are applied. applied. Thus, Thus, us¢ Usc ama ama binbin Ladin,L¢adin, notnot OsCamah Os¢amah ben L¢aden.Laden. The Arabic definite article is always given as al-,al -, whetherwhether itit precedes precedes aa "solar""solar" oror "lunar""lunar" consonant. For certain wellwell-known -known places,places, ethnicethnic namesnames and terms popular Anglicised forms ofof spellingspelling havehave been retained. The plural of words in original languages is formed by adding an "s" to the singular, except in cases such asas 6ulam¢ae,ôuIamcaé, in inwhich which the the transliterated transliterated plural plural form form has has becomebecome standard.standard. For unwritten and dead languages International Iranian transcription is used.

IV LIST OF MAPS

page 1. MAP 1.1. AFGHAN PROVINCES IN 19781978 (29 provinces) . Vv 2. MAP 2.2. AFGHAN PROVINCES IN 19921992 (32 provinces) . Vv

LIST OF CHARTS.

page 1. CHART 1.1. SEDENTARY POPULATION OF AFGHANISTAN. 6 KINSHIP-BASEDKINSHIP -BASED TRIBALTRIBAL STRUCTURESTRUCTURE OFOF THETHE PASHTUNPASHTUN 2. CHART 2,2. 18 SOCIETY. 3. CHART 3.3. IRANIAN AND INDOINDO- -ARYAN . 28 39- Pashtun tribal genealogiesgenealogies 39 48 4. CHART 4.4. QAYS ANDAND HISHIS DESCENDANTS.DESCENDANTS. 39

5. CHART 5.5. THE SARBANSARBAN LINELINE (1)( 1) . 39 6. CHART 6.6. THE ...SARKHBUN... SARKHB¢UN LINEAGE (1.1.)( 1. 1. ) . 39 7. CHART 7. THE KHAR,SB¢UNKHAR SBUN LINEAGELINEAGE (1.3.)( 1. 3. ) 40 8. CHART 8.8. THE BATANBATANIBETAN /BETAN LINELINE (2).(2). 41 9. CHART 9.9. THE MATEOMAT£0 LINEAGE.LINEAGE. 42 10. CHART 10. THE GHILZAYGHILZAY COMMONWEALTH.COMMONWEALTH. 43 11. CHART 11. THE ISMCAÔEILISM¢AO£IL LINEAGE (1.2.)(1.2.) 44 12. CHART 12. THE GHURGU...STGHURGU ... ST LINE (3) 44 CHART THE KARRANI /I KARLANIKARLANI COMMONWEALTH.COMMONWEALTH. 13. 45 13.1.13 .1. CHART THE KARRANI /I KARLANIKARLANI COMMONWEALTH.COMMONWEALTH. 14.14, 45 13.2. CHART THE KARRANI /I KARLANIKARLANI COMMONWEALTH.COMMONWEALTH. 15.ZS, 46 13.3. 16. CHART 14. THE SULAYMEANSULAYM£AN LINEAGE.LINEAGE. 47 17. CHART 15. THE DURRANIDURRANI COMMONWEALTH.COMMONWEALTH. 48

GEOGRAPHICAL, DEMOGRAPHIC AND LINGUISTIC DATA ON 49- 18. CHART 16,16. SOME PASHTUN IN AFGHANISTAN. 50 19. CHART 17. DARI-0ARI-SPEAKING SPEAKING ETHNIC GROUPS. 58 KINSHIPKINSHIP-BASED -BASED TRIBALTRIBAL STRUCTURE OF THE HAZARA 220. O. CHART 1H,18. 61 SOCIETY. 21. CHART 19.19. THE CHAR AYMAQAYMAQ TRIBALTRIBAL GROUPS.GROUPS. 64 22. CHART 20. THE GROUP OF THE PAMIRI LANGUAGES.LANGUAGES. 68 ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF THE PAMIRI PEOPLESPEOPLES ACCORDING 223. 3. CHART 221. 1, 69 TO THE SELFSELF-IDENTIFICATION -IDENTIFICATION OFOF VARIOUSVARIOUS ETHNIC GROUPS 24. CHART 22.22. THE GROUP OF THE KAFIRI LANGUAGES.LANGUAGES. 75 25. CHART 23. 26.2 6. CHART 24.2 4. 27. CHART 25. 28. CHART 26.

vV Afghan Provinces inin 19781978 29 provinces

fl\,P/, Provincial Capital

Provincial Boundary

(c) UNSMA Civil AffairsAffuirs May 20002000

Afghan Provinces inin 19921992 32 provincesprovinces

LAGHMAN

KAPISA

New provincesprovinces are marked: - (ex-(ex-Paktya) Paktya) -Sar-i- Sar -i Pul (ex-(ex-Jawzjan) Jawzjan) - Nurisf11nNuristan (ex- Laghman & Kunarh)

(c) UNSMA, Civil Affairs May 2000

Both maps are taken from "Administration inin Afghanistan" preparedprepared byby UNSMAUNSMA CivilCivil AffairsAffairs UnitUnit inin May 2000.

VI INTRODUCTION.

Any surveysurvey ofof AfghanistanAfghanistan shouldshould focusfocus onon socio- socio-anthropological anthropological issues, sincesince inin

Afghan society the rules of politics are defined by social realities, which are often not political in thethe traditionaltraditional meaningmeaning of thethe word.word. TheThe mainmain characteristiccharacteristic ofof Afghan Afghan political life is that politicspolitics isis firstfirst ofof allall governedgoverned not by political organisations but by the institutionsinstitutions ofof a a kinship kinship-based -based tribaltribal societysociety andand region- region-oriented oriented ethnicethnic groups.groups.

Thus tribes and ethnic groups act as one of the manymany political forces only when they interact with other politicalpolitical agents.agents. However,However, the drivingdriving forceforce behindbehind outward tribaltribal and ethnic policy is different from that behind the state or any other form of organised rule or religious coalition. StudyStudy of tribaltribal andand ethnicethnic institutionsinstitutions traditionallytraditionally hashas beenbeen considered as the domaindomain ofof social social anthropology.anthropology. However,However, itit seemsseems impossibleimpossible toto understand AfghanAfghan history and politicspolitics usingusing onlyonly historicalhistorical tools.tools. SinceSince AfghanAfghan politics is very often a continuationcontinuation of anthropology it is necessary to consider basic anthropological realities realities that that shapeshape political, social and economiceconomic behaviourbehaviour of

Afghans as a cornerstonecornerstone of thethe historicalhistorical andand politicalpolitical studystudy ofof Afghan Afghan society.society.

Although thisthis method waswas first used at thethe beginningbeginning of thethe 19th191h century by the pioneer of AfghanAfghan studiesstudies SirSir MountstuartMountstuart Elphinstone, laterlater it was abandonedabandoned inin favour of classicalclassical historicalhistorical methodology'.methodologi. Elphinstone'sElphinstone's approachapproach was partlypartly

1 Such prominent 19th19th and 20th centurycentury historians like W.W. FraserFraser-Tytler, -Tytler, Yu. Gankovskii, V. Gregorian, L. Poullada, I. Reisner, V. Romodin,Romodin, P. SykesSykes considered Afghan history first of all as aa developmentdevelopment ofof statestate structures.structures. Although they all mentioned the importance ofof a tribal factor they mainlymainly failed to analyseanalyse thethe internalinternal mechanismsmechanisms of tribaltribal lifelife andand theirtheir significance for the tribes' politicalpolitical positions.positions. ModernModern scholarsscholars J.J.I.J.J.I. GommansGommans andand A.A. OlesenOlesen who published their informative worksworks in the 1990's1990's alsoalso consideredconsidered tribestribes onlyonly inin theirtheir interaction with nonnon-tribal -tribal politicalpolitical structuresstructures thusthus firmly remaining within the framework ofof the statesstates-oriented -oriented tradition.

1 revived by A. SnesarevSnesarev and furtherfurther developeddeveloped by L. Dupree2Dupree2 andand 0.O. Roy. Thus inin

order to understand Afghanistan one cannot limitlimit himself to the discussion of political

and military campaigns-campaigns-centred centred history history but but also also hashas toto consider thethe realities of the

every-dayevery -day lifelife whichwhich werewere usuallyusually thethe mainmain forceforce behind 'Afghans' politicalpolitical actions.actions.

2 "It isis notnot byby chancechance thatthat thethe greatestgreatest WesternWestern specialistspecialist on politicalpolitical life in Afghanistan for more than thirty years waswas anan anthropologist,anthropologist, , who analysed politics as if itit were an extension ofof anthropology anthropology inin otherother forms.forms. OneOne shouldshould seesee thisthis approachapproach notnot asas aa casecase of a specialist overstepping his bounds, but as a characteristic of political life in this country" (Roy, 1994,1994, pp.222pp.222-223). -223).

2 CHAPTER ONE. THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF AFGHANISTAN AND ITS RELIGIOUS, LINGUISTIC, ETHNIC AND TRIBAL COMPOSITION.

1.1. .

The area ofof AfghanistanAfghanistan isis 650,000650,000 sq.sq. km.km. TheThe countrycountry isis usuallyusually divideddivided intointo 1111 primary zones, which are basically either a part of the HinduHindu KushKush mountain system or the peripheral plains and deserts. These primary zones are as follows:

1. The and the Pamirs knot,knot,

2. ,

3. Central mountains (the(the mainmain axisaxis ofof the the HinduHindu-Kush), -Kush),

4. Eastern mountains (,(Kabul, KuhestanKuhestan-Panjsher, -Panjsher, Ghorband and Nuristan valleyvalley

complexes),

5. Southern mountains and foothills,

6. Northern mountainsmountains andand foothillsfoothills (The(The bandband-e -e , Turkestan, thethe Paropamisus,Paropamisus,

Kuh-eKuh -e ChangarChangar andand Firuzkuh ranges),

7. Turkestan plains,

8. -FarahHerat -Farah lowlands,

9. Helmand valley-valley - SistanSistan basin,basin,

10. Western stonystony desertsdeserts (Dasht(Dasht-e -e Khash andand DashtDasht-e -e Margo deserts)

11. South-westernSouth -western sandy deserts (Registan,(Registan, DashtDasht-e -e Poghdar,Poghdar, DastDast-e -e Arbu).

The bulk ofof AfghanAfghan regionsregions areare aridarid andand semisemi-arid -arid areasareas irrigatedirrigated byby threethree major riverriver/drainage /drainage systems, namely

1. The north and nortwestward flow intointo the CentralCentral AsianAsian depressions,depressions,

2. The west andand southwestwardsouthwestward flow,flow, largelylargely structurallystructurally controlled, into other

basins, particularly the SistanSistan depression,

3 3. The southeastward flowflow intointo thethe IndusIndus systemsystem (Shroder,(Shrader, Jr,Jr, 1985,1985, pp.486pp.486-491). -491).

Lack of water is often a problem.problem. As Louis Dupree puts it: "[the] problem is not insufficient water,water, for enoughenough existsexists toto increaseincrease productivityproductivity ofof current current acreage...acreage ...

Control, not amount, isis the difficulty.difficulty. MostMost ofof the the millionsmillions ofof acre acre- -feetfeet of water which seasonally pour down from the mountainsmountains disappears into the deserts, oror isis piratedpirated away by the manymany uncoordinateduncoordinated irrigation intakes lining the rivers and tributaries"

(Dupree, 1980, p.33). This multitude of irrigationirrigation intakes is integrated into the man made systemsystem ofof shafts shafts connectedconnected byby tunnelstunnels toto interceptintercept the the water water-table -table (the(the kk Oar¢a r 33 z system).

In AfghanistanAfghanistan geography reigns supreme; it oftenoften dictatesdictates politicalpolitical boundaries,boundaries, determines military activities and social movements and limits ethnic expansion.

Many parts ofof AfghanistanAfghanistan fallfall intointo thethe categorycategory ofof what what geographersgeographers andand socialsocial anthropologists callcall a transition zone or shatter zone, or frontiers.frontier3• It appears that all academic authorities agreeagree on the followingfollowing mainmain characteristicscharacteristics of thesethese zones:zones: rugged terrain, which complicates movement within and through the zone; ecological and ethnic diversity; economic, social, political and administrative multistructuralism.

Several important arteries of trade ran through Afghanistan with the Khyber

Pass being the most importantimportant gatewaygateway toto thethe subcontinent.subcontinent.

Because of thethe heterogeneityheterogeneity andand multistructuralism,multistructuralism, whichwhich characterisecharacterise

Afghanistan the coherent consideration of the region's ethnographic,ethnographic, economic,economic, socialsocial and even geographic patterns requires a more detailed analysis on the microregionalmicroregional level. The distinguishingdistinguishing characteristics ofof microregionsmicroregions offeroffer an explanationexplanation ofof

3a The term "frontier" sometimes implies a peripheral area or bufferbuffer zonezone ofof geopolitical geopolitical entities, civilizations or cultures. These frontiers may correspond to natural shatter zones and remain stationary over a considerable period of time. This is the case with Afghanistan, which has beenbeen aa porousporous frontierfrontier (not(not strictstrict boundary)boundary) betweenbetween , and for centuries.

4 particular historical phenomena, whichwhich areare oftenoften exclusivelyexclusively confinedconfined to thesethese microregions. The microregions of the PashtunPashtun landslands areare geographicallygeographically distinctdistinct andand therefore easily identifiable.identifiable. Usually they are confinedconfined toto thethe isolatedisolated riverriver valleys.valleys.

These microregions areare unique in termsterms ofof theirtheir ecology,ecology, ethnicethnic and/orand/or tribaltribal composition and economic activity. With the establishment of the organised rule inin

Afghanistan these microregions often began to coincide with the administrative units ofofthe the country.

Historically Afghanistan saw the gradual increase of the number of provinces

(wel(we1 ca ¢aya ya t) t) with with the the latest latest addition addition of of three three new new provinces provinces in in 1992, 1992, i.e. i.e. Khost,Khost, SarSar-e -e

Pul and Nuristan, whichwhich werewere notnot clearlyclearly recognisedrecognised byby thethe successivesuccessive governments.governments.

According toto thethe 19641964 ConstitutionConstitution thethe systemsystem ofof districts districts ((wol= wo 1-:- sswca13) w¢ a 1 3 ) andand

"parishes" (6a1 (ôalcagadCar3) ¢aqad¢ar 3 )was was established. established. TheThe mojcahed3nmoj ¢ahed 3 n government government of

1992-19961992 -1996 abolished abolished the the parish parish system system with with many many 8a1¢aqad¢ar ôalaga&ar3s3 s beenbeen grantedgranted the district status.status.

There has never been a properproper census inin Afghanistan and the populationpopulation ofof the the country is estimated as between 1212 andand 2020 millionmillion people4.people4.

4 The situation is furtherfurther complicatedcomplicated by thethe constantconstant movementmovement of refugeesrefugees andand internallyinternally displaceddisplaced persons (IDPs).

5 CHART 1.1. SEDENTARY POPULATIONPOPULATION OFOF AFGHANISTANAFGHANISTAN* *. . RURAL URBAN TOTAL RURAL URBAN REGIONS PROVINCES POPULATION POPULATION POPULATION POPULATION POPULATION IN THOUSANDS IN THOUSANDS IN THOUSANDS IN PERCENT IN PERCENT Kabul 555.1 2,068.2 2,623.3 21.16 78.84 Kapisa 327.2 1.6 328.8 99.51 0.49 CENTRAL Parwan 631.0 32.4 663.4 95.12 4.88 REGION 374.7 2.8 377.5 99.26 0.74 Logar 259.6 6.8 266.4 97.45 2.55 REGION TOTAL 2,147.6 2,111.8 4,259.4 50.42 49.58 808.6 41.3 849.9 95.14 4.86 SOUTH- Paktika 319.9 1.9 321.8 99.41 0.59 EASTERN Paktia 365.9 13.0 378.9 96.57 3.43 REGION Khost 271.9 2.5 274.4 99.09 0.91 REGION TOTAL 1,766.3 58.7 1,825.0 96.78 3.22 Nangarhar 904.9 86.1 991.0 91.31 8.69 Konar 290.8 2.8 293.6 99.05 0.95 EASTERN REGION Laghman 335.1 5.4 340.5 98.41 1.1.59 59 Nuristan 102.1 - 102.1 100.00 - REGION TOTAL 1,632.9 94.3 1,727.2 94.54 5.46 Badakhshan 639.8 13.8 653.6 97.89 2.11 Takhar 621.4 62.7 684.1 90.83 9.17 NORTH-NORTH 591.9 102.0 693.9 85.30 14.70 EASTERN 693.9 85.30 14.70 REGION 588.2 154.9 743.1 79.15 20.85 270.8 6.7 277.5 97.59 2.41 REGION TOTAL 2,712.1 340.1 3,052.2 88.86 11.14 629.6 222.8 852.4 73.86 26.14 Jowzjan 357.6 44.2 401.8 89.00 11.00 NORTHERN REGION Saripul 395.1 31.8 426.9 92.55 7.45 Faryab 640.2 73.1 713.3 89.75 10.25 REGION TOTAL 2,022.5 371.9 2,394.4 84.47 15.53 Badghis 267.9 7.3 275.2 97.35 2.65 HerHerat at 820.9 252.4 1,073.3 76.48 23.52 WESTERN REGION Farah 283.2 25.5 308.7 91.74 8.26 Ghor 439.6 4.1 443.7 99.08 0.92 REGION TOTAL 1,811.6 289.3 2,100.9 86.23 13.77 Nimruz 127.5 8.88. 8 136.3 93.54 6.46 Helmand 644.3 36.2 680.5 94.68 5.32 SOUTHERN 510.2 273.7 783.9 65.08 34.92 REGION Zabul 227.6 8.08. 0 235.6 96.60 3.40 Oruzgan 573.8 9.49. 4 583.2 98.39 1.1.61 61 REGION TOTAL 2,083.4 336.1 2,419.5 86.11 13.89 Bamiyan 300.3 10.0 310.3 96.78 3.22

AFGHANISTAN TOTAL 14,476.7 3,612.2 18,088.9 80.03 19.97

*AccordingAccording toto thethe 19961996-1997 -1997 datadata ofof CentralCentral StatisticalStatistical OfficeOffice of the Islamic State of Afghanistan.Afghanistan. Estimated 1.5 million are not included.included. BasedBased on the table compiled byby UNSMAUNSMA CivAOCivAO RobertRobert Kluijver.Kluijver.

6 1.2. ECONOMY ANDAND THETHE LIFELIFE-CYCLE -CYCLE IN THE AFGHAN SOCIETY5.SOCIETY5•

There are twotwo mainmain typestypes ofof the the traditionaltraditional economiceconomic activityactivity inin ruralrural Afghanistan:Afghanistan: agriculture and pastoralism.pastoralism. However, this distinction cannot be clearlyclearly defineddefined sincesince both tribestribes/ethnic /ethnic groups and individuals are often simultaneously engaged inin farmingfarming and herding. Therefore in most cases it isis difficultdifficult toto identifyidentify groupsgroups ofof people,people, oror even individuals,individuals, asas "nomads""nomads" oror "agriculturalists "agriculturalists". ". AmongAmong the PashtunsPashtuns mostmost tribaltribal groups include both nomads and settled, many families are engaged in both types of economic activity, many individuals are nomadic pastoralists one year and settled the next -- dependingdepending onon personalpersonal circumstancescircumstances andand climaticclimatic changes.changes. FamiliesFamilies oftenoften divide into twotwo parts:parts: oneone specialisesspecialises inin pastoralismpastoralism and thethe otherother inin farming.farming.

Pastoralists include groups, whichwhich live in tents all year and migrate as well as thosethose who live inin tentstents onlyonly partpart ofof a a year. year. Among Among thosethose whowho migratemigrate therethere areare groupsgroups which travel longlong distancedistance (up(up toto 500500 km)km) withwith thethe aidaid ofof camels camels andand thosethose whowho movemove short distances only, usingusing donkeysdonkeys toto carrycarry theirtheir tentstents (Tapper,(Tapper, 1974,1974, pp.126 pp.126-128, -128,

133; Ferdinand, 1958,1958, p.71).p.71).

For these reasons estimates of Afghanistan's nomadicnomadic populationpopulation varyvary widely and rarelyrarely specifyspecify whichwhich kindskinds ofof nomadsnomads areare included.included. AccordingAccording toto modernmodern estimates in thethe 1960s1960s AfghanistanAfghanistan nomadsnomads constituted aboutabout 1/4 of thethe entireentire population (10(10-12 -12 million),million), i.e.i.e. roughly 2.4/2.7 million people (FAO,(FAO, 1965,1965, p.23;p.23;

Kennedy, 1967,1967, p.22).p.22). SpecificSpecific estimatesestimates ofof "full- "full-nomads", nomads ", i.e.i.e. peoplepeople whowho live in tents with no agriculturalagricultural occupationoccupation vary fromfrom 200,000 to 2,741,488 (Majruh, 1969,1969, p.156; Poullada, 1962,1962, p.35). According to Tapper, the former figure is more realistic for "full-"full-nomads" nomads" whilewhile the numbernumber ofof "semi-"semi-nomads" nomads" exceeds the latterlatter figurefigure

5 Given the lacklack ofof reliablereliable informationinformation on urbanurban andand industrialisedindustrialised economy as wellwell asas international legallegal andand illegal tradetrade inin Afghanistan thisthis sectionsection isis limitedlimited toto thethe analysis ofof traditional economic activities focusingfocusing predominantlypredominantly on on thethe Pashtuns who areare betterbetter researched than other ethnic groups.

7 (Tapper, 1974, p.128)p.128)6.6. AccordingAccording toto Humlum,Humlum, nomadsnomads constituteconstitute lessless thanthan a half of pastoralists and and oneone sixth of thethe total agricultural population ofof Afghanistan.Afghanistan.

However, they own the bulk of the country's livestocklivestock andand predominatepredominate inin thethe supplysupply of the ovine products (Humlum, 1959,1959, p.264).p.264). ZaripovZaripov suppliessupplies differentdifferent figures.figures. ThusThus he thinks that at thethe turnturn ofof the the centurycentury 2/32/3 ofof the the people people ofof Afghanistan Afghanistan werewere

"nomads"."nomads ". TheThe absolute number of migratingmigrating pastoralistspastoralists inin AfghanistanAfghanistan hardlyhardly changed during thesethese sixty years.years. AtAt the same time the populationpopulation of thethe countrycountry increased almost twofold. Zaripov thinksthinks thatthat this constant number and at thethe samesame time decreasingdecreasing percentage ofof the nomadsnomads can bebe explainedexplained byby theirtheir increasingincreasing sedentarization inin the 20th century (Zaripov, 1989, p.lp.108). 08). However,However, thethe numbernumber ofof these settledsettled nomadsnomads isis statisticallystatistically insignificant.insignificant. It appears that this constant number of pastoralistspastoralists indicates that Afghanistan'sAfghanistan's ecological systemsystem cancan sustain only a certain number of themthem (three(three millionmillion accordingaccording toto Zaripov).Zaripov). Thus,Thus, theirtheir numbernumber isis regulated by natural forces'.forces 7. However,However, therethere isis also an opposite concept maintained by

Bernt Glatzer who suggests that the number of nomads (as well asas seasonalseasonal labour)labour) fluctuates in accordance with the changing irrigation conditions. Thus,Thus, thethe problemproblem ofof nomadism in Afghanistan, like it is the casecase withwith manymany otherother societies,societies, posesposes more questions rather than offersoffers answers.answers.

6 Among the PashtunsPashtuns this proportionproportion should bebe muchmuch higher.higher. VariousVarious authorsauthors provideprovide different datadata on thethe percentagepercentage of thethe nomadnomad PashtunsPashtuns inin AfghanistanAfghanistan (with no clearclear definition of who areare consideredconsidered asas "nomads"nomads"). "). Thus A.A. PoliakPoliak maintainsmaintains that inin thethe earlyearly 1960s 27% of PashtunsPashtuns werewere nomadsnomads andand 2525-30% -30% werewere semisemi-nomads -nomads (Poliak, 1964, pp.33,pp.33, 203, 205) whilewhile Sh.Sh. ZaripovZaripov estimates that in the earlyearly 1980s1980s 59%59% ofof thethe PashtunsPashtuns werewere nomads; he doesdoes notnot includeinclude semisemi-nomads -nomads into his statisticsstatistics (Zaripov, 1989,1989, p.111).p.lll ). EvenEven given the consequencesconsequences of thethe warwar whichwhich forcedforced mainlymainly settledsettled agriculturalagricultural Pashtuns to emigrate to this twofold increase of the percentage of the nomads over twenty years appears unlikely. Therefore, one ofof the the aboveabove-mentioned -mentioned anthropologists is wrong inin hishis estimates. Alternatively they might have usedused differentdifferent criteriacriteria inin definingdefining "nomads"nomads". ". 7' Cf.Cf. "Pastoral"Pastoral nomadismnomadism isis doomeddoomed toto stagnationstagnation becausebecause itsits economyeconomy isis extensiveextensive andand allows no permanent solution to the problemproblem of balancebalance atat thethe expenseexpense ofof intensification intensification ofof productionproduction...... thethe number of livestocklivestock perper headhead amongstamongst thethe HsiungHsiung-nu, -nu, who inin ancient timestimes occupied the territory which now constitutes Mongolia, corresponds almost exactly with the number which was foundfound amongstamongst thethe MongolsMongols inin AutonomousAutonomous MongoliaMongolia inin 1918.1918 ...... although thethe population ofof Mongolia inin the sixties was double what it was inin 1918,1918, thethe number of pastoralists pastoralists inin thethe steppesteppe remainedremained practicallypractically unchangedunchanged (Khazanov,(Khazanov, 1984,1984, p.71).p. 71 ).

8 Like inm manymany otherother similarsimilar societies societies PashtunPashtun migrantmigrant pastoralistspastoralists holdhold pasturelands min common tribal possessionpossession while sheep belong to thethe individualindividual families.

From time immemorial and specialisedspecialised inin carryingcarrying goods from India to CentralCentral AsiaAsia andand PersiaPersia viavia AfghanistanAfghanistan duringduring their seasonalseasonal migrations. In the coursecourse ofof timetime somesome clansclans abandonedabandoned nomadnomad pastoralismpastoralism for thethe sake of caravan trade and carried goods as far as Bukhara and Persia and then back to

India (Reisner, 1954, pp.69pp.69-70r -70)8. They They are are known known as as tej tej Oar¢ar (merchant) (merchant) clans9.clans9. A number of factorsfactors contributed to the developmentdevelopment of the Pashtuns' tradingtrading activities:activities: lack of pastoralpastoral resourcesresources and dependency on artisan products as well as migrationmigration routes goinggoing throughthrough thethe 'areas·areas withwith developeddeveloped agriculturalagricultural communitiescommunities (Ferdinand,(Ferdinand,

1962, p.124; Ferdinand, 1969, p.l38).p.138). TheseThese tradingtrading nomads,nomads, asas well as thethe nonnon- - trading ones, are anan integralintegral partpart ofof a auniversal universal complexcomplex systemsystem ofof economic economic interdependence of settledsettled agriculturalagricultural andand nomadnomad pastoralistpastoralist communities.communities. JosJos A.L.A.L.

Gommans describes thisthis coexistence ofof Afghan nomads andand peasants asas a "dual"dual economy" based onon bothboth pastoral-pastoral-nomadic nomadic and sedentary-sedentary-agrarian agrarian production:production: ""...... by combining stockbreeding, raiding,raiding, tradingtrading andand agrarianagrarian expansion,expansion, thethe AfghanAfghan riy¢asariyOasa t wastwas able able to tobridge bridge the the divide divide between between the the two two [economies, [economies, bothboth agrarianagrarian and nomadic]" (Gommans, 1995,1995, p.7).

Nomads were not the onlyonly peoplepeople whowho supplementedsupplemented their incomeincome byby caravancaravan trade. SomeSome settledsettled peoplepeople also travelledtravelled along the greatgreat trading routes from India to

Central Asia and Persia with variousvarious goods.goods.

8s Like all other nomads Pashtuns are engaged inin bothboth directdirect exchangeexchange andand trade withwith peasantpeasant and urban communities and mediation in the trade between various sedentary societies. 9 InIn thethe British Indian literature these trading clans are described as "powindah" (pawandah).(pawandah). However, this word means "a grazer,grazer, aa wanderer"wanderer" notnot "a"a trader trader". ". AmongAmong the PashtunsPashtuns itit isis used as a synonymsynonym of otherother appellationsappellations of the nomads.nomads. The trading nomads call themselves tij::::Jrtij r (Ferdinand, (Ferdinand, 1962,1962, p.158).p.158).

9 It is a wellwell-established -established tradition to describe the PashtunsPashtuns asas savage highwaymen who prey on passing caravans. Although many tribes really consider the goods of travellingtravelling merchantsmerchants asas theirtheir legitimate legitimate booty10booty10 their contributioncontribution toto thethe interregional and even internationalinternational tradetrade isis oftenoften overlooked.overlooked.

Among both nomadic and agricultural PashtunPashtun tribes tribes the the usageusage ofof land isIS regulated by thethe rules ofof periodical redistributionredistribution of of plots plots ( (wcew¢ e, s). s ). ByBy thethe endend ofof the the

19th century century when when the the most most of of the the British British Indian Indian accounts accounts of of w¢ wce e, s werewere writtenwritten thisthis custom was alreadyalready consideredconsidered an anachronismanachronism and waswas practisedpractised onlyonly byby somesome tribes. Nevertheless, the the practicepractice of of w¢e,swce s vividly vividly illustratesillustrates thethe patternpattern ofof tribal tribal economy and social lifelife forfor itsits implicationsimplications areare farfar-reaching -reaching even nowadays as far asas the status ofofvarious various clans and individualindividual families isis concerned.

There are many variationsvariations inin locallocal implementationsimplementations of of w¢e,s. wce s. SinceSince analysisanalysis of all these local peculiarities is beyondbeyond the scope of the present work I shall provide a generalised accountaccount of of thisthis custom,custom, which which will will describe describe the the main main traits traits of of w¢e,s. wce s.

Thus all full and equalequal members of a PashtunPashtun have the right to hold parcels ofof tribal land on aa rotatingrotating basis.basis. The landland of thethe tribetribe is divideddivided intointo regionsregions corresponding toto thethe number of clans. Every isis allottedallotted oneone ofof these these regions.regions.

Then the landland of the clan isis subdividedsubdivided intointo smaller plots corresponding to the number of the branches inin thisthis clan.clan. ThusThus thethe divisiondivision ofof tribal tribal landland correspondscorresponds toto thethe patternspatterns of segmentationsegmentation withinwithin tribaltribal lineages.lineages. But But plotsplots of of landland areare notnot equalequal in terms of fertility. Therefore, inin order toto secure equal access to tribaltribal assetsassets landland shouldshould bebe periodically reallotted. ThusThus branches ofof every clan alternate in their occupation of their clan's landland andand clansclans alternatealternate inin theirtheir occupationoccupation ofof tribal tribal land.land. InIn thisthis systemsystem individuals dodo not hold land as privateprivate property; theythey hold shares in the total landland

10i0 UsuallyUsually onlyonly non-Pashtunnon -Pashtun traders traders are are robbed. robbed. Since Since attacks attacks on on a atravelling travelling group group of of the the tej Oar ¢ar Pashtuns Pashtuns can can trigger trigger inter inter-tribal -tribal confrontationconfrontation theythey areare generallygenerally avoided.avoided.

10 assets of their branch, the branch owns a share of the land of the clan,clan, andand thethe clanclan owns a share in the land of the tribe. All these shares are periodically reallotted. These reallotments involveinvolve aa periodicalperiodical wholesalewholesale migrationmigration ofof landowning landowning "shareholders"shareholders". ".

To copecope withwith thethe complicationscomplications causedcaused byby thisthis migrationmigration PashtunsPashtuns deviseddevised anan elaborate systemsystem ofof property property rightsrights toto houseshouses andand fruitfruit-trees. -trees. Within the tribal branchbranch every family is givengiven a parcelparcel ofof land.land. LandLand maymay bebe apportionedapportioned either to all familyfamily members regardless ofof their sexsex (kh¢ulah-w¢e,s)(khOulah- woe s) or toto menmen onlyonly (band­(band - wcew¢e,s). s). This practise varies in differentdifferent tribes.tribes. SometimesSometimes these family plots are reallocated on an annual basis.basis. The landland ofof MuslimMuslim scholarsscholars livingliving with a particularparticular tribe is excluded fromfrom thethe w¢wOe e, s. s. KhKhOans ¢a ns in hierarchically organised tribes also try to excludeexclude theirtheir plotsplots fromfrom periodical periodical reallotment reallotment ( (Bannu Gazetteer, Gazetteer, 18831883-1884, -1884, pp.213-229;pp.213 -229; Barth,Barth, 1965,1965, pp.9pp.9-1 -10, 0, 6565-67; -67; Gordon, 1950,1950, pp.50pp.50-52; -52; Gordon, 1953,1953, pp.46, 4848-49; -49; Raverty,Raverty, 1888, p.207; Reisner,Reisner, 1954,1954, pp.104pp.1 04-132). -132).

Work on landland isis consideredconsidered necessarynecessary onlyonly forfor meetingmeeting immediateimmediate needsneeds andand is avoidedavoided whenwhen possible.possible. NoNo reservesreserves beyondbeyond thosethose securingsecuring physicalphysical survivalsurvival areare made (Rzehak andand Griunberg,Griunberg, 1992,1992, pp.195pp.195-196). -196).

Alongside the w¢e,s,wCe s, patronpatron-client -client relationshiprelationship isis oneone ofof thethe most important features ofof PashtunPashtun socio-socio-economic economic life.life. Hams0ayahHams ¢ayah (one whowho shares shares shade),shade),

11 faqfaq33 rr (pauper)(pauper) oror kam 3n (defective, humble,humble, junior) junior) isis thethe clientclient ofof the the patronpatron

(n¢ayek(ncayek -- literally "master","master ", "owner")."owner "). By By the the forceforce ofof socialsocial conventionconvention andand because of considerations of personal and economic security Hindus, menials, artisans and people of littlelittle influence,influence, bothboth PashtunPashtun andand nonnon-Pashtun, -Pashtun, areare compelled to place themselves under thethe protectionprotection of aa powerfulpowerful patron.patron.

A hamscayahhams¢ayah in returnreturn for protection is bound to supportsupport his patronpatron and toto assist him, even inin thethe prosecutionprosecution ofof hishis familyfamily .feuds. HindusHindus nevernever participateparticipate inin

11" InIn PunjabPunjab communalcommunal servantsservants andand artisansartisans ofof the "untouchable" castecaste are called kam 3n 3 n. .

1111 actual fightingfighting but supplysupply theirtheir patronspatrons withwith moneymoney andand ammunition.ammunition. AmongAmong thethe

Orakzay Pashtuns the relationship of patron and client is established by giving a gift

(10o0(1 ¢o ¢ "xay)xay) of aa sheepsheep toto thethe prospective prospective patron,patron, HindusHindus also donate a cashcash present12.present12 . Not Not onlyonly individualsindividuals butbut alsoalso whole clans of both Pashtun and non-Pashtunnon -Pashtun origin can becomebecome clientsclients (White(White King,King, 1984,1984, pp.21,pp.21, 102102-1 -103). 03). In thatthat casecase thesethese collective hamsCayahshams ¢ayahs own their allegiance not to individualsindividuals but clansclans oror wholewhole tribes. UsuallyUsually tribaltribal kh¢anskhcans are responsibleresponsible forfor administeringadministering thesethese collectivecollective clients.

Among the MohmandsMohmands thethe duties ofof anan individualindividual hamsCayahhams¢ayah are asas follows: he acts as aa helperhelper (khedma tgar),tgar), serves the guests of his patron,patron, helpshelps inin the harvest and building work, fights for his patron. Therefore he is visible as a sign ofof his patron's powerpower andand prestige.prestige. HeHe isis requiredrequired to keepkeep thethe landland tended,tended, toto paypay aa landland tax in cash or kindkind to thethe kh C ¢an a n of the districtdistrict at thethe collectioncollection of eacheach harvestharvest asas well as aa taxtax onon thethe occasionoccasion ofof a a marriage marriage withinwithin hishis family13 family 13 (Ahmed, 1980;1980; p.174;

Bellew, 1864, pp.181-182;pp.181 -182; Gazetteer, 1897-8,1897 -8, p.153). Legally hamsCayahshams¢ayahs have an inferiorinferior status. Their patronspatrons are heldheld responsibleresponsible for their wrongdoings. AllAll offences against clients are considered as an infringementinfringement ofof theirtheir patrons' . TheThe "price"price ofof blood"blood ofof aa hams¢hamsCayah ayah constitutes only one quarter of the "price"price ofof blood"blood" ofof a a freefree Pashtun.Pashtun. AllAll clientsclients areare consideredconsidered equal to eacheach other. UsuallyUsually debtdebt-free -free hams¢ayahshamsCayahs have the right to leaveleave their patronpatron (Reisner,(Reisner,

1954, pp.198pp.198-200). -200).

12 It It is is difficult difficult to to agreeagree withwith L.L. WhiteWhite King'sKing's suggestion that this custom is called 1Co1 ¢o"xay xay (dish, jar) because "..." ... it isis saidsaid thatthat originallyoriginally when a Hindu wishedwished to becomebecome anyany one'sone's hamsaya hehe sentsent him aa jar of ghi asas aa declarationdeclaration of suchsuch intentionintention" (White(White King,King, 1984,1984, p.103p.103). ). It is more likely that this term denotes the symbolic exchangeexchange ofof foodfood asas aa tokentoken of dependency.

13 This This obligationobligation relatesrelates only to thethe hamsCayahhams¢ayah of a nonnon-Pashtun -Pashtun origin. Pashtun clientsclients had responsibilities onlyonly towards their directdirect patronspatrons (Reisner,(Reisner, 1954,1954, p.200).p.200).

12 Historically thethe classclass ofof hamshamsGayahs ¢ayahs waswas composed composed ofof different different groups of people. The minorityminority of thethe clientsclients descenddescend fromfrom thethe dependentdependent clansclans andand communalcommunal servants who accompaniedaccompanied nomadnomad PashtunPashtun tribestribes duringduring theirtheir migrations14. migrations14 . TheThe majority of thethe hamsGayahshams ¢ayahs are are indigenous indigenous agricultural agricultural peoplepeople conqueredconquered andand subdued byby the Pashtuns. They are allowed to useuse theirtheir formerformer land,land, whichwhich hadhad become the propertyproperty of aa victoriousvictorious PashtunPashtun tribe.tribe. AmongAmong somesome PashtunPashtun tribes aa considerable numbernumber ofof their their clientsclients areare migrantsmigrants fromfrom IndiaIndia whowho camecame toto thethe PashtunPashtun lands and applied for the patronage of the Pashtuns. People ofofPashtun Pashtun origin who lost their land alsoalso becomebecome hams¢ayahshamsayahs (Bellew, (Bellew, 1864, 1864, p.200; p.200; Reisner, Reisner, 1954, 1954, pp.57 pp.57-58, -58,

196; Ridgway, 1910,1910, p.180;p.l80; Tupper,Tupper, 1881,1881, vol_II,vol.II, p.16). These people also loselose theirtheir right to be called Pashtuns. This lossloss entails deprivation of all civil rights (Rose, 1914,1914, vol.111,vol.III, p.206).p.206).

Different types of individualindividual and collective clients are described by the term

"hams¢ayah"."hamsGayah ". TheyThey areare asas follows:follows: tribaltribal groupsgroups ofof nomadic nomadic merchants;merchants; tribestribes acting as junior military allies;allies; freefree PashtunsPashtuns whowho leftleft theirtheir ownown tribestribes andand foundfound thethe protection ofof aa foreignforeign tribe;tribe; PashtunsPashtuns enjoyingenjoying protectionprotection ofof powerfulpowerful fellowfellow tribesmen; dependent people,people, usuallyusually nonnon-Pashtuns, -Pashtuns, holdingholding tribaltribal land15.land15 • The latterlatter category of of clients clients is is often often called called raoya raôyat-e t-e hamsGayahhams¢ayah (subject (subject clients) clients) ifif theythey

14 Unlike Unlike their their patrons patrons hams¢ayahs hams ayahs of of the the nomad nomad tribes tribes are are semi semi-nomads -nomads responsibleresponsible for the cultivation of smallsmall parcelsparcels ofof! land and underunder cropscrops (MacGregor,(MacGregor, 1871, 1871, pp.239 pp.239-240). -240). 15 - -HayGaHay¢ at-e t -e AfghGanAfgh¢an provides provides the the following following descriptiondescription of the hams¢ayahhamsGayah among among thethe tribe: "In everyevery WazirWazir villagevillage areare found,found, besidesbesides thethe subject-subject-dependents dependents or denizensdenizens (raoiyat-hamsaya)(raôiyat -hamsaya) a numbera number of of others others of ofWazir Wazir blood blood who, who, after after committing committing anan offenceoffence oror suffering an injusticeinjustice among their own people,people, havehave fledfled toto refugerefuge toto anotheranother villagevillage oror clan.clan. A fugitive, on comingcoming toto claimclaim sheltershelter andand protection,protection, slaughtersslaughters aa sheep,sheep, invitesinvites thethe maliksmaliks and headmen to the feast,feast, andand relatingrelating toto themthem thethe circumstancescircumstances that force him to seekseek refuge, declares himself their dependent or client (hamsaya). ThoseThose whowho have partaken ofof hishis feast, collectively and individually consider him asas theirtheir clientclient andand makemake hishis causecause theirtheir own.own. Another kind of client is the man who, unable to obtain payment ofof aa debt due to him, or satisfaction of a right claimed in accordance with Wazir usage, constitutes himself, inin thethe wayway just described, the client of somesome powerfulpowerful person or clan,clan, byby whosewhose meansmeans he obtainsobtains his desire upon his adversary" ( Hayat , 1981,1981, p.243).

13 pay rent forfor the landland theythey cultivate,cultivate, or ml ¢aCa ta-rto -r (helpers) (helpers) ifif they they provideprovide militarymilitary service in exchange forfor the rightright to useuse thethe land.land.

There areare two two types types of of the the raoyat-e raôyat -e hamsfiayah: hams¢ayah: tribal tribal and and individual. individual.

Tribal hams¢ayahshams0ayahs receive receive land land from from the the patron patron tribe tribe oror clan.clan. ThisThis tribetribe actsacts asas aa collective patron of client individuals or groups; and every tribesman receives a share of rentrent inin accordanceaccordance withwith thethe sizesize ofof hishis ownown plotplot of of land.land. Tribal Tribal hams¢ayahs hams0ayahs usually do not blend with the PashtunsPashtuns and livelive inin separateseparate villagesvillages or hamlets.hamlets. An individual hams 0ayah¢ayah lives lives on on the the land land of of his his patron.patron. NotNot onlyonly thethe landland he cultivates but also the client'sclient's househouse isis consideredconsidered as thethe patron'spatron's property.property. In the majoritymajority of

Pashtun tribes both tribaltribal andand individualindividual hams¢ayahshams Oayahs havehave thethe rightright toto changechange theirtheir patrons (Reisner,(Reisner, 1954,1954, pp.202pp.202-203). -203).

Various tribestribes have different numbersnumbers of of hams¢ayahs.hams0ayahs. UsuallyUsually tribestribes occupying fertilefertile valleysvalleys suitablesuitable for for agricultureagriculture have have more more hams¢ayahs hams0ayahs whilewhile

Pashtuns living high in the mountains,mountains, e.g.e.g. thethe Wazirs,Wazirs, , mountain ,Mohmands, have very fewfew clients.clients. ThusThus thesethese PashtunsPashtuns cultivatecultivate theirtheir fieldsfields themselves.themselves. AmongAmong the valleyvalley tribestribes thethe hams0ayahshams ¢ayahs often often outnumber outnumber the the tribesmen. tribesmen. ThereforeTherefore cultivation of landland isis primarilyprimarily theirtheir responsibility,responsibility, althoughalthough the PashtunsPashtuns dodo notnot hesitate to participateparticipate inin agriculturalagricultural workwork when their labourlabour isis neededneeded (Elphinstone,(Elphinstone,

1839, vol_II,vol.II, pp.27-29,pp.27 -29, 109;109; Reisner,Reisner, 1954, pp.196pp.l96-197; -197; Ridgway, 1910,1910, p.72).p.72).

The type of irrigationirrigation alsoalso affectsaffects the the position position of of hams¢ayahs. hams0ayahs. InIn thethe territories with artificial irrigationirrigation and sufficientsufficient water and landland resourcesresources (e.g.(e.g.

Daman) thethe hams0ayahhams ¢ayah peasants peasants who who irrigated irrigated oror clearedcleared unusedunused landland fromfrom thethe jungle maymay holdhold thesethese plotsplots inin theirtheir hereditaryhereditary possessionpossession forfor aa nominalnominal paymentpayment toto their patronspatrons (Tupper,(Tupper, 1881,1881, vol.I1,vol.II, pp.18,pp.l8, 22;22; vol.III,vol.III, pp.108pp.l 08-1 -109). 09). InIn thethe territoriesterritories with artificialartificial irrigation and limitedlimited waterwater resourcesresources (e.g. Bannu)Bannu) clientsclients are

14 responsible for collective works concerning construction ofof thethe dams andand maintaining the canalscanals whichwhich belongbelong toto the the patron patron tribe16 tribe 16 (Bannu(Bannu Gazetteer,Gazetteer, 18831883-4, -4, p.119;p.l19;

Tupper, 1881,1881, vol.I1I,vol.III, p.175).p.175). InIn thesethese territoriesterritories therethere are three types of relationships between thethe Pashtun ownersowners of of waterwater and and the the hams¢ayah hamsGayah usersusers ofofwater: water: the client does irrigation work in exchange for the amount of water he receives asas wellwell asas half ofof the patron's shareshare ofof the the communalcommunal irrigationirrigation work;work; apartapart from from thethe above above-mentioned -mentioned work the client pays the patronpatron rent inin cashcash oror kind;kind; thethe thirdthird typetype resemblesresembles thethe association established between the patron and his military client, i.e.i.e. thethe clientclient doesdoes not work for his patron and does not pay him any rent but serves him as a soldier in time of need (Bannu(Bannu Gazetteer,Gazetteer, 18831883-4, -4, pp.105,pp.1 05, 109).109).

Unlike the the peasant peasant raoyat-e raôyat-e hamsGayah, hams¢ayah, military military clients clients (ml(ml¢ata-r) Ga to -r) do not pay for the use of tribal landland butbut inin returnreturn provideprovide military serviceservice to the patronpatron tribe. LikeLike the the raoyats raôyats thethe mlGataml¢ata-r -r hamsGayahs hams¢ayahs live live in inseparate separate villages villages

(bGandah)17.(b¢anYdah)17 • However,However, unlikeunlike the the villages villages ofthe of the raoyat-e raôyat-e hamsGayah,hams¢ayah, theirtheir settlements areare usually situated onon thethe boundaries ofof thethe tribal lands and serve as shields against enemy attacks.attacks. SometimesSometimes poor PashtunsPashtuns also livelive inin thesethese frontierfrontier bCandahsb¢anYdahs (Peshawar (Peshawar Gazetteer, Gazetteer, 1897 1897-8, -8, p.153). p.l53).

Every tribe employs a number of artisans and menials who are not members of this tribe.tribe. The majoritymajority of themthem areare paidpaid inin kindkind atat harvestharvest time.time. However,However, aa fewfew categories of these communalcommunal servants receive parcels of tribal land, which they can inherit. This practicepractice as wellwell as the allotted land is called kannah oror cakeranah;,cakeranah; it is itan is exact an exact imitation imitation of anof anIndian Indian custom custom which which was was brought brought toto thethe

Pashtun landslands byby IndianIndian membersmembers of of artisan artisan castes. castes. Allotment Allotment of ofkannah kannah or

16 Small wells and canals may belong to individualindividual owners.owners.

17 Initially Initially the the term term "b¢anYdah" "b Gandah" meant meant "shepherd's"shepherd's shed shed on on summer summer pastures pastures". ". Only later it was applied toto thethe settlementssettlements ofof the the hamshams¢ayah G a ya h (Romodin,(Romodin, 1951[2],1951 [2], p.109).p.1 09).

15 ,cakeranah cakeranah lands is practisedis practised only among only Pashtun among tribes Pashtunthat employ tribes Indian that employ Indian artisans, in other tribes itit isis unknownunknown (Muhammad(Muhammad HayatHayat Khan,Khan, 1981,1981, p.68;p.68; Reisner,Reisner,

1954, pp.205pp.205-209). -209).

Besides agricultural and military hamshamscayahs ¢ayahs as well as communal servantsservants the Pashtuns traditionally had slaves; what is the modernmodern situation isis not quitequite clear.clear.

As it isis alsoalso thethe casecase withwith thethe hams¢ayahshamsOayahs there areare twotwo typestypes ofof slaves: slaves: slaveslave- - workers and slave-slave-warriors. warriors. Slave-warriorsSlave- warriors serve serve asas personalpersonal troopers of khkhc ¢an ans; s; like thethe mlm1 ¢aca ta-rto -r hamshams ¢ayahsCa yaks they sometimessometimes receive land forfor theirtheir serviceservice

(Bellew, 1864,1864, p.184; Reisner, 1954,1954, p.190).p.l90). From the economic point ofof viewview slaveslave-- workers closely resemble raoyara ôya t t-e -e hamshams ¢ayahsOayahs but unlike the latter they do not enjoy personalpersonal freedomfreedom (Romodin,(Romodin, 1951[1], p.246).p.246). ImpoverishedImpoverished raoyat-era ôya t -e hams ¢ayahsayahs who use their patrons' tools,tools, cattlecattle andand seedsseeds forfor the cultivation ofofland land lose their personalpersonal freedomfreedom andand turnturn intointo slave-slave-debtors debtors knownknown asas , c ¢aca rekrek ¢aOa r3,r 3 , i.e. those whowho workwork forfor oneone quarterquarter ofof the the harvest harvest (Romodin, (Romodin, 1951[1], 1951[1], pp.312 pp.312-314). -314).

Only nonnon-Pashtun -Pashtun hamscayahshams¢ayahs can becomebecome ch¢arek¢archOarekOar3s3 s(Muhammad (Muhammad HayatHayat

Khan, 1981,1981, p.68).

The country of thethe Pashtuns,Pashtuns, andand especiallyespecially itsits southernsouthern part,part, is a lowlow production zone,zone, which can hardlyhardly sustainsustain itsits inhabitants;inhabitants; therefore,therefore, beforebefore thethe adoption of some elements of modern agriculture many of them had no choice but to rely on brigandrybrigandry as anan importantimportant sourcesource ofof their their income.income. Alternatively,Alternatively, theythey oftenoften invaded more hospitablehospitable India and settledsettled there,there, eithereither establishingestablishing theirtheir ownown dynasties or joining the serviceservice ofof powerful powerful empires'$.empires 18 .

18 This This migration migration went went both both ways.ways. NotNot onlyonly Pashtuns migrated toto India but Indian peasantspeasants and artisans exhausted by economic hardships also moved toto the country of the PashtunsPashtuns where they became the clients of local tribes.

16 In thethe prepre-industrial -industrial PashtunPashtun societysociety militarymilitary activityactivity isis a part ofof thethe annualannual life-cycle.life -cycle. InIn longlong idleidle winterwinter monthsmonths whenwhen therethere isis nono agriculturalagricultural oror pastoral activity members of isolatedisolated PashtunPashtun communitiescommunities lapselapse intointo small small-scale -scale interinter-family -family and inter-claninter -clan violence. Traditionally, feuds involve zan (women),(women), zar (gold,(gold, symbolising portable property) and zamzam 33 nn (land, symbolizingsymbolizing immovable property including water rights). Louis Dupree suggests that this isis the only acceptable wayway forfor

Pashtun society to expressexpress thethe angstangst ofof in in-group -group aggressionaggression andand sexualsexual competitioncompetition caused by kinship restrictions on marriage as well as the adult male to female ratio of

116 to 10019.100 19 • Thus potentialpotential inin-group -group violenceviolence over property rights andand femalefemale preference isis channelledchannelled towardstowards outout-group -group elements,elements, usuallyusually neighbouringneighbouring PashtunPashtun tribes oror clans.clans. NonNon-Pashtuns -Pashtuns areare nevernever attackedattacked duringduring thesethese small small-scale -scale "wars"wars". ".

Pashtuns never fight to ultimatelyultimately defeat their enemy.enemy. The socialsocial conventionconvention has itit that both sidessides mustmust "win""win" whichwhich accountsaccounts forfor thethe insistenceinsistence onon anan approximateapproximate equality of blood spilledspilled andand propertyproperty looted.looted. RealReal victoriesvictories andand defeatsdefeats occuroccur onlyonly when larger tribaltribal unitsunits oror non non-Pashtun -Pashtun groupsgroups areare involved.involved. LowLow-scale -scale conflicts andand blood feuds resulting from them stop only forfor aa majormajor crisiscrisis causedcaused byby foreignforeign invasions (Dupree,(Dupree, 1984,1984, pp.266pp.266-286). -286).

1.3. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURESTRUCTURE OF OF THE THE AFGHAN AFGHAN SOCIETY20. SOCIETY20.

The basic unit at the bottom of the tribal structure is thethe householdhousehold (k¢or).(k Cor). AA number of households unitedunited byby commoncommon descent descent constitute constitute a aclan clan (kh¢el). (khcel). EveryEvery villagevillage consists ofof oneone or more clans.clans. TheseThese localisedlocalised kh¢els khcels groupgroup intointo moremore inclusiveinclusive

19 This This proportion proportion is is due due to to the the preferencepreference forfor boysboys inin PashtunPashtun society, which leads to female infanticide, mainly throughthrough neglect. Besides, women are even less available thanthan the figures may indicate since widows rarelyrarely remarry.remarry. These customs may be considered as a primitive birth control, which is necessary in a low production pre pre-industrial - industrial society. 20 Since Since the the Pashtuns Pashtuns are are the the only only Afghan Afghan ethnicethnic group,group, whichwhich attractedattracted considerableconsiderable attentionattention of social anthropologists this section inevitably focuses on this most numerous .

17 clans, identifiedidentified by aa commoncommon ancestor.ancestor. TheseThese largerlarger clansclans areare notnot terminologicallyterminologically distinguished from from the the locallocal kh¢els.khcels. All All patrilineal patrilineal descendants descendants ofof a a particular particular forefather make make up up a atribe tribe (qabelah (qabelah oror tcaefah).t¢aefah). However, However, this this trinomial trinomial distinction cannot be always applied to the realitiesrealities ofof tribaltribal organisation.organisation. ItIt shouldshould bebe considered only as a general matrix, which shapes various local deviations.deviations. TribesmenTribesmen themselves oftenoften useuse thethe termterm qaqa wm wm (literally "tribe"tribe") ") forfor thethe description of all levelslevels of inclusion above the

18 CHART 2. KINSHIP-BASEDKINSHIP -BASED TRIBALTRIBAL STRUCTURESTRUCTURE OFOF THETHE PASHTUNPASHTUN SOCIETY.

I THE PASHTUNPASHTUN PEOPLEPEOPLE l ~ TRIBAL COMMONWEALTH (not always present)present) No formalformal head ~ TRIBE (QABELAH or -T£AEFAH)-T£AEFAH) (headed by the often ~ LINEAGELINEAGE-BASED -BASED CLAN (KH£EL) (headed by thethe nonnon-hereditary -hereditary ~ LOCALISED CLANCLAN (KH£EL) (headed by thethe nonnon-hereditary -hereditary ~ HOUSEHOLD (K£OR)(K£0R) Headed by thethe elderelder

household. Katkov suggestssuggests thatthat qaqawm wm shouldshould bebe translatedtranslated asas "the tribal people"people"

(plemennoi narod). HeHe describesdescribes bothboth qawmqa wm and qa wmw0awmw¢ a 1 13 3 (the(the tribal spirit) asas

a symbol ofofPashtun Pashtun kinship, egalitarianism, communalism and opposition to any kind

of statestate-oriented -oriented politics (Katkov, 1989,1989, pp.45-pp.45-46i 46)21.1• Among Among the the DurranisDurranis thethe term

wolwol-:-s =s (from(from the the Turko Turko-Mongolian -Mongolian ¢ulos,ul os, meaning meaning people, people, tribe,tribe, appanage)appanage) is

constantly used to describedescribe the powerpower ofof united united communitycommunity efforteffort andand thethe politicalpolitical

nature of social groupsgroups atat aa varietyvariety ofof levels levels (Tapper,(Tapper, N.,N., 1991,1991, pp.30pp.30-31, -31, 47).

21 This çoncept£Oncept (based on thethe viewsviews ofof the the WazirWazir andand SafiSafi tribesmen) tribesmen) isis identicalidentical withwith Ghilzyas' understandingunderstanding ofof qawm qawm as described by Anderson (Anderson, 1983).

19 On the householdhousehold level the patriarchs (m-:-,sr)(m = sr) exerciseexercise allall authority.authority. TheyThey own or receivereceive thethe landland andand representrepresent thosethose ofof theirtheir relativesrelatives whowho havehave nono independent economiceconomic oror political identity. IndividualIndividual clientsclients areare attached toto the m-"-,m - srss rs and, and, as as inferior inferior members members of of the the households, households, surrendersurrender theirtheir rightsrights withwith regard toto their relationsrelations withwith thethe outside world.world. NoNo clanclan leaderleader (kh¢an)(khcan) hashas thethe absolute powerpower of of a a m-"-,sr. m - sr. KhansKh¢ans do do not not own own land land because because of of their their position, position, cannot give orders to otherother tribesmen andand their children havehave nono legal right of succession. However, However, the the position position of of a a chiefchief ofof a tribetribe tendstends toto bebe hereditary.hereditary.

Although Pashtuns themselves oftenoften compare thethe functions of khkh Oa¢an n toto those ofof m-:-,m--sr s rthe the similarity similarity between between the the former former and and latter latter lies lies only only in in their their representative representative responsibilities. Both of themthem speakspeak forfor theirtheir "units"units", ", either households or clans, when they come into contact with thethe outsideoutside world and leadlead theirtheir followersfollowers when their residual unity must be put intointo action.action.

Many PashtunsPashtuns compete for influenceinfluence onon groundsgrounds ofof economic economic weight,weight, political connections andand personal qualities.qualities. However,However, only only thosethose who,who, as thethe

Ghilzays put it, "feed"feed thethe people" andand "tie"tie thethe knotknot ofof thethe tribe"tribe areare consideredconsidered asas truetrue khans.kh¢ans. "Tying "Tying the the knot knot of of the the tribe tribe" stands stands for for uniting uniting the the tribesmen tribesmen and and assertingasserting the tribal way ofof life.life. "Feeding"Feeding people"people" impliesimplies conversionconversion ofof personalpersonal wealthwealth intointo social relationsrelations throughthrough hospitalityhospitality (i.e.(i.e. potlatchpotlatch-type -type activities)activities) (Anderson,(Anderson, 1983,1983, p.134). ThusThus the the statusstatus of of aa kh¢ankh a n is achievedachieved andand maintainedmaintained throughthrough thethe distribution ofof patronage and the turning of economiceconomic surplus into political capital.

Friendliness and are a part of the display of power since caring for aa guestguest is seen as aa signsign ofof strength. strength. HospitalityHospitality helps to win alliesallies andand boostsboosts socialsocial statusstatus since by serving his guests the host reduces them, in the eyes of the others,others, to thethe status of his dependents, i.e. temporal clients in disguise who for some time lose their independence. ThereforeTherefore it is important toto leave the hosthost quicklyquickly andand returnreturn

20 hospitality asas soon as possible in order to prove that you are equal in status to your host (Barth,(Barth, 1965,1965, p.12).p.12). Besides,Besides, mutualmutual hospitality hospitality servesserves asas aa traveltravel insurance.insurance.

Without thisthis guaranteed hospitality aa travellertraveller cannotcannot survivesurvive in the hostile environment of the country of the PashtunsPashtuns (Bellew,(Bellew, 1864,1864, p.210).p.210).

The status ofof kh¢ankhan changed changed with with the the inclusion inclusion of oftribes tribes in in thethe government'sgovernment's

sphere of influence.influence. SinceSince organisedorganised nonnon-tribal -tribal rule has the means of manipulating the chief by open or disguised bribery kh Oa¢a nsns acquire a dual and contradictory function as guardiansguardians ofof tribal tribal traditionstraditions (qa(qawmw¢al wmw0a 13)3 ) and thethe agentsagents ofof governmental governmental

influence. The kh¢ankhcan also also represents represents his his tribe tribe in in its its relations relations withwith thethe outsideoutside world,world, first of all, the government, which inin return may supply the khkh Ga¢an n withwith thethe resourcesresources necessary for him to functionfunction -- wealthwealth forfor patronagepatronage andand connectionsconnections forfor mediationmediation asas well as titles andand honourshonours which help him to boostboost his statusstatus within his group. In this case kh¢an-kh¢elskh a n -kh e 1 s (clans (clans of of chiefs) chiefs) acquire acquire particular particular importance. importance. NoNo oneone outside this clan can become thethe kh¢ankhcan of of the the tribe. tribe. In In these these hierarchically hierarchically organisedorganised tribes

(rotbaw(rotbaw33 - -rank,rank, hierarchy) hierarchy) thethe jergahjergah (the (the tribal tribal assembly) assembly) has has less less political political weight and chiefs can impose their political will on the "rank and file" tribesmen. In more egalitarian tribes tribes (qawm (qa wm3 ) 3)kh¢ans khans dodo notnot necessarilynecessarily belongbelong to to kh¢an-kh a n -

kh ¢Ce1 e 1 ss and their power is subordinate to that of the tribal assembly. Nomadic tribes

lack the institutioninstitution of chiefchief sincesince allall politicalpolitical andand economiceconomic activityactivity gravitatesgravitates aroundaround the different householdshouseholds (Katkov,(Katkov, 1989,1989, pp.54pp.54-55). -55).

The complexity and diversity of Pashtun society does not permit limiting its

study to onlyonly oneone "generative "generative mode122" model22 " or type.type. ThereforeTherefore threethree types23types23 ofof Pashtun Pashtun

22 This term was introduced by in his pioneeringpioneering studystudy of PashtunPashtun society.society. HeHe argues that "generative models""models" "...... provide a kind of understanding and explanation which a model of form, however meticulous and adequate, can never give. To study form itit may bebe sufficient to describe it.it. To explain formform oneone needsneeds toto discoverdiscover andand describedescribe thethe processesprocesses thatthat generate thethe form" (Barth, 1981, voi.I,volt, p.33).p.33). ThisThis "ideal"ideal type"type" essentialisation,essentialisation, as well as Chomsky's andand LeviLevi-Strauss' -Strauss' "structures" which probably provided a theoretical background

21 society should be considered.considered. OneOne dealsdeals withwith moremore complexcomplex hierarchicalhierarchical society,society, which exhibited socialsocial stratificationstratification caused byby agriculturalagricultural surplus.surplus. UsuallyUsually thisthis society produced a ruling class ofof PashtunsPashtuns owningowning thethe landland andand dependentdependent groupsgroups working it. TheThe bestbest-described -described exampleexample isis the YusufzaysYusufzays of .Swat. AnotherAnother typetype involved marginal agriculture oror pastoralismpastoralism inin low-low-production production areas with egalitarianegalitarian communal socialsocial forms.forms. TypicalTypical areare the tribestribes ofof ,Afridi, MohmandMohmand andand Wazir.Wazir.

Societies of both types werewere equallyequally remoteremote fromfrom urbanurban centrescentres ofof organisedorganised power,power, nowadays states. A third intermediate form of Pashtun societysociety waswas toto be found in thethe areas more accessibleaccessible to citiescities andand rulers,rulers, andand wherewhere agricultureagriculture waswas reasonablyreasonably productive. Here the influence of thethe governmentgovernment producedproduced a feudalistic,feudalistic, "Asiatic""Asiatic" stratification, involving a chiefly class with limited powers, a broad mass of tribesmentribesmen and a substratumsubstratum of clients.clients. ManyMany DurraniDurrani groups were of this typetype (Tapper,(Tapper, 1983,1983, pp.43-44);pp.43 -44); medieval medieval KhattakKhattak principalityprincipality alsoalso providesprovides aa good example of this type.type.

Distinction between what was describeddescribed asas "democracy""democracy" andand "aristocracy""aristocracy" withinwithin

Pashtun tribes was first made by Sir in his classical account of Afghanistan.Afghanistan. He describeddescribed Pashtun society as comprisingcomprising both egalitarianegalitarian and hierarchical forms. He explainedexplained this diversitydiversity byby thethe varyingvarying relationshipsrelationships betweenbetween tribe and statestate (Elphinstone,(Elphinstone, 1839,1839, vol.1,vol.I, pp.210pp.21 0-235). -235). Subsequent authors, who unlikeunlike

Elphinstone are not historianshistorians butbut socialsocial anthropologists,anthropologists, havehave identifiedidentified differentdifferent forms of Pashtun socialsocial organisationorganisation as belongingbelonging to specificspecific ecologicalecological areasareas (Barth,(Barth,

1981, pp.lpp.103 03-120; -120; Davies,Davies, 1932, pp.51-pp.51-52i 52)24.4. At At the the same same time time it it hashas beenbeen arguedargued that for Barth's methodology,methodology, has been out of fashionfashion inin socialsocial anthropologyanthropology forfor a couple of decades. Nowadays the mainmain focusfocus isis onon "explanation"explanation ofof the the formsforms". ". However, becausebecause ofof the the scarcity of original sources in the case of Pashtun studies this goal is not always attainable. 23 "Socio-political "Socio-political forms" according to Richard Tapper (Tapper, 1983,1983, p.43). 24 S. Ahmed contrasts two different types of the Pashtun organisation which constitute "antithetical forms" and "binary oppositionsoppositions". ". WhileWhile thethe lifelife ofof thethe tribestribes describeddescribed byby otherother authors as "egalitarian" focuses on the principle ofof honourhonour (nang),(pang), "hierarchical""hierarchical" groupsgroups areare concerned withwith thethe appropriationappropriation of of land land rent rent or or taxes taxes (qalang). (galang). TheThe firstfirst typetype of tribes can be found inin thethe low-low-production production areas of the TribalTribal AgenciesAgencies and the secondsecond inin thethe fertilefertile

22 all types of Pashtun society are endowed with one or another kind of coexistence and conflict between equality and hierarchy (Christensen, 1981, p.lp.107). 07). It seems that this combination of the two opposingopposing principles and constantly shifting balance of powerpower between different centres of gravitation within tribes was the main engine of Pashtun tribal historyhistory throughoutthroughout centuries.centuries. Anyway,Anyway, thethe aboveabove-mentioned -mentioned categorisation of

Pashtun society in terms ofof equalityequality oror hierarchyhierarchy providesprovides onlyonly aa usefuluseful heuristicheuristic paradigm for an understandingunderstanding of organisationalorganisational variation in the tribaltribal societysociety andand should be considered onlyonly asas such.such.

Thus, the idea ofof clanclan andand tribetribe symbolisessymbolises unityunity defineddefined byby descent,descent, whichwhich replicates itself in the coursecourse ofof time.time. AtAt thethe samesame timetime individualindividual politicalpolitical interestsinterests find their expressionexpression inin thethe conceptconcept ofof politically politically corporatecorporate factionsfactions oror blocs25. blocs25 . The breakdown into these "parties" cancan occuroccur atat anyany level,level, bothboth individualindividual andand collectivecollective

(i.e. clanclan-based) -based) (Anderson, 1983, pp.125,pp.l25, 129,129, 131)26.131 )26 . Under normal circumstances these blocs are usuallyusually headedheaded byby chiefschiefs who,who, byby ammassingammassing thethe numbernumber ofof theirtheir supporters and/orand /or clients,clients, boostboost theirtheir socialsocial andand political status.

plains and valleys (Ahmed, 1980,1980, pp.116pp.116-118). -118). However, this viewview waswas refuted by a number of anthropologists who who argue argue that that the the nang nang andand qalangqalang principles principles dodo notnot explainexplain thethe essence of tribaltribal types.types. Besides,Besides, accordingaccording toto AsgerAsger ChristensenChristensen andand CharlesCharles LindholmLindholm bothboth tribal typestypes shareshare aa number number of of similar similar features features (Christensen, (Christensen, 1981, 1981, pp.97 pp.97-98, -98, 107 107-1 -108; 08; Lindholm, 1993,1993, p.825).p.825). I.E. I.E. Katkov Katkov denies denies any any possibility possibility of of establishing establishing nang/qalang nang/qalang dichotomy since Ahmed does not take into considerationconsideration the semantic value of both terms. Nang isis aa moralmoral andand socio-socio-regulatory regulatory (as (as well well as as political political [S.A.J) [S.A.]) concdpt, concdpt, while while qalang qalang isis an economic notionnotion ((Katkov, Katkov, 1989,1989, p.53). ' •

25 GundGund in Pashto, literally "party".

26 The The PashtunPashtun oraloral traditiontradition accountsaccounts for the origin of this division in the following way:way: "In the fourteenthfourteenth century a chief of thethe BangashBangash tribe,tribe, IsmailIsmail by name, had two sons,sons, GarGar andand Samil, whose quarrels led to the tribe beingbeing split upup intointo twotwo greatgreat factionsfactions whichwhich stillstill existexist under thesethese names.names. BangashBangash oror BankashBankash meansmeans "root-"root-destroyer", destroyer ", andand this was adoptedadopted oror bestowed as the tribaltribal namename byby reasonreason ofof the the enmityenmity arousedaroused betweenbetween thethe rivalrival factions.factions. TheThe distinction then established still remains, and affects almost all the surroundingsurrounding tribes;tribes; andand some Sunnis by religion are Samil in politics, and some Shiahs are Gar, while sometimes both cases are reversed ..."... " (Wylly,(Wylly, 1912,1912, p.15).p.15).

23 Factions always fuse into two hostile blocs. These coalitions are formed as a

result of thethe alliancesalliances betweenbetween the leadersleaders of thethe smallersmaller groupsgroups aimedaimed atat thethe

collective defencedefence of theirtheir respectiverespective interestsinterests and againstagainst allall outsiders. TheseThese

coalitions have a permanent character andand it is impossible toto support an ally in one

situation and oppose him inin another27.another27 . TheseThese larger coalitionscoalitions asas well as smallersmaller

groups are concernedconcerned only withwith thethe defencedefence ofof political political interestsinterests - mainlymainly landland

disputes. Matters of personal honour are the separateseparate concernconcern ofof thethe individualsindividuals andand

their bloodblood relatives.relatives. Only strongstrong andand wealthywealthy individualsindividuals who are ableable toto defenddefend

themselves because ofof the the sheersheer number of their personal clients can allow themselves

to standstand outsideoutside thethe alliances.alliances. Weak and poor people are forcedforced to join thethe blocsblocs toto

defend their interests. ThereThere are only two optionsoptions available for this categorycategory of

Pashtuns: to be somebody'ssomebody's alliesallies oror clients.clients. "Neither"Neither thethe statestate nornor youryour neighbourneighbour

could be counted on to defenddefend youryour lifelife andand youryour rightsrights ifif your your werewere weak.weak. AnyAny

property or privilege an Afghan claimed, he wouldwould have to securesecure andand defenddefend forfor

himself; and anyany assistanceassistance he obtainedobtained from others would depend on what he could

offer in return. The strongstrong person, the oneone whowho hadhad honourhonour andand selfself-respect, -respect, waswas ableable

to defend himself and had most to offer as a friendfriend or ally ...... your life and security -

and that of youryour familyfamily -- dependdepend squarelysquarely onon youryour ownown forceforce andand standards"standards" (Barth,(Barth,

1987, pp.189pp.189-190). -190).

Defence of landland andand personalpersonal honourhonour isis notnot aa mattermatter ofof government government bodiesbodies oror

tribal chiefs. It isis thethe solesole responsibilityresponsibility of the threatenedthreatened party. Thus while defending

his personal honour every Pashtun isis supposed to assume the role of bothboth aa judge andand

27 Personal Personal rivalry rivalry between between members members of of the the same same alliance alliance (they (they are are called called m¢arez m a rez (ill))(ill)) doesdoes not affectaffect theirtheir politicalpolitical alignmentalignment andand scoresscores betweenbetween individualsindividuals areare settledsettled outsideoutside theirtheir political factions (Barth,(Barth, 1965, p.111).p.lll ). HoweverHowever allall blocs are infestedinfested withwith internalinternal competition for leadership. This is the mainmain reasonreason whywhy thethe weakerweaker alliancealliance nevernever losesloses completely. When one of the subsidiary leaders realises thatthat hehe doesdoes notnot standstand anyany chancechance ofof taking over his bloc he deserts with the party of his followers to the rival weaker faction and becomes its leader. Thus the balance of powerpower isis changedchanged inin favourfavour ofof the the previouslypreviously weakerweaker alliance (Barth, 1965,1965, pp.112pp.ll2-113). -113).

24 a law-law-enforcement enforcement officer;officer; the latter usually meansmeans executioner.executioner. InIn allall honourhonour-related -related

conflicts close relatives should support each other against distant relatives, and all

relatives shouldshould supportsupport eacheach otherother againstagainst outsiders28.outsiders28 . Since ultimately all Pashtuns

are considered relatives they are all expected to uniteunite in the time of foreign invasion.

A person outside tribal structures is absolutely defenceless. His inheritedinherited plot

of land or shareshare inin aa communalcommunal landland propertyproperty isis thethe basisbasis forfor hishis politicalpolitical participationparticipation

in his kinshipkinship oror alliancealliance-based -based group. Acquired property or residenceresidence rightsrights cannotcannot

give him full tribal membership.membership. Thus,Thus, individualindividual migrationmigration from the ancestralancestral landland inin

effect signifies an importantimportant loss of socialsocial andand politicalpolitical status and threatens personal

security.

A reputation for force and violenceviolence andand theirtheir permanentpermanent displaydisplay areare necessarynecessary

for the survivalsurvival inin PashtunPashtun society.society. ThisThis practicepractice discouragesdiscourages enemies,enemies, viz.viz. potentiallypotentially

everybody outside somebody's immediateimmediate family,family, fromfrom assaultingassaulting the lifelife andand dignitydignity

of the Pashtun.

Blocs' activitiesactivities havehave aa reactivereactive character.character. AlliancesAlliances areare activatedactivated onlyonly whenwhen they have to addressaddress aa specificspecific politicalpolitical issue.issue. At otherother timestimes factionsfactions areare almostalmost

invisible since their membersmembers are disperseddispersed over vast territories.territories. Therefore blocs do not develop any administrativeadministrative structuresstructures andand dodo notnot pursuepursue longlong-term -term political goals.

However, this is onlyonly oneone ofof the the reasonsreasons whywhy blocs blocs do do not not develop develop into into quasi quasi-state -state

structures. Barth accounts for thethe followingfollowing disruptivedisruptive forcesforces whichwhich preventprevent thethe

emergence of a rigidrigid organisationalorganisational framework:framework: the equal division of landland andand otherother

property (and thus potentialpotential politicalpolitical strength)strength) among sons; constantconstant bloodblood feuds;feuds;

28 This practice is well inin lineline withwith thethe oftenoften-cited -cited Middle Eastern maxim: "Me against my brother; my brother andand II againstagainst ourour cousin;cousin; andand thethe threethree of of us us against against the the world world". ". In this respect it isis noteworthynoteworthy that in the PashtoPashto language thethe word for cousin is t=t-:-rb¢ur, rbOur, thethe additionaddition of a suffixsuffix -ga-ganay nay oror -galw3-galw creates3 creates a compounda compound wordword t=t-:-rb¢urgalw rb'urgalw33 oror trabgantrabgan 3 , which literally may bebe translatedtranslated asas cousincousin-hatred -hatred andand denotes the worst kind of hatredhatred asas wellwell asas cousinshipcousinship (Aslanov, 1966,1966, p.223; Barth, p.191;p.l91; 1987; Dupree, 1984, p.269).

25 rapid increaseincrease of thethe numbernumber ofof opponentsopponents inin contrastcontrast toto thethe slowslow increaseincrease ofof the the

number of followersfollowers of anan influentialinfluential leader;leader; opposition ofof other leaders to thethe

acquisition of personal power by any individual. These pressures result in a situation

when "..." ... anyany expandingexpanding centralizedcentralized unitunit withinwithin thethe acephalusacephalus alliancealliance systemsystem mustmust

experience strainsstrains whichwhich eventuallyeventually leadlead toto itsits dissolution"dissolution" (Barth, (Barth, 1965, 1965, pp.125 pp.l25-126). -126).

Often interinter-bloc -bloc rivalry erupts into fighting. DeathDeath inin interinter-bloc -bloc battle does not callcall forfor

blood revenge. Therefore the struggle between alliancesalliances doesdoes notnot take the formform ofof vengeance. Members of various factions fight only to protect their political interests.

O'Ballance givesgives thethe followingfollowing descriptiondescription ofof traditional traditional PashtunPashtun warfare:warfare: "In"In time of wars and alarms,alarms, thethe smallsmall numbernumber ofof regularregular householdhousehold troopstroops (of(of influentialinfluential and wealthy chiefschiefs [S.A.]) [S.A.]) were were reinforced reinforced by by hordes hordes of ofarmed armed tribesmen tribesmen (la,skar (la skar

[S.A]), ever eager to turn out for a shortshort fight,fight, especially ifif there were good prospects of loot.loot. Tribal or groupgroup affiliationsaffiliations withwith locallocal warlordswarlords werewere precariousprecarious andand changeable.

Normally, when called upon, tribal or group warriors would turn out with their own arms and sufficient food for a fewfew days,days, after which, if the wanted to keep them in the field,field, andand especiallyespecially ifif therethere waswas nono signsign ofof ready ready loot,loot, hehe wouldwould have to feed and pay them. These levieslevies and volunteers were unreliable on campaign, often reluctant to rush intointo battlebattle andand riskrisk loosingloosing theirtheir ownown valuablevaluable horseshorses andand weapons, unless they saw rich pickings.

Each Afghan fighting man regarded himself as a freefree person,person, toto comecome andand gogo as he pleased, and moreover, to switch allegiances as might be convenient. The main tactictactic was to make aa massive,massive, allall-out -out wild charge at an enemy group to overwhelm itit quickly; if successful, thereafter all discipline and military cohesion were lost as itit became every man for himselfhimself inin aa giganticgigantic lootinglooting spree.spree. OnlyOnly regularregular mercenarymercenary elements retained somesome discipline,discipline, andand werewere expectedexpected toto makemake aa counter counter-charge. -charge. If the

26 first charge failed, local warriors wouldwould fadefade awayaway toto thethe safety of the hills. While

they could bebe fairlyfairly goodgood atat layinglaying ambushesambushes onon theirtheir homehome ground,ground, theythey werewere usuallyusually

hopeless inin protractedprotracted defence"defence" (O'Ballance,(O'Ballance, 1993, 1993, pp.5 pp.S-6). -6). TacticalTactical coordinationcoordination inin

battle isis achieved by collective consultations of the leadersleaders of the separate war parties.

This military coordination does not leadlead toto thethe establishmentestablishment ofof the the instutionalizedinstutionalized

forms of commandcommand andand hierarchyhierarchy amongamong thethe officers.officers. TemporalTemporal war war-leaders -leaders electedelected

by the jergah (they are called tamers)¢amers) command the la,skars.la skars. They resign all their authorityauthority whenwhen thethe warwar isis over over and and war war-parties -parties disintegratedisintegrate (Ahmed,(Ahmed, 1984,1984,

p.197; Elphinstone,Elphinstone, 18391839 vol_II, vol.II, p.282).p.282).

Before hostilities between two blocsblocs erupt into a fullfull-scale -scale military

confrontation the the opposingopposing partiesparties trytry toto negotiatenegotiate their differences inin a tribaltribal

assembly (jergah). According toto Barth only the full andand equalequal tribesmentribesmen who hold

land in their own name, i.e. the heads of householdshouseholds are allowed to speak at jergah.jergah.

Assemblies are summoned on an ad hochoc basisbasis toto addressaddress particularparticular questions.questions. TheThe

final decision of thethe jergah shouldshould bebe unanimous.unanimous. MembersMembers dodo notnot votevote butbut discussdiscuss the issueissue until there isis nono oppositionopposition to thethe motion.motion. This consensus is reached either

by compromisecompromise oror by the fearfear ofof provokingprovoking the angeranger andand retributionretribution of a moremore

powerful bloc. A man or a party who wins the case is assured of the support of his or

its alliesallies whilewhile thethe otherother blocbloc isis obligedobliged toto withdrawwithdraw itsits supportsupport fromfrom thethe loser.loser.

Therefore this individual oror party stands alone and has no chance to resist. Thus, itit

appears that Barth is correct in his description ofjergahof jergah as an institutionalised formform ofof

arbitration, notnot aa governing body,body, whichwhich has has nono power toto make or enforceenforce itsits

decisions outside thethe blocbloc systemsystem (Barth,(Barth, 1965,1965, pp.115 pp.115-119). -119). KatkovKatkov distinguishesdistinguishes two types of jergah: sabhah-jergah (the assembly ofofthe the people) andand samt 3 or sametsamet3-3 -jergah jergah (the assemblyassembly of thethe authorities).authorities). Sabhah-jergahSabhah -jergah deals with the affairsaffairs ofof aa singlesingle villagevillage oror clan.clan. Everyone,Everyone, eveneven women,women, areare entitledentitled toto

27 participate inin thisthis assemblyassembly (Katkov,(Katkov, 1989,1989, pp.42pp.42-43). -43). Although Katkov doesdoes not deal with blocbloc politicspolitics it appears that that sabhah-sabhah -jergahj ergah isis concerned with blocbloc differences. SamtSamt33 -jergah, on the contrary,contrary, represents the the clanclan oror aa tribe as aa whole. Only Pashtun heads of the householdshouseholds and members ofof the class ofof thethe oulam¢aeôu1amOaé can speakspeak atat thisthis meeting.meeting. UnlikeUnlike BarthBarth KatkovKatkov thinks that allall peoplepeople concerned with the issue discussed at the assembly can participate in the sabhah- j ergergah.a h. Since Barth doesdoes notnot accountaccount for for the the two two distinct distinct types types of of j ergahjergah it isis possible that his description deals with the saintsamt 3 -jergah-j ergah only29.onll9 .

Thus, Pashtun socialsocial lifelife isis dominateddominated byby threethree differentdifferent factors: factors: kinshipkinship-based -based hierarchical loyaltyloyalty andand segmentarysegmentary politicalpolitical oppositionopposition expressedexpressed inin blocbloc politicspolitics asas well asas the influenceinfluence ofof kh kh c ¢aa nsns which isis stronger inin less egalitarian tribes.tribes.

1.4. MAJOR LANGUAGES OF AFGHANISTAN AND THEIR LITERARY TRADITIONS.TRADITIONS.

The Iranian languageslanguages are bestbest representedrepresented inin AfghanistanAfghanistan followed by the TurkicTurkic languages, and then by the IndianIndian languages,languages, which are either nativenative toto thethe area,area, viz.viz.

Kafir andand Dardic,Dardic, oror importedimported likelike thethe NewNew IndianIndian languages.languages.

Most Afghans who are notnot nativenative DariDari-speakers -speakers areare more or less bilingual in theirtheir nativenative tonguestongues andand Dari.Dari.

By the royal decree of 19361936 Dari andand PashtoPashto were granted the status of equal official languages,languages, the principleprinciple confirmedconfirmed byby allall subsequentsubsequent AfghanAfghan constitutions. constitutions.

However, despitedespite allall the attemptsattempts toto promotepromote PashtoPashto andand thethe relativerelative numericnumeric

29 DiscrepanciesDiscrepancies between between Barth's Barth's andand Katkov's accounts of jergahj ergah provide a goodgood illustration of the differences between various Pashtun tribes.tribes. Barth'sBarth's description of jjergah ergah is based on hishis fieldworkfieldwork inin thethe hierarchicalhierarchical societysociety ofof the the YusufzaysYusufzays ofof Swat Swat whilewhile KatkovKatkov refers to thethe situationsituation inin Afghanistan.

28 superiority ofof thethe Pashtuns DariDari seems setset to occupyoccupy a dominantdominant position as a language of culture and administration as well as the nation's koine.

In 19801980 fivefive moremore languageslanguages werewere grantedgranted thethe statusstatus of of "national "national languages languages", ", namely Baluch, Uzbek, Turkmen, Pashai and KatiKati (called(called NuristaniNuristani inin thethe decree).decree). InIn

29 ...,,CHART CHART 3. IRANIAN AND INDOINDO-ARYAN -ARYAN LANGUAGESLANGUAGES OFOF AFGHANISTANAFGHANISTAN'* *. •

INDO-

IRANIAN INDO -ARYAN

OLD IRANIAN (until 3 OLD INDIAN ··········-...... AveAvestan stan

MIDDLE IRANIAN (2 cent. B.C. -7 cent A.D.) MIDDLE

····················································· .. WESTERN GROUPGROUP EASTERN GROUP Prakri Middle Middle Sogdian, Gandha Khotanese Persian, Persian, (),(Saka) , Pali

NEW IRANIAN (since 8 cent. A.D.) KAFIR DARDIC NEW INDIANINDIAN LANGUAGES Panjabi, ...... 1' LANGUAGES Pashai, Sindhi, , SOUTH- NORTH- NORTH- SOUTH- WESTERN WESTERN EASTERN EASTERN GROUP GROUP GROUP GROUP Persian, Baluchi Pashto, Parachi, Dari, Pamiri Tajiki languages

*Based* Based onon Keiffer,Keiffer, 1985, p.504. Solid line designates origin, dotteddotted lineline designatesdesignates relationrelation toto aa certaincertain groupgroup

30 the 1980's1980's therethere werewere successfulsuccessful attemptsattempts toto start start primary primary education, education, broadcastingbroadcasting and publishing inin Baluch,Baluch, UzbekUzbek andand Turkmen.Turkmen.

Though both Dari and PashtoPashto areare IranianIranian languageslanguages they areare notnot mutuallymutually understandable forfor theythey belongbelong toto twotwo distinctdistinct groups,groups, thethe formerformer toto thethe SouthSouth-western -western group and the latterlatter toto thethe North-North-eastern. eastern. Apart from differentdifferent vocabulariesvocabularies thesethese twotwo languages have dissimilardissimilar grammatical structures withwith Dari beingbeing anan analyticalanalytical language and Pashto aa syntheticsynthetic one.one.

Both official languages possess a considerable number of dialects; Pashto to a degree of lackinglacking the "normative""normative" standard.standard. The PashtoPashto dialectsdialects areare usuallyusually divideddivided into "hard" (or(or maghrebmaghreb33 (western)(western) or Kandahari [A]) [A]) and and "soft" "soft" (or (or ma,sreq ma sreg33

(eastern) or JalalabadiJalalabadi [C]),[C]), somesome linguistslinguists alsoalso introduceintroduce anan intermediaryintermediary dialectdialect

(manjan_:_y(man j a n =y [[B]) B] ) . This classification is based on the differences in the treatment of ,-s,-s, ,-z,-z, z,z (soft) (soft) and and ,x, x,,g, g, j (hard). TheThe "B"`B dialectsdialects areare notnot characterised by the generic pronunciation of the phonemes differentiating "A" and

"C" butbut ratherrather presentpresent aa numbernumber ofof divergences divergences thatthat appear appear to to bebe original3o originae0 .

Dari dialects are abundant and can be grouped into four main types (A, B, C,

D)D)3131 differing differing inin phonology,phonology, morphology and syntax.syntax.

Dari literature is based on thethe colossalcolossal legacylegacy ofof classicalclassical PersianPersian literatureliterature shared by the speakersspeakers of Dari,Dari, Persian and Tajiki. However, after thethe severance ofof cultural contacts with Iran following the establishment of the confederacy in

1747 thethe development of Afghan Dari literature waswas influenced byby thethe "Indian"Indian style"

(sabk-e(sabk -e hendbend 33) ) , , which set a newnew patternpattern quitequite differentdifferent fromfrom thethe IranianIranian tradition,tradition, but neverthelessnevertheless common for MuslimMuslim India,India, CentralCentral AsiaAsia andand Afghanistan.Afghanistan. ApartApart from developing poetry along thethe lines set by the great Indian Persian poet M3M 3 r rz z ¢a a

33°°For more details onon thethe spreadspread ofof various various PashtoPashto dialects dialects see see thethe section section "Pashtuns "Pashtuns". ". 31 For For more more detailsdetails onon thethe spreadspread of various Dari dialects seesee thethe sectionsection "Tajiks"Tajiks". ".

31 6AbdôAbd alal-Q¢ader -Qader BB3del3 del (1644-1720),(1644 -1720), Dari literature also focused on historiography and hagiography.

Modern writing and journalismjournalism inm AfghanistanAfghanistan beginsbegins withwith Ma-hm¢udMa -hmud

-Tarz 3 (1865-1933),(1865- 1933), who who spent spent his his youthyouth inin Damascus and Istanbul. Thus he diverted the developmentdevelopment ofof DariDari proseprose fromfrom thethe well well-established -established sabksabk-e -e hend3hend 3 pattern and moved it closer to the Middle Eastern tradition.

Pashto literary tradition undoubtedlyundoubtedly startsstarts with thethe prolificprolific intellectual activity caused by the Raw ,xx ¢anan 3 movement (circa(circa 1560-1560-1640) 1640)32.32. ThisThis independent tradition of writing inin Pashto was furtherfurther developed and consolidated by the renown warrior-poetwarrior -poet Kh¢o,sh¢alKho sha1 Kla Kh¢an an Kha?t?takKhaYtYtak (1613-(1613-1689). 1689). UntilUntil thethe 1950's1950's poetry remained the mainmain genregenre ofof Pashto Pashto literature. literature. AlthoughAlthough it waswas heavilyheavily influenced by Iranian and IndianIndian literaryliterary PersianPersian traditions,traditions, given the peculiaritiespeculiarities of the Pashto language -- notablynotably thethe lacklack ofof a a clearclear distinctiondistinction betweenbetween shortshort andand longlong vowels, which makes a differentiation between short and syllables almost impossible, and the factfact thatthat clustersclusters ofof two two oror even even three three consonants consonants occur,occur, usuallyusually atat thethe beginning ofof a wordword - thethe Pashto Pashto metres metres areare not not quantative. quantative. Nevertheless,Nevertheless, manymany

Pashto authorsauthors tried tried to to imitate imitate certain certain aspects aspects of of oa ôaruz, ru z, but in aa ratherrather clumsyclumsy way. The meter of PashtunPashtun folkfolk songs,songs, wherewhere thethe feetfeet areare markedmarked byby regularregular patternspatterns of accents,accents, fits Pashto poetrypoetry moremore naturally.naturally. Therefore, those authorsauthors whowho unashamedly adopted poetical forms usually wrote the more eloquent poetry.

Radio was introduced inin Afghanistan inin 1940,1940, andand televisiontelevision inin 1977.1977.

32 The 1960's1960's attemptsattempts ofof the the PashtoPashto AcademyAcademy in Kabul to trace the origin ofof thethe collectioncollection ofof Pashto poetrypoetry Pp-;- -YtahYt ah KhazfianahKha z ¢ anah (The Hidden Treasure)Treasure) toto 8th centurycentury should be dismissed as a hoax.

32 1.5. MAJOR ETHNICETHNIC GROUPS.GROUPS.

The ethnicethnic compositioncomposition ofof Afghanistan Afghanistan isis characterisedcharacterised byby extreme extreme ethno- ethno-linguistic linguistic and physical diversitydiversity withwith 5555 ethnicethnic namesnames foundfound therethere (Orywal, (Orywal, 1986, 1986, pp.9, pp.9, 18 18-19). -19).

Many of these ethnic groups and identities are local categories only. They are relative, variable andand dynamic.dynamic. ExceptExcept in rural areas away fromfrom thethe main lines of communication few ethnic groupsgroups maintain racialracial homogeneity;homogeneity; though Pashtuns are less affected by the influxinflux of foreignforeign blood.blood. Many groups, especially inin thethe north of the country,country, havehave practicedpracticed intermarriageintermarriage forfor centuries,centuries, thusthus compositecomposite ethnicethnic communities exist inin broadbroad bandsbands ofof ethnic ethnic greygrey zones.zones. Therefore,Therefore, AfghanistanAfghanistan isis notnot a selfself-contained -contained ethnicethnic unit,unit, nornor is it national culture uniform. Very few of itsits ethnicethnic groups are totallytotally indigenous:indigenous: PashtunsPashtuns breakbreak almostalmost equalequal amongamong AfghanistanAfghanistan and tribal agenciesagencies andand thethe NorthNorth- -WestWest Frontier ProvinceProvince ofof Pakistan. Pakistan. Tajiks,Tajiks, Turkmens,Turkmens,

Uzbeks and KyrgyzKyrgyz have theirtheir ownown countries.countries. MostMost inhabitantsinhabitants ofof farfar westernwestern

Afghanistan, which geographically and culturally is an extension of the great IranianIranian plateau, are PersianPersian-speaking -speaking F¢Fears a r s 3 3 wean.w¢ an. TheThe BaluchBaluch ofof the the southwesternsouthwestern cornercorner of Afghanistan extend into the neighbouring areasareas ofof PakistanPakistan andand IranIran withwith aa few settlements in .

The majority ofof Afghans Afghans are are Sunni Sunni Muslims of of -Hanaf -Hanaf33 , though though there areare aa significantsignificant ImamiImami ShiiteShiite andand aa smallersmaller Ismaili Ismaili minorities33. minorities33 .

1.5.1. IRANIAN PEOPLES.PEOPLES.

Iranian peoples34peoples34 constitute thethe largest supra-supra-ethnic ethnic entityentity in Afghanistan.Afghanistan. In accordance withwith their languages they are divideddivided into the speakersspeakers ofof EasternEastern andand

33 For For more details on the religiousreligious compositioncomposition of AfghanistanAfghanistan seesee thethe sectionsection "Peculiarities"Peculiarities of Afghan Islam. Sunnites,Sunnites, Shiites,Shiites, Ismailis.Ismailis andand SufisSufis" ". .

33 Western , with Pashtuns, Ormurs and Parachi being the formerformer andand the rest the latter.latter.

1.5.1.1. PASHTUNS.PASHTUNS.

Pashtuns35Pashtuns35 are are thethe dominant ethnic group inin Afghanistan,Afghanistan, whichwhich isis concentratedconcentrated mainly south of the Hindukush mountain range but also found in the west and north of the country,country, partly duedue toto thethe latelate 19th19th centurycentury resettlementresettlement policy pursued by EmirEmir

6AbdôAbd al-a 1- RaRa- -hrnhm ¢an,an, who thus consolidated hishis powerpower-base -base in the newly acquired territories. TheirTheir exact number andand ratio can be only estimated and there is aa widewide range of statisticalstatistical data, whichwhich isis oftenoften politicallypolitically motivated,motivated, rangingranging fromfrom 4.5 toto 1010 million peoplepeople (from(from 40%40% toto 60%60% ofof totaltotal population),population), who areare engagedengaged inin agriculture, sedentarysedentary andand nomadic pastoralism.pastoralism. TheThe bulkbulk of PashtunsPashtuns are SunniSunni

Muslims of-of -HaHa na ff 33 mama dhhab, dhhab, though though there there are are some some Shiite Shiite Pashtuns Pashtuns as as well36 well36 •

The origin ofof thethe wordword "pa,"pa xtGun" x t ¢ u n" is isunclear, unclear, though though the the once once popular popular theory of connectingconnecting thethe PashtunsPashtuns withwith thethe Há%rvssIIaxrvs~ of should be rejected on linguisticlinguistic grounds.grounds. TheyThey areare also knownknown byby thethe Persian/Dari Persian/Dari designationdesignation

AfghGan,Afgh¢an, which which is is of of unknown unknown etymology etymology and and dates dates back back to to the the pre- pre-Islamic Islamic times.times.

For the first time Pashtuns were probably referredreferred toto asas Avag¢anaAvagCana byby the the earlyearly 6th6th century IndianIndian astronomerastronomer VarGahaVar¢aha MihiraMihira in hishis B-rhat-sa-mhit¢a.B- rhat- sa- mhitGa. A little later there isis anotheranother possiblepossible referencereference to themthem inin thethe famousfamous "Life"Life ofof Hiuen- Hiuen-

Tsang". TheThe first MuslimMuslim workwork undoubtedlyundoubtedly mentioningmentioning thethe PashtunsPashtuns is the

-HudGud- Hud ¢ ud al-al-6£Alam ô£Alam (982 A.D.), which was followed by a number of otherother well-well-

34 Not to be confused withwith the citizens of Iran; inin this context Iranian denotes belonging to a certain family ofoflndo-European Indo- European languages like it is the case with e.g. Germanic or Slavonic. 35 35 Self-appellationSelf- appellation pa x,x t t O¢un un (singular), pa,,pa ,x x t ¢ana n 7-- (plural). 36 The Pashtuns and some Orakzay and tribes, according toto the British Indian sources, some of themthem convertedconverted toto ShiismShiism onlyonly inin thethe 18th 18th andand 19th 191h centuriescenturies ((Kohat Gazetteer, 1884, p.69; White King, 1984, p.151; Ridgway, 1910, p.l59;p.159; Rose,Rose, 1914, vol. 3, p.l77).p.177).

34 known sources inin Persian andand Arabic. AllAll of themthem locatelocate thethe PashtunsPashtuns inin thethe

Sulayman mountains. However,However, therethere isis not much information on their early history with only scattering reference toto the Pashtuns' participation in the wars of the Indian frontier where they eithereither supportedsupported oror opposedopposed local local non non-Pashtun -Pashtun rulers.rulers.

Nowadays the Basin isis the heartlandheartland ofofthe the Pashtuns,Pashtuns, however,however, itit is not their originaloriginal homeland.homeland. InIn thethe latelate 14th141h- - earlyearly 17th1ih centurycentury thisthis area witnessed three waves of PashtunPashtun migrations.migrations. InIn thethe earlyearly 15th15th centurycentury thethe DilazaksDilazaks andand perhapsperhaps the AfridiAfridi asas we1137wel1 37 arrived arrived in in thethe PeshawarPeshawar Valley.Valley. AboutAbout 1490 the KhashiKhashi KhelKhel tribes of the YusufzayYusufzay tribal commonwealth entered thethe area. They were followed by the GhoriyaGhoriya KhelKhel tribes,tribes, thethe Mohmands,Mohmands, KhalilsKhalils andand DaudzaysDaudzays who movedmoved toto thethe

Peshawar Valley in the 1520's.1520's. BeforeBefore theythey reachedreached aa certain certain accommodation accommodation andand balance of powerpower inin thethe newlynewly acquiredacquired territoriesterritories the PashtunPashtun invadersinvaders had to fightfight not only against the local rulers but between each other as well.

Before the massivemassive PashtunPashtun invasionsinvasions the subsub-regions -regions toto bebe conqueredconquered hadhad a complicated ethnicethnic configuration.configuration. PashtunPashtun tribes38,tribes38, PersianPersian-speakers -speakers (Tajiks)(Tajiks) andand a few TurksTurks settledsettled inin Nangrahar.Nangrahar. TheThe PashaiPashai Laghmanis,Laghmanis, Kafirs (later knownknown as

Nuristanis) and Tarklanri Pashtuns occupied the districts ofLaghman,of Laghman, i.e. Mandrawar, oAlishangôAlishang andand oAlinagar.ôAlinagar. InIn Kunar lived the Kafirs,Kafirs, PashaisPashais and Turks.Turks. TheThe mountains ofof the PeshawarPeshawar district were populatedpopulated by variousvarious DardicDardic andand KafirKafir

(Nuristani) ethnicethnic groups eacheach speaking itsits own dialect or language.language. The DardicDardic peoples were usually called after the valleys they inhabited, e.g. .

These native peoples livedlived inin stratifiedstratified peasantpeasant societiessocieties withwith thethe nonnon-Dardic -Dardic

37 V.A.V.A. RomodinRomodin andand C. Collin Davies are ofof aa differentdifferent opinion.opinion. TheyThey maintainmaintain thatthat thethe Afridis lived in long before the major Pashtun invasion and mixed with the local Dardic people (Collin Davies, 1961, pp.237-239;pp.237 -239; Romodin, Romodin, 1964,1964, vol.I, voll, p. 370). 38 It appears that some tribes had livedlived inin thisthis areaarea forfor aa longlong time.time. OnOn hishis wayway toto IndiaIndia TimurTimur had to pacify the tribestribes ofofPani, Pani, SheraniSherani andand LodiLodi (Romodin,(Romodin, 1964,1964, vol.I, vol.I, pp.368 pp.368-369). -369).

35 elite, usually of either Turkic or Arab origin, ruling over the Dardic peasants. Only the elite could exercise politicalpolitical powerpower sincesince onlyonly thethe membersmembers ofof thisthis eliteelite heldheld landland andand could mustermuster military force. The indigenousindigenous DardsDards werewere landlesslandless peasants, shopkeepers, foot foot solderssolders andand communalcommunal servantsservants subject subject to to thethe rule of foreignforeign masters. Both the rulers and the subjectssubjects were Muslims and the traditional model of the authoritarian individualindividual power of a prince was applied.

The inherited weakness of a stratifiedstratified societysociety ruled by anan alienalien eliteelite provedproved favourable forfor thethe success of the Pashtun invaders who by replacing the former elite began to dominate thethe indigenous peasants. Besides, the Pashtuns' military organisations based on tribal structures proved superior toto the state structure of the little princedoms they conquered. The contact between Pashtun tribaltribal nomads and thethe native agriculturalists had a strongerstronger impactimpact onon thethe PashtunPashtun newcomersnewcomers thenthen onon theirtheir new subjects. The PashtunsPashtuns changedchanged theirtheir economiceconomic andand ecologicalecological environmentenvironment andand from poor nomads gradually turned into wealthy sedentary landowners. However, this process did notnot affectaffect theirtheir segmentarysegmentary lineagelineage system,system, whichwhich usuallyusually provesproves toto bebe very resilient withwith modernmodern socio-socio-anthropological anthropological studiesstudies bearingbearing witnesswitness toto its strong survivability. TheThe conquest ofof nonnon-Pashtun -Pashtun agriculturalists byby the predominantlypredominantly nomad Pashtuns did not immediately lead toto the emergence ofof aa state. For a state to emerge, subjugation andand conquestconquest mustmust bebe sufficientlysufficiently stablestable andand large large-scale -scale andand thethe level of socialsocial differentiationdifferentiation among both the conquersconquers and thethe conqueredconquered mustmust bebe adequately high. As aa resultresult ofof subjugation subjugation oror conquest conquest a asuper super-stratification -stratification cancan emerge, which turns ethnic differences into social ones and may, or may not, lead to the creationcreation ofof a a state39.state39• The conquered nonnon-Pashtun -Pashtun populationpopulation waswas relativelyrelatively small and dispersed,dispersed, had no politicalpolitical affinityaffinity with their formerformer rulers and thusthus lackedlacked

39 ForFor anan illuminating discussiondiscussion onon thethe state formation in tribal and nomadicnomadic societysociety seesee Khazanov, 1984.1984.

36 political organisation. Therefore their subjugationsubjugation andand exploitationexploitation diddid notnot requirerequire anyany essentially newnew formsforms ofof organisation organisation oror managementmanagement from from thethe Pashtun Pashtun nomads40. nomads40. For the nativenative populationpopulation the differencedifference between their former individual rulersrulers and the new tribal masters was very little since the way of life and economic status of their stratified peasantpeasant communitiescommunities waswas notnot affected.affected. InIn thethe coursecourse ofof centuriescenturies manymany ofof these conquered nonnon-Pashtuns -Pashtuns werewere culturally and linguistically assimilated, nevertheless they usually retained theirtheir subjugated statusstatus ofof thethe clients of the tribal

Pashtuns for they werewere nevernever integratedintegrated intointo kinshipkinship-based -based political structures of their patron tribes. Just as before the Pashtun migration, they formed an important segment of the economic system,system, butbut thethe changechange ofof the the ethnicityethnicity andand politicalpolitical naturenature ofof the the eliteelite did notnot affectaffect theirtheir politicalpolitical andand social social position. position. This This socio- socio-political political patternpattern runsruns throughout thethe historyhistory ofofPashtuns' Pashtuns' relations relations with with their their non non-Pashtun -Pashtun clients clients/subjects. /subjects.

Since the PashtunsPashtuns werewere notnot ableable toto establishestablish their their own own state state structures41 structures41 eveneven after their expansion from their originaloriginal homelandhomeland inin thethe SulaymanSulayman mountainsmountains theythey were soon subjected byby the MughalMughal Empire, though very often the Mughals exercised only nominal control of thethe unrulyunruly tribesmentribesmen who continuedcontinued to troubletrouble the empireempire with thethe generalgeneral unrest,unrest, whichwhich oftenoften underminedundermined thethe strategicallystrategically importantimportant tradetrade between IndiaIndia andand CentralCentral Asia42. Asia42 •

Pashtuns are tribal people and theirtheir tribaltribal identitiesidentities areare basedbased onon commoncommon ancestry. ThereThere areare many medieval Indian and Afghan sources dealing with the

40 If thethe Pashtuns could rulerule their new subjects without the statestate apparatus thethe naturalnatural questionquestion is why their nonnon-Pashtun -Pashtun predecessorspredecessors neededneeded somesome sortsort of state? Although we knowknow veryvery little about the lifelife ofof thethe nativenative populationpopulation ofof thethe KabulKabul riverriver basinbasin beforebefore thethe PashtunPashtun invasion it seemsseems reasonablereasonable toto assumeassume thatthat prepre-Pashtun -Pashtun foreignforeign rulersrulers hadhad no tribaltribal background andand thereforetherefore hadhad toto apply an IslamicIslamic state model in order to securesecure theirtheir territorial gains.gains. 41 The SS¢ur G ur andand L GL¢od' od 3 PashtunPashtun dynasties dynasties inin India India followed followed a a different different pattern pattern of of state state­ - building (or rather inheriting the state apparatus) in the conquered lands. In any casecase their history is beyond the scope of this monograph. 42 For more details on the history of the Pashtuns see thethe section "Afghan"Afghan History priorprior toto thethe End ofof the the MonarchyMonarchy". ".

37 Pashtun tribal genealogygenealogy (Akbar-n¢amah(Akbar- n0amah by AbuAbu al- Fa-Fa-zl, zl, Tadhkerah al-al-Awley¢ae Awleycaé by SulaymCanSulaym¢an M¢ak¢u,M akGu, Makhzan-eMakhzan -e Afghcan3Afgh¢an 3 by

NeomatNeômat All¢ah,Al1Gah, -Hayat-e-Hayat -e Afghcan3Afgh¢an 3 by Mo-hammadMo- hammad -Hay-Hay¢at .3.t

KlaKh ¢an, an, etc)etc) asas wellwell asas the the British British Indian Indian materialsmaterials basedbased eithereither onon thethe aboveabove-- mentioned accounts oror oraloral PashtunPashtun traditions43traditions43 .

There areare twotwo opinionsopinions concerningconcerning thethe historicalhistorical reliabilityreliability ofof the the PashtunPashtun tribal genealogies. Georg MorgenstierneMorgenstierne thinks thinks that that they they cannotcannot bebe reliedrelied upon as historical sources and serve only as a testimony to the traditionstraditions current among the

Pashtuns in thethe 16th16th andand 17th17th centuries44centuries44 (Morgenstierne,(Morgenstierne, 1961,1961, p.218),p.218), when these genealogies were written down. Unlike him, A.A. Rose maintains that onlyonly thethe mostmost ancient parts of tribaltribal genealogiesgenealogies belong to the realmrealm ofof mythology mythology whilewhile moremore recent sections areare historicallyhistorically reliablereliable (Rose,(Rose, 1914,1914, vol.3,vol.3, pp.221pp.221-222). -222). Along with this line ofof argument argument V.A.V.A. RomodinRomodin maintains maintains that that starting starting from from the the 11th llth_13th -13th centurycentury tribal genealogiesgenealogies correspond toto historical reality. He builds his argumentargument onon thethe assumption thatthat it is impossibleimpossible to alter genealogygenealogy (at least with regard to the lastlast seven-seven - ten generations) inin aa kinshipkinship-based -based society45societl5 (Romodin,(Romodin, 1964, vol.I,vol.l, p.275).

However, there is muchmuch evidenceevidence to showshow thatthat genealogiesgenealogies tendtend toto becomebecome

"compressed" asas "unimportant""unimportant" individualsindividuals areare droppeddropped outout oror forgotten.forgotten. Thus,Thus, unlikeunlike the aboveabove-mentioned -mentioned scholars,scholars, anthropologistsanthropologists demonstratedemonstrate thethe constructedness of genealogies whichwhich should be considered as ideologiesideologies justifyingjustifying thethe dominance of powerful groups, with this process of genealogicalgenealogical production being called "must-

43 For aa comprehensivecomprehensive surveysurvey ofof the the PashtunPashtun genealogicalgenealogical traditionstraditions andand nationalisticnationalistic constructs with regard toto theirtheir historicalhistorical ideology ideology see see K¢ak¢akheyl, KGakGakheyl, 1999.1999. 44 Some tribes derive their genealogy from fantastic sources, e.g. members of the Shamuzay clan of the Yusufzay tribe believe that they originate from a fairy (par(par3)3 ) (Girs,(Girs, 1989,1989, p.182).p.182). 45 In the PashtunPashtun societysociety everyevery tribesmantribesman inin orderorder toto proveprove hishis statusstatus isis requiredrequired toto memorisememorise the genealogy ofof his own clan. Those who failfail toto complycomply with thisthis rulerule areare treatedtreated asas suspicious aliens (Atayiee,(Atayiee, 1983,1983, pp.80pp.80-81; -81; Atai, 1983, p.6).

38 have-been"have -been" reckoningreckoning (Lancaster,(Lancaster, 19811981), ), wherebywhereby genealogicalgenealogical detailsdetails are adjusted to fit changing political and socialsocial realities.realities. ThisThis processprocess amongamong thethe DurraniDurrani clansclans waswas clearly described by Nancy and RichardRichard Tapper (Tapper and Tapper, 1982,1982, pp.169-pp.169-

170).

Whatever thethe truth maymay be,be, Pashtuns themselves dodo not doubtdoubt theirtheir genealogies. Thus the social and psychological implications of these traditions are as real as thosethose ofof the the indisputableindisputable historicalhistorical events.events. TraditionallyTraditionally PashtunsPashtuns cancan realiserealise their social, economic and political potential only within the tribal structure.structure. Their personal status and security outside their immediate clansclans isis determineddetermined byby theirtheir tribaltribal affiliation. Nevertheless, thisthis is thethe casecase notnot only only with with individuals. individuals. In In inter inter-tribal -tribal politics genealogies also rulerule supreme.supreme. AlliancesAlliances areare formedformed alongalong genealogicalgenealogical lineslines and political support is givengiven oror withdrawnwithdrawn inin accordanceaccordance with agnaticagnatic andand affinalaffinal relations. Genealogies also matter in economic life since landland distribution isis basedbased onon kinship.

According to the common Pashtun tradition, the ancestor of the majority of the

Pashtun tribestribes was Qays who lived at the timetime ofof the the ProphetProphet Mo-Mo-hammadhammad46.46. He travelled to Arabia where he converted toto Islam and receivedreceived thethe namename ofof 6AbdôAbd al-

Ra,sRas3d47.3 d 47 . HeHe waswas the son ofof Afgh¢anahAfghanah48,48, aa grandsongrandson of of King King -Tal¢ut -TalCut oror

S¢ar¢ulS C a r C ul (Saul) of Israel. Sometimes this view oftheof the Jewish origin oftheof the Pashtuns

46 Calculations based on the numbernumber ofof generations generations whichwhich separateseparate QaysQays fromfrom wellwell-known -known Pashtun rulersrulers ofof the the 13`h 13th-18th -18`1' centuries centuries reveal reveal that that the the ancestor ancestor oftheof the Pashtuns should havehave lived inin the 1061-13`h10th-13th centuries, centuries, not not in in the the 7th 7th century century (Romodin, (Romodin, 1964, 1964, vol.I, voll, p.275). However, because of the aboveabove-mentioned -mentioned "compression""compression ofof genealogiesgenealogies the earlierearlier individualsindividuals may have lived much earlier than a simple count of generations would suggest. 47 It It appears appears that that this this practicepractice ofof derivingderiving tribaltribal originorigin fromfrom oneone ofof thethe Prophet'sProphet's companions is common for manymany MuslimMuslim tribes.tribes. Thus,Thus, thethe KirghizKirghiz thinkthink thatthat theirtheir commoncommon ancestorancestor waswas Erke,s,Erke s, allegedly the standardstandard-bearer -bearer ofof thethe Prophet Mo-Mo-hammad; hammad; the Uzbeks think thatthat they all originate fromfrom TurkTurk- -Tugyan,Tugyan, aa contemporarycontemporary ofof thethe Prophet who saved the MuslimMuslim army from defeat (Saidbaev, 1978,1978, pp.83pp.83-84). -84). 48 According According to to another another version, version, 37 37 generations generations separated separated Qays Qays and and Afgh¢anah. Afghanah. TheThe namename of Afgh¢anahAfghanah is notis not mentioned mentioned in in the the Bible. Bible.

39 is held independentlyindependently and isis unrelatedunrelated toto thethe tradition,tradition, whichwhich derivesderives thethe originorigin ofof the the

Pashtuns fromfrom Qays49Qays49 .

According to tribaltribal genealogies, genealogies, the PashtunPashtun people areare divideddivided intointo fourfour major branches named after their ancestors.ancestors. TheseThese branchesbranches areare asas follows:follows: ,Sarbani,

Batani (Bitani) or Mati,Mati, GhurghushtiGhurghushti and KarraniKarrani /I .Karlani. InIn thethe 16th16th andand 17th17th centuries, when the tribaltribal genealogiesgenealogies werewere recorded,recorded, AfghanAfghan andand IndianIndian chroniclerschroniclers enumerated 382 Pashtun tribes.tribes. 105I 05 of them belonged toto the Sarbani branch; 105I 05 to the Karrani branch; 95 to the Ghurghushti branch andand 77 toto thethe Mati branch (Neamet

Ullah, 18291829-1836, -1836, vol.II,vol.II, pp.40,pp.40, 122). Only Sarbani and GhurghushtiGhurghushti tribestribes descenddescend directly from Qays, the bulk of BataniBatani oror MatiMati tribestribes isis connectedconnected toto QaysQays throughthrough

Mat¢o,Mat C o, the the daughter daughter ofBa-tan. of Ba -tan. TheThe KarraniKarrani tribestribes relaterelate toto the restrest ofofthe the PashtunsPashtuns through theirtheir ancestorancestor Ka-Ka- r-r -rGan,r ¢an, a a man man of of doubtful doubtful origin.origin.

Pashtun genealogy is uniform only with regardregard to itsits mainmain ancientancient aspects.aspects.

Views of thethe originsorigins ofof particular particular groupsgroups maymay varyvary in in different different tribes50. tribes50 . TheseThese discrepancies bear witness to the ideological character of many genealogies. Thus it is interesting notnot to establishestablish what "really"really happened"happened" (which(which isis probablyprobably impossible),impossible), but to see whowho originallyoriginally producedproduced thesethese genealogiesgenealogies andand whowho reproducesreproduces themthem nownow as well as who is making what claims of legitimacy and superiority.

49 Jews lived on thethe territoryterritory ofof Afghanistan Afghanistan fromfrom ancientancient timestimes (Gnoli,(Gnoli, 1962,1962, pp.311 pp.311-312). -312). However, it is mostmost unlikelyunlikely that they in any way contributed to the making of the Pashtun ethnos. Nevertheless, wellwell untiluntil thethe endend of the 19th19th centurycentury many authors writing on the Pashtuns subscribed to the viewview thatthat PashtunsPashtuns hadhad descendeddescended fromfrom Jews.Jews. TheyThey werewere seenseen asas the descendants of the the lostlost tenten tribestribes ofof Israel Israel whowho diddid notnot returnreturn fromfrom thethe BabylonBabylon captivity.captivity. However, even in the 1830's1830's BernhardBernhard DornDorn provedproved thatthat PashtunsPashtuns and Jews had nothing in common. Surprisingly, even now some journalists, perhaps after uncritically reading justjust one or two outdated booksbooks onon Afghanistan,Afghanistan, findfind itit possiblepossible to contemplate this Jewish connection. 50so These variations are printedprinted inin italics in genealogicalgenealogical chartscharts below. The names of individuals are transliterated and given inin capitals and tribaltribal names areare inin an Anglicised formform and inin lowlow casescases withoutwithout transliterationtransliteration becausebecause ofof thethe irregularityirregularity ofof theirtheir spelling.spelling. InIn general, genealogical charts below should bebe treatedtreated asas anan approximationapproximation forfor itit isis impossibleimpossible to record all individualindividual variations reflecting the ideological constructs of different tribes.

40 CHART 4. QAYS ANDAND HISHIS DESCENDANTS.DESCENDANTS.

QAYS 6ABD AL-AL- 7,11 ,,TT

SARBAN BA-TAN/BI-TAN GHURGHU...ST ( 3

CHART 5. THE SARBAN LINE (1)( 1)

SARBAN

...SARKHB£UN ISM£A6£ILISM£Aô£IL KHAR...SBUN (1.3.)

CHART 6. THE ...SARKHBUN... SARKHB¢UN LINEAGE LINEAGE (1 (1.1.). 1 .)

. . .SARKHB£UN ~...... ----~~ . URMA-RURMA -R I ...... S£ER£AN£I S£ER£AN£I I TAR£IN II MIY£ANAH II BARETS II ZAYMUKHT I (adopted son)

T R I B E S IL T ,I BE S l l1 l l1 1 SheSherani rani Tor Tarin Miyanah I Barets I I Zaymukht I I Urmari I Spin Jalwani Tarin Abdali Haripal (Durrani) Babar Usturana

41 CHART 7.7 . THE KHAR,,SBKHAR,SB¢UN UN LINEAGE LINEAGE (1. (1 . 3.)3 .)

KHAR...SBUN

KAND (KUND) JAMAND/ZAMAND KEAS£

GH£OR KHA...XAY

T R I I B E E SS 1 Ghoriyah Commonwealth

Muhammadzay-Muhammadzay­ Tarklani Kasuriyah I Shinwari I Gugiyani Jamand/Zamand DaôudzayDaoudzay Mandan Yusufzay Mullagori Khashay Zirani

42 CHART 8.8. THE BATANBATAN/BETAN /BETAN LINELINE (2)(2) ..

I BA-TANBA- TAN /BE--/BE -- ~ ...... 4 ························································· ...... marriage MAT£0(a)MAT£O (a) 4 marriage ...SAH... SAH HUSAYNHUSAYN ISM£A8£ILISM£AôTIL (2.1)(2 .1) WARSP£UN/ KAJ£ I N GH£UR£I (adopted childless son;son; WAR.WAR...S .. SP£UN P£UN (the son of the ruler ofof biological fatherfather SARBAN Ghur) (1)(1)) )

IBR£A-HIM L£OD£I

SIY£AN£I DOTAN

PRANG£ I ISM£A6£ILISM£Aô£IL 4 i.. S£URSLUR L£0HANI

T R I B E SS ··· · ··· ····· · The····LodiThe- CoCo orrwea-lth·onweaith The Ghilzay Commonwealth (see separate chart) The LohaniLohani Commonwealth 1 .,. I Bitani I Niyazi Makhuri Dawlat KhelKhel DotDotani ani Patarnagi Miyan KhelKhel Baburi Niyazi MarwatMa rwa t Khasor TatorTatar MullaMull a KhelKhel Lodi

43 There is also aa different versionversion ofof thethe genealogygenealogy ofof thethe tribes originatingoriginating fromfrom Mateo.Mat¢o.

CHART 9. 9. THE MATEOMAT£0 LINEAGELINEAGE. .

MATEO

T£UR£AN BURH£AN IBR£AH£

B£AB£0 B£AR£U AZ£IB M£US£A

T R I B E SS

The Sulayman Khel

Ikhirzay ohi 6AliÔAli AhmadzayAhmad z a y Sohak/ZSohak/Zahak hak Khel Shahu-Shahu­ /Utak Aka Sali-KhelSali -Khel AnAndar dar Khel Khel Tahiri Bacha Saraz Manzay IsmaôilzayIsmaoilzay Sultan­Sultan - BastanBastan-Khel -Khel

44 There is also anotheranother versionversion ofof thethe genealogygenealogy ofof thethe descendantsdescendants ofof T¢ur¢anTCuran and Ibr¢ahIbrah3m3 m whowho fromfrom thethe Ghilzay tribaltribal commonwealth.commonwealth. CHART 1010. . THE GHILZAY COMMONWEALTH.COMMONWEALTH. I MATEOMAT£0 I J • l I I GHA(I)LZAYGHA ( I ) LZAY I I T£UR£AN r 1 IBR£AH£IM I / ----.::::::: ...... ~ KH£AROT TOKH£I H£OTAK AZ£IB.£---- M£US£A I KH£AROT I I I I TOKH£I H£0TAK I l AZ£IB l l M£US£A j / T R I B E s ~ The Sulayman -Khel Commonwealth The Taraqi I The Sohaq/Sohaq/ /~om~he~i------Sak/IshaqSak /Ishaq Commonweal 411. Khwazak Kaysar- ShamalShamal-Khel -Khel Ahmadza Union Khel Union Yy

~ j \ I / V Yahya- Kata-Kat a- Hasan- Saraz- OAli-ÔAli- - Tor Kishiyani Hotak Jabar-Khel Miriani Khel Khel Khel Khel Khel Sohak Abubakar- / Ado- Manjar- Shahal- Khel/ Aka- Sohak- Sur BakurzayBa kurzay Mali-KhelMali -Khel Bahlulzay Shalgar Khel Khel Khel Babakar Khel Khel Sohak Khel Pan Sohak/ Zakho- Shah- Atak- Maoruf-Maôruf- Garbaz- DranDr an Spin Patozay Khel Alam-Khel Khel Khel Khel Sohak/ Garji Tota-Khel/Tota -Khel/ Madu- Jalalzay Umar-KhelUmar -Khel MusaMusa-Khel -Khel KosKosin in A Khel ~ Sohak Firozzay Yahya-Khel Dara Sohak i i t I 3I ~I Shamalzay Isaô-KhelIsao-Khel

45 Tbrahim-Ibrahim- Din- Khel Khel Zandak- Mirgutay Khel Bahram- Dandi-Khel Khel Khurani- Khel

46 There are two versions of Ism¢a6il'Ismaôil's s (1.2) ( 1. 2) lineage. According to thethe firstfirst oneone hehe dieddied childless,childless, accordingaccording toto another he leftleft numerousnumerous descendants.descendants.

CHART 11. THE ISMG`AÔ£ILIsM¢A6£IL LINEAGELINEAGE (1.(1.2.) 2.) ISM£Aô£ISM£A6£ j __ __ L =!= .. ------TURI WIFE UNKNOWN WIFE

IB E S

Momah- Miyan- Tator Khawad Patekh Sur Mahpal Khel Khel

CHART 12. THE GHURGU...GHURGU ... ST ST LINELINE (3)

GHURGU...ST

D£ANAY B£ABAY MAND£U

T R I B E S

Kakar Babi (Gadun maymay be (mixed Mandu-Mandu­ Pani Naghar (mixed related toto with Naghar Khel I I with Daur)Daur) Khel ) Kakar)

Musa-Musa­ Khel IIsot sot Dehpal Zmaray/ Mzaray Pani

47 There are two different versions of the origin of Ka-r-r¢anKa-r-ran (Karlan).(Karl¢an) . AccordingAccording toto oneone ofof them,them, he isis thethe son of Burh¢anBurhan and thus the grandson of GhurhguGhurhgu"st. st. According toto anotheranother version,version, he waswas foundfound byby anan UrmariUrmari tribesman and adopted by his brother who hadhad nono sons.sons. CHART 1313.1. .1. THE KARRANIKARRANI /I KARLANIKARLANI COMMONWEALTH.COMMONWEALTH.

I KA-R-R£ANIKARLKA-R-R£AN/KARL I ....._ i .... K£0DAYK£ODAY KAKHAY ...... SETAK SETAK (adopted

K A R R A NN I I /I K A R LLA A N II C O0 M M O0 N W EE A L T H

,lr r ,lr Wardak Afridi Bannuchi Khostwal Orakzay Jadran ManMangal gal Khugiyani Jadran Jaji/Dzadz_Ja j i/Dza dz: Khattak Turi Afridi Utman-Khel

There is also anan alternativealternative genealogy.genealogy.

CHART 13.2.13.2. THE KARRANI /I KARLANIKARLANI COMMONWEALTH.COMMONWEALTH .

I KA-R-R£ANIKARLKA-R-R£AN/KARL I y_ I 1ST WIFEWIFE I I 2ND WIFE I I 3R3RD0 WIFEWIFE I + I DILAZAK J ~ ...... I L£0R£IL£OR£I I I YA6Q£UBYAôQ£UB I K A41(1A/-- R A N II I K4K + RR LL AA:I N, I C 0O MM MM 0O NN WW EE: ~ LL T T H H Lori- Mandarzay I Orakzay I Turi I Khel I Amizay KhiniKhi ni Sanizay Wardak Matizay MangalMan gal Khidarzay Musazay Yasin- Khel

48 Manizay

49 There islS also oneone moremore versionversion ofof thethe genealogygenealogy ofof thethe KarraniKarrani/Karlani /Karlani commonwealth.commonwealth.

CHART 13.3. 13 . 3 . THE KARRANIKARRANI / IKARRANI KARLANI COMMONWEALTH. COMMONWEALTH .

KA-R-R£,AN/KARL

KHA-T-TA BURH£AN SULAYM£AN ...SEYTAK KHUG£I

WAZ££££

L£ALAY KHIDHR/KHIDHRAY

MUB£ARAK MA-HM£U M£US£A 4 y GARB£AZ MASSô£U A-HMAD U-TM£AN 4 BA-HL£U ôAl A-HMADZAY U-TMANZAY

K£ABIL S£I WALE IBR£AH£ MA-HM£U

K A R R A N I A R A C O M O N W A L T H

,---- - H I:::J :A! tJ 1\j tl:l 0> ::8 ::r:,.0) OJ (f) H til ~ OJ OJa, tJ 1-'- OJ OJ ~ Ill c: 1-3 Q. ::r f-. 1-'- f-' ~ 1\j f-. :::l 1-'- ::> Ill 11 ::s I->-I- f-' I !-'· rt ::s ~ c I->- c: I I rt 1-'· s:: H I :A! ;:J 0. I->- 1-'- f-. :A! I I Ill 0 ""'- 1\j :A! ::> ;.;- 1-'· OJ N ~ (]) ::> ::r (]) ::> (]) :A! :A! ::J ~ OJW (]) f-' ::> ::> I-+- \...J. f-. f-' I->- '-< F f-' (]) (]) I->- f-' f-' Mas6udi Masôuda. !Jarwesh-Khel Wazirs Wazirs Darwesh-Khel Wazirs

50 There isis also aa differentdifferent viewview ofof thethe genealogygenealogy ofof SulaymOan'sSulaym¢an's descendants.

CHART 14. THE SULAYM£AN LINEAGE.LINEAGE.

KA-R-R£AN/KARL

y SULAYM£AN r= ì WAZ£IR BAY M£ALIK KAKHAY

T R I B E S

As inin thethe previous Bayzay Miri/ chart Miranzay Banga:shBang ash

There is also a beliefbelief thatthat thethe Wazirs,Wazirs, Daurs andand DilazaksDilazaks have no relationrelation to Qays and thusthus dodo notnot fitfit anyany segmentsegment ofof the Pashtun genealogy (Morgenstierne, 1961, pp.218pp.218-219; -219; Muhammad HayatHay at Khan,Khan, 1981, Neamet Ullah,Ullah, 1821829 9-183 -1836; 6; Raverty, 1895, p.156; Robinson, 1935, pp.56, 58, 59, appendix 3; Romodin, 1980,1980, pp.239pp.239-251; -251; Rose,Rose, 1914,1914, pp.204pp.204-205) -205)

51 CHART 1 15.5 . THE DURRANI COMMONWEALTHCOMMONWEALTH..

Qays ~Qays ...Sarkhb Khar,sb •"""~lteE~e'ctY.~),Yalternatively...... ".. "····• ~

Taran I TarTaran3 n I

Abdal/Aw&a /Awda• T H E

'l:J1-0 IJj > Mtri C: >' o>0> ~ 3:X 0o piOJ 0 UlCD ::::>' ~ z >'> OJ 'D1-0 0o t-i ::::>' >:::: f---' ::::>' >:::: OJpi OJ N OJ t-iIl f-'· ...... _OJ lQ f---' P N >:::: N ..0 ~ "'N N ~ N N OJ N OJ OJ OJ OJ "'OJ OJ"'pi '< OJ ~ '< '< '< '< '< H.f-'- '<

perhaps related

THE ROYALR 0 Y A 1 DUD U RRANT A N I CLANSC 1 A N S

Saddozay Mohammadzay (ruled 1747- (ruled 1826-1973/1978)1826-1973/1978)

52 CHART 16. GEOGRAPHICALGEOGRAPHICAL, r DEMOGRAPHIC AND LINGUISTIC DATA ON SOME PASHTUN TRIBES IN AFGHANISTANAFGHANISTAN*. * .

TRIBAL COMMONWEALTHCOMMONWEALTH MEMBERS DIVISION TRII!!ESTRIBES LOCATRW DIALECT OCCUPATION •••• or LINEAGE ·• .i Olllj~~.~i. · ...... D•~scr. !THOUSANDS}1THOUSANDS} >· ·2Z2P'I' -x 1./INNand •. ····.···········} and I· E ofLqcATlON Kandahar, W of A 400 sedentary agriculturalists Popalzay thethe Helmand

E of Kandahar, A 400 Alikozay sedentary agriculturalists NE of the Helmand A 400 -~ zon"43 SW of Qandahar A 500 sedentary agriculturalists Barakzay (Arghestan) sedentary agriculturalists, nomadic ~~ , Kohdaman A 100 ~1§ Achakzay pastoralists Q~° SW and W Afghanistan A 400 nomadic pastoralists Nurzay (Farah, Herat) PANJPAO ôAlizay6Alizay Zamindawar, Helmand A 400 sedentary agriculturalists Eshaqzay/ W of Kandahar (Argandab), sedentary agriculturalists and A 400 Sakzay Farah, SistanSistan pastoralists NE of Kandahar, Kalat, SESE A 150 sedentary agriculturalists Hotak ofGhazniof Ghazni TURAN Kalat, Tamak, Arghandab,Arghandab, A 250 sedentary agriculturalists Laghman, Paktia 8B ? sedentary agriculturalists Nasar Kohdaman (summer) 8B 40 nomadic traders nomadic traders (majority), The SulaymanSulayman-Khel -Khel Katawaz, S and SE of >-8 8B 500 sedentary agriculturalists and -<~ Commonwealth Kabul Noel pastoralists ....l V> rA AZIB ...... J<.

53 sedentary agriculturalists and Afridi Mashreqi C 60 Afridi c pastoralists, charcoal-charcoal-burners burners sedentarysedentary pastoralists, wood Paktia B 200 MangalMangal transporters and smugglers sedentary pastoralists,pastoralists, woodwood- - -:z Jadran Paktia B 180 ~ Turi Paktia (Korm) B 40 :z:;Z 79 pastoralists sedentary agriculturalists and majority C c.) Jaji/Dzadzi Paktia 220 pastoralists, wood transporterstransporters andand ~~i minority B

THE GHORIYAHGHORIY AH KHEL Sedentary pastoralists and Mohmand Mashreqi cC 150 COMMONWEALTH aagriculturalistsculturalists THE KHAR...SB£UNKHAR. .. SB£UN sedentary agriculturalists and LINEAGE None Shinwari Mashreqi cC 100 pastoralists, silksilk -producers, (chart 7) caravaneers sedentary agriculturalists and None Yusufzay Farah B ? None Yusufzay pastoralists Winter Kunduz, Nangrahar; Lodi sununersummer Badakhshan, B ?7 nomadic pastoralists LODI Kabul None Winter Kandahar; summer (chart 8) Niyazi B ? nomadic pastoralists Niyazi Ghazni Winter Kandahar; summer B ? nomadic pastoralists Dotani Ghazni sedentary agriculturalists and PANI Safi Kunar, Kuhestan CIBC/B 220 THE GHURGUGHURGU...ST ... ST pastoralists, apiculturalists apicuistsalist LINE (chart(chart 12)12) sedentary agriculturalists and E and SW of Kandahar B 150 None Kakar pastoralists, caravaneerscaravaneers THE ...... SARKHB£UN SARKHB£ UN None Barets S of Kandahar A 30 sedentary agriculturalists LINEAGE (chart (chart 6)6)

54 *Based'Based on thethe datadata providedprovided inin Raverty,Raverty, 1888; Caroe, 1999; de Benoist,Benoist, 1981; Kieffer, 1985. All figures and eveneven locations should be treatedtreated asas approximations,approximations, for without a properproper andand systematicsystematic fieldfield researchresearch insideinside AfghanistanAfghanistan exact data reflecting the quickly changing realityreality onon thethe groundground cannotcannot bebe obtained.obtained. For dialect distinction in the Pashto language see the sectionsection "Major"Major LanguagesLanguages of Afghanistan and Their Literary TraditionsTraditions". ".

55 In order to be a Pashtun it is not sufficient to belong to a Pashtun tribe; one has to "do Pashto"Pashto" (pa,xt¢o(pa x tc o kakaw+l). w =1). This refers to following a tribal code of conduct known as Pashtunwali51.Pashtunwali51 • ForFor thethe definitiondefinition of Pashtun identity the practice of "doing"doing

Pashto" isis explicitlyexplicitly superordinatesuperordinate to speakingspeaking thethe PashtoPashto languagelanguage (pa,(pa xxtOo t ¢ o

way-1).way-"-1). Therefore, only those who livelive accordingaccording to thethe normsnorms ofof Pashtunwali areare considered truetrue Pashtuns, whilewhile possession ofof the Pashto language as somebody's native tongue is not considered as a sufficient criterion for being Pashtun.

Sometimes Pashtunwali is regarded as the codecode ofof honour honour (Pstrusiríska,(Pstrusinska, 1983,1983, p.92); however, thisthis is only partly true. The code of honour is an integralintegral part of

Pashtunwali, which also includesincludes moralmoral values,values, socialsocial institutions,institutions, militarymilitary virtues,virtues, kinship structures,structures, tribal genealogy,genealogy, customarycustomary lawlaw andand IslamicIslamic religiosity52.religiositl2. InIn general PashtunwaliPashtunwali is the combinationcombination of traditions,traditions, which, as thethe PashtunsPashtuns themselves think,think, distinguish themthem from allall otherother peoplespeoples (Rzehak,(Rzehak, 1989,1989, p.58;p.58;

Rzehak and Griunberg, 1992,1992, p.184).p.l84 ).

The principles of Pashtunwali constitute the pillars of the edifice ofof tribal life.life.

It has beenbeen arguedargued byby WilliWilli Steul,Steul, thethe authorauthor ofof thethe onlyonly monographmonograph on Pashtunwali,Pashtunwali, that the cornerstonecornerstone of PashtunwaliPashtunwali is the concept of ghayratman (a manman ofof honour, honour, herohero-warrior). -warrior). Although Although the the notionnotion of ghayra tman is connectedconnected withwith generalgeneral military bravery and the useuse ofof force force onlyonly PashtunsPashtuns whowho displaydisplay some some altruisticaltruistic qualities are accorded thisthis title. Thus, the true ghayra tman is expected to defenddefend and actively support the interests and honour of hishis family,family, village,village, clan,clan, tribe,tribe, nationnation

51 51 In the originaloriginal PashtoPashto itit is p-:-,xt-:-nw¢alay.p= xt= nwalay. I shall, however, use this term inin itsits anglicised form as it is always referred to in anthropological literature. 52 Pashtun social institutions are discussed in the section "The SocialSocial StructureStructure of AfghanAfghan SocietySociety" and and genealogy genealogy isis describeddescribed above.above.

56 and aboveabove allall women53women 53 (Steul,(Steul, 1981, pp.172pp.172-177). -177). Observance Observance of of the the rules of ghayra tman conduct involves meeting two setssets ofof behavioural behavioural expectationsexpectations focused on the preservationpreservation ofof honour.honour. TheThe firstfirst oneone dealsdeals withwith nang(ah)nang (ah) (honour, reputation), i.e. communitycommunity orientedoriented actions:actions: nCamCusn ¢am¢ us (honour, dignity)dignity) - thethe defence of women and territoryterritory and nn-c-naw¢a =nawCa tah (asking for forgiveness or help)help)- - the support and defence of those who are unableunable to defend themselves, usually clients, as wellwell asas thethe mechanismmechanism forfor settlingsettling bloodblood disputes;disputes; the secondsecond one isis ttcurah ¢ u rah

(bravery but also sword)sword) whichwhich impliesimplies thethe Pashtun'sPashtun's personalpersonal honour.honour. CommunalCommunal interests are consideredconsidered more importantimportant than the personalpersonal ones (Janata(Janata andand Hassas,Hassas,

1975, pp.85pp.85-87; -87; RzehakRzehak and Griunberg,Griunberg, 1992,1992, pp.188pp.188-194; -194; Steul,Steul, 1981,1981, pp.137pp.137-147, -147,

151-15151 -153). 3 ). Charles Charles Lindholm Lindholm suggests suggests that that therethere are more pillarspillars ofof Pashtunwali, Pashtunwali, namely revengerevenge/compensation /compensation - literally "exchange" ((ba ba da 1) ,, hospitality

(m¢elmastey¢a)(mCelmasteyCa) and n-'-naw¢atah,n= nawCatah, which he interpretsinterprets asas refuge54refuge54 (Lindholm,(Lindholm,

1982, p.211p.211). ). He insists that the principles of Pashtunwali serve to mask or reconcile the realities of thethe socialsocial structure.structure. RevengeRevenge unites men and gives the minimal form necessary for social life whilewhile equalityequality and respectrespect ritualsrituals enactenact thethe twotwo potentiallypotentially hostile members ofofthe the segmentarysegmentary systemsystem (Lindholm,(Lindholm, 1982,1982, pp.237pp.237-238). -238).

It appears that allall otherother rulesrules areare derivedderived fromfrom thethe aboveabove-mentioned -mentioned concepts.

They serve to meet the challengeschallenges ofof everydayeveryday lifelife andand provideprovide specificspecific guidelinesguidelines to those who live according to Pashtunwali. In his description ofPashtunwaliof Pashtunwali the Afghan s353 M.G. Aslanov offers the followingfollowing translation ofof the wordword ghayrat:ghayrat: sensesense ofof dignity dignity ((chuvstvo chuvstvo sobstvennogosobstvennogo dostoinstva), self-respectself -respect (samouvazhenie (samouvazhenie), ), pride pride (gordost (gordost'), '), ambition (samolyubie); zealzeal (rvenie), eagerness (userdie), ardour (pyl);(pyl); valourvalour (doblest'),(doblest'), couragecourage (muzhestvo) bravery (smelost(smelost'); '); indignationindignation (negodovanie, vozmuschenievozmuschenie); ); modesty (skromnost(skromnost') ') (Aslanov,(Aslanov, 1966,1966, pp.621pp.621-622). -622).

54sa In Pashto there is a specialspecial expression for providing a refuge (pan¢a(pal-20a kawkaw-d). =1). PashtunsPashtuns cannot refuse a requestrequest forfor refugerefuge becausebecause it couldcould bebe interpretedinterpreted as aa signsign ofof weakness weakness (Rzehak and Griunberg, 1992, p.194);p.l94 ); thus their personal honour will be undermined.

57 codifier ofof the normsnorms of tribaltribal lifelife QeQey¢am y am a al-Dl - D 3 n n KhKh¢adem adem mentions mentions thethe following foundationsfoundations ofof the Pashtuns'Pashtuns' wayway ofof life55: life55 : ethics ofof war,war, i.e. deathdeath punishment for deserters,deserters, obligatoryobligatory removalremoval ofof thethe bodiesbodies ofof killed killed fighters,fighters, fightingfighting until victory or death, preference forfor the sudden attack at nightnight (d¢a--rah),(dca- -rah) , women fighting alongside with men; taking of hostages or property for an unpaid debt

(b (a) ramramtah); t ah) ; respect ofof elders;elders; holy warwar (jeh¢ad);(j eh ca d) ; tribal assembly

(jergah);(jergah) ; truce/layingtruce /laying thethe stonestone ((te te"gah); gah) ; promise and faithfulnessfaithfulness (ôand(8ahd aw wawaff33 a); truthfulness ((33 mm¢and¢ar 0 a n da r 33)); ; strength of determinationdetermination (klaka(kl a ka er¢adahercadah awaw ktcengtyca);Yt¢engty¢a); steadfastness ((thabcat thab¢at aw estegOamat);aw esteq¢amat); ethnic pride (me113(melJ3 ghorCur);ghor¢ur); self-respectself- respect (d-e-(d= dzOandz¢an ôezzat)8ezzat); ; courage

(lw-c--rhemmat( l w=-rhemma t 3 ));; freedom (¢az¢ad(Ca z Oad33 aw -horreya-horreyat); t); equality

(mos¢aw¢at);(mosOawOat); defence of thethe guestguest (p-c-(p= m-'-lmahm =lmah ghayrat);ghayrat); safe escortescort

(badragah);(ba dra ga h) ; patriotism (d(d-'- = wa-tanwa -tan m 3 nah);na h); national independence

(mell(me1133 esteql¢al);estegl0al); honesty (dey¢anat);(deyCanat) ; chastity (p¢ak(pOak33 aw

8effaôeffat) t); ; unity (ettefaq)( ettefaq); ; simplicity ((sOadag3) s¢adag 3 ); ; respect ofof nationalnational traditions; attention to the rolerole ofof womenwomen asas housekeepers;housekeepers; upbringing of children in accordance with nationalnational traditions;traditions; love forfor nationalnational games;games; tellingtelling thethe truthtruth

((re re"xtey¢a); xteyca) ; mutual helphelp (mrastah);(mrastah) ; aid to thethe poorpoor (baspanah); local militia (ch( ch 3 ghah (literally "cry"cry", ", "call"call")); ")); rivalryrivalry/competition /competition (g¢und(gcund33 (literally(literally

"partisanship"partisanship"); "); exchangeexchange ofof hostages for securingsecuring the trucetruce (ya rghamarghama 1); 1); fidelity in marriage; celibacy of widows (k( k¢un C un tt¢un); G un); penal code (Kh¢(Kh a adem, dem, 1952).1952).

Thus, according to Pashtunwali, Pashtun society isis governedgoverned byby thethe followingfollowing principles:

55ss As it also isis thethe casecase withwith thethe mainmain rulesrules ofof Pashtunwali Pashtunwali thethe wordswords designatingdesignating principlesprinciples derived from these main rules often have a double meaning.meaning.

58 1. Every Pashtun has sovereign, unassailable rights, which can be restricted only

by his leader. Pashtuns follow their leaders only on a voluntary basis.

2. All facets of societysociety andand PashtunPashtun societysociety as aa wholewhole havehave sovereignsovereign andand

unassailable rights.

3. Life is hard and the world hostile.hostile. Both the individualindividual and allall tribaltribal facetsfacets areare

under constant threat from outside. Therefore defence of both is essential.

4. The individual and thethe societysociety areare responsibleresponsible forfor eacheach other.other. TheThe interestsinterests ofof

both have equal significance.

5. The continued existence, sovereignty and honour of the individualindividual andand tribaltribal

facets are guaranteed byby landland ownership.ownership.

6. WomenWomen guaranteeguarantee furtherfurther existence ofof the Pashtuns butbut theythey are of lowerlower

social rank than men.men. WomenWomen shouldshould bebe protectedprotected againstagainst physicalphysical attacks.attacks.

Sexual relations are possible only within wedlock. Violation of the exclusive

sexual rights of thethe husbandhusband constitutesconstitutes an attack on hishis personalpersonal honourhonour

(Steul, 1981,1981, pp.309pp.309-310). -310).

Defence of these principles isis thethe rightright andand obligationobligation ofof everyevery Pashtun.Pashtun. SinceSince in traditional PashtunPashtun societysociety therethere areare no no law- law-enforcement enforcement agencies,agencies, selfself-defence -defence isis the solesole responsibilityresponsibility ofof an offended man. InIn the case of aa clearclear violationviolation ofof thethe individual's rights ((t t ¢eray)Cera y) the tribal councilcouncil (j(j ergah)ergah) gives gives the the offendedoffended the right to demand revengerevenge andand withdraws itsits supportsupport fromfrom thethe offender.offender.

There are some apparent contradictions betweenbetween PashtunwaliPashtunwali andand thethe rulesrules ofof the sar3ôat.,sar3 6a Thus t. Thus punishments punishments prescribed prescribed by by the the Koran Koran are are not not applied. applied. Women Women are disinherited of realreal propertyproperty andand inin marriagemarriage loselose rightsrights toto theirtheir natal natal lineages56 lineages 56.

56 L. Rzehak and A.L.A.L. GriunbergGriunberg are ofof differentdifferent opinionopinion (Rzehak(Rzehak andand Griunberg,Griunberg, 1992,1992, p.191).

59 Divorce is virtuallyvirtually impossible,impossible, marriage is absolutely binding andand inheritance ofof widows is commoncommon (Anderson,(Anderson, 1984, p.276). TheThe general view of women asas perpetuators of the Pashtun ethnosethnos isis sometimessometimes connectedconnected withwith thethe prepre-Islamic -Islamic belief in Mother Earth (Steul,(Steul, 1981,1981, p.141;p.141; JanataJanata andand Hassas,Hassas, 1975,1975, p.86).p.86). BesidesBesides thesethese obvious legal differences thethe ethos of Pashtunwali isis alsoalso quitequite differentdifferent fromfrom thatthat ofof the "sarsari ôa3 oat. t. While the sha"shar r3 ôa3 8at at focuses focuses onon preciseprecise punishmentpunishment ofof thethe wrongdoers in communal interests,interests, Pashtunwali deals with the revengerevenge ofof violations violations of personal honour.honour.

Thus, the focusfocus ofof PashtunwaliPashtunwali is onon mattersmatters ofof honour, honour, eithereither personalpersonal oror collective. This concept of honourhonour goes beyond the notion of personalpersonal dignity.dignity. In aa highly competitive segmentary society honour becomes the symbol of social prestige and political power; defencedefence of honourhonour cancan thusthus bebe understoodunderstood asas aa politicalpolitical actionaction aimed at maintaining or improving individual or collective status.

The all-embracingall- embracing importanceimportance ofof personalpersonal and communalcommunal honourhonour in

Pashtunwali sometimessometimes obscures obscures the the true true significancesignificance of of Islam Islam in in thethe system of

Pashtun values. Thus Louis DupreeDupree describesdescribes Afghan society as characterisedcharacterised by

"religious nonnon-" -literacy" (Dupree,(Dupree, 1980, pp.95-112)pp.95 -112) and and LeonLeon PoulladaPoullada denies the genuine Islamic character of thethe tribaltribal revolt againstagainst KingKing Am¢anArn an AlAl¢alh alh

(Amanulla) in 19291929 (Poullada,(Poullada, 1973,1973, p.171).p.171). UnlikeUnlike thethe aboveabove-mentioned -mentioned authors,

Jon W. Anderson argues that for Pashtuns tribalism (in a sense of belonging to a tribe) is a primaryprimary manifestation of theirtheir identityidentity asas MuslimsMuslims (Anderson,(Anderson, 1984,1984, p.266). For

Pashtuns being Muslim isis inseparableinseparable fromfrom theirtheir heritageheritage andand tribaltribal genealogy.genealogy. TheyThey deny having anyany prepre-Islamic -Islamic pastpast or history of conversion.conversion. According to commoncommon belief, Qays, the ancestor of all Afghans, went to Mecca as soon as he learnt of the mission of thethe ProphetProphet Mo- harnmad.hammad . In Mecca he received Islam directly fromfrom thethe

60 3 Prophet who who called called him him 6Abd ôAbd a 1-al -RaRa, s 3 d . Thus, the Pashtuns make aa claimclaim toto anan exemplary Islam and an exemplary possession of Islam. The Pashtuns assert that Qays had a kindkind ofof companionshipcompanionship with the Prophet Mu-harmnadMu- hammad similar to that of thethe

Prophet's closestclosest associates.associates. SinceSince there were no Pashtuns before Qays who embraced

Islam so soonsoon afterafter it hadhad beenbeen revealed,revealed, thethe PashtunsPashtuns considerconsider themselvesthemselves asas members of an exclusively Muslim people (qa( qa wm).v.nn). Thus qa v.nn,wm, i.e. thethe community of all Pashtuns and their way of life, is regarded as a kind ofoflslamic Islamic tradition ((sunna s unna t)t) as well as thethe meansmeans ofof mediation mediation ofof Islam Islam toto thethe Pashtuns.Pashtuns. Therefore,Therefore, thethe PashtunsPashtuns reason that what they do must be inin completecomplete accordance withwith IslamIslam sincesince itit is not possible to be more Muslim than they are. Thus it is assumed that to be a Pashtun isis to be a Muslim, while the reverse is not true. They think that only the SaSayyeds yyeds (but not other Arabs), who areare respectedrespected asas thethe Prophet'sProphet's own own qa qav.nn, wm, areare superiorsuperior toto them.them.

Moreover, PashtunwaliPashtunwali is considered as as a moremore genuinegenuine formform ofof religion religion in comparison withwith bothboth normative andand mystical Islam. Other peoplepeople needneed thethe transmission of IslamIslam throughthrough sar3ôat, sa r 3 oa t and more than thethe PashtunsPashtuns whowho are "already""already Muslims. Muslims. Thus Thus tribalism tribalism becomes becomes aa formform ofof salvation salvation and all attempts to undermine the tribal way of life are compared to repeated failures of revelation prior to the ProphetProphet Mo-Mo- harmnadhammad and, as manymany Pashtuns think, the work of Satan.Satan. TheseThese concepts are taken for grantedgranted and, therefore,therefore, do notnot requirerequire anan explanation.explanation. This claim to aa uniqueunique positionposition of thethe PashtunsPashtuns within the wider world of Islam may be considered as an identificationidentification of "the wayway ofof thethe Pashtuns"Pashtuns" withwith Islam.Islam. IslamIslam thusthus becomes a part ofof PashtunPashtun ethnicethnic identity.identity. TheThe completecomplete confidenceconfidence in thethe IslamicIslamic character of the PashtunnessPashtunness constrictsconstricts the rolerole ofof religious religious groupsgroups andand explainsexplains thethe continuation ofof Pashtun customs, which from the outsider's pointpoint ofof view view containcontain nonnon-Islamic -Islamic elements.elements. TheThe mediationmediation ofof Islam through QaysQays is not in agreement with

61 conventional types types of of transmission transmission through through ,sar sa r33 ôaoat t and and Sufism.Sufism. SomeSome PashtunsPashtuns are aware of the contradictionscontradictions betweenbetween Pashtunwali and Islamic norms. This conflict is dissolveddissolved by keeping Pashtunwali, , sasa r r 33 oatôa t andand SufismSufism apart,apart, inin separateseparate contexts and asas alternativesalternatives toto eacheach other other (Ahmed, (Ahmed, 1984, 1984, pp.311 pp.311-313; -313; Anderson,Anderson,

1984, pp.274-277,pp.274 -277, 280-283;280 -283; Barth,Barth, 1981[2], p.105).

Sometimes thisthis viewview ofof the unique nature of the Pashtuns' IslamIslam can reachreach extreme manifestations. manifestations. The The modern modern Afghan Afghan author author Sayyed Sayyed Ras Ras¢ul ulRas Rasa ¢a writes about his mother who travelled to from her native village. Since nobody spoke Pashto in the Indian capital she decided that there were no Muslims inin Delhi.Delhi.

For her being a Muslim entailedentailed obligatoryobligatory command command of ofPashto Pashto57.57 •

1.5.1.2. TAJIKS.TAJIKS.

Approximately 3,500,0003,500,000 Dari-Dari-speaking speaking5858 Tajiks Tajiks ofof AfghanistanAfghanistan live predominantlypredominantly in the north of the country,country, concentrating mainly in the northeast where theythey refer to themselves byby thethe valley or regionregion where they live.live. ThoseThose livingliving in thethe areasareas dominated by other ethnicethnic groupsgroups referrefer to themselvesthemselves asas Tajik.Tajik. TheThe bulkbulk ofof the the TajiksTajiks are agriculturalistsagriculturalists working on their ancestralancestral landland allotments,allotments, whichwhich areare nevernever redistributed. In some areas the landland isis owned byby bigbig landlordslandlords who have their fields worked by tenant farmers. TajiksTajiks areare non-tribalnon -tribal people people and and predominantly predominantly - Ha-Hanaf3 na f 3

Sunni.

The term "t Ga ¢a jj eek" k" thatthat inin itsits modernmodern meaning denotes a people in Central

5' 57 Sayyed Ras¢ulRasCul Ras¢a,Rasa, D=D-:- KhoKho,s-h¢al s -hGa1 Kh¢anKhan Es1Gam3Esl¢am 3 KerdGar,Kerd¢ar, inin NangyGalayNangy¢alay Pa,xt¢un/Muhtammem:Pa xtGun /Muhtammem: Mo-hammadM¢o-hammad Akbar Mootamad,Moôtamad, Kabol,K¢abol, 1345 A.H./1966 A.D., pp.132pp.132-139, -139, quoted in Pelevin, 1993,1993, p.228.p.228. 58 The The Dari Dari of of Afghan Afghan BadakhshanBadakhshan isis closercloser toto thethe TajikTajik languagelanguage ratherrather thanthan thethe moremore oror lessless normative Dari, thus being a classicalclassical exampleexample of thethe linguisticlinguistic continuum. ForFor moremore detailsdetails on the DariDari languagelanguage seesee thethe sectionsection "Major"Major LanguagesLanguages of AfghanistanAfghanistan and their LiteraryLiterary Traditions".Traditions ".

62 Asia and AfghanistanAfghanistan5959 has a complicated historyhistory full full of of surprises60. surprises60 • ItsIts protoproto-form -form

first appeared inin Iranian languageslanguages as well as inin Aramaic and Armenian as the

of all Arabs and in the end the appellation of all Muslims. It was derived from thethe namename ofof the the Arab Arab tribe tribe -Tayy -Tayy 33 e é (or(or perhaps itsits adjective-adjective - taetaé 3), 3 ), which

domain bordered CHART 1717 . . DARI-SPEAKINGDARI- SPEAKING ETHNICETHNIC GROUPS GROUPS*. *.

LOCALI..OCAL NÄNENAME OPOF DIALECT LOCATION ETHNIC GROUP TRAITS DIALECTDI!J,ECT Urban, IndianIndian 1. Kabul city Tajik K¢abolKabol33 elements Panjsher (Panjsheri) Rural, IndianIndian Panj,s¢erPanj ster33 --~-'='-~-~::x______valley ------~-<::.t~~-~------Tajiks ------'=-~-'=~'=~-!:-~------elements Salang sa lang Tajik F¢arsFtars33 Rural 2. valley 2 . --~-Urgun UrgunUrgun/Pormul /Pormul F¢arsFars33 /Porm¢ul/Pormul33 Rural (Paktia) (Badakhshi) Rural, Tajik 5. Badakhshan BadakhBadakh,s s 33 Tajiks elements MazarMazar-e -e Urban, Tajik 6.6 Tajik Mazar3Maz¢ar 3 Sharif city elements Rural, Tajik 7. Qataghan Tajik Qataghan3Qataghan 3 and Turkic elements

Urban, , B HeratHe rat city Tajik Her¢atHertat33 Khorasani elements Rural, West ofof Taymuri F¢arsFars33 Khorasani HeratHe rat elements

59 Many Afghan Dari-Dari-speakers speakers startedstarted to call themselves Tajiks only a few decades ago. 60 ThereThere isis a greatgreat numbernumber ofof rather rather bizarre,bizarre, mainlymainly popular,popular, etymologiesetymologies of the wordword ttC ¢a a jj ek,ek, which areare beyondbeyond academicacademic discussiondiscussion andand thereforetherefore shouldshould notnot bebe dealtdealt withwith here. here.

63 North of Jamshidi Fars3F¢ars 3 Rural, HeratHe rat QalôaQal6a-ye -ye Hazara F¢arsFars33 Rural Now Rural, Turko- Ghor AymaqAyrnaq Aymaq3Ayrn¢aq 3 Mongolian elements Ghor FF3ruzkoh33 r¢uzk¢oh 3 Rural Ghor TaymaniTayrnani TayrnanTayman33 Rural Urban, Farah city Tajik Far¢ahFarah33 Khorasani elements Kandahar Tajik F¢arsFars33 Urban city Kang and Rural, the region Sistani and cC Sistani S3stan3S 3 sta¢n 3 of Baluchi Ebrahimabad elements Rural Mongol D Hazara Hazarag3Haz¢arag 3 elements 'BasedBased on Keiffer,Ke1ffer, 1985,1985, p.510p.51 0

64 the SasanianSasanian Empire. However, thethe NewNew PersianPersian wordword tt ¢aOa j jek ek cannotcannot bebe tracedtraced back to the MiddleMiddle PersianPersian t tCa ¢a z z 33 g, which developeddeveloped intointo thethe NewNew PersianPersian t tGa ¢a z z 3,3 , still meaningmeaning "Arab"Arab". ". TheThe formform t Oa¢a j jek ek ultimately goesgoes backback toto aa ParthianParthian equivalent ofof this MiddleMiddle PersianPersian word, which found its wayway intointo thethe SogdianSogdian language.

When from the endend ofof 7thih century on the SogdianSogdian territories were raided and eventually occupied by Muslim armies the warriors of IslamIslam werewere notnot exclusivelyexclusively

Arabs but consisted mainly of PersianPersian converts, so for thethe SogdiansSogdians theythey werewere thethe

Tajiks, viz. those associatedassociated withwith ArabsArabs andand Islam.Islam. Consequently,Consequently, especiallyespecially amongamong

Central Asian Turks, the term came to meanmean speakersspeakers of PersianPersian andand laterlater onon settledsettled and urban people in general. TheThe appearanceappearance ofof thethe wordword tt ¢aca jj ek inin thethe ManicheanManichean context signifies thatthat Tajiks were not onlyonly MuslimsMuslims butbut allall peoplepeople speakingspeaking thethe language of Muslims, i.e. New Persian in thethe casecase ofof Central Central AsiaAsia (Bartol'd,(Bartol'd, 1963,1963, pp.455pp.455-457; -457; Sundermann,Sundermann, 1993, 1993, pp.163-171).pp.163 -171). However, However, the the later later use use ofof the termterm

"t Ga ¢a jj ek"ek" hashas eveneven broaderbroader implicationsimplications - thus,thus, notnot onlyonly thosethose whowho speakspeak IranianIranian languages like somesome sedentarysedentary ethnicethnic groupsgroups inin thethe IranianIranian provinceprovince ofof Fars Fars speakingspeaking

South-WestSouth -West Persian Persian dialects dialects butbut eveneven somesome DardsDards in Afghanistan and Turkic groups in Central Asia, thatthat nono longerlonger followfollow thethe tribaltribal wayway ofof life,life, callcall themselvesthemselves TajiksTajiks

(Griunberg, SteblinSteblin-Kamenskii, -Kamenskii, 1989,1989, p.36)p.36) andand inin thethe casecase of Turkic areas of Central

p.7)61. Asia they mightmight bebe consideredconsidered asas suchsuch byby their their neighbours neighbours (Zarubin,(Zarubin, 1925,1925, p.7)61 •

Thus, the differentiationdifferentiation between TajiksTaj iks andand nonnon- -TajiksTaj iks reflectsreflects notnot onlyonly and not so much linguistic differences as distinctiondistinction betweenbetween the nomadsnomads andand thethe sedentarysedentary asas well as betweenbetween tribaltribal andand nonnon-tribal -tribal communities.

61 This This term term maymay havehave thethe samesame meaningmeaning eveneven beyondbeyond thethe worldworld ofof Iranian culture, thus the TransTrans-Caucasian -Caucasian ArmeniansArmenians call the Turks who live among them Tajiks (Zarubin, 1925,1925, p.7).p.7).

65 1.5.1.3. PERSIANS.

Often mistakenly referred to as Tajik,Tajik, fromfrom whomwhom theythey areare distinguisheddistinguished byby theirtheir language, which is close to the Khorasani dialects of Persian rather than "normative"

Dari, as well asas byby theirtheir ImamiImami ShiiteShiite religion.religion. ApproximatelyApproximately 600,000600,000 ofof them them livelive along the Afghan-Afghan-Iranian Iranian borderborder oror in Herat, Kandahar and Ghazni.Ghazni. LocallyLocally theythey areare known as PersianPersian-speakers -speakers ((f f ¢aOars r s 3 w¢wOan, an, withwith regionalregional variationsvariations ppCars ¢a r s 33 wcanw¢ an or p O¢a a r rss 33 b b ¢an). Oa n). Socially Socially they they differ differ littlelittle fromfrom thethe sedentary agriculturalistagriculturalist Taj Taj iks. iks.

1.5.1.4. HAZARA.

Approximately 1,000,0001,000,0006262 Hazara Hazara people people are concentrated are concentrated in the Centralin the Central Highland Highland of of

Afghanistan in the areaarea knownknown asas Hazarajat,Hazarajat, whichwhich stretchesstretches from Kabul to Herat;Herat; there are alsoalso HazaraHazara residentresident inin KabulKabul andand otherother urbanurban centrescentres as wellwell asas smallersmaller pockets in the northnorth ofof the the country.country. OutsideOutside AfghanistanAfghanistan HazaraHazara can bebe foundfound inin Iran,Iran,

Pakistan, Turkmenistan and . There is nono agreementagreement whetherwhether toto considerconsider their language,language, which possesses many unstudied dialects,dialects, asas a dialect of DariDari oror anan independent languagelanguage (Efimov,(Efimov, 1997,1997, p.155;p.155; Farhadi,Farhadi, 1975).1975).

Hazara are tribaltribal peoplepeople withwith theirtheir socialsocial structurestructure basedbased onon kinship.kinship. TheThe majority of them areare ImamiImami Shiites,Shiites, butbut therethere areare alsoalso IsmailiIsmaili andand HanafiHanafi SunniSunni groups among them.

The ancestors of Hazara may havehave arrivedarrived to the areaarea withwith thethe MongolMongol armiesarmies within the periodperiod ofof 1229 1229-1447. -1447. Their ethnic name which mightmight bebe derivedderived fromfrom

PersianPersian/Dari /Dari ha ha zz ¢a Ca r r- - thousand (the strength of a unitunit inin thethe MongolMongol army)army) maymay

62 Like it is the case withwith many other ethnic groups in Afghanistan there is no consensus on their numericalnumerical strength, thus estimations forfor Hazara range from 1,000,0001,000,000 to 1,800,0001,800,000 people.

66 serve a prove this assumption, though it might be nothing but an attempt in popularpopular etymology. The languagelanguage ofof HazaraHazara isis heavilyheavily contaminated contaminated byby Turko Turko-Mongolian -Mongolian elements and therethere areare evidencesevidences thatthat inin thethe 19th19th centurycentury therethere werewere stillstill MongolianMongolian-- speaking Hazara63Hazara63 .

CHART 18. KINSHIPKINSHIP-BASED -BASED TRIBAL STRUCTURESTRUCTURE OFOF THETHE HAZARAHAZARA SOCIETY SOCIETY* *. .

THE HAZARA PEOPLE

TRIBAL COMMONWEALTHCOMMONWEALTH• (QAWM).(QAWM). Comprises aa numbernumber ofof tribes. BeforeBefore thethe 18931893 Afghan conquestconquest werewere headedheaded

TRIBE (-(-T£AYEFAH). T£AYEFAH)• . Comprises a numbernumber ofof clans. Headed by hereditary ~ CLAN (TOL,( TOL, TOLW£AR,TOLW£AR, TOLW£ARAH) .. Comprises a numbernumber ofof extended families. Headed by

EXTENDED FAMILY• (KH£ANAW£AR,( KH£ANAW£AR, D£D£URDAU). URDAU) . Comprises related nucleusnucleus familiesfamilies

*Based onon Mousavi,Mousavi, 1998,1998, pp.46-47.pp.46-47.

Prior to the gradualgradual subjugationsubjugation ofofHazarajat Hazarajat byby EmirEmir 6AbdôAbd al-al-Ra-hm¢an Ra -hman in 18801880-1990 -1990 followedfollowed byby sporadicsporadic uprisingsuprisings ofof thethe locallocal populationpopulation thethe HazaraHazara were virtually independent. However, However, they they did did notnot form anyany statestate structures thusthus perpetrating the tribal way of lifelife wherewhere thethe politicalpolitical landscapelandscape waswas dominateddominated byby thethe hereditary heads of tribaltribal commonwealths.commonwealths. The uprisinguprising was dealtdealt withwith brutallybrutally andand

63 It It is is interestinginteresting thatthat occasionallyoccasionally HazaraHazara refer to a discourteous personperson asas nonnon-Mongolian. -Mongolian. (n0a-(n¢a-m¢ugh¢al). m'ugh0a1).

67 many heads of tribal commonwealthscommonwealths were removed and often killed. As a means of

controlling his newlynewly acquiredacquired subjectssubjects EmirEmir 6AbdôAbd al-al-Ra-hm¢an Ra -hman granted toto

the Ghilzay Pashtun nomads some grazing rights in Hazarajat; this move generated

a centurycentury-old -old ethnicethnic and economic conflict inin thethe area.area.

Because of theirtheir predominantlypredominantly nonnon-Sunni -Sunni religiousreligious backgroundbackground and and toto a

certain degree mildmild MongoloidMongoloid appearanceappearance the HazaraHazara werewere discriminateddiscriminated byby thethe

government and frowned upon by ordinary people. Many of them moved as menialmenial workers to the cities andand settledsettled there,there, withwith somesome familiesfamilies risingrising to the "middle"middle class"class"

level.

Since the coming of the Par ,camcam faction of the PDPA to power the position

of the KabuliKabuli HazaraHazara improved.improved. MembersMembers ofof thethe HazaraHazara communitycommunity werewere appointedappointed

Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister andand in 19871987 the HazaraHazara werewere ableable toto

establish The Central Assembly ofofthe the Hazara People (Jergah-e(Jergah -e sar¢asarsarasar33 -ye mellat-emellat -e hahaz¢arah) z C a rah) the movemove thatthat putput themthem onon equalequal footingfooting withwith thethe

Pashtuns who had beenbeen the onlyonly ethnicethnic groupgroup allowedallowed to formform thisthis instrumentinstrument ofof self- self­

government (j (j ergah). ergah). Moreover,Moreover, 1989 saw the opening ofof the CentreCentre for thethe

Harmonization of Hazara National Affairs (Markaz-e(Markaz -e ensejensej ¢arn-e am-e 6om¢ur-eôomur -e mellat-emellat -e hazCarah)haz¢arah) and the declaration of Hazara'sHazara's right of selfself­ -

determination.

While more educated urban Hazara exploited the new opportunities presented

to themthem byby thethe PDPAPDPA government,government, ruralrural HazaraHazara tooktook aa differentdifferent stand.stand. ByBy rejectingrejecting

these opportunitiesopportunities theythey were able to taketake advantageadvantage of the breakdownbreakdown of the oldold

system and instability of the new regime in order to renegotiate their position in the

Afghan society. Hazara resistance began inin DarraDarra-ye -ye SufSuf tenten months after the AprilApril

1978 coupcoup d'etat andand veryvery soonsoon thethe entireentire HazarajatHazarajat waswas recoveredrecovered fromfrom the

68 governmental controlcontrol byby the CouncilCouncil ofof ConcordConcord (...Sura-ye(... S¢ur¢a-ye Ettef¢aq)Ettefaq)

headed by the religious leader BeBeh h 3 , sts 3t 3and and with with its its main main power power-base -base amongamong tribaltribal aristocracy. However, by 19831983 the situation deteriorateddeteriorated duedue toto thethe emergenceemergence ofof Iran Iran­ - backed Hazara parties, which were more preoccupied with fighting againstagainst eacheach otherother rather than waging the j eheh Ca¢a d. This internal conflict led to the destructiondestruction ofof socio-socio­ economic infrastructureinfrastructure of of the the regionregion asas well as killingkilling andand displacementdisplacement ofof aa considerable number of civilians. As a resultresult ofof these these developmentsdevelopments HazaraHazara turnedturned into one ofof the the mostmost politicised politicised andand activeactive ethnicethnic groupsgroups inin Afghanistan, Afghanistan, whichwhich succeeded in reasserting its autonomy by going as far as expelling Pashtuns from their

land. The social fabric of the societysociety was also affected with the tribaltribal leadersleaders losinglosing their dominance in favourfavour of thethe mojmo j ¢ahedCahed3 n commanders. The situation more or

less stabilised with the establishment of -Hezb-Hezb-e -e Wa-Wa-hdat-e hdat -e Es1am3Esl¢am 3 (Party(Party

of thethe IslamicIslamic Unity)Unity) inin 1989 1989 (Mousavi, (Mousavi, 1998, 1998, 176 176-186, -186, Roy, Roy, 1985, 1985, pp.142 pp.142-144). -144).

However, after thethe moj¢ahedmojOahed3n3 n victory inin 1992 -Hezb-Hezb-e -e WaWa-hdat -hdat plunged

into the newnew wavewave ofof the the civilcivil warwar formingforming andand breakingbreaking alliances alliances with with other other military military­ -

political groups. After the emergence of the -T¢aleb¢an-Taleban it became one of thethe

founders of thethe antianti- -TalibanTali ban SupremeSupreme DefenceDefence CouncilCouncil (...SOurOa( ... S ¢ u r¢ a-ye -ye 8a63a1 1 3 --yeye

defcaô).def¢a8).

1.5.1.5. CHAR AYMAQ.AYMAQ .

...... Car C¢ar (or ...Cah'ar)... Cah¢ar) Aym¢aq-literaryAymOaq-literary "four tribes" (Dari(Dari andand Turkic)Turkic) residereside

in northnorth-western -western Afghanistan,Afghanistan, north-easternnorth -eastern Iran Iran andand southernsouthern Turkmenistan.Turkmenistan. AllAll of

them speakspeak DariDari dialectsdialects incorporatingincorporating muchmuch TurkicTurkic vocabulary.vocabulary. TheyThey areare mainlymainly

agriculturalists and transhumants.

69 CHART 1919. . THE CHARCHAR AYMAQAYMAQ TRIBALTRIBAL GROUPS GROUPS*. *.

TRIBAL MEMBERS ORIGIN LOCATION OCCUPATION TNAMENAME (THOUSANDS) NorthNorth-western -western parts of Herat and Legends derive Badghis (districts(districts their origin Kushk andand Gulran)Gulran) from King and between thethe Jam,sedJam sed of thethe JAMSHEDI 170-180170 -180 Kushka and Herirud Agriculturalists ...... Sah- S¢ah-N¢amah Namah and rivers. locate their Also inin homeland in Qattagan and Mary Seistan. district ofof Turkmenistan. South-eastSouth -east ofof the city of Heart in Unknown, the upper valley possible mixture of the Farhrud,Farhrud, TAYMANITAYMAN I of Turkic and 120 Agriculturalists district Ab, inin Pashtun the Herirud elements. valley, east ofof Herat. Assumed to South of Herat,Herat, derive itsits namename along thethe AfghanAfghan­ - from EmirEmir Iranian border,border, Nomadic TAYMURI Taymur, who gave 220-230220 -230 near the namaksar transhumants the tribe asas aa lake and in the gift to one of Dasht-eDasht -e naumidnaumid his generals.generals. desert. Moved to their current locationlocation by Emir Taymur in the 15th15th District Dawlatyar century. NameName isis in the eastern derived ether part of Herat from the province between Semi-nomadicSemi -nomadic FIRUZKUHI 120120-130 -130 fortress of the Herirud and transhumants Firuzkuh in Murghab rivers and Iranian in the vicinity ofof Mazanderan oror Chahcharan. Firuzkuh the capital of the Ghurids. *BasedBased onon Moshkalo,Moshkalo, 1997,1997, pp.200pp.200-201. -201.

1.5.1.6. BALUCH.

Etymology unknown. TheseThese predominantly nomadicnomadic tribaltribal people are scatteredscattered inin

Pakistan (approximately 4,000,000) (predominantly inin province Baluchistan), the

70 neighbouring areas ofof Afghanistan Afghanistan (approximately(approximately 350,000-350,000-400,000) 400,000) andand IranIran

(1,500,000) as well as inin thethe GulfGulf (200,000)(200,000) andand TurkmenistanTurkmenistan (38,000(38,000-- 40,000).40,000). InIn

Afghanistan the Baluch reside inin the provincesprovinces ofof Kandahar,Kandahar, Hilmand, Nimruz, Farah and Herat. The BaluchBaluch areare mainlymainly HanafiHanafi SunnisSunnis withwith aa smallsmall minorityminority ofof the the DhikrisDhikris in Pakistan.

The BaluchiBaluchi languagelanguage belongsbelongs toto the North-North-western western groupgroup of IranianIranian languages andand is divideddivided intointo westernwestern andand easterneastern groupsgroups ofof dialects, dialects, whichwhich beingbeing separated by the BrahuiBrahui beltbelt areare not not always always mutually mutually understandable. understandable. WrittenWritten literature emerged only in thethe 20th20th century,century, howeverhowever oral traditionstraditions are abundant.abundant.

(Frye, 1960,1960, pp.1005pp.l 005-1 -1006; 006; Moshkalo, 1999,1999, pp.28pp.28-30). -30).

1.5.1.7. THE PAMIRIS.

The Pamiris also mistakenly known as mountain oror Pamiri TajiksTajiks residereside in the basin of the Panj River inin bothboth Tajik and Afghan Badakhshan as well as inin isolatedisolated pocketspockets in thethe neighbouringneighbouring areas ofof ChinaChina andand Pakistan.Pakistan. TheirTheir totaltotal numbernumber reachesreaches approximately 200,000 people, with 60,000 to 80,000 of themthem livingliving inin Afghanistan.Afghanistan.

Except forfor YazghulamisYazghulamis whowho areare Sunnis64,Sunnis64, they are all Ismaili Muslims (some(some ofof their their

Tajik neighbours are also Ismaili) and they werewere persecutedpersecuted on religiousreligious grounds by both Afghan and Bukharian Sunni authorities when they inin thethe latelate 19th19th century upon securing a silent British andand RussianRussian agreementagreement divideddivided the previouslypreviously unitedunited PamiriPamiri areas of Badakhshan between themselves. Religious and social life of the PamirisPamiris isis dominated by hereditary Ismaili spiritual masters (p 3 rs rs), ), who are holdhold inin the highesthighest

64 The Sunni , whose languagelanguage isis also considered asas belongingbelonging to the Pamiri group, live in isolationisolation fromfrom theirtheir linguisticlinguistic brethren and culturallyculturally do not belongbelong toto thethe PamiriPamiri milieu. Nevertheless, theythey retainretain somesome culturalcultural similaritysimilarity withwith thethe PamirisPamiris going going back back to to pre pre­ - Islamic times.

71 possible esteem. Until recently thethe pp3 3 rs werewere virtuallyvirtually independentindependent andand onlyonly inin thethe

1990's the spiritualspiritual leaderleader ofof all all IsmailisIsmail is PrincePrince AgaAga KhanKhan IVIV reaffirmedreaffirmed hishis positionposition in thethe area.area. HavingHaving sidedsided withwith thethe KabulKabul governmentgovernment inin the 1980's,1980's, whichwhich theythey believed will helphelp themthem toto assertassert their their position position vis vis-a-vis -à -vis Sunni dominance and policypolicy of discrimination, the Ismaili Pamiris found themselves in a difficultdifficult situationsituation afterafter the momoj¢ahed j abed 3 3nn victoryvictory inin 1992.1992. FearingFearing forfor theirtheir religiousreligious andand culturalcultural heritageheritage many Ismaili communities in the PamirsPamirs decideddecided to hidehide theirtheir religiousreligious booksbooks inin thethe caves; after hearing of the destructiondestruction of IsmailiIsmaili library in PolPol-e -e KhumriKhumri by by thethe

-T¢-T C aleb¢an a l eb an the the Pamiris Pamiris took took all all theirtheir remaining remaining booksbooks away.away. Currently the Pamiri- populated area isis oneone ofof the the poorestpoorest inin Afghanistan,Afghanistan, whichwhich survivessurvives mainlymainly duedue toto thethe assistance of the international Ismaili NGO Focus and UNUN humanitarianhumanitarian agencies.agencies. TheThe

Pamiris areare engagedengaged inin agricultureagriculture andand arboriculturearboriculture with with drug drug smuggling65 smuggling65 playing an important rolerole in theirtheir economiceconomic lifelife onon bothboth sidessides ofof the the Afghan Afghan-Tajik -Tajik border.border.

Despite (or perhapsperhaps becausebecause ofof it)it) theirtheir isolationisolation andand economiceconomic destitutedestitute thethe IsmailiIsmaili

Pamiris maintain a liberalliberal lifelife-style, -style, characterisedcharacterised by religious and gender tolerance as well as by a very high regard for education, both religious and secular.

In aa strictstrict linguisticlinguistic sensesense thethe termterm "Pamiri"Pamiri languages"languages" can bebe usedused onlyonly tentatively, since itit isis stillstill unclearunclear whetherwhether thesethese languageslanguages areare interinter-related -related closelyclosely enough in order to constitute a single group. While all linguistic authorities agree that they belongbelong toto thethe EastEast IranianIranian group,group, somesome PamiriPamiri languageslanguages havehave moremore commoncommon traits with Pashto -- thethe mostmost numerousnumerous EastEast IranianIranian language,language, ratherrather thanthan withwith eacheach other. Only ShughniShughni andand YazghulamiYazghulami displaydisplay enoughenough similaritiessimilarities allowing to tracetrace their common origin toto a not that distant past and putput them intointo one category. At the same time, other PamiriPamiri languageslanguages preserved a number of featuresfeatures settingsetting them apartapart

65 Recreational and medical consumption of raw opium hashas alwaysalways beenbeen aa characteristiccharacteristic traittrait of the Pamiri lifestyle.lifestyle.

72 from more closelyclosely relatedrelated ShughniShughni andand Yazghulami.Y azghulami. Thus, itit stillstill remainsremains unclearunclear whether Pamiri languages originate from a singlesingle proto-proto-Pamiri Pamiri sourcesource oror did theythey develop from separate branches ofof a moremore ancientancient groupgroup ofof Iranian Iranian languages,languages, presumably Saka (Edel'man,(Edel'man, 1989,1989, p.330;p.330; Morgenstierne,Morgenstieme, 1938,1938, vol.Il,vol.II, p.XVIII;p.XVIII;

Sokolova, 1967,1967, pp.3pp.3-6, -6, 21,21, 124124-125). -125). WhatWhat unitesunites thethe PamiriPamiri languages on the extraextra-- genetic level is the preservation of a significant number of archaic features that can bebe traced back toto thethe ancientancient IranianIranian languageslanguages andand aa uniform uniform influenceinfluence of of Tajiki/Dari66 Tajiki/Dari66 on all of them.

All Pamiri languageslanguages areare unwrittenunwritten withwith onlyonly oraloral literaryliterary tradition.tradition. However,However, in the 1930s1930s there werewere attemptsattempts toto introduceintroduce ShughniShughni andand WakhiWakhi alphabetsalphabets basedbased onon

Latin letters; now this work is again under way inin Tajikistan.Tajikistan. The area of thethe PamiriPamiri languages is constantly shrinkingshrinking inin favourfavour ofofTajiki Tajiki andand Dari.Dari.

Due to the superiorsuperior numbernumber ofof its its speakersspeakers thethe ShughniShughni languagelanguage occupiesoccupies thethe dominant position among other PamiriPamiri languages.languages. Moreover,Moreover, unlikeunlike otherother PamiriPamiri languages, the the ShughniShughni language language is is spoken spoken not not just just in in oneone gorge,gorge, butbut inin a fewfew mountain valleys. However, there is stillstill nono suprasupra-dialect -dialect form and Shughni poetry retains local dialect characteristics.

In the areasareas ofof close close contactscontacts betweenbetween variousvarious ethno-ethno-linguistic linguistic groups many Pamiris are bilingual or even multilingual in the Pamiri languages. In the case of mixedmixed ethnicethnic marriagesmarriages thethe family usually usesuses thethe language ofof the wife for. communication. IfIf husband and wife speakspeak mutuallymutually understandableunderstandable languageslanguages the standard practice is that the woman speaks her own to her family and her husband and children address her inin thethe languagelanguage ofof the the regionregion ofof their their domicile.domicile.

66 There is littlelittle differencedifference between the Tajiki and Dari dialects of bothboth AfghanAfghan andand TajikTajik Badakhshan, which are used as lingua franca byby allall Pamiris,Pamiris, however they differ considerably from the normative Dari and Tajiki.Tajiki.

73 However, thisthis situation maymay changechange ifif thethe family lives in the area of thethe ShughniShughni language. In that case, all members of thethe family start to speak ShughniShughni

(Dodykhudoeva, 1997, 1997, p.87). p.87). In In general general there there is is aa tendencytendency toto use Shughni asas a second PamiriPamiri lingua francafranca and toto aa certaincertain degreedegree imposeimpose itit on on non non-Shughni -Shughni speakers, who are sometimes looked down at as qishloqi (ruffians). Although these

74 CHART 20. THE GROUPGROUP OFOF THETHE PAMIRIPAMIRI LANGUAGES.LANGUAGES.

IRANIAN LANGUAGES

EAST IRANIANIRANIAN LANGUAGES NORTH EASTEAST.. IRANIANIRANIAN PAMIRI GROUP

SHUGHNI /RUSHANI GROUPA

Yaghnob Munji Eshkashem Sanglic Wakhi Yazghulam Shughni Rushani Roshorv Bartang Sariqol DIALECT /

(/) m N (/) tom mto ?:l to w?:l >-< iD :::0 \1!w a\1! G to \1! ~- \1! 8: ~- "' :::0 c 7: Cj \1! LJ- nCj \1! '0 c ~ tJ c (I)en :::0 rt c il \1! \Q :::0 G £:1; :::0 en \1! s ::J \Q c c ~- \1! uLJ_ "" A" :::0 il a\1! \1!a H1 ::J iD :::0 ::r"' \1! il ::J LJ_ il ~- CD('1) ~- ::J N ::J ~- \1! Cj ~ ~- \Q ~- ~- r~- f-'- ~- §_ ~ ~- < ~-

Lower Central Upper Khiuley Dertang Poytakh BardaBardari ri Wachi Tashkurgan Burungsol .I valley valley valley i ti iii i

ENDNOTES FOR CHART 20.

I This language is spoken in the upper Zerawshan valleyvalley in Central Tajikistan. It is now established that Yaghnobi developed fromfrom thethe ancientancient Sogdian and itsits relationrelation toto thethe PamiriPamiri languageslanguages isis disputed.disputed. AllAll 2,5002,500 YaghnobisYaghnobis are Sunni Muslims (Khromov,(Khromov, 1987,1987, pp.644pp.644-645). -645). DueDue toto theirtheir location, theythey havehave nono contactscontacts withwith thethe Pamiris.Pamiris. rrII There areare differentdifferent viewsviews concerningconcerning thethe dialectdialect or separateseparate languagelanguage statusstatus ofof thethe membersmembers ofof ShughniShughni/Rushani /Rushani group.group. AllAll ofof themthem are quite close toto eacheach otherother andand mutuallymutually understandable.understandable. However, itsits speakersspeakers have nono conceptconcept ofof ethnicethnic cohesioncohesion andand togethernesstogetherness and each ethno-linguisticethno- linguistic groupgroup seessees itselfitself quitequite distinct from the others.others. Moreover,Moreover, and even more importantlyimportantly fromfrom thethe linguisticlinguistic pointpoint of view,view, there isis nono "supra-"supra-dialect" dialect" formform ofof ShughniShughni/Rushani /Rushani group. Thus, theythey shouldshould be considered asas separate,separate, albeitalbeit closelyclosely relatedrelated languages,languages, which originated fromfrom aa singlesingle sourcesource inin aa notnot thatthat distantdistant past (Edel'man,(Edel'man, 1987,1987, p.236).p.236).

III SomeSome linguistslinguists consider Roshorvi asas aa separateseparate language,language, others as a dialect of Bartangi (Sokolova, 1967). Iv14 TheThe existenceexistence ofof the Zebaki dialect is disputed by some linguists who think that aa formform ofof BadakhshaniBadakhshani Tajiki is spokenspoken in thethe AfghanAfghan village ofof ZebakZebak (Oranskii,(Oranskii, 1988,1988, p.330).p.330). °v Now extinct.

75 tensions areare ratherrather low-low-scale, scale, silent resistance ofof non non-Shughni -Shughni speakersspeakers toto thisthis attitude

finds its expression in their preference ofofTajiki Tajiki in the case of mixed marriages.

Despite their linguisticlinguistic differences, the Pamiris share aa commoncommon cultural,cultural,

social and religiousreligious background.background. NotwithstandingNotwithstanding thisthis extraextra-linguistic -linguistic uniformity the

Pamiris have little sense of regionalregional unityunity andand identifyidentify themselvesthemselves only with their

respective ethnic groups. Linguistic divisions dodo not alwaysalways coincide with ethnicethnic

boundaries, thus there exist the followingfollowing ethnic groupsgroups amongamong the PamirisPamiris thatthat oftenoften

transgress the linguisticlinguistic differences

CHART 21. ETHNIC COMPOSITIONCOMPOSITION OFOF THETHE PAMIRIPAMIRI PEOPLESPEOPLES ACCORDINGACCORDING TOTO THETHE SELF-SELF-

IDENTIFICATION OF VARIOUS ETHNIC GROUPS * ..

PAMIRI PEOPLES

C/Ju, t:r1 Ul >-< (/] CnUl ::r tJJ OJ Ul OJ OJ G1 ~ ::

* Based on Abramzon, 1963, p.200; Bruk,Bruk 1959,1959 p.88; Gladney, 1990, p.2; Kreutzmann, 1996, p.44; Kussmaul, 1965b, Morgenstierne, 1932; Snoy, 1986, pp.127pp.127-152; -152; Stein,Stein, 1933,1933, p.p.50, 50, Wurm,Wurm, 1987; Zarubin, 1927.1927.

All Pamiri ethnic groupsgroups have theirtheir ownown ethnicethnic namesnames renderedrendered inin theirtheir nativenative

languages, which coincide with both DariDari/Tajiki /Tajiki andand PamiriPamiri toponymstoponyms oftheof the areasareas ofof

their residence67.residence67 • At At thethe same time, whenwhen describingdescribing themselves to outsidersoutsiders thethe

Pamiris often call themselves Tajiks.Tajiks.

However, as it was mentionedmentioned above,above, linguistically,linguistically, ethnically and culturally

the Pamiris differ from the Tajiks and this distinction is made even more conspicuous

67 WithWith thethe exception of the WakhisWakhis whowho callcall themselvesthemselves ,xikxik and their land Wu"x,wu x, while inin DariDari/Tajiki /Tajiki itit is Wakh3Wakh 3 and Wakhcan.Wakh¢an.

76 by theirtheir useuse ofof the the ethnonymethnonym "t"t¢ajek". 0a j ek ". TheThe PamirisPamiris referrefer onlyonly toto themselvesthemselves as

Tajiks, while Tajiks proper areare described byby themthem asas Persian-speakersPersian -speakers p¢ars pears 3 3 - gcu68g¢u68 (Malitskii,(Malitskii, 1929, 1929, p.52) p.52) or or f¢ars fcars3zabcan; 3 zab¢an; similarly similarly they they call call theirtheir own East

Iranian languages Tajiki and the languagelanguage of thethe TajiksTajiks properproper isis knownknown toto themthem asas

Persian (Andreev, 1945,1945, pp.45pp.45-70). -70). AtAt thethe same time, the ShughnisShughnis and RoshanisRoshanis asas well as thethe TajiksTajiks ofof Darwaz69 Darwai9 claim that they "became Tajiks not suchsuch aa longlong timetime agoago". ". TheThe ethnographerethnographer whowho reportedreported thisthis statementstatement sawsaw itit asas a proof of a relativelyrelatively recent conversion of thesethese peoplepeople toto IslamIslam (Maslovskii,(Maslovskii, 1901,1901, p.19).p.19). However,However, thethe

Ismailis ofof thethe PamirsPamirs trace trace their their spiritual spiritual genealogy genealogy back back to tothe the time time ofN¢a-ser-e of Na -ser -e

Khosraw, and and 900 900 years years cannot cannot be be considered considered as as a a"not "not such such a along long time time" "70.70 • Thus,Thus, this assertion must reflect something else.

Thus, alongside with minority groups in Fars, some Dards of Afghanistan and

Turks of Central Asia, the PamirisPam iris preserved some aspects of the original meaning ofof the word "t Ca ¢a jj ekek", ", viz.viz. aa distinctdistinct ethnoethno-linguistic -linguistic groupgroup thatthat differsdiffers fromfrom thethe restrest by its language(s)language(s) and way of life.life. ItIt appearsappears thatthat thethe IslamicIslamic dimensiondimension ofof the the termterm

"t Oa ¢a j ek" isis nownow lessless important.important.

Among their Tajik and Uzbek neighbours living in the valleys and plains the

Pamiris as well as thethe YaghnobisYaghnobis areare knownknown byby thethe derogatoryderogatory appellationappellation ghalchah71.ghalchah 71 .

The origin of thisthis wordword isis unknown;unknown; perhapsperhaps itit cancan bebe comparedcompared withwith SogdianSogdian y6yb (to(to steal) and PashtoPashto ghalghat (thief)(thief) oror alternativelyalternatively withwith SogdianSogdian yryr (mountain)(mountain) (Frye,(Frye, 1965,1965,

68 It isis notablenotable thatthat thethe samesame distinctiondistinction isis applicableapplicable toto thethe SogdianSogdian descriptiondescription ofof the the speakers of of NewNew Persian Persian ( t¢aj(tajeg) eg) and and the the speakers speakers ofof Middle Middle PersianPersian (p¢arsig)(pOarsig) (Sundermann, 1993,1993, p.171).p.l71). 69 It is not clear, whether these DarwazisDarwazis werewere previouslypreviously IsmailisIsmailis or Sunnis. The majority of Darwaz Muslims are Sunnis, but there are also a few Ismaili villages in the area. 70 The The conversion conversion ofof thethe Pamiris toto IsmailIsmailism ism was completed only in the 14thl41h centurycentury byby the Khorasani Ismaili missionaries. Still,Still, itit isis quitequite aa longlong timetime ago.ago. 71 That That is is "peasant" "peasant" oror "ruffian""ruffian" in Persian and "squat"squat", ", "stupid""stupid" in Tajiki and "slave" in old Yaghnobi. This term is unknown among the Pamiris themselves (Zarubin, 1925,1925, p.60).

77 p.997) and Pashto gafgaì (mountain).(mountain). ItIt isis aa common common traittrait forfor thethe Eastern Eastern Iranian Iranian Ñ f toto develop into thethe WesternWestern Iranian!, Iranian i, hence hence gfachah/gafchah grachah/garchah ~ 4 galchah-galchah- people of the mountains. It seems that variousvarious derivations fromfrom thisthis formform werewere widewide-spread -spread in early medieval toponyms of the Eastern Iranian lands: thus, a mountain country in thethe upper

Murghab was known asas GarchGarch oror GarchistanGarchistan andand thethe 12th12th century author Sam' G ¢an¢u an C u mentioned "the Gharchistan of Samarqand"Samarqand" inin the upperupper ZerawshanZerawshan valley. However, the ethnonymethnonym yarcakyarcak oror yarcikyarCik cannotcannot bebe foundfound inin anyany prepre-Islamic -Islamic sourcesource (Bartol'd,(Bartol'd,

1971, pp.62, 262).

1.5.2. TURKIC PEOPLES.PEOPLES.

Although thethe majority of thethe peoplepeople ofof Afghanistan Afghanistan areare IraniansIranians therethere areare alsoalso considerable TurkicTurkic minorities thatthat occupy their own distinctdistinct politicalpolitical andand socio-socio­ economic niches; moreover, on a numbernumber of occasionsoccasions thesethese minoritiesminorities turnedturned outout toto be a an importantimportant and specific factor shaping the course of Afghan history-history - thethe factfact often overlooked byby thethe studentsstudents ofof Afghanistan. Afghanistan.

1.5.2.1. UZBEKS. UZBEKS.

Uzbeks are thethe mostmost numerousnumerous andand politicallypolitically activeactive TurkicTurkic groupgroup inin Afghanistan.Afghanistan.

Their numbernumber isis estimated asas 11,000,000,,000,000, theythey live predominantlypredominantly in NorthernNorthern

Afghanistan as sedentarysedentary farmersfarmers andand transhumants.transhumants. TheyThey speakspeak ChagatayChagatay (central(central

Turkic) dialects and referrefer toto themselvesthemselves byby theirtheir oldold tribaltribal namesnames Haraki,Haraki, Kamaki,Kamaki,

Mangit, Ming, SheshShesh QaraQara andand TaymusTaymus (Centlivres,(Centlivres, 1976).1976).

Prior to Emir ôAbd6Abd al al-Ra-hman' -Ra -hman' ss conquest ofofNorthern Northern Afghanistan inin the latelate 19th centurycentury UzbeksUzbeks werewere the politicallypolitically dominantdominant ethnic groupgroup therethere associated with the TurkicTurkic principalitiesprincipalities ofofthe the north,north, whichwhich werewere ruledruled inin accordanceaccordance

78 with the decentraliseddecentralised ChingizidChingizid paradigmparadigm (Lee,(Lee, 1996;1996; McChesney,McChesney, 1991;1991; Noelle,Noelle,

1997, pp.60pp.60-71). -71). AfterAfter thethe assertionassertion ofof the Kabul authority in thethe northnorth UzbeksUzbeks werewere

usually considered asas secondsecond-class -class citizenscitizens and some Pashtun (mainly Durrani) clans were resettled in the area inin order to consolidateconsolidate the government's gripgrip onon thethe area.area. InIn the earlyearly 1990's1990's thethe UzbeksUzbeks attemptedattempted toto renegotiaterenegotiate theirtheir politicalpolitical positionposition by throwing their considerable military weightweight inin favour of differentdifferent factionsfactions oror eveneven occasionally dominating the politicalpolitical process. These developmentsdevelopments found theirtheir organisational frameworkframework inin thethe establishmentestablishment ofof the the Uzbek Uzbek-dominated -dominated IslamicIslamic

National MovementMovement ofof AfghanistanAfghanistan (Jonbe(Jonbe,s-e s -e Es1am3Esl¢am 3 -ye Me113MelP-ye-ye

Afgh¢anest¢an)Afghanestan) headed byby General ôAbd6Abd alal-Ra,s -Ra s 33dd D¢ostomDCostom in 1993-1993-

1997 (for more details see Chapter Two).

1.5.2.2. TURKMENS. TURKMENS.

Approximately 400,000 Turkmens are concentratedconcentrated mainlymainly inin thethe north-north-western western areas

of AfghanistanAfghanistan bordering Turkmenistan. TheyThey areare tribaltribal people with the followingfollowing major divisions found in Afghanistan: Tekke, YYomud, omud, Tariq and Lakai in the HeratHerat region; Tekke and ErsariErsari inin Aqcha;Aqcha; SaroqSaroq andand ChakraChakra inin Andkhoy;Andkhoy; SalorSalor inin MaymanaMaymana

and Maruchak; Ersari and MawriMawri inin Dawlatabad.Dawlatabad. They speakspeak the OguzOguz dialect.dialect. TheThe

Turkmens areare predominantlypredominantly semi semi-sedentary, -sedentary, semisemi-nomadic -nomadic farmerfarmer-herdsmen. -herdsmen. Many

of them arrivedarrived to AfghanistanAfghanistan inin the late 1920's1920's followingfollowing the defeat of the anti-anti­

communist Islamist basmachi movement in SovietSoviet CentralCentral AsiaAsia (Dupree,(Dupree, 1985,1985,

p.498).

1.5.2.1. KIRGHIZ.

The Kirghiz can be found only inin the easternmosteasternmost parts of the WakhanWakhan corridor.corridor. They number a fewfew thousand,thousand, speakspeak aa QipchaqQipchaq dialectdialect andand areare engagedengaged inin nomadicnomadic

79 pastoralism tendingtending sheep,sheep, goatsgoats andand yaks.yaks. InIn 1979 members ofof one of thethe twotwo

Kirghiz tribal lineages left AfghanistanAfghanistan because of rivalryrivalry with thethe otherother tribaltribal groupgroup and disagreement with the new regime in Kabul. After some peregrination they settled down in Turkey (for more details see Shahrani, 1979)1979)

The Kirghiz of Afghan Wakhan fell under the Afghan control by an accident of history.history. SinceSince bothboth geopoliticalgeopolitical rivalsrivals inin thethe area,area, namelynamely thethe RussianRussian andand BritishBritish empires, were keen toto avoidavoid havinghaving aa commoncommon borderborder inin 18911891 Emir ôAbd6Abd al-a l­

Ra-hm¢anRa -hmCan was forced to reluctantly accept the narrow Wakhan corridor as a part of his kingdom; in return he was paid an annual stipend of 100,000100,000 Indian rupees.

In 1999 the government of KirghizstanKirghizstan following its programme of indigenisation offeredoffered thethe Afghan Kirghiz toto move to theirtheir homeland.homeland. DespiteDespite theirtheir

enthusiastic responseresponse thethe President ofof the Islamic State of AfghanistanAfghanistan Rabb¢anRabb an 3 did not allow them to emigrateemigrate insistinginsisting that beingbeing AfghanAfghan citizenscitizens they mustmust staystay inin

Afghanistan.

1.5.3. OTHER PEOPLES.

1.5.3.1. NURISTANIS.

Nuristan (formerly ) occupies the areaarea lyinglying roughlyroughly betweenbet~een latitudelatitude 3535"- °-

36°360 North and longitudelongitude 7070°-71 °- 71 °30' °30' East, East, bounded bounded on on the the west west byby thethe PanjsherPanjsher RiverRiver valley; on the easteast byby thethe mountainmountain range range separating separating the the Kunar Kunar-Bashgal -Bashgal valleyvalley fromfrom

Chitral (roughly the modernmodern Afghan-Afghan-Pakistani Pakistani border); on the north by the mountainsmountains forming the watershed between the riversrivers ofof Nuristan Nuristan drainingdraining southwardssouthwards andand thosethose of Munjan and BadakhshanBadakhshan drainingdraining northwardsnorthwards to thethe Oxus;Oxus; andand onon thethe southsouth byby thethe

Kabul River valley. The southernsouthern fringe of NuristanNuristan isis populatedpopulated byby thethe Pashtuns,Pashtuns, while Nuristanis occupy the moremore northerlynortherly region, comprising from west to easteast thethe

80 basins of the ôAlishang6Alishang and ôAlingar,6Alingar, of thethe PechPech oror PrasunPrasun andand the Waigal,Waigal, andand ofof the Bashgal. AboveAbove thesethese steepsteep-sided -sided valleys the Hindukush mountains riserise almostalmost toto

6,000 metres. Prior to thethe 19921992 administrativeadministrative division of thethe countrycountry intointo 3232 provinces Nuristan was divided between Afghan provinces of Laghman and Kunar, with Mirtalam in the lowerlower ôAlingar6Alingar valleyvalley asas anan importantimportant centre.centre. LaterLater on,on, Nuristan, which comprises sixsix districts (wolosw¢al(woloswca13)3 ) waswas grantedgranted aa provincial provincial status.status.

However, it was not recognisedrecognised byby allall AfghanAfghan governments.governments.

The Kafiri languageslanguages nativenative toto Nuristan have much min commoncommon with the

Dardic languages and are spokenspoken inin closeclose geographicalgeographical proximity to them, but theirtheir origin is not thethe same.same. TheThe KafiriKafiri languageslanguages representrepresent an independentindependent branch of the

Aryan family of thethe Indo-Indo-European European languages belonging neitherneither to the Iranian nornor toto the IndoIndo-Aryan -Aryan groupgroup (Edel'man,(Edel'man, 1996,1996, pp.27pp.27-28). -28). TheyThey areare allall unwritten languages, though in thethe latelate 1980's1980's thethe AfghanAfghan AcademyAcademy ofof Sciences Sciences attemptedattempted toto devisedevise alphabets for the Kafiri languages. Although the linguistic part of the programme was completed with the assistance of the SovietSoviet linguistslinguists itsits practicalpractical implementationimplementation waswas stopped afterafter thethe mojmoj ¢ahedcahed3n3 n victory victory in in 1992.1992.

Due to the continuingcontinuing geographical isolation of Nuristan (there are no proper roads connecting itit to thethe restrest ofof the the country)country) knowledgeknowledge of majormajor languageslanguages of

Afghanistan remainsremains limited,limited, withwith Dari Dari being being more more popular popular than than Pashto72. Pashto72 .

There is aa possibilitypossibility thatthat thethe peoplepeople ofof Nuristan Nuristan formerlyformerly knownknown as KafirsKafirs werewere called so byby theirtheir MuslimMuslim neighboursneighbours notnot onlyonly becausebecause theythey werewere "infidels"infidels", ", but also because of the influenceinfluence ofof thethe districtdistrict namesnames withinwithin KafiristanKafiristan of KatwarKatwar andand KatorKator

72 One One of of the the reasonsreasons forfor thethe poorpoor knowledge of Pashto and its low status is a badly concealed hostility towards Pashtuns, whowho areare stillstill scornedscorned asas enemy- enemy-conquerors, conquerors, andand especiallyespecially thethe dislike ofNuristanis'of Nuristanis' closestclosest neighboursneighbours thethe SafiSafi PashtunPashtun tribesmen (Griunberg, 1980,1980, pp.18-pp.IS- 19).

81 and the ethnoethno-linguistic -linguistic designationdesignation KatiKati on the nonnon-Kafiri -Kafiri speakers (Scarcia, 1965, pp.CVI-CVII).

The inaccessibility ofof thisthis region had made it a refuge area for a very old group of Indo-Indo-European European peoples,peoples, probably mixed with an even older substratum.substratum.

They were occasionally disturbed by abortive Muslim military expeditions,expeditions, butbut theirtheir

CHART 22. THE GROUPGROUP OFOF THETHE KAFIRI LANGUAGES.LANGUAGES.

THE KAFIRI LANGUAGES

Ashkun

::8 tz:l (J) OJ rt Ul rt ~ ::8 'tJ 0 (J) OJ ~ ::8 OJw b t7 (J) Ulcr) OJ nC'i OJw C'i C'i 8 '< wOJ :::s ::r ~ 8 <1 X" 8 Ulcn (J)(D :::s f-'· OJ OJw ~ f-'- ~ f-'h-' ~ C'i f-'N f-'· OJ ~ f-'- :::s f-'·N :::s N rt OJ f-'· rt f-'- own frequent predatory raidsraids againstagainst theirtheir neighboursneighbours notwithstanding,notwithstanding, theythey remainedremained in almost total isolationisolation for centuries, thus retaining their archaic religious beliefs and social organisation.

According toto the 18931893 KabulKabul agreementagreement between the Afghan Emir ôAbdoAbd al-Ra--hm¢ana1- Ra- -hmCan andand SirSir Mortimer Mortimer DurrandDurrand ofof the the British British Indian Indian administration, administration,

Kafiristan was leftleft outsideoutside thethe BritishBritish Indian Indian territory. territory. Consequently, Consequently, in in 1895 1895-1896 -1896 the EmirEmir ledled aa successfulsuccessful militarymilitary expeditionexpedition intointo thethe area bringing itit under the

Afghan control and implantingimplanting amongamong the paganpagan Kafirs.Kafirs. Subsequently,Subsequently, this territoryterritory was brandedbranded NuristanNuristan (The(The CountryCountry of LightLight [of[of Islam])Islam]) andand itsits peoplepeople

j aad d 3 d d 3 3(the (the newly newly converted) converted) -- however,however, thisthis namename diddid not stick to them.

82 Nuristanis quickly integrated into the Afghan society (as far as integrationintegration of the peoplepeople livingliving inin a afar far-away -away andand hardlyhardly assessable assessable peripheryperiphery waswas possible)possible) supplying a disproportionably high number of military officers, perhaps due to theirtheir reputation of ferocious fighters, superior in this respect even to the Pashtuns.

During the jjeh¢ad eh Ca d of thethe 1980's1980's NuristanisNuristanis inin generalgeneral supportedsupported thethe mojmojOahed3n, ¢ahed 3 n, however, however, theirtheir strugglestruggle againstagainst thethe KabulKabul governmentgovernment andand SovietSoviet forces was combinedcombined with demands for greatergreater autonomy,autonomy, whichwhich theythey in effecteffect achieved by establishing a system of emirates answerable to no one, which survivedsurvived even through the Taliban rule, when the area was left to itsits own devices by all partiesparties involved in the Afghan Civil War.War.

The Nuristanis very quickly forgotforgot theirtheir prepre-Islamic -Islamic beliefs (perhaps due to the lack of literary tradition) and by thethe 1960's when the serious field research started in

Nuristan they were almost unaware of their ancestral religion.

The pagan religion of thethe KafirsKafirs waswas aa mixturemixture ofof polytheism polytheism andand animismanimism with muchmuch emphasisemphasis onon demonsdemons andand evilevil spirits,spirits, whowho neededneeded constantconstant propitiation.propitiation.

The last paganpagan Kafirs,Kafirs, whowho immigratedimmigrated to ChitralChitral escapingescaping aa forcedforced conversionconversion toto

Islam, disappeared in the mid-mid-1930's. 1930's. (For more details on the KafirKafir religiousreligious beliefsbeliefs see Jettmar, 1986).1986).

The socio-socio-political political system that partly survived from prepre-Islamic -Islamic timestimes is local, with no overover-arching -arching bodies, and clan-based.clan- based. ClanClan affairsaffairs areare managedmanaged byby aa councilcouncil of senior clan headmen.headmen. ThirteenThirteen representatives areare elected annually for thethe actualactual conduct of government.government. Social, political and inin prepre-Islamic -Islamic times perhapsperhaps eveneven religious statusstatus was determined byby the ability to shareshare wealthwealth symbolisedsymbolised by thethe giving of feasts and potlatches and prowess in warfare when an elaborate system of ranks and privilegesprivileges waswas bestowedbestowed uponupon successfulsuccessful killers.killers. Apart fromfrom fullfull clansmenclansmen 83 there were poor freemen, mainly herdsmen, and a group of artisans as well asas aa smallsmall

number of slaves,slaves, whowho werewere captivescaptives fromfrom warfarewarfare andand werewere consideredconsidered rituallyritually

impure. The tribaltribal NuristaniNuristani societysociety waswas andand stillstill isis plaguedplagued by by constant constant inter inter-tribal -tribal

animosity and smallsmall-scale -scale wars (Griunberg, 1980,1980, pp.9pp.9-10, -10, Jones,Jones, 1974).

The gender divisiondivision of labourlabour isis characterisedcharacterised byby reversereverse distributiondistribution ofof roles roles

where women are engaged in agricultureagriculture and men looklook after cattle. TraditionallyTraditionally the

status of womenwomen waswas low,low, withwith polygamypolygamy asas thethe normnorm andand exogamousexogamous marriages.marriages.

However, womenwomen couldcould improve theirtheir status by performingperforming somesome ritualsrituals andand

distributing their wealth.

The distinctiondistinction of"wearers of "wearers of of black" black" (sey¢ah-p¢u,s (seyOah -pOu s in in Persian Persian and and t¢or tcor

kkcafer ¢a fer in in Pashto) Pashto) comprising comprising five KatiKati clans clans and and "wearers "wearers of of white" white (sa (saf3d- f 3 d-

pp¢u,s O u s inin PersianPersian andand spsp 33 nn kk¢afer C a fe r in Pashto)Pashto) comprisingcomprising thethe Prasungeli,Prasungeli,

Waygali, WamaiWamai andand AshkunAshkun is is anan old one,one, butbut itsits significancesignificance has notnot beenbeen

established andand it appearsappears that nowadaysnowadays it doesdoes notnot reflectreflect anyany ethnicethnic oror tribaltribal

divisions. The ethnic composition of Nuristanis is muchmuch moremore complicatedcomplicated than thethe

linguistic one. ThereThere isis nono commoncommon self self-appellation -appellation andand nono sensesense ofof pan pan-Nuristani -Nuristani

unity. Moreover, common languages do not contribute to the development of common

73 identity1'd entity. amongamong theirt hetr . speakers73. spea k ers .

Before the communistcommunist taketake-over -over inin 1978, the populationpopulation of NuristanNuristan waswas

estimated at betweenbetween 34,00034,000 -- 90,00090,000 people74.people74 . According toto the data ofof the the 19351935

German expedition to the HindukushHindukush at thatthat timetime therethere werewere approximatelyapproximately 10,00010,000

73 Strictly Strictly speaking, speaking, the the Kafir Kafir languages languages do do not not have have indigenousindigenous designationsdesignations andand whatwhat isis usedused as such isis thethe combinationcombination ofof tribal tribal namesnames withwith thethe wordword "language "language". ". Thus,Thus, thethe WesternWestern KatiKati language isis Kati vrivr"i /I KatoKato vrivrz - -thethe language language of of the the Katis Katis (Griunberg, (Griunberg, 1980, 1980, pp.22 pp.22-23). -23). According to W.W. Ivanow,Ivanow, hishis nativenative informant,informant, aa Kamviri- Kamviri-speaker speaker interviewed in Bombay, was not even aware of the possibilitypossibility to identify his language in this way and referred to it as Bashgali (lvanow,(Ivanow, 1932 p.149), thus usingusing the ChitraliChitrali (Khowar S.A.) word describing the whole Nuristan (Robertson, 1896,1896, p.8).p.8). 74 There There was was nevernever aa properproper census in Afghanistan. 84 Eastern Kati, 10,00010,000 WesternWestern Kati, 2,000 Prasuns, 6,000 Ashkuns, 1,000 Wamai and

5,000 Waygali (Deutsche imim Hindukusch, 1937,1937, p.75).p.75). NoNo reliable later datadata isis

available.

Kafiristan/Nuristan always attracted researchesresearches specialising specialising inin variousvarious fields,fields,

hence the abundance of literatureliterature onon thisthis region,region, whichwhich isis impossibleimpossible toto listlist here.here. ForFor

more bibliographicalbibliographical details see relevant sections in manymany bibliographiesbibliographies of

Afghanistan, of which the most comprehensive,comprehensive, as far as Nuristan is concerned,concerned, are

the following:following: BuchererBucherer-Dietschi, -Dietschi, 1979 -- ; Jones, 1966; Jones, 1969;1969; Jones,Jones, 1992;1992;

Kukhtina, 1965.1965.

1.5.3.2. THE DARDS.

In AfghanistanAfghanistan thethe DardsDards areare oftenoften referred referred to to as as K K¢ohest¢anohe s t G a n 3 3 .• They numbernumber

approximately 60,000 60,000 people people residing residing on on thethe southernsouthern fringe of NuristanNuristan andand

comprising Pashai, GawarGawar-bati, -bati, Sawaji, DaganiDagani andand KuwarKuwar ethno-ethno-linguistic linguistic groups.groups.

Dards have nono- commoncommon selfself-appellation, -appellation, withwith every ethnic group having a differentdifferent

name, usuallyusually derived from thethe areasareas inhabitedinhabited byby them.them. Consequently,Consequently, therethere isis nono

sense of political unity. Some of them, predominantly thethe Pashais, are Ismaili. Their

social organisation has not been properly studied but itit appears that theythey retainretain tribaltribal

system with elements ofof self self-government -government subordinate to thethe PashtunPashtun tribaltribal rule75.rule 75 .

The Dardic languageslanguages areare anan offshootoffshoot of of the the Indo Indo-Aryan -Aryan languageslanguages ofof the the post post- -

Vedic period. This denominationdenomination cancan be derivedderived from thethe OldOld IndicIndic daráddarad-; -; cf.

daradadiirada-, -, darada- designatingdesignating the peoplepeople ofof northernnorthern IndiaIndia andand modernmodern dard,dard, dard,diird,

being the selfself-appellation -appellation ofof thethe speakers of Gurezi, one of Shina dialects (Edel'man,(Edel 'man,

1996, p.27).

75 For For more more detailsdetails seesee Wutt,Wutt, 1981, whichwhich is thethe only available monograph on this subject. 85 Only Kashmiri has an oldold literaryliterary tradition,tradition, some other Dardic languageslanguages of

Pakistan acquired alphabets only recently while it is not the casecase inin Afghanistan.Afghanistan. ForFor these reasons,reasons, DariDari was thethe languagelanguage ofof administration asas well asas religiousreligious andand secularsecular literature. However, thethe knowledge ofof this languagelanguage and especially literacy in Dari was confined to the narrownarrow circlecircle of educatededucated elite.elite.

1.5.3.3. BRAHUI. BRAHUI.

Brahui are the onlyonly DravidsDravids ofof Afghanistan Afghanistan speakingspeaking theirtheir ownown distinctivedistinctive language,language, however manymany of them alsoalso knowknow PashtoPashto oror Baluchi.Baluchi. TheyThey residereside inin southwestsouthwest

Afghanistan and numbernumber approximatelyapproximately 10,000I 0,000 beingbeing mainlymainly tenanttenant farmersfarmers or or hiredhired herders for PashtunPashtun oror BaluchBaluch notables.notables. TheirTheir principalprincipal groupsgroups includeinclude Aydozay,Aydozay,

Lawarzay, Yaghizay, Zirkandi and Mahmasani, though they likelike toto bebe consideredconsidered asas aa brunch of the Baluch - the claim not often reciprocated by the Baluch proper.

1.5.3.4. MONGOLS. MONGOLS.

The MongolsMongols of AfghanistanAfghanistan speak Dari,Dari, howeverhowever thethe MongolianMongolian substratumsubstratum is clearly visible. There are alsoalso veryvery smallsmall groupsgroups ofof Pashto Pashto-speaking -speaking Mongols in the

South. There are severalseveral thousandthousand MongolsMongols scatteredscattered mainlymainly throughoutthroughout centralcentral andand northern Afghanistan as highlandhighland agriculturalists.agriculturalists. TheyThey werewere originallyoriginally concentratedconcentrated in but approximately in thethe 1850's theythey disperseddispersed fromfrom there.there. ItIt isis quite possible that they are the descendantsdescendants of MongolMongol troopstroops that invadedinvaded Afghanistan in the 13th century.

1.5.3.5. ARABS. ARABS.

86 There are very few who stillstill retainretain ArabicArabic asas theirtheir domesticdomestic languagelanguage

(four known villages west ofof MazarMazar-e -e Sharif with 5050-100 -100 householdshouseholds inin eacheach of them). These Arabs areare unrelatedunrelated toto manymany DariDari oror Pashto Pashto-speaking -speaking groups claiming

Arab descend (Kieffer,(Kieffer, 1981,1981, pp.178pp.178-196) -196) and formingforming smallsmall semisemi-nomadic -nomadic and semisemi­- sedentary communities scattered all overover thethe countrycountry butbut predominantlypredominantly concentratedconcentrated in the NorthNorth wherewhere theythey resembleresemble the ArabsArabs of CentralCentral Asia.Asia. Many of themthem claimclaim sayyed descend, which isis rarelyrarely recognisedrecognised outsideoutside theirtheir communities.communities. Nevertheless,Nevertheless, their Dari isis oftenoften heavilyheavily Arabized.Arabized.

1.5.3.6. JEWS.

Jewish presence in Afghanistan can bebe tracedtraced backback toto prepre-Islamic -Islamic times, though the exact number and position ofof the the JewsJews isis obscureobscure (Gnoli,(Gnoli, 1962,1962, pp.311pp.311-312). -312).

Prior to the 1980's1980's therethere werewere severalseveral hundredhundred Afghan Jews who were quite similar to Central Asian or BukharanBukharan Jews. They residedresided inin Kabul,Kabul, KandaharKandahar and

Herat working as merchantsmerchants and moneylenders.moneylenders. AllAll of them spokespoke eithereither DariDari oror

Pashto, with Hebrew being only their sacred language.language. After the creation of IsraelIsrael they gradually startedstarted toto emigrateemigrate there.there.

During World War II Afghanistan was the only country that offered asylum to all European Jews without any discrimination and some of them foundfound a safesafe havenhaven there. After thethe warwar allall thesethese JewishJewish refugeesrefugees leftleft Afghanistan.Afghanistan. ThoseThose AfghansAfghans whowho are aware of this fact take justifiable pride inin their historical record.

In thethe 1980's1980's allall remainingremaining AfghanAfghan JewsJews leftleft forfor Israel.Israel. AccordingAccording toto thethe hearsay, currently there are only two Jews leftleft inin KabulKabul andand theythey areare notnot onon speakingspeaking terms with each other.other. OneOne ofof them them knownknown asas IsaacIsaac LeviLevi waswas constantlyconstantly sentencedsentenced byby the -TCalebOan-T¢aleb¢an for for short short spells spells in in jail jail for for sorcery. sorcery. ThusThus hehe mightmight bebe thethe lastlast 87 representative ofof a a long-long-standing standing northern Afghan and CentralCentral AsianAsian tradition,tradition, whichwhich invested Jews with specialspecial magicalmagical power.power.

1.5.3.7. SIKHSSIKHS AND AND HINDUS. HINDUS.

Prior toto 1992 there werewere approximatelyapproximately 20,000 Hindus andand 10,000I 0,000 SikhsSikhs in

Afghanistan. TheyThey residedresided inin urban centres where they worked as merchantsmerchants and moneylenders. Apart Apart fromfrom eithereither DariDari or PashtoPashto theythey alsoalso retainedretained theirtheir IndianIndian languages, mainlymainly ,Hindi, PanjabiPanjabi or or Lahnda. Lahnda. After After the the moj moj ¢ahed Oahed3n3 n victory many ofof them tried toto immigrateimmigrate toto IndiaIndia fearingfearing thethe IslamizationIslamization ofof public public lifelife inin Afghanistan.Afghanistan.

Especially underunder the the -TO-T¢aleb¢an alebcan many many of ofthem them found found themselves themselves in in a a precarious precarious position being ordered in April 2001 to wear distinctive yellow marks on their cloths

"for their ownown protectionprotection in orderorder toto distinguishdistinguish them fromfrom Muslims"Muslims" as thethe

T¢aleb¢anT O a 1 eb 6 a nclaimed. claimed. Fortunately, Fortunately, this this edictedict waswas not implemented.

1.5. PECULIARITIES OF AFGHAN ISLAM: SUNNITES, SHIITES,SHIITES, ISMAILISISMAILIS AND AND SUFIS76. SUFIS76•

Islam was firstfirst broughtbrought intointo thethe territoryterritory ofof modern modern AfghanistanAfghanistan byby ArabArab troops,troops, which occupied Herat inin 652652 A.D..A.D.. SinceSince thatthat time time Islam Islam gradually gradually progressed progressed throughout the country, affecting mainly urban population. The massive conversion of

Afghans started only underunder MaMa- -- -hmudhm ¢ ud of of Ghazni, Ghazni, who who established established hishis capitalcapital inin the

Pashtun lands andand attractedattracted tribesmentribesmen byby hishis successfulsuccessful expeditions. expeditions. However,However, thethe bulk ofof AfghanAfghan homelandshomelands remainedremained unsubduedunsubdued andand subject to nono organizedorganized

76 Political Political IslamIslam ofof thethe 20th20`" andand 21st2151 centuries centuries is is dealt dealt with with in in the the relevant relevant sections sections ofof Chapter Two. 88 government, eithereither foreign oror domestic;domestic; eveneven inin thethe 13th century century Muslim Muslim 6olam¢ae ôolamCaé issued fatwcasfa tw¢as against against paganpagan AfghansAfghans (Samargand3,(Samarqand 3 , 1829,1829, p.66)p.66) andand compared their belief with the religion of the Mongols (Qazw(Qa zw3 n 3 , 1911-14,1911 -14, p.644).

As late asas inin thethe 16th16th century BB-bor -bor wrote about "the KafirKafir robbers"robbers" nearnear KabulKabul andand infidels' settlementssettlements inin Nangrahar.Nangrahar. (B(B-bor, -bor, 1969,1969, pp.205,pp.205, 342),342), but he diddid notnot specifyspecify whether these "Kafirs" were Pashtuns or not. ItIt isis noteworthynoteworthy that accordingaccording to thethe local tradition somesome AfghanAfghan tribestribes remainedremained nonnon-Muslim -Muslim even until the beginningbeginning ofof the 19th centurycentury (Kohat(Kohat Gazetteer,Gazetteer, 1884, p.69). However, the PashtunsPashtuns havehave no memory ofof a prepre-Islamic -Islamic pastpast'77 andand therethere isis nothingnothing inin recordedrecorded history,history, whichwhich suggests that they were forciblyforcibly convertedconverted toto Islam.Islam.

Formal conversion to IslamIslam differsdiffers substantiallysubstantially fromfrom genuinegenuine Islamization,Islamization, i.e. thethe adoptionadoption ofof IslamicIslamic symbolismsymbolism and practice in everyday life. In thethe pre-pre- modern periods normative Islam is generallygenerally associated with urban ratherrather thanthan ruralrural culture. Since AfghanistanAfghanistan was, and stillstill is, predominantlypredominantly rural andand tribal,tribal, nonnon- -

Islamic practices not onlyonly survivedsurvived there,there, especiallyespecially among the PashtunsPashtuns butbut alsoalso dominated their life for a longlong periodperiod ofof timetime thusthus makingmaking the culturalcultural contradictioncontradiction between normative urbanurban IslamIslam and Afghan tribalism aa major themetheme ofof AfghanAfghan history. Many Afghan sourcessources mentionmention numerousnumerous clashesclashes betweenbetween tribaltribal andand religiousreligious

leaders, between between the the tribal tribal code code ofhonour of honour and and the the 11 Sar sar3ôat.3 6at. This This conflictconflict diddid not have only a culturalcultural character.character. Matters of socialsocial statusstatus andand politicalpolitical dominancedominance were always at stake. A PashtunPashtun proverb "There areare thingsthings inin KhostKhost [an[an areaarea inin thethe countrycountry of the Pashtuns] that are not inin the Koran and there are things in the Koran that are not in Khost" (Janata(Janata andand Hassas,Hassas, 1975,1975, p.83)p.83) acknowledgesacknowledges thethe apparentapparent contradictioncontradiction

"77 AccordingAccording toto theirtheir ownown oral tradition theythey werewere nevernever infidelsinfidels butbut havehave alwaysalways beenbeen monotheists, viz. Muslims. This belief is enshrined even in the Pashtuns'Pashtuns' tribaltribal genealogy.genealogy. This problem isis discusseddiscussed inin thethe sectionsection "Pashtuns"Pashtuns". ". 89 between tribal customs andand thethe rules of sarsar3ôat.3 oat. MedievalMedieval oolam¢aeôolamcaé were well aware of thethe Pashtuns'Pashtuns' attitudeattitude towardstowards Islam and theirtheir knowledgeknowledge of the religion, which they foundfound unacceptable.unacceptable. ThusThus thethe 16th -1 -17th ih century century "orthodox""orthodox"

Islamic scholar £Akh¢und£ Darw3Darw 3 zah lamented that Khattak women were ignorantignorant even of thethe outwardoutward formsforms ofof religionreligion andand diddid notnot knowknow howhow toto praypray properlyproperly

(Darw(Darw33 zah, 1892, pp.74pp.74-75). -75).

Nominal inclusion of the PashtunPashtun tribes intointo the spheresphere ofof thethe GreatGreat MughalMughal influence in the 16th16th centurycentury facilitatedfacilitated thethe processprocess oflslamizationof Islamization defineddefined inin termsterms of a limited acceptance of normative urban Sunni Islam, but not at the expenseexpense ofof thethe tribal ethos. However, the political and socialsocial transformation of the Afghan parts of the GreatGreat MughalMughal EmpireEmpire mademade anan impactimpact onon thethe formsforms ofof expression expression ofof indigenous indigenous

Islam.

In aa competitivecompetitive PashtunPashtun societysociety Islam also becamebecame aa vehiclevehicle ofof political political ideology. RelationsRelations between ethnic, tribaltribal and social groups, particularly where theythey involve competition forfor limited resources are often expressedexpressed inin termsterms ofof religious religious superiority, either either inin claimsclaims ofof religiosity oror piety. Thus among the of

Afghanistan these claims determine the charactercharacter ofof religiousreligious beliefbelief andand behaviour;behaviour; while successful tribesmen subscribesubscribe to meticulousmeticulous observationobservation of IslamicIslamic ritualritual thethe underprivileged ones pursue ecstatic experiencesexperiences associatedassociated withwith Sufism,Sufism, shrinesshrines andand possession byby spiritspirit (Tapper,(Tapper, 1984,1984, pp.262pp.262-263). -263). Besides,Besides, nonnon-Pashtun -Pashtun client groups and juniorjunior PashtunPashtun tribaltribal lineageslineages overover-emphasise -emphasise IslamicIslamic observance,observance, asas AhmedAhmed writes, in orderorder toto counterbalancecounterbalance the elitismelitism ofof thethe seniorsenior lineages.lineages. AmongAmong thesethese senior lineages Islamic knowledge isis transmitted notnot through thethe memory of thethe teaching of great scholars or Sufi masters or theirtheir shrinesshrines but throughthrough everyday tribal lore and common descent memorymemory (Ahmed,(Ahmed, 1984,1984, p.319).p.319). 90 Although the territory of modern Afghanistan is thethe birthplace ofof a number of

Sufi brotherhoods (Azami, Chishti) little is knownknown aboutabout SufiSufi activitiesactivities amongamong thethe

Pashtuns, while they flourished along the traditional lines of Sufi brotherhoods among mainly urbanurban nonnon-Pashtuns. -Pashtuns.

In thethe 19th19th centurycentury thethe QadiriyyaQadiriyya becamebecame oneone ofof thethe mostmost powerfulpowerful SufiSufi brotherhoods among the easterneastern PashtunPashtun tribestribes (Olesen,(Olesen, 1995,1995, p.46),p.46), thusthus wrestlingwrestling the dominance awayaway fromfrom thethe previouslypreviously all-all-powerful powerful Naqshbandiyya.

The travellingtravelling NaqshbandiNaqshbandi mCor3dsm¢or 3 ds andand moorm¢or,seds seds maintained close ties betweenbetween thethe NaqshbandiNaqshbandi centres inin CentralCentral Asia,Asia, AfghanistanAfghanistan and India.India. The

Naqshbandi positionposition inin the PashtunPashtun lands waswas strengthenedstrengthened by the effortsefforts ofof thethe famous religiousreligious reformerreformer ...... Saykh Saykh A-hmadA -hmad SerhendSerhend3 3 (1564(1564-1624) -1624) andand hishis disciples from the tribaltribal areaarea (Rizvi,(Rizvi, 1978-1983,1978 -1983, vol.11,vol.II, pp.180pp.180-181, -181, 232232-233). -233).

However prominent Naqshbandi mastersmasters independentindependent ofof thethe influence of AA-hmad -hmad

SerhendSerhend3 were 3 were also also active active among among the the Pashtun Pashtun tribesmen. tribesmen.

These Sufi brotherhoods which had been most widespread among the Pashtuns are inin generalgeneral characterisedcharacterised byby adherence toto "orthodoxy""orthodoxy and emphasisemphasis on thethe observance oftheofthe sa,sar r 3 oatôa t andand spiritual sobriety.

Although the bulk of the PashtunsPashtuns areare SunnitesSunnites there areare somesome ShiiteShiite clansclans asas well, i.e. that of thethe OrakzayOrakzay andand BangashBangash tribes (Ridgway, 1910, p.159; Rose, 1914, vol.I1I,vol.III, p.177).p.177). However, accordingaccording toto some British Indian sourcessources thesethese peoplepeople converted to Shiism only inin thethe 18th18th and 19f"19th century (Kohat Gazetteer, 1884, p.69;

White King, 1984,1984, p.151).

It appears that therethere areare nono PashtunPashtun tribaltribal groupsgroups openlyopenly professingprofessing Ismailism.Ismailism.

However, anan Ismaili presence in the regions close toto the Pashtun lands can be traced at least since the MongolMongol invasioninvasion ofof PersiaPersia whenwhen manymany ofof the the KuhistaniKuhistani NeNez¢ z C a r 3 ss 91 who survived the Mongol massacres migratedmigrated toto Afghanistan,Afghanistan, SindSind andand .Punjab. InIn thethe course of time the hereditaryhereditary Ismaili pp3 3 rsrs inin thethe remoteremote areasareas likelike AfghanistanAfghanistan became practically independent fromfrom thethe authority of thethe em¢amemGam who, however,however, through a numbernumber of emissaries,emissaries, always tried to assertassert hishis influenceinfluence inin thisthis regionregion

(Daftary, 1990, pp.444pp.444-445, -445, 468-4468 -470). 70). D. D. Ball Balland, and, relyingrelying onon the BritishBritish IndianIndian tradition, thinksthinks thatthat the Ismaililsmaili presence in the regionregion can bebe tracedtraced toto thethe 10th lOth century, the time of a short-livedshort-lived Ismaili domain in and Kharijite activities in

Gardiz. BallandBalland goesgoes asas far as to suggestsuggest that the BangashBangash tribe, which occupies aa separate position inin the Pashtun genealogy, waswas formed asas a resultresult ofof thethe IsmailiIsmaili missionary activity. He also asserts that the Orakzay and Turi tribes were under strong

Ismaili influenceinfluence (Balland,(Balland, 1995,1995, pp.357pp.357-367). -367). InIn thisthis respect Raverty's remarkremark thatthat the BangashsBangashs consideredconsidered II asas theirtheir headhead is is noteworthy noteworthy (Raverty, (Raverty, 1888,1888, p.389).

Anthropological literatureliterature dealingdealing withwith thethe Muslim world, andand especiallyespecially

Islamic tribes, paid muchmuch attentionattention toto thethe multi-multi-functional functional positionposition ofof the the "holy"holy man man". ".

The bestbest-researched -researched functionfunction of of SufiSufi guidesguides andand mey¢ansmey0ans78 78 is their ability to actact asas mediators in thethe factional,factional, oftenoften kinship-kinship-based, based, conflictsconflicts ofof tribesmen,tribesmen, whichwhich isis a

78 In In the the PashtunPashtun society meycansmey¢ans are believed to be the descendants of scholars of ancient times. Some of themthem areare designateddesignated sayyeds.sayyeds. SociologicallySociologically there isis nono distinctiondistinction betweenbetween the alleged descendants ofof the the prophetprophet MoMo-harrunad -hammad andand offspringsoffsprings ofof the the famousfamous 6olamôolam Ca ¢ae é or Sufis,Sufis, althoughalthough sayyedssayyeds areare heldheld inin higherhigher esteem.esteem. Moreover,Moreover, influentialinfluential meyGansmey¢ans are often called sayyeds disregarding their genealogy. The position of the sayyeds is different in the usually small tribes of dubious originorigin whichwhich claimclaim descent from a sayyed who married an Afghan woman (Muhammad(Muhammad Hayat Khan, 1981,1981, p.281).p.281 ). InIn thesethese tribestribes thethe sayyedsayyed clans clans areare fully integrated into the tribaltribal structurestructure andand acceptaccept PashtunPashtun womenwomen asas brides.brides. (Arlinghaus,(Arlinghaus, 1993, p.l2).p.12). However, according to Barth it is also thethe casecase withwith thethe YusufzayYusufzay tribetribe wherewhere thethe "holy men" marry Pashtun women. In general it is considered socially acceptable to marry a woman of a lowerlower status.status. WhatWhat isis impossibleimpossible is to give a of a high status to the manman ofof aa lower status. Among Pashtun tribes the meyansmey¢ans occupy occupy the same position asas 6olam¢aeôolamCaé do among nonnon-tribal -tribal Muslims. Like all members ofof the the ôolamCaé6olam¢ae class some mey¢ansmeyCans can be not only jurists but Sufi masters as well.

92 universal characteristic ofof the "holy men" inin manymany differentdifferent societiessocieties rangingranging fromfrom

Moroccan Berbers toto Central Asian Turkmens.Turkmens. "The"The holyholy men"men" areare not included in tribal lineages. Therefore theythey are in a favouredfavoured position to arbitrate conflicts since they do notnot shareshare obligationsobligations ofof collectivecollective tribaltribal responsibility.responsibility. TheThe "holy"holy men's" shrines are often locatedlocated inin areasareas ofof potentialpotential conflict,conflict, e.g.e.g. marketmarket placesplaces andand tribaltribal boundaries. This location allows the "holy men" associated with the shrines to serve as a buffer between hostile tribal groups. For instance the Mohmand meyCansmey¢ans live inin separate villages andand hamlets situated atat the boundaryboundary where twotwo or moremore tribaltribal segments meet. In Swat in line with this principle of neutrality houses of the Yusufzay mey--nsmeys are are inviolable; inviolable; they they often often serve serve as as a aplace place of of refuge refuge for for persecuted persecuted fugitives.fugitives.

In returnreturn forfor thesethese servicesservices asas politicalpolitical mediatorsmediators thethe YusufzayYusufzay tribaltribal segmentssegments occasionally grant prominentprominent meyCansmey¢ans permanent rightsrights to land. SuchSuch plotsplots

(s¢er-"-y,(seer =y, not sir/siri asas BarthBarth suggests)suggests) areare thenthen excludedexcluded from from periodicalperiodical re- re-allotment allotment

(w¢e,s).(wce s). Since meyCansmey¢ans are excluded fromfrom re-re-allotment allotment andand thusthus do not occupy the dadaftar f tar land, which is subject to wCew¢ e, s, s, they do not enjoy fullfull "tribal"tribal citizenship"citizenship and thus cannot speakspeak atat thethe tribaltribal assemblyassembly (jergah). Although mey¢ansmeyCans do not posses full and equal rights their land ownership entitles them to independentindependent status inin tribal affairs. Besides,Besides, thethe mey¢anmeyCan acts as aa patronpatron ofof the the clientsclients oror dependents dependents residing on his landland whowho areare thusthus alsoalso excludedexcluded fromfrom tribaltribal structures.structures. UnlikeUnlike thethe property ofof the PashtunPashtun tribesmen thethe land of thethe mey¢ansmeyCans is subjectsubject to thethe inheritance lawslaws of of the the -Hanaf-Hanaf33 madhhab with an alteration that it can bebe heldheld only byby malesmales (Barth,(Barth, 1965, pp.92pp.92-1 -103). 03). Unlike Unlike theirtheir Yusufzay colleagues the

Mohmand mey¢ansmeyCans do notnot keepkeep clientsclients (hams¢ayah)(hamsCayah) or dependentdependent artisansartisans

(qasabdar).(qasabd¢ar). The relatively respected social position oftheof the Mohmand mey¢ansmeyCans is is

93 largely due to their control over the only market place inin thethe MohmandMohmand areaarea (Ahmed,(Ahmed,

1984, p.322, 324).

The main religio-religio-political political role role ofof thethe "holy"holy men"men" is to reassert the unityunity andand integrity of Islam challenged by tribal factionalism often combined with the threat of non-Muslimnon -Muslim outsiders.outsiders. TheThe historyhistory ofof the Muslim World provides plenty of examples of the "holy men"men" leadingleading variousvarious revivalist movements inin defencedefence ofof thethe values of

Islam, e.g. the SanusiyyaSanusiyya of Cyrenaica and thethe QadiriyyaQadiriyya of Algeria,Algeria, the Naqshbandi shaykhs in thethe NorthNorth CaucasusCaucasus whowho ledled thethe tribal tribal rebellionrebellion againstagainst thethe RussianRussian authorities as as well well as asthe the moj mojOahed3n ¢ahed 3 n of of - -tar3gattar 3 qa t-e-e mo- mo-hammadeyya, hammadeyya, who unitedunited the Pashtun tribesmen against the SikhsSikhs and the British. All these religious figures took the mantle of political leaders when the fissile social order proved itself ineffective.

This kindkind ofof political political unificationunification cancan bebe conditionally conditionally called called "supra- "supra-tribal" tribal" since the tribesmen are unitedunited byby charismaticcharismatic religiousreligious leaders who appeal primarily to theirtheir religiousreligious feelingsfeelings at thethe expenseexpense ofof their their tribaltribal identities79identities79 As has beenbeen mentioned above,above, these these religious religious leaders leaders turned turned politicians, politicians, whether whether 8¢olam¢ae ôcolamcaé or

Sufi pp3 3 rs,rs, areare notnot an an integral integral partpart of of the the segmentary segmentary tribaltribal structuresstructures basedbased onon kinship. TheyThey enjoy the statusstatus ofof alienalien "guests"guests ofof honour" honour" livingliving in aa tribaltribal environment. Before they were included into the state structures as a result of a partial modernisation inin thethe 20th century they often tried to challengechallenge tribal authority and

79 When When tribes tribes act act as as the the agentsagents ofof politicalpolitical consolidation,consolidation, conquestconquest and even establishment of organised non-tribalnon -tribal rule rule theythey confineconfine their political activities exclusively toto their fellow tribesmen andand keep other tribes at armsarms length.length. This waswas thethe casecase withwith thethe KhattakKhattak principal(typrincipality in the KhyberKhyber inin thethe 176)17th century and the GhilzayGhilzay conquestconquest ofof IranIran inin thethe 18`" 18th century. When the "supra-"supra-tribal" tribal" modelmodel is applied the message of unification is meant to bebe spread as' widewide as possible and membership inin thethe politicalpolitical coalitioncoalition isis offeredoffered toto everyone,everyone, disregarding his tribal or even ethnic origin.

94 create independent political bodies of their own supporters.supporters. In Pashto this process isis called gond-b¢agond -bOaz3 z 3 (party-(party-building). building). Fredrik Fredrik Barth Barth provides provides an an accountaccount of thethe following ofof the religiousreligious leaders based on his fieldworkfieldwork among the Yusufzays of

Swat in the 1950's.1950's. TheThe followersfollowers ofof a "holy man" are recruited byby aa series of contract-likecontract -like relationsrelations ofof thethe guide with individual devotees. By establishing a centre for thethe instructioninstruction of hishis followersfollowers the "holy"holy man"man" weldswelds his devoteesdevotees into a coordinated group.group. Although Although the the following following of of a a "holy man" does notnot excludeexclude membership inin the men's househouse usuallyusually people choose between these two kinds of groups. Since members of all occupational classes (Barth calls them castes) may joinjoin the "holy"holy manman", ", the following of the religious guide provides a possibility of upward social mobility. TheThe devoteesdevotees ofof aa recognisedrecognised "holy"holy man"man" acquire thethe rank of

saykh, sayk h oror mor3dmo r 3 d which entails certain social reverencereverence irrespective of theirtheir previous status. Upon the attainment of somesome degrees of success the

saykh,saykh/mor /mor3d3 d becomes known asas par.p 3 r. A ppar3 r has in aa sensesense changedchanged hishis

"caste";"caste "; hishis offspringoffspring areare classedclassed asas the descendants of a "holy"holy manman". ". The special position andand authority ofof "holy"holy men"men" derivesderives fromfrom threethree mainmain sources:sources: the custodianship ofof thethe graves of their holyholy ancestorsancestors which serve as shrinesshrines8080 their traditional role as privilegedprivileged mediatormediator8181 and adviser to people; their claim toto spiritualspiritual

leadership due to legallegal andand mysticalmystical knowledgeknowledge asas wellwell asas moralmoral dedicationdedication (Barth,(Barth,

1965, pp.56pp.56-63, -63, 9292-1 -103). 03).

80 80However, there are many people of recognisedrecognised holyholy descentdescent whowho havehave nono ancestralancestral shrine.shrine.

81 This role isis signifiedsignified byby theirtheir wearingwearing aa whitewhite turban,turban, whichwhich makesmakes thethe "holy"holy men"men" inviolable in and permits them to cross fromfrom one warringwarring camp to thethe other.other. However, this privilege is often abused and the "holy men"men" sometimessometimes taketake arms.

95 It appears that oneone kindkind ofof "holy "holy menmen", ", namelynamely thethe SufiSufi guides,guides, enjoysenjoys anan ambivalent position among thethe Pashtuns. They attract disciples from mainlymainly poorpoor background whilewhile menmen with claims to secular power, or to anyany degreedegree ofof religious religious piety and learning never take an active part in Sufi ceremonies; however, they do not discourage othersothers from doingdoing so.so. (Tapper, 1984, pp.261pp.261-263). -263). The The Sufi guideguide exercises his influenceinfluence outside tribaltribal organisationorganisation and establishedestablished patternspatterns ofof socialsocial behaviour. BecauseBecause ofof this,this, inin contrastcontrast toto thethe mey¢ansmey0ans andand mullahs,mullahs, sociologicallysociologically they are not a part of thethe tribaltribal system.system. OnOn thethe contrary,contrary, byby thethe naturenature ofof their their activityactivity they constantly challenge this system. This paradigm of the coexistence of the SufiSufi guides and tribesmen cannot be applied to all tribes. Thus Akbar S. Ahmed maintains that thethe MohmandsMohmands do notnot followfollow anyany SufiSufi brotherhood.brotherhood. They see Sufism not as anan acceptable alternative or supplement to traditional normativenormative Islam butbut asas aa surrogatesurrogate for it (Ahmed, 1984,1984, pp.318pp.318-319). -319).

If leftleft uncheckedunchecked byby secularsecular tribaltribal authoritiesauthorities thesethese bondsbonds betweenbetween thethe guideguide and hishis individualindividual followersfollowers have an undercurrentundercurrent tendency toto evolve into the

3 g¢ond-b¢agOond z -bCaz3 type relationships when thethe religiousreligious leadersleaders assumeassume authorityauthority overover large groups of people, normally subject to another, regular system of authority on a tribal lineage basis. As itit often happens inin PashtunPashtun tribaltribal society, individual relationships resembling thethe organisation ofof a traditional Sufi brotherhood tumturn intointo a new kind of institution; usually identified as "maraboutic SufismSufism""82.82 •

82 With With regard regard to to thethe AfghanAfghan realitiesrealities thisthis termterm waswas introduced byby Olivier RoyRoy (Roy, 1985, pp.56-58).pp.56 -58). InIn thethe casecase of"marabouticof "maraboutic Sufism" affiliation to the spiritual guide is based on the collective adherenceadherence of of aa clanclan oror tribe toto a p3p 3 isr's family. family. RoyRoy maintains maintains thatthat marabouticmaraboutic p 3 rsrs nevernever belongedbelonged toto anan establishedestablished SufiSufi brotherhoodbrotherhood or had any scholarly qualification or formed close mastermaster-disciple -disciple relationsrelations withwith their followers.followers. However, AstaAsta OlesenOlesen whilewhile accepting Roy's general definition ofof"maraboutic "maraboutic Sufism" correctly points out thethe number of cases when "maraboutic" guides guides belonged belonged to tothe the well-known well -known - tareqa -tareqats ts andand hadhad individual disciples (Olesen, 1995,1995, pp.49pp.49-50). -50). Thus it seems thatthat "maraboutic Sufism" isis first 96 Probably thethe first recordedrecorded example of thisthis patternpattern is providedprovided in thethe

B¢abor-n¢amah.BCabor- ncamah. BCaborB¢abor reports reports thatthat somesome 3030 oror 4040 yearsyears beforebefore hishis 15191519 expedition against the PashtunPashtun tribestribes aa hereticheretic dervishdervish (m(mul-hed u l -h ed qaqalandar) l a n da r ) named ...5... S ¢C ahb¢ ahb C az a z"perverted "perverted a abody body of of Yusufzay Yusufzay andand anotheranother of Dilazak".Dilazak ". B-borB-bor ordered the destruction of his tomb in the Maqam mountainsmountains (B¢abor,(BCabor, 1969,1969, p.377).p.377).

Everyone consideredconsidered a a "heretic""heretic" couldcould bebe labelledlabelled mul-hed; mul -hed; however,however, veryvery oftenoften this derogatoryderogatory appellation waswas reserved forfor Ismailis.lsmailis. There are manymany similarsimilar examples recorded in later history ofofthe the area.

Later supra-supra-tribal tribal activities were usuallyusually causedcaused byby foreignforeign invasions undertaken by nonnon-Muslim -Muslim countries,countries, such as the threethree Anglo-Anglo-Afghan Afghan wars and thethe

Soviet involvement inin Afghanistan. SufiSufi masters and mullahsmullahs occupyoccupy aa position,position, which authorises themthem to initiate and direct practical actions such as the holyholy warwar

(j eh C¢a a d) d) which which must must be be sanctioned,sanctioned, and and isis usually initiated,initiated, byby people withwith a religious background83.background83 . These These peoplepeople alsoalso ledled thethe rebellions against political leaders who intolerably abuse their authority. Thus the relationshipsrelationships betweenbetween spiritualspiritual mastermaster or tribal mediator and hishis personalpersonal followersfollowers turn intointo that betweenbetween the leaderleader ofof the the holy war and thethe warriorswarriors oflslam.of Islam. The The latterlatter relationships relationships are are founded founded on on the the gond- gond- bcaz3b¢az 3 basis.basis.

of all characterised not by the lowlow level of the master's scholarshipscholarship oror lacklack ofof his his affiliationaffiliation toto a SufiSufi brotherhoodbrotherhood butbut ratherrather byby massmass collectivecollective adherenceadherence to thethe guide,guide, asas opposedopposed toto thethe traditional individualindividual one. one. However,However, this this pattern pattern does does not not totally totally exclude exclude individual individual p p3r-3 r­ mor3mor3d d relations, relations, althoughalthough thethe numbernumber ofof a a master's master's individual individual followersfollowers isis usuallyusually veryvery low.low. Nowadays, one can observeobserve the samesame processprocess goinggoing onon withinwithin thethe so-so-called called "parties" of Afghan mojmoj ¢ahedOahed3n.3 n.

83S3 Many Many British British Indian Indian sources sources refer refer to to "the "the fanaticsfanatics ofof thethe frontier"frontier" whowho led tribal rebellions against the British rule. The names of these leaders, i.e. M¢oll¢a,MCoil Ca, -Hajj',-Hajj 3, Faq'r,Fag 3r, etc, indicate that they all were of religious background.

97 Usually thesethese religion-religion-inspired inspired movementsmovements basedbased on thethe gond-b¢azgond-bOaz33

principle dodo not lastlast forfor long.long. TheThe onlyonly exceptionsexceptions areare thethe principalityprincipality ofof SwatSwat

founded in thethe 19th19th century by a religiousreligious leader and forfor longlong timetime governedgoverned byby hishis

descendants, asas well as thethe Dhe krkr 3 sect ofof thethe MakranMakran Baluchis.Baluchis. NeighbouringNeighbouring

Baluchi and Pashtun societiessocieties areare organisedorganised alongalong thethe tribaltribal lines.lines. However,However, therethere areare

certain differences between them. WhileWhile the principalityprincipality of Swat serves as an example

of thethe triumphtriumph ofof normative normative IslamIslam overover tribaltribal politics84politics84 among the followersfollowers of

marginalized and persecuted sects, likelike that ofof thethe Dhe kr 3 s s thethe "holy"holy men"men" helphelp to

boost thethe sectarians'sectarians' psychologicalpsychological selfself-esteem -esteem inin settings where moremore secularsecular

avenues of status aggrandizementsaggrandizements areare closedclosed (Partner,(Pastner, 1984,1984, pp.303,pp.303, 307 307-308). -308).

The main difference between the MohmandMohmand (egalitarian tribe) and Yusufzay

(hierarchical tribe)tribe) "holy men" isis thatthat thethe formerformer dodo notnot provide provide leadershipleadership againstagainst

outside aggression nornor cancan they claimclaim toto performperform miracles.miracles. OnlyOnly inin complexcomplex hierarchical societies, e.g.e.g. thethe Yusufzays underunder thethe rulerule ofof the WCal3W¢al 3 ofof Swat,Swat, cancan

religious groups aspire to political power. In thisthis respectrespect thethe failurefailure ofof such such religiousreligious

leaders as ...Caknawar... Caknaw¢ar andand -Haj-Hajj j 3 of TurangzayTurangzay to uniteunite thethe MohmandsMohmands

against the BritishBritish inin 19151915-1916 -1916 serves as a good example oftheof the political weakness of the "holy men"men" inin thisthis typetype ofof tribal tribal society.society. SimilarlySimilarly Sayyed AA-hmad -hmad ...Sah... S¢ah

BaralwBaralw3 3who who ruled ruled Peshawar Peshawar in in 1830 1830 was was soon soon deserted deserted byby hishis tribaltribal followersfollowers who

could not tolerate aa continuingcontinuing assumption of political power by a nonnon-tribal -tribal leader-leader - the pattern repeated timetime andand againagain inin Afghan history.

84 ActivitiesActivities ofof the modernmodern AfghanAfghan mojmojahed3n ahed 3 n provide another example of thethe samesame pattern. Given the importanceimportance ofof thethe gond-b¢azgond-bcaz3 3principle principle at at the the time time ofof general general politicalpolitical crisiscns1s i~-it, seems that the selfself-appellation -appellation of many mojahedmojahed3n3 n organisations "-hezbla-hz¢ab""- hezb/a- hz0ab" (party) may be a good exampleexample ofof a a "Freudian "Freudian slip slip". ".

98 The position of "holy men"men" withinwithin thethe PashtunPashtun socialsocial hierarchyhierarchy isis ambivalent.ambivalent.

They are aware that they areare ofof superior superior statusstatus toto aa membermember ofof any any occupationaloccupational groupgroup not fully integratedintegrated intointo tribaltribal genealogicalgenealogical structure.structure. AtAt thethe samesame timetime itit appearsappears thatthat they are of lower lower statusstatus thanthan thethe PashtunsPashtuns whowho considerconsider themthem asas theirtheir clients85. clients85 • In the

Mohmand tribe they began to intermarryintermarry with the Pashtuns from junior lineages only in thethe 1960's. PreviouslyPreviously theythey were anan entirely endogamous group.

Both mey¢ansmeyGans and PashtunsPashtuns remainremain distinctdistinct socialsocial groupsgroups withwith distinctdistinct functions. While the Pashtuns see themselves as the guardians of tribal customs, the meyGans'mey¢ans' main function is to maintain Islamic symbolism in their host society.

Economically bothboth thethe mullahs and thethe meyGansmey¢ans are sustainedsustained by thethe

payment of zak0azak¢a tt money to them. The PashtunsPashtuns refer to zak¢azakGa tt as ôo6o 11 srsr

(Ahmed, 1984, p.314). The local mosque is keptkept inin repairrepair byby communalcommunal labourlabour andand the mosque's emdamem¢am is paid inin kind forfor hishis service.service. AlthoughAlthough thethe mullahsmullahs usuallyusually dodo not ownown inheritedinherited land,land, theythey gaingain accessaccess toto thethe endowedendowed landslands ofof their their mosquesmosques byby serving as emem¢ams Gams (Barth, 1965, pp.15,18). In return they leadlead thethe congregationcongregation inin prayer, preachpreach inin the mosquemosque and perform rites of passage.passage. Thus, theirtheir role is institutional and functional.functional. TheThe em¢emcams ams hold their hereditaryhereditary positions for life.life.

However, the congregation may rejectreject anan incompetent successor.successor. TheThe positionposition ofof the em¢amemam is alwaysalways occupiedoccupied byby low-low-ranking ranking members ofof the oolam¢aeôolamGaé group; it ranks too low for the descendants of the mey¢ans.meyGans. The mullah may be respected but rarely is he venerated.venerated. He actsacts withinwithin thethe villagevillage socialsocial organisation,organisation, andand inin practicepractice with the khkhcan' ¢an' ss implicit permission.

85 The The PashtunPashtun sayingsaying aboutabout religiousreligious groupsgroups goesgoes as follows: "They do notnot carrycarry gunsguns andand exist toto serveserve us"us (Ahmed,(Ahmed, 1980,1980, p.160).p.l60).

99 Apart fromfrom havinghaving politicalpolitical functions, "holy"holy men" also helphelp toto channelchannel religious feelings of the tribesmen who feel alienated from thethe urban and sophisticatedsophisticated

Islam ofof thethe ôulamGaé.8ulam¢ae. ByBy thethe powerpower of theirtheir baraka t tthey they demonstrate demonstrate thethe immediacy of God's existence.existence.

Apart from thethe SunniSunni majoritymajority AfghanistanAfghanistan alsoalso hashas significantsignificant ImamiImami ShiiteShiite and Ismaili minorities. The formerformer isis predominantlypredominantly confined to the HazaraHazara peoplepeople and the of Kabul,Kabul, Herat and Kandahar, while the latter is practised by the

Pamiris of Badakhshan and HazaraHazara aroundaround PulPul-e -e Khomri.Khomri. InIn principleprinciple Shiism is much more unifiedunified andand hierarchicalhierarchical thanthan Sunnism,Sunnism, withwith religiousreligious dignitariesdignitaries enjoyingenjoying respect almost unparalleled in thethe SunniSunni environment.environment. The mostmost respectablerespectable figuresfigures are the descendantsdescendants ofof the Prophet (those(those whowho areare s¢ad¢ad)sGadGad) andand thosethose whowho builtbuilt their reputation on Islamic learninglearning or pilgrimage toto the holy places. However, this religionreligion-based -based hierarchisation hierarchisation of of the the HazaraHazara societysociety (Of(Of whichwhich tribaltribal aristocracy is also an importantimportant part) did not mean a greatergreater degree of internalinternal unity than seen in a more egalitarian PashtunPashtun society.society.

Another significant Shiite communitycommunity- - thethe Qizilbash86Qizilbash86 havehave onlyonly theirtheir faithfaith in common with the Hazara.Hazara. UnlikeUnlike ruralrural andand usuallyusually poorpoor HazaraHazara thethe QizilbashQizilbash formform wellwell-to-do -to -do urbanurban communities.communities.

In general,general, the ShiitesShiites alwaysalways remainremain doctrinallydoctrinally potentially opposed toto the rule of thethe SunniSunni majoritymajority andand theirtheir positionposition ofof aa persecutedpersecuted minorityminority ledled toto thethe religious acceptanceacceptance ofof dissimulationdissimulation of of faith faith ( ta(tageyyah), qeyyah), the the fact fact that that often often causescauses much antianti-Shiite -Shiite .

86 They They played played an an important important role role inin the the establishmentestablishment ofof thethe Safavi monarchy in Iran and arrived to

Afghanistan as as mercenaries mercenaries serving serving A-hmad A -hmad ... S¢ah ...S ahDorr¢an Dorr ana. 3 • 100 The Ismailis findfind themselvesthemselves inin anan eveneven moremore precariousprecarious position,position, notablynotably because traditionally theythey do not have mosques and their prayer practicepractice is visiblyvisibly different. Their religiousreligious lifelife isis dominateddominated byby thethe hereditaryhereditary spiritualspiritual leadersleaders knownknown locally as "kings" ((,s¢ah),scah), claiming either sayyed or khwcajahor khw¢ajah descent who,who, as amongamong thethe Imamis,lmamis, formform endogamousendogamous groups87.groups87 . TheyThey areare represented by theirtheir appointed "deputies""deputies (kha 131 3 fah)fa h) who are inin chargecharge of religiousreligious teaching, officiate in ritualritual and and collect collect oo,sr ôo sr (the(the tithe)tithe) payable to to the the ,s¢ahs s0ahs and then supposed to be forwarded to the supremesupreme Ismaili world leader (emOam)(em¢am) Aga Khan IV, who inin the

1990's carefully started to reassert his authority in the area.

87 The The leadingleading familyfamily claimingclaiming butbut notnot alwaysalways assertingasserting authority over all Afghan Ismailis are the QayhCQayh¢an an 3 3 s of Pol Pol-e -e Khumri. 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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