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OJJDP MPG Literature Review: Risk Factors

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OJJDP MPG Literature Review: Risk Factors Last updated: December 2015 www.ojjdp.gov/mpg Risk Factors for Delinquency Risk factors are personal traits, characteristics of the environment, or conditions in the family, school, or community that are linked to youths’ likelihood of engaging in delinquency and other problem behaviors (Murray and Farrington 2010). The presence of risk factors and the early exposure to them has been shown to increase the likelihood that youths will engage in early delinquent behavior during adolescence and continue to offend throughout the life course (Reingle, Jennings, and Maldonado- Molina 2012; Mmari, Blum, and Teufel-Shone 2010). For example, youths who witness violent crimes in their neighborhoods or experience abuse/neglect in their homes at a young age have an increased chance of engaging in violent acts later in life (Reingle, Jennings, and Maldonado-Molina 2012). The idea of risk factors is common across a number of different fields. For example, in the medical field, doctors often assess their patients’ risk factors for certain ailments, such as cancer or diabetes, and recommend certain courses of action that patients can take to reduce their odds of becoming sick. Similarly, in the justice field, there are certain risk factors that increase youths’ odds of becoming delinquent (Shader n.d). Treatment or prevention programming may target those risk factors, to reduce the chances that youths will commit delinquent acts or escalate into committing serious and violent offenses. There is no single risk factor that can predict who is likely (or not likely) to engage in delinquent behavior (Mmari, Blum, and Teufel-Shone 2010), but the effect is cumulative: the more risk factors present in a youth’s life, the greater the probability of the youth committing delinquent acts (Reingle, Jennings, and Maldonado-Molina 2012; Green et al. 2008; Wasserman et al. 2003). Similarly, prolonged exposure to risk factors may increase the likelihood of negative outcomes, and age of exposure to risk factors amplifies this relationship (Green et al. 2008; Hoeve et al. 2009). In other words, the younger a child is when exposed to risk factors and the longer that the child is exposed to those factors, the greater the risk that the child will engage in later delinquent behavior. Furthermore, while exposure to more than one type of risk factor may increase cumulative risk, it can also separate high-risk from at-risk youths. At-risk youths can include any child who is exposed to a risk factor, whereas high-risk youths are children who are exposed to multiple risk factors, particularly when this exposure occurs at a young age (Odgers et al. 2008; le Vries et al. 2015). For example, school adjustment problems associated with a stressful life event, such as the death of a parent, may worsen when another stressful event or circumstance, such as witnessing a violent crime in the neighborhood, happens at the same time (Draper and Hancock 2011). Suggested Reference: Development Services Group, Inc. 2015. “Risk Factors for Delinquency.” Literature review. Washington, D.C.: Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. https://www.ojjdp.gov/mpg/litreviews/Risk%20Factors.pdf Prepared by Development Services Group, Inc., under cooperative agreement number 2013–JF–FX–K002. Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 1 In addition, there are two types of risk factors: static and dynamic. Static risk factors are those historical characteristics of juveniles that cannot be changed through treatment or programming, such as history of violent behavior and parental criminality. Dynamic risk factors are characteristics that can change over time, because of treatment or the normal developmental process (Vincent, Guy, and Grisso 2012). Some examples are poor parenting practices, association with delinquent peers, and poor academic achievement. (For information about the use of risk factors in assessments of youths, see Risk/Needs Assessments for Youths). Risk factors are typically organized into the following domains (see the discussion below for further details on the five domains): Individual (e.g., biological and psychological dispositions, attitudes, values, knowledge, skills, problem behaviors) Peer (e.g., norms, activities, attachment) Family (e.g., function, management, bonding, abuse/violence) School (e.g., bonding, climate, policy, performance) Community (e.g., bonding, norms, resources, poverty level, crime) Although risk factors can take on a variety of forms, from biological traits to broad environmental conditions, they all increase a youth’s vulnerability to negative developmental outcomes (Reingle, Jennings, and Maldonado-Molina 2012; Wong, Slotboom, and Bijleveld 2010). Risk factors can have both direct and indirect effects on overall risk. For example, environmental conditions, such as poverty, can directly affect a child by lowering the quality of food and shelter. Poverty also acts an indirect risk factor, because it puts parents under strain, which may negatively affect familial relationships, ultimately leading to the breakdown of family bonds, which has been shown to increase delinquent behavior in youths (Hoeve et al. 2012). Risk factors are also related to the developmental stages of childhood and adolescence. For example, early in a child’s life, risk factors are tied to individual factors (such as hyperactivity) and family factors (such as poor parenting practices). However, as the child grows up, new risk factors related to influences from peers, the school, and the community begin to play a larger role in the child’s life (Wasserman et al. 2003). Research suggests that delinquency prevention efforts that are implemented during early childhood may be more effective at reducing the likelihood of delinquency than intervention programs targeted at adolescents who have already engaged in delinquent acts; as youths grow up and encounter additional risk factors, they will need more treatment or rehabilitative services to bring them back to a normal developmental trajectory (Zagar, Busch, and Hughes 2009). While the presence and exposure to risk factors can increase the likelihood of negative outcomes for youths, protective factors can diminish the occurrence of negative outcomes and increase resiliency. For example, living in a disadvantaged and disorganized neighborhood is a risk factor for delinquency, while having a supportive relationship with parents and other family members is a protective factor. The good relationship with family may not affect the neighborhood conditions, but it can buffer youths Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention www.ojjdp.gov 2 from some of the negative effects of living in a poor area (Mmari, Blum, and Teufel-Shone 2010). (For more information, see the Model Programs Guide literature review on Protective Factors) Finally, research has also begun to examine risk factors related to specific subgroups of youths and how they may be affected differently. For example, American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) youths face risk factors that are particular to tribal communities, such as the loss of tribal language and culture (Mmari, Blum, and Teufel-Shone 2010). Similarly, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning (LGBTQ) youths face certain risks because of their sexual orientation, including rejection from family members (Ryan et al. 2009). Further research is needed to thoroughly explore the particular risk factors that disproportionately affect certain populations of youths, and examine how prevention and intervention programming can appropriately target these groups and reduce their risk for delinquency and criminal behavior. Theoretical Background Research on risk factors is grounded in the following theoretical perspectives: the social–ecological model of development, social learning theory, social bond–social control theory, and social disorganization theory. The multidomain aspect of risk factors draws from the social–ecological model of development (Bronfenbrenner 1979, 2005), which sets out multiple levels of influence on child development, from the individual to the microsystem (a child’s immediate surroundings, including family and school); the exosystem (an environment in which a child is not directly involved, but may have an effect on the child, such as a parent’s workplace); and the macrosystem (the larger cultural context). Social learning theory (Akers 1973; Bandura 1977, 1986) emphasizes the role of social surroundings within families, schools, peers, and communities and how these relationships affect delinquent behavior (Reingle, Jennings, and Maldonado-Molina 2012). Social learning explains how risk factors can influence delinquent behavior, especially if youths are exposed to negative stimuli and antisocial surroundings. For example, by following the example set by antisocial peers, youths can be pressured into experimenting with drugs or engaging in other delinquent behavior. Social bond–social control theory (Hirschi 1969) claims that the absence of “conventional ties” is highly predictive of delinquency (Vaughn et al. 2009; Church, Wharton, and Taylor 2009), including bonds to 1) institutions (family or school); 2) beliefs (laws and normative standards); and 3) prosocial others (teachers, parents, peers). Family-based risk factors, such as parental criminality, also contribute to the weakening of an adolescent’s social bonds (Glasgow Erickson, Crosnoe, and Dornbusch 2000). If these bonds are weakened, particularly early in life, the youth may be
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