ABSTRACT
KAREN REFUGEES RESETTLED IN AURORA, IL: THEIR IDENTITY,
THEIR RESETTLEMENT, THEIR ORAL HISTORIES
Karla Findley, MA Department of Anthropology Northern Illinois University, 2017 Judy Ledgerwood, PhD., Director
Refugees provide unique subject matter for identity studies because they are not able to continue living in their homeland. Instead, they have been forced to abandon their homes, flee to a different country for safety and, for most, settle in a third country that is usually an ocean away, both physically and culturally. While concepts of identity are often easy to identify and maintain when an individual is surrounded by affirming objects, ideas, and people, what about when the refugee is not supported in this way? This project endeavors to examine both the resettlement process of Karen refugees in Aurora, Illinois, and how they fight to maintain their
Karen identity.
First, this project seeks to discover the actions, expressions, thoughts, and feelings of
Karen identity as perceived by Karen refugees in Aurora. As part of the process of gathering, organizing, and writing down the data, I also hope to give validity to those concepts and encourage the Karen refugees to continue valuing them and handing them down to the next generation despite their new circumstances and surroundings. Secondly, in light of the background literature I reviewed in preparation for this project, I hope to provide accurate data on how these Karen people perceive their history, contemporary identity, and resettlement process, and contribute to the literature on the Karen. Thirdly, this thesis provides the foundational information that will result in a museum exhibit in partnership with the NIU Art
Museum and the Center for Burma Studies focusing on Karen refugees’ life histories. NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY DE KALB, ILLINOIS
AUGUST 2017
KAREN REFUGEES RESETTLED IN AURORA, IL: THEIR IDENTITY,
THEIR RESETTLEMENT, THEIR ORAL HISTORIES
BY
KARLA FINDLEY ©2017 Karla Findley
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE
MASTER OF ARTS
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
Thesis Director:
Judy Ledgerwood, Ph.D. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This project would not have been possible without the enthusiasm of the Karen refugee community in Aurora, Illinois. The grace with which they have endured their lives is an inspiration to me. On many occasions, I have lamented “Why them and not me?” By comparison, I have endured so little. I feel underequipped to help tell their story, yet they have entrusted it to me. While I have been completing this thesis, the active daily role I had previously played in my Karen friends’ lives, and they in mine, was reduced out of necessity. While I developed a deeper academic understanding of their history and their experiences, I have missed the additional time with my friends.
The worldwide Karen community has also welcomed me with open arms and hearts.
Angelene and Dominic have provided enriching friendship and family ties, as well as valuable connections that allowed my time in Burma to be enjoyable and informative. I do not feel comfortable listing individuals here, but I look forward to seeing them again soon.
It is not easy for a person over twenty years removed from undergraduate studies, a mother of three teenagers, the wife of a traveling corporate employee, and an active community advocate to return to graduate school. Yet, I did. I could not have done so without the help and continual support of my advisors, professors, and fellow students. Dr. Ledgerwood and Dr.
Raymond have shared their infinite knowledge while assisting, prodding, and encouraging me to be the best student I can be. Dr. Schuller, the other member of my committee, provided insight and challenging discussion. Dr. Molnar provided support and resources beyond the classroom. iii
Rachel and Rachelle, my fellow students and friends, shared this journey and cheered me on when I was the most discouraged. They understood my passion, introduced me to the musical
Hamilton, and understood the connection between the two. Their gift of a bracelet with the words Who Tells Your Story is a treasure from friends who “get” me. I am extremely grateful to
Carmin, Markie, and Amanda, my fellow Burma Studies students, for their weekly conversation and fun. In addition, John, my friend and fellow student from whom I could not be more different, was the one person who constantly challenged my analysis and conclusions. Our long discussions over the course of three years required much from me and continually forced me to reassess my thoughts. For that, I am eternally grateful.
Of course, my husband and children deserve more credit than I do. Each of them sacrificed on my behalf for me to realize my goal of telling the Karen refugees’ story and obtaining a Master’s degree. There is not enough space here to express my gratitude adequately.
Instead, I will say: Scott, Dylan, Daryn, and Darby, Thank you! I love you! DEDICATION
To my father-in-law, Clarence Findley, who passed away before this thesis was complete, but who never ceased encouraging me, even in his final days.
To Mista, who would have been proud of her friend. TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Figures...... viii
Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 Theoretical Framework and Literature Review ...... 8 Identity and Material Culture ...... 8
Diaspora, Cyberspace and Networks ...... 13
Refugee, Camps, Confinement, and Fear ...... 16
Refugees in the United States ...... 23 Methodology ...... 26 Overview of Chapters ...... 36 Summary of Findings ...... 37 Chapter 2: Background ...... 43 Karen History ...... 43 What’s in a Name? ...... 43
Karen as Savages – Pre-American Contact Era (pre-1828) ...... 44
Karen as Converts (Christian and Western) – Early Era (1828–1887) ...... 46
Karen as Loyal – Colonial Era (1887–1949) ...... 49
Karen as Rebels – Post-colonial Era (1949–1962) ...... 51
Karen as Insurgents – Military Rule Era (1962–1988) ...... 52
Karen as Refugees and ‘Other’: 1984–Present Era ...... 54
Refugee Resettlement Process in the US ...... 55 Before Arrival to United States ...... 55
Upon Arrival in United States ...... 57
Chapter 3: Not Free to Live: Life in Burma ...... 59 Introduction ...... 59 Karen Village Background ...... 60 Hill People ...... 60 vi
Life in Burma ...... 63 Daily Life ...... 63
The Presence of Burmese military ...... 68
Not Free to Live: Living in Fear ...... 74
Conclusion ...... 75 Chapter 4: Not Free to Leave: Life in the Refugee Camp ...... 76 The Camps ...... 78 Getting to the Camp ...... 82 Life in the Camps ...... 83 Daily Life ...... 83
Not Free to Leave: Feeling Confined ...... 90
Conclusion ...... 91 Chapter 5: Freedom and Liberty: Life in the United States ...... 93 Introduction ...... 93 Background of Refugees in Aurora ...... 94 Karen in the US ...... 94
Aurora, Illinois ...... 95
World Relief Organization in Aurora ...... 96
‘Structure of Refuge’ ...... 97
KBCWC History ...... 100
Life in the United States ...... 101 Conclusion ...... 107 Chapter 6: Clothes Gone, People Gone: Karen Clothing ...... 109 According to Literature ...... 109 Traditional Karen Clothing Today ...... 112 Karen Refugees at Church ...... 113 Discussion ...... 120 Conclusion ...... 122 vii
Chapter 7: Analysis and Conclusion ...... 124 To Be Karen… ...... 125 The Process of Resettlement ...... 139 Aid and the Karen Refugee in Aurora ...... 146
The Stories ...... 157 Applied Component: The Art of Surviving ...... 160
REFERENCES ...... 165 LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Map of refugee camps (TBC 2004:3) ...... 80
2. Karen women's garments (Marshall 1922:39) ...... 110
3. Karen man's suit (Marshall 1922:36) ...... 110
4. Karen back strap loom (Marshall 1922:112) ...... 111
5. Burmese loom (Marshall 1922:112) ...... 111
6. Choir of Karen Baptist Church in Insein, Myanmar (author 2015) ...... 113 Chapter 1: Introduction
Refugees provide unique subject matter for the study of identity because they are not able to continue living in their homeland. Refugees instead have been forced to abandon their homes, flee to a different country for safety, and often settle in a third country that is usually an ocean away, both physically and culturally. When a person can be continually surrounded by reaffirming objects, ideas, and people, concepts of identity are often easy to identify, but what about when the refugee is not? This project endeavors to examine both the resettlement process of Karen refugees in Aurora, Illinois, and how they fight to maintain their Karen identity.
I first visited Southeast Asia six weeks after the December 2004 tsunami as part of a medical relief team to Indonesia. The physical damage, both to the earth and to the people, was overwhelming. Five years later, I visited Cambodia as part of a human trafficking awareness program. The hostess was a victim, subsequent refugee, and a survivor of the Khmer Rouge genocide. She told us of what she had endured as a young child: the fear, the uncertainty, and the flight. This young woman had returned to the country where she had suffered. She was trying to make a difference by working to eliminate rampant human trafficking. But the emotions that she still had, several decades later, were raw and palpable. It was the first time I had met a refugee.
Just a few months later, I became a volunteer with a local volunteer agency, World Relief
Organization in Aurora, Illinois, that resettles refugees in the area. In October 2011, I was assigned a Karen refugee family of five who had arrived in July. As a Friendship Partner, I was to visit with them once a week for one hour. During this time, I agreed to make myself available 2 to meet whatever needs they might have that were within my ability to meet. Among the scenarios I had been trained to anticipate were to provide homework help, to give insight and cultural help such as understanding communication via mail or from school, and to answer “how to” such questions has “How do I get a driver’s license?” or “What do I do when it snows?” as situations arose. At the end of my three-month commitment, instead of moving onto the next newly resettled refugee family that could use my assistance, I found that I had developed relationships not only with this initial household, but also their extended family and the larger refugee Karen community in Aurora. The needs continued in this community and I chose to stay connected and available to help them.
The Karen are an ethnic group of Burma/Myanmar1 that has faced tremendous adversity over the last century. A group of a few hundred resettled Karen refugees lives in Aurora about 45 minutes from DeKalb (where Northern Illinois University (NIU) is located). This is just one enclave of resettled Karen refugees among many that have been scattered throughout the United
States, Australia, and Norway2 over the last decade or so. Since volunteering to become a part of the resettlement process of that Karen family over six years ago, my unofficial role has increased as I have been an advocate for an extended family of more than 20 individuals in the medical, legal, social services, economic, and educational realms. In addition, I have developed social ties
1 Republic of the Union of Myanmar is the official state title for this country in Southeast Asia. The military government selected this name in 1989. However, due to human rights violations in the past, the United States does not officially recognize this government nor its chosen name despite improved relations over the past few years including the removal of most economic sanctions (United States Embassy: Burma Website: April 2017). Burma was the name given the country by Britain when it governed it as a colonial property (see Chapter 2). The Karen, and many anti-military regime individuals also, resist acknowledging the power of the military regime and continue to call their country Burma. While increasingly more people commonly refer to the country as Myanmar, the Karen adamantly do not. Out of respect for them, I will continue to refer to Myanmar as Burma throughout this thesis, even when discussing post-1989 events. 2 There are also other countries where Karen refugees are resettled. These three countries are the ones tied to the refugee community in Aurora. 3 within the larger Aurora Karen community. Over the past six years, my immediate family has developed very close personal ties to the extended Karen “family,” such that we consider ourselves part of this wider social network.
Karen in Aurora represent a different refugee situation than is often represented in the academic literature (Kibria 1993, Fadiman 1997, Ong 2003, Tang 2015 for example). In contrast to the Vietnamese, Khmer, and Hmong refugees of the late 1970s and early 1980s, Karen refugees are victims of long-standing ethnic conflict (since 1949) and have spent extended time in refugee camps (often more than 15 years) administered not only by international agencies but by their own government-in-exile. In addition, Karen refugees in Aurora are predominantly
Christian. This religious worldview puts them more at odds with their homeland than with their resettled country, as Burma is predominantly Buddhist. However, as with most recent refugees, resettled Karen refugees long for their homeland.
Karen of Burma are an underrepresented group in the historical literature as well due in large part to inaccessibility. Burma has been broadly off limits to foreigners since 1962. Many
Karen scholars, non-Burmese and non-Karen who have devoted their time researching and writing about Karen (see for example Keyes 1979, Lehman 1979, Hinton 1983), have written about a subgroup of Karen who have lived in Thailand for quite a long time. These Thai Karen, while historically linked to the Karen of Burma, have not co-existed with Karen of Burma in several decades and should not be expected to represent the Karen of Burma. Recent research regarding the Karen of Burma, as studied in the refugee camps of Thailand, has focused on identity, nationalism, and structural violence (see for example Harriden 2002; South 2007;
Gravers 2007, 2015; Fink 2010). 4
As I have interacted with Karen refugees, I have discovered their fierce loyalty to a nation that does not even exist on a map. I have witnessed the day-by-day, week-by-week, year- by-year transformation of Karen refugees into American citizens. At times, I have been surprised at what aspects of their previous life they chose to “hang on to” and what aspects of American life they chose to accept. But more prominently, I have been fascinated with how they have continued to evolve their identity so that they can be devoutly, intensely, and fervently Karen while at the same time enjoying, embracing, and engaging American culture to live
“successfully” in their new home.
Four years after the Karen became a part of my everyday life, I decided to pursue a
Masters of Arts degree in cultural anthropology. As I began to research academic literature for class assignments and a thesis proposal, I discovered that the Karen in the literature did not match the Karen that I knew in Aurora. For example, the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (CDC) provide cultural sensitivity articles for medical personnel to provide appropriate care to groups of people they may be unfamiliar treating, such as Karen from
Southeast Asia. This article is well researched and provides well-documented information regarding Karen. However, as is often the case when one tries to apply generalities to an entire group of people, not all the descriptions accurately applied to the Karen in Aurora. Concepts regarding the sacredness of the head and the supposedly oft-used rituals with chicken bones, as outlined in the CDC article (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2012), are not shared by the Karen in Aurora. While I have not yet encountered a medical professional who has consulted the CDC to obtain cultural sensitivity training, the lack of an accurate portrayal of at least some
Karen refugees is disconcerting. 5
Therefore, first and foremost, this project seeks to discover the actions, expressions, thoughts, and feelings of Karen identity as perceived by Karen refugees in Aurora. As part of the process of gathering, organizing and writing down the data, I also hope to encourage the Karen refugees to continue valuing them and handing them down to the next generation despite their new circumstances and surroundings. Secondly, in light of the background literature I reviewed in preparation for this project, I hope to provide more accurate data on how these Karen people perceive their history, contemporary identity, and the process of resettlement. Thirdly, this thesis provides the foundational information that will result in a museum exhibit in partnership with the
NIU Art Museum and the Center for Burma Studies focusing on the Karen refugees’ life histories.
This project collected oral histories from Karen refugees who live in Aurora. By collecting these oral histories, I hoped to obtain Karen refugee perspectives of their shared history, their interactions with the Burmese government, their experience as enemies of the state and as refugees, and the process of resettlement. As they told their stories, I hoped to find patterns of identity across three geographical lived experiences: at home in Burma in their village, in the refugee camps of Thailand, and finally, in their current home in the United States.
By analyzing concepts that remained constant as well as those that changed over time, I hoped to identify elements of identity that the Karen of Aurora value, even if they might not discuss them initially as such.
I expected their stories would not wholly reflect what previous literature, mostly on Thai
Buddhist Karen, has described as the Karen of Burma experience. Secondly, I expected to find patterns of identity shared by all Karen, but also varying definitions of what it means to be Karen 6 today. Furthermore, I expected that the Karen refugees do not believe they are trading Karen- ness for American citizenship. Finally, I wanted to expose the lived experience of the process of resettlement, at least as it pertains to this particular Karen community.
In addition to the legal process, I expected the Karen in Aurora to describe the resettlement process of the Karen in Aurora as positively influenced by social support networks and by an informal “structure of refuge.” The refugee experience in the United States is constantly changing and adapting. Each individual is different in what their needs are, but also the skill set they bring with them. The Karen in Aurora are resettled by a local office of a large
International Non-Government Organization (INGO) that also resettles Nepali, African, Syrian and Iraqi refugees. While it would be impossible to create a one-size-fits-all refugee resettlement approach, lessons can be learned about how to better support incoming refugees.
The oral histories did, in fact, give a perspective of life in Burma that varies from the findings of Charles Keyes (1977 and 1979) and F. K. Lehman (1979). As is usually the case, the majority of the Karen refugees in Aurora are Christian (see Moonieinda 2010). While some scholars (see Harriden 2002, Gravers 2007 among others) assert that Karen “become” Christian in the refugee camps, the Karen of Aurora reported deep Christian beliefs even in village life of
Burma. However, daily activities were consistent with literature reports, which included rice farming, fishing, hunting and gathering, and very little cash crop reliance.
Very few of the Karen refugees could determine why the Burmese military targeted them, but they knew they were. While living in Burma, the Karen refugees positioned themselves as different from ethnic Burmans, and similar to other Karen, due to their language. In the camps, the refugees continued to know they were Karen because they were in Karen refugee camps, 7 surrounded by other Karen. During the time in the camps, the Karen refugees began to see outward symbols of Karen national identity such as the Karen flag. Upon arrival in the United
States, no longer surrounded by thousands of Karen, the refugees again identify language as a key identity marker. Interestingly, the Karen refugees in Aurora begin to, for the first time, identify other markers as important such as wearing traditional clothing.
An important result of the collection of oral histories was the demarcation of the migration process into three distinct periods: life in Burma, life in the refugee camps, and life in the United States. Obviously geographically separated, the three periods were further separated by clear psychological boundaries. In Burma, the Karen lived in fear. Fear pervaded every aspect of their lives, not allowing them to live fully. In Thailand, in the refugee camps, the Karen refugees felt their lives defined by confinement, not much better than prison. In contrast, the
Karen refugees living in the United States felt a sense of freedom and liberty as they were now allowed to live a full life, even if it was different than “home” in Burma.
In contrast to such works as Eric Tang’s Unsettled (2015) and Aihwa Ong’s The Buddha is Hiding (2003), the Karen refugees in Aurora, despite some frustration with institutions such as health and social services, view the services they receive as a “blessing” and not as continued structural violence. This contrasting assessment may be linked to several factors including the timing of their resettlement, their location in a suburban and not urban setting, the effectiveness of World Relief in providing services, as well as the informal “structure of refuge” that is present in Aurora.
Through the collection of oral histories, this thesis, and a related museum project, additional voices will be added to the literature regarding Karen, refugees and diaspora, and 8 anthropology. The actual life experiences of the Karen refugees who now live in Aurora will provide another glimpse into life in Burma. Building on the previous literature, a more holistic understanding of the Karen of Burma may be understood. As outlined below, there is very little
Karen representation in studies of refugees and diaspora. The Karen began to be resettled in the
United States in large numbers in 2004 so they represent a relatively new diasporic population.
Concepts of identity, as well as structural violence and power relations, of these “first” Karen refugees during these early times of resettlement will need to be revisited as future generations continue to make their life in the United States and other diasporic communities. For the present time, these “new” refugees allow investigations into established anthropological conceptions of identity and migration.
Theoretical Framework and Literature Review
Identity and Material Culture
Do the Karen even exist? Peter Hinton posed that question in 1983. Based on his research of Karen in Thailand, he challenged the practice of dividing highlander groups into “ethnic” groups based on “cultural practices” instead proposing delineation along economic and political lines. Hinton suggests that Karen are quite varied in their location, language, occupation, religion, kinship, dress, economy, living arrangements, and village autonomy (1983:156–7). By the time he left his research site he had concluded that “cultural features, regarded as essentially
Karen, were shared by other linguistic groups. The importance of alleged ethnic boundaries had been grossly exaggerated” (1983:159). Yet, Angelene Naw, one of the 20 Most Inspired Women named by the Karen Diaspora (2015), takes great offense at Hinton’s claims. As an educated
Karen woman, she insists that Karen do exist outside of Hinton’s overgeneralizing terms with 9 their own specific history and “cultural features” (personal conversation 2015). In addition to history, Karen identity must contain contemporary aspects to be relevant to this project. Both are discussed below.
Karen history is complicated. From an academic standpoint, one would like to be able to read centuries-old manuscripts, carvings, and etchings as well as observe archeological evidence that provide a glimpse into the Karen past. If these items were not created by Karen, or did not survive through time, the next best option would be to examine the same items of their neighbors to see how Karen were mentioned in order to draw some conclusions regarding their history.
Neither of these options seem to be available. Instead, the Karen, like many people, have handed down their history orally, generation to generation. Lacking a written language, these oral stories, such as those about the origination of mankind and the history of Karen in Burma, have survived but only provide a glimpse into the Karen history with very few details of daily life. As seen in Chapter 2 below, these stories were first written down by Western scholars and missionaries, not by Karen. Oral histories always change as they are retold through time.
Certainly, stories are often used to promote a contemporary agenda without regard to the actual past.
Karen history presents such a problem. Karen themselves insist that the current version of the oral histories reflect the ancient versions (Naw 2015, personal conversation). Scholars often disagree (see Hinton 1983 and Gravers 2007, for example). They suggest that Western missionaries modified the stories when they wrote them down in order to promote their own agenda. 10
When considering Karen history, whether what is written is original, modified, or created, caution needs to be used. In 1979, Edward Said warned of academic scholars and other
“experts” creating identities for “others” (Said 1979:41). This concept of Orientalism should be considered when thinking of the early written history and description of the Karen produced by missionaries. Among Said’s concepts within Orientalism was the idea that outsiders observe a population and write about it. This written account, on one hand, creates an expert out of the author as they have traveled and observed situations that are out of reach of the reader back home. The experts’ description of this “other” (in opposition to “self”) came to be accepted as fact. On the other hand, eventually the “other” people interact with those experts and readers who created that identity (Said 1979:42). During this interaction, the “other” have an identity imposed upon them that was created by the expert. Considering the sources of the early written history of the Karen, there is evidence that Karen identity, especially that of the “docile, loyal
Karen,” was created by non-Karen who traveled to Burma and felt obligated to paint a good picture of the Karen for the readers (and potential donors) back home. The Karen were described to British citizens as loyal to England, which justified money allotted for their education and acceptance as trustworthy employees of the Crown. Religious donors were impressed with the transformation of the “savage” Karen into the docile Karen upon their acceptance of Christianity, which justified money collected and sent to Burma for further church work. Both of these influxes of money could be assumed to be in direct support and approval of those writing the accounts. In addition, it can be argued, the missionaries further propagated this identity by training the Karen in English and manners reflective of American and English culture. The rise in social standing of the educated, Christian Karen among the English ruling elite encouraged 11 even those Karen who were not educated nor Christian to self-identify as Karen and enjoy the benefits of a favored ethnic group. This could explain why most of the four million Karen willingly share an identity rooted in Christianity when nearly 70% of Karen are not Christian.
The Karen refugees speak of being Karen as if it is a “country” itself. They speak of their leaders and government officials, of the geographical location including the iconic Kwe Ka Ba mountain, of the school system and other social services, of the language, of the “national” holidays, and of its flag. It took several months before I realized that there was not a nation-state for the Karen, and there never has been. The Karen provide a great example of Benedict
Anderson’s idea of nationalism proposed in Imagined Communities (1983). Anderson suggested that “nationality…as well as nationalism, are cultural artefacts” (Anderson 1983:4) positing that nations are socially constructed by individuals who perceive themselves as part of a group
(1983:7). “[Nations are] imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion” (1983:6). The Karen, who have never had a geographically bounded “nation”, nonetheless identify as belonging to a Karen nation. Many Karen, whether residing in Burma, in Thailand in refugee camps, or in any third country of resettlement, proudly display the Karen flag, a physical representation of the nation of Karen as “imagined community.”
The identification with a Karen nation is one aspect of Stuart Hall’s concept of cultural identity proposed in Cultural Identity and Diaspora (1990). Hall began tackling the problem of identity of individuals in diasporic communities—communities of individuals outside of their homeland. Hall proposed that cultural identity has two facets. The first is the shared identity of a 12 history, language, religion, or other unifying past. This shared identity would appear to be static; but, indeed, it is recreated and modified over time. However, in addition to shared identity, Hall proposes that cultural identity is a matter of becoming as well as being. Especially speaking of diasporic communities, Hall insisted that individuals are constantly creating a new sense of cultural identity based on their individual experiences and location.
Gravers (2007), South (2007), and Harriden (2002) have written about Karen identity in the refugee camps of Thailand. They often argue that because the Karen Refugee Committee
(KRC), who largely administrates the seven refugee camps inhabited by Karen in Thailand, controls most aspects of camp life, including the education system, the KRC is responsible for the propagation of a pan identity for Karen refugees that is secessionist and anti-Burman. The
KRC is controlled by KNU (Karen National Union) which originated from the Karen Baptist
Convention. Because of the forces that drove an individual to refugee camps, Karen refugees mostly embrace an identity that includes a shared language and history of oppression. As Karen refugees move out of the jungle and into crowded refugee camps, they are forced to abandon ideas that to be Karen means, for example, to be a farmer from a small autonomous village.
Instead, Karen hold on to their shared identity and redefine daily cultural identity markers of what it means to be Karen. Karen, then, embrace a shared (and created) identity, one of resistance to oppression and anti-Burmanism, in addition to redefining Karen-ness based on their experiences and location. Karen refugees embrace Karen-ness, even while each individual has a slightly different idea of what it means.
Although the flag is certainly representative of an imagined community, it is also an important piece of material culture as it relates to memory and imagination. The Karen flag 13 serves as a reminder to the Karen refugees in Aurora of their relatives and ancestors who fought and died in the fight for Karen autonomy. The flag “demonstrates how memory and imagination surrounding material culture can help to sustain an emotional relationship with distant kin, triggering nostalgic stories as well as evoking feelings of homesickness” (Svasek 2012:17).
Material culture is often used to “create and emphasize shared identities and highlight ongoing connections with the homeland” (Svasek 2012:19). Whether internally displaced, temporarily in a refugee camp (where temporary can mean 15 years and counting), or resettled in a third country, Sandra Dudley concludes that “material and sensory aspects of everyday life” need to be examined when discussing Karen identity. Dudley wants the refugees’ materialized relationships to be the focus of study as one examines how refugees “actively seek…to create a sense of being ‘at home’” (Dudley 2010:743). In addition to wanting to connect to their homeland, migrant groups such as refugees “frequently use material culture ‘from home’ to draw the attention of local residents” (Svasek 2012:19). Everyday choices such as what to wear elucidate how refugees try to make sense of exile.
Diaspora, Cyberspace and Networks
The refugee camps house over one hundred thousand Karen refugees, but there is a growing Karen diaspora. Robin Cohen (1997), in Global Diasporas: An Introduction, defines diaspora as containing nine features. These features include the dispersal of individuals from the homeland, a collective memory of and longing for that homeland, and a sense of solidarity with co-ethnic members in other countries. In addition, Cohen asserts that diaspora have benefited from the explosion of technological inventions. Building on this notion, Thomas Eriksen mentions that people who have moved from their homeland have employed cyberspace to 14 maintain and strengthen national identity. The Karen diaspora has a large presence in cyberspace. For example, Karen News on Facebook has more than 50,000 likes and every Karen refugee I have met has interacted in some form with other Karen through internet spaces where
“national imagery, myths, and symbols are used explicitly and implicitly, to invoke shared experiences, memories, and dreams among the dispersed users” (Eriksen 2006:2). Karen refugees, although they distrust the Burmese people and government, generally long to return to their homes in Burma. Refugees are clearly nostalgic, describing paradise when remembering their homeland. The internet allows Karen to interact with other Karen, both locally and globally, to remember and dream about their homeland, even their “imagined” nation. This interaction is visual, emotional, and on demand online.
Social networks are an important part of the successful resettlement of Karen refugees in
Aurora. Taking many different forms, networks are present, and have been for many generations, beginning in Burma and continuing through to their new life in the United States. Because the
Karen are accustomed to relying on networks, and not just inherently Karen networks, they are able to take advantage of familiar and other Karen linkages as well as informal networks, such as the “structure of refuge,” to ease their transition into their new home in the United States.
Theorizing the old adage “It’s not what you know, it’s who you know,” Alexander
Horstmann says that “networks are social ties that allocate and control resources” (2011:516).
Manuel Castells notes that “functions and processes in the information age are increasingly organized around networks” (Castells 2000 [1996]:500). Inside networks, new possibilities are constantly created (Horstmann 2010:516) and constitute a new social morphology (Castells 2000 15
[1996]:500). Horstmann argues that “religious networks very much spread through the network logic” in the Thai-Burma borderland.
This network social system continues into resettlement and plays a primary role in the
Aurora Karen refugee resettlement process. Unlike many other refugees, Karen refugees often flee their villages together (South in Horstmann 2011:517). This allows them to maintain their community structures upon arrival to the refugee camp. In addition, the Karen fled across the
Thai border to camps established and administrated by the Kawthoolei, the Karen government in exile. The Karen Baptist Convention maintains an extensive hierarchical structure of administration and networking starting at the national level all the way down to the village level with multiple levels of oversight. These networks provide educational, medical, social, and economic support. The Karen Baptist Church in the United States (KBCUSA), while less pervasive but no less important, continues these networks.
While the Karen Baptist Church network is important to Karen refugees during resettlement, Nazli Kibria (1993) suggests an additional benefit available only to refugees.
Originally coined by Ruben Rumbaut (1989, in Kibria 1993), the notion of “the structure of refuge” has been used to explain the governmental structures in place that differentiate refugees’ legal rights and privileges from those of other immigrants. Resettlement agencies, primarily volunteer agencies (VOLAGs) help the new arriving refugee find housing, employment, and
ESL classes as well as income support such as Medicaid, SSI (Supplemental Security Income), food stamps and other assistance generally available to US citizens. Kibria extends this idea to include the less visible benefits of “the structure of refuge” which includes access to “valued social relationships” (Kibria 1993:83). Included in this informal “structure of refuge” would be 16 the contacts with volunteers of VOLAGs which lead to jobs, bank loans, and educational opportunities (Kibria 1993:83). Based on observations among the Karen refugees in Aurora the
Karen refugees have benefitted from several key individuals and organizations. The Karen refugees, partially based on their previous exposure to networks, have embraced these social relationships and have greatly increased their social capital.
Refugee, Camps, Confinement, and Fear
Refugee
The English word refugee is not new, but its use as a political designation is relatively new. As this added definition of political designation has gained widespread usage, so too has the ability to control and govern those with such a designation. By examining the origins of the term refugee and the evolution of policy to recent observations and critiques of refugee camp governmentality, the Karen refugee experience can be situated in comparison to the global refugee phenomenon.
Prior to the nineteenth century, there was not a category of refugee. Yes, there were wars and migration, but the category, as we think of it today, did not exist. There was not the opportunity to identify oneself, or to be declared by others, a refugee. “Refugees came into being as the category refugee was being invented. The two emerged hand in hand (Lippert 1999:299, emphasis author’s). As Lippert goes on to say,
Around the time of World War I, however, something quite remarkable started to happen. Though there was no fanfare surrounding it, an international refugee regime and the refugee, a domain and the kind of person never observed before, began to emerge. (Lippert 1999:299)
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It was around this time that international relief was being delivered to individuals fleeing the Russian Revolution. When these individuals fled, Russia revoked their citizenship. As passports were required to travel between European countries at the time, this group of people were unable to travel. In response, in February 1921, an Office of High Commissioner for
Refugees was created under the League of Nations. This office was to help the resettlement of these Russians who did not have a passport by creating the Nansen Passport, an identity document for refugees (Lippert 1999:300). By 1928, fifty-one nations recognized this document.
During this time, relief aid specifically designated for refugees was provided by private efforts.
In 1938, the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees (IGCR) was established. Again, this organization was created to help specific groups, primarily Jews fleeing Nazi areas. A few years later, in 1946, the IGCR was the first organization to receive public funding specifically tagged for refugee relief and resettlement (Holborn 1975:19). With the dissolution of the League of Nations and the extremely large numbers of post-World War II refugees, individual nations were unable to cope. In 1943, The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
(UNRRA) was established. During this time, more than sixty volunteer agencies (VOLAGs) participated under UNRRA’s umbrella.
After much discussion, the International Refugee Organization (IRO) came into existence on July 1, 1947, at which time both the IGCR and the UNRRA were dissolved. The IRO was created as a “non-permanent Specialized Agency of the UN” (Holborn 1975:29). The IRO was able to “approach the refugee problem in all its phases: identification, registration, and classification; care and assistance; and repatriation or resettlement” (Holborn 1975:31). With its focus on resettlement (Gallagher 1989:579), the IRO developed a new emigration process both in 18 terms of organization and scale. However, disappointingly at the time, the IRO was unable to
“liquidate the refugee problem” (Holborn 1975:35). As evidenced by IRO’s designation as non- permanent, refugees were considered by the international community as a temporary problem.
The IRO began phasing out of its operational programs in mid-1949 but continued some assistance until 1952.
In 1951, the United Nations again approved the creation of another temporary program, the United Nations High Commissioner of Refugees (UNHCR). The UNHCR identified voluntary repatriation, local integration, and third-nation resettlement as solutions to the refugee problem. The UNHCR was given three years and a small budget to assist refugees, limited to persons affected by events prior to 1951 in Europe. The UNHCR did not provide direct assistance, instead was tasked with only coordinating assistance, both private and public. The
1951 Refugee Convention did, however, establish minimal rights for refugees. In addition, the
Convention defined a refugee to be any person:
…owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing such fear, is unwilling to return to it (quoted in Gallagher 1989:580)
It is this definition of refugee that continues to be used today and upon which countries such as the United States develop refugee policy.1
1 Or not, as is the case of Thailand of this study. See Chapter 4. 19
The UNHCR was scheduled to expire when an uprising occurred in Hungary. The humanitarian response was massive and the UN General Assembly granted the UNHCR authority to coordinate assistance. The UNHCR’s success in Hungary effectively guaranteed its survival. In 1958, UNHCR assisted refugees in Morocco and Tunisia and Chinese refugees in
Hong Kong in 1959. Following additional refugee problems in Africa, in 1967 a protocol removed the time (prior to 1951) and geographical (in Europe) constraints of the 1951 Refugee
Convention statute to officially include refugees on a global scale (Gallagher 1989:583).
By the time the 1980 Refugee Act was passed in the United States, the international refugee regime was large and complex with refugees on every continent. International governmental and non-governmental organizations had emerged dedicated to refugee problems.
In addition, millions of dollars were being raised annually to address legal protection and rights, emergency responses, and care. Of course, these functions were built on experience which had been incorporated into rules, regulations, contracts, agreements, and handbooks (Gallagher
1989:584-5). The international refugee regime has expanded from primarily providing humanitarian aid to also providing a great deal of developmental aid.
With the development of the international refugee regime the term refugee, as opposed to displaced person, came to suggest “masses of innocents forced to flee something or someone”
(Lippert 1999:304, emphasis author’s). As a result of the assumption of “refugees as uprooted people” (Malkki 1992:32), refugee became a moral category, and not a positive one (Lippert
1999:305). Refugees, having no homeland, were perceived to be more likely to be a part of terrorism, political crime and other illegal activities. In short, they were deemed uncivilized and dangerous (Lippert 1999:305). 20
Recalling Said’s critique of the dualisms, which positioned the West versus the East, the civilized versus the uncivilized, the moral versus the immoral, this moral designation of refugees now allowed room for “Western non-political intervention through the UNHCR and NGOs in these regions where ‘political’ interference would have been impossible” (Lippert 1999:305) by providing aid to refugees who are now posited as immoral, dangerous, and in need of control.
Western governments could justifiably exert their political tactics on the “others” (Said 1979).
In addition, Lippert claims that in the 1980s there was a shift, a reversal of power. With increased mobility such as air travel, refugees could travel to a western country and make a refugee claim. Suddenly western nations were unable to handle this new, unruly definition of refugee. “It was not long, however, before legal-based, knowledge-dependent determination programs surfaced in the West to respond to this shift” (Lippert 1999:308).
Refugee Camp
One such Western response was the disciplinary use of the refugee camp, which had been around long before the 1980s shift. During World War II, the refugee camp was an efficient way to both provide aid to and separate refugees of different nationalities. In addition, in the latter part of the twentieth century, just like prisoners or asylum inhabitants, persons living in refugee camps were not assumed to be liberal free citizens “capable of exercising choice” (Lippert 1999:309). Camps came to be designed to discipline the residents by identifying those well suited for resettlement as well as others who were in need of additional training. The effects of long-term residence in refugee camps has been compared to the long-term effects of institutionalization as “ruining” camp inhabitants, eventually stripping them of their potential as free citizens (Lippert 1999:309). 21
Refugee camps have been the focus of academic studies in various disciplines. Carol
Mortland (1987) concentrated her analysis on the refugee waiting to be resettled in a third country. Because the process takes such a long time, and the refugee does not have the ability to return to their homeland or settle locally, the refugee presents a perfect target for transformation.
Refugees are not where they were nor are they where they are headed; they do not belong anywhere. They are in between. Mortland recalled van Gennep’s Rites of Passage term
“liminality” which is “this intervening period” ripe for transformation (Mortland 1987:377). In addition to applying liminality to the refugee situation, Mortland further positioned the roles of the aid worker in comparison to the refugee in this process. Aihwa Ong applied Mortland’s framework to another Southeast Asian situation, the Cambodian refugees in Thailand camps
(Ong 2003:60). The aid worker tends to be removed from the refugee, thus creating, or exposing, the inherent power relations inside a refugee camp between outside relief aid workers and refugees. The aid worker has higher status as they are doing the transforming in contrast to the refugee who is being transformed.
Confinement
The literature laid the groundwork for new analysis of confinement. In addition to transformation, camps are used for discipline or governmentality, which positions the INGOs as politically powerful actors and the refugees as lacking individual agency. Typically, INGOs provide humanitarian and development aid in refugee camps. Some control the location of the camps as well. By locating the refugee camps in often rural and hard-to-access locations, INGOs control the movements of the refugee population. Even though they are providing (often emergency relief) aid such as food and shelter, the INGOs can feel “far too powerful for 22 humanist goodwill” (Agier 2011:4). As external donors and suppliers of life or death provisions, some humanitarian aid becomes a way of policing the aid recipients, in this case refugees. It is within these parameters that Agier said that humanitarian aid “displays a police mentality of confinement and separation” (2011:4, emphasis added). As shown below, the Karen of Aurora repeatedly accentuated this sense of confinement while living in the refugee camps.
Fear as a Way of Life
Fear. It is hard to describe. You know it when you feel it. Fear is overwhelming to the one experiencing it, but barely perceptible to anyone else (Green 1994:230, 2004:59). In her book,
Fear as a Way of Life (2004), Linda Green grapples with how widows in Guatemala coped with fear following a time of extreme violence but with continuing surveillance. As she did her research, she herself was disturbed with threats of violence and constant military presence. It was hard for her to pretend it did not bother her. Yet she noticed that several women of the village not only seemed to ignore the same disturbing occurrences, but would sometimes even flirt with the soldiers. Green came to understand the power of terror. “The routinization of terror is what fuels its power. Such routinization allows people to live in a chronic state of fear with a facade of normalcy, while that terror, at the same time, permeates and shreds the social fabric” (Green
1994:231, 2004:60). Even though one may live in a constant state of fear, one cannot live in a constant state of alertness. Instead, Green says, the chaos one feels becomes infused throughout the body (1994: 231, 2004:60). This same sense of perpetual fear experienced by the Guatemalan women, described by Green, drove the Karen to leave their home and flee to the relative safety of a refugee camp. 23
Refugees in the United States
Much literature regarding refugees in the United States has centered on the waves of
Vietnamese (Kibria 1993), Khmer (Smith-Heffner 1999, Ong 2003, Tang 2015), and Hmong
(Fadiman 1997) refugees of the late 1970s and early 1980s. This wave of Southeast Asian refugees was on the ground floor of a supportive resettlement environment that included the establishment of The Refugee Act of 1980 and the creation of the Office of Refugee
Resettlement (ORR) as a part of the Department of Health and Human Services. This resettlement surge was placed solidly within the context of the cold war; these were “good refugees” fleeing the evils of Communism. The current public debate regarding the Syrian refugee crisis (of 2016), as well as President Trump’s refugee freeze (of 2017), is being played out in the era of social media, rising fear of terrorism, and instant expression of highly derisive opinions. In some cases, the increased exposure has provoked more individuals who had not previously been involved in refugee resettlement to become actively engaged. In other cases, the constant exposure incites fear and a desire to limit or cease resettlement.
In addition to the perception of refugees by fellow Americans, academic refugee ethnographies have provided a long-term look at resettled refugees. In Aihwa Ong’s Buddha is
Hiding: Refugees, Citizenship, the New America (2003), the author focuses on Cambodian refugees in Oakland, California, roughly fifteen years after resettlement. Ong describes the everyday interactions of the refugee community with social agencies, as opposed to a complete ethnography, as the refugees seek to become American citizens. Citizenship, Ong argues, is not a legal process, but a social one. Citizenship is the process of “becoming American,” whatever that means. Starting in the refugee camps through interactions with aid workers and continuing in the 24
United States with social agencies, Ong says that Cambodian refugees come to realize the behaviors needed in order to gain access to resources; the behaviors required of an American first class citizen (Smith-Hefner 2004:351). Social and medical workers with a “mix of good intentions and a desire to control” interacted with the refugee “so that they could be transformed into healthy bodies and minds fit for America” (Ong 2003:92-3). Oftentimes, the refugees are judged to have fallen short of being American without the training and influence of social agencies’ workers. In addition, Southeast Asian refugees “came to be viewed as the exotic carriers of mysterious illnesses impenetrable to modern medicine” (Ong 2003:95). Ong also positioned the Southeast Asian refugee unfavorably compared to the model minority, the wealthy
Asian professional who also lives in southern California. Unlike Chinese and Japanese, who after multiple generations are seen as white, Cambodians are oppressed as more “black” than Asian.
Eric Tang also focused on Cambodian refugees, this time in New York City, in his book
Unsettled: Cambodian Refugees in the NYC Hyperghetto (2015). By telling the story of one woman, Tang tells the larger story of the struggles that the larger cluster of Cambodian refugees who live in the area face. These Cambodian refugees, according to Tang, are faced with the larger urban issues of race, violence, injustice, and economic oppression. Situated in the larger context of race relations and urban settings, Tang suggests that the Cambodian refugees continue to held captive, just as they were in Cambodia, as they are “collateral damage” of punitive welfare reforms aimed at disciplining African Americans.
Nazli Kibria’s book Family Tightrope: The Changing Lives of Vietnamese American
(1993) offered a “quasi insider’s perspective” (Chan 1995:1838) of Vietnamese refugees in the
United States. As opposed to a scholar’s perspective, Kibria allowed the reader to see how the 25
Vietnamese viewed their situation nearly twenty years after initial resettlement. Kibria highlighted the loss of economic status, and decline of male status as well as generational gaps dividing first-generation refugees from their children and grandchildren. This portrait from the
1990s was of a struggling community.
While it would appear there are not that many “happy endings” for refugees, a few books and movies have provided a more positive view point. Mawl Asgedom’s Of Beetles & Angels: A
Boy’s Remarkable Journey from a Refugee Camp to Harvard (2002) tells the story of an
Ethiopian refugee who was resettled in Wheaton, Illinois (the same agency that resettles the
Aurora Karen of this thesis) and eventually attended Harvard University. A sought-after speaker,
Mawl has told his story to thousands and obviously embodies the happy ending agencies hope for every refugee. The movie The Good Lie (Falardeau 2014) starring Reese Witherspoon, like the documentary God Grew Tired of Us (Quinn 2006), brought the story of African refugees and the resettlement process in the US to the big screen for popular consumption. From a Karen refugee point of view, Undaunted by Zoya Phan (2010) is the author’s story of life in Burma as a child, fleeing to a refugee camp, and eventually landing in London for secondary education and continued international political involvement. Despite numerous newspaper articles and the focus of several theses and dissertations, no ethnography, biography, or in major motion picture exists yet of United States resettled Karen refugees.
In this thesis, exploration of concepts of identity and an examination of the resettlement process will be done through the chronological articulation of the stories of the Karen refugees of
Aurora. Said’s warning concerning the creation of “other” provides a foundation by which we can evaluate the role early missionaries and ethnographers in Burma played in creating the 26
“loyal” Karen. Through their interviews, the Karen refugees continue to express notions of nationhood and shared unifying past of oppression, although not a shared history, religion, or language. Individuals, however, express Karen identity in different ways, depending on their perceived ability to. Examining the resettlement process, which is largely positive for the Karen of Aurora, reveals that Karen networks, maintained through cyberspace as well as in Aurora, and the structure of refuge provide unseen assistance for the Karen refugee in Aurora. Proceeding through the chronological discourse of their lives, Karen refugees revealed three demarcations including living in fear in Burma, feeling confined in the refugee camps in Thailand, and, finally experiencing freedom and liberty in the United States. While no clear definition of Karen identity is apparent, this project continues to provide validity to individual determination of
Karen identity.
Methodology
When I agreed to be a friendship partner to a newly resettled refugee, it was with the understanding that I could perform that duty with several refugees. My plan was to befriend many refugees from assorted countries and experiences over the course of the next several years.
Instead, after meeting my first refugee family, I built relationships that I could not walk away from. Many friendship partners continue relationships while they move onto another refugee family. Many previously resettled Karen had friendship partners assigned, but for various reasons those relationships had not developed into long-term ones, or the friendship partner had circumstances change and they were no longer available.
In my case, my relationships did not end with just the family to whom I was assigned. I became familiar with many in the Karen community as I showed up every week. The 27 commitment to showing up every week, was in part, because I was also being accompanied to the Karen home by my two middle-school-aged daughters. There were days when we were tired and had other plans. However, I wanted to instill in my children the importance of being available even when one does not feel like it, so we showed up. As the weeks wore on, it became quite common for the small apartment to be filled with up to twenty Karen as they anticipated our arrival.
The group that waited for us had a wide range of reasons for wanting to see my daughters and me. First, everyone understood that we were there to help with homework. In the beginning, one son was in high school and another in elementary. Soon, the high school student’s friends came over with their own homework questions. Second, although tentatively at first as not to impose on homework time, adults would collect mail they had received during the week that they had been unable to decipher. Again, Karen neighbors began to bring their mail by as well.
Thirdly, we just had fun. Often, I would bring games that could be played to practice English or to involve everyone. As the group continued to learn about each other, barriers began to fall and communication became easier. Without the words spoken, through our actions, the Karen understood that my daughters and I had developed deep feelings of attachment to them and they returned the sentiment. Even that first Christmas, only a few months after meeting in the fall, there were elaborate gifts bestowed on us.
As with any blossoming friendship, conversation, covering a multitude of topics, allowed us to get to know each other. During these conversations, week in and week out, I began to understand a bit about the Karen refugee history and the decisions they made. In our conversations, I learned how important Karen identity was to them. However, in the United 28
States, the refugees tried very hard to learn every aspect of American life. As much as they wanted to learn English and other cultural practices from me, I began to desire for them to assert their uniqueness; I did not want them to blend in.
As discussed later in this paper, the Karen refugees did not know the answers to many of my questions regarding their history. Not content with not knowing, I began to do my own research by reading books and searching the internet. The more I learned, the more I realized the
Karen refugees had a lot of important cultural features that could be lost if someone did not take the time to write them down. I encouraged my friends to do that. As is discussed later, the Karen refugees lack the time and feel they lack the ability to record their lives. At this time, the Karen refugees have entrusted me to tell their story until they gain the skills and time to do so.
I returned to school to gain theoretical background and analytical skills to help frame the
Karen refugee story. I sought accurate historical information to situate their story in its proper place for future generations. In addition to participating in their lives in the United States, I traveled to Burma so that I could get a first-hand perspective of the political and cultural climate from which they came. While I could not visit their villages since they are in a war zone, I was able to be a guest at Karen communities in three different settings: urban Yangon, the Irrawaddy
Delta area, and the capital of Karen state.
As discussed later, the academic literature that I read to prepare for this project often includes a critical analysis of the refugee experience. One article I read was an honors thesis for a nearby college. The not-so-flattering paper had been built upon interviews with individuals that I knew within the Karen refugee community. When I asked about the paper, I was met with a scowling face and a tone of disapproval. The Karen did not feel that the paper had been an 29 accurate portrayal of the interviews nor their actual lived experience. The Karen refugees understood that life is messy and not always flattering, but they were most aggrieved by the emphasis on those situations while completely ignoring the more pleasant aspects of their lives.
They wondered if academics only search for areas to criticize.
As I worked through this project, then, I was faced with what points to include while maintaining dual goals of quality anthropological study and telling the Karen refugee story as they would. As my reason for pursuing a graduate degree was to tell their story, if a choice was necessary, I chose to tell the positive side of their story. In a project that is severely limited in scope and space such as this one, this unfortunately leaves little room for a critical analysis of the
Karen refugee experience. This decision-making process produces a discourse on Karen refugee resettlement that is idyllic; it is not. It is often difficult to watch as they are mistreated due to their skin color, lack of language skills, and economic situation. I continue to be an advocate for them in many settings to reduce these instances. The Karen of Aurora will agree they have had a relatively positive resettlement process. Due to this overall sentiment, I have chosen to concentrate on the positive effects that the structure of refuge has had on the lived experience of poverty and have not addressed race and gender issues that are present, but not oppressive, in the
Karen refugee experience.
In addition, my position as an important cultural liaison in their community must be acknowledged. Without my help, several would have had a much more difficult time in school, at government offices, and healthcare settings. I have been with many different Karen refugees in many different situations over the past several years. In times of crisis or difficulty, individuals are less likely to perform in a scripted manner and will often revert to actions based on ideas that 30 are core to their beliefs, even if there is a great deal of effort to subdue these at other times. I have been with Karen in the good times and in the crisis times; times they expected to see me and times my presences was a surprise. During these times, I have made observations that add to my understanding of the Karen refugees beyond what they are willing to tell me.
The fieldwork for this project took place in Karen households of resettled refugees in
Aurora in the summer of 2016. Methods included participant observation and semi-structured interviews to obtain oral life histories. The participants were chosen using my current networks
(as explained below) which then led to snowball sampling of the Aurora Karen community.
Before the data collection began, the Pick Museum of Anthropology sought to create an oral history museum exhibit of Karen refugees in Aurora and contributed resources for this project.
The purpose of the Pick Museum project was considered as both projects sought to represent a wide sample of age (over 18), gender, and resettlement histories of approximately twenty individuals.
The participants for this study were chosen by three key contacts in the community.
When I met the initial Karen family I had been assigned to in 2010, Paw Soe1 acted as the interpreter for World Relief. Her translation was not great but she tried very hard. Mu Ka Naw was her good friend and was sitting in the room on that day, her English not proficient enough to translate. Law Eh Doh was still in Thailand. Over the years, all three of these women have attended and graduated English classes and continue to work very hard to provide informal but accurate translation services for their community. Part of that language acquisition has been
1 Participants’ names have been changed even though this project was determined to be exempt of IRB protocol (Determination Notice “Activity Does Not Meet the Definition of ‘Human Subjects Research’” Protocol #HS16- 0182, dated 12 May 2016, signed by Jeanette Grommel, Office of Research Compliance) 31 because of my and others’ interaction with them as we introduce them to situations and situational language that are foreign to them. They now provide professional interpreting services for schools, public aid, and resettlement situations. All three of them attend the same
Karen church but are extremely well known in the greater Aurora Karen community because of their translation skills.
I asked these three women, Law Eh Doh, Mu Ka Naw and Paw Soe, to be interpreters for this project for several reasons. First, I was cognizant of the time and effort it would take to attend more than 20 interviews and I did not want that to fall on one person other than me.
Second, I know these women quite well, especially Law Eh Doh and Mu Ka Naw, and we understand each other’s accents and body language. While it may make it more difficult for a third party to understand the interviews, these interviews are much richer because of our multiple avenues of communication. Third, these women, with whom I have conversed many times over a long period, know some of the questions I have been asking for several years and thus could rephrase or re-ask questions of the participant for clarity. In short, they understand my project almost as well as I do. Finally, I knew them to be great friends and community organizers. I knew that they would plan, organize, and communicate well between themselves, with their community, and with me.
While using these women as interpreters was crucial to this process, it was not without its problems. As I have said, these women have relied on me in several instances over the last few years to introduce them to situations and situational language for learning purposes. The course of this interview process was no different and at times interfered with the actual data collection. I will share two examples. First is the use of the term sneak. In one of the early interviews, Mu Ka 32
Naw was translating a story regarding the time spent in the refugee camp and struggling to think of the correct English word. As is common between us, I had her keep talking in descriptive language until I was clear what she was trying to say. Then I provided her with the term sneak and used a wavy hand motion. From that interview on, whenever the interpreters described someone leaving the camp for any reason, they used the term sneak and added the wavy hand motion. While I cannot be sure, I do not believe that every time the term sneak was used in the translation did it have all the connotations of sneak, such as being illegal or dishonest, avoiding capture. Sometimes the more appropriate phrase might have been just simple “left” the camp.
As another example, in every interview I endeavored to find out what the Karen refugees knew about their flag. I simply said, “Tell me about your flag.” The first day, Law Eh Doh struggled with the English words to describe the concepts that the colors represented. The second day, Mu Ka Naw did too. On the third day, Mu Ka Naw arrived with several pages of handwritten notes in English and Karen about the Karen flag. She had returned home the night before and researched online and in books so that she was prepared to help translate. The problem with this is that everybody had the exact same translation in the rest of the interviews.
While these two examples could be problematic, the fact is that I recognized them and accounted for them in follow-up questions and analysis of the data. But my point here is that my role in the community and among these women affected the data.
Some might question the degree to which working only with women translators affected the data collection. While I cannot be sure, I am confident that, with regard to this research, gender issues did not significantly affect the content. It appears the modesty of the Karen refugees has been compromised for many years and the refugees have learned the value of 33 providing direct responses. They seem to be used to being poked, prodded, questioned, and herded by others. In addition, these same women, as well as myself, accompany many refugees to doctor’s appointments. While in a doctor’s office, quite personal questions are asked and answered with no apparent embarrassment on anyone’s part. Watching for body language, eye contact, and other verbal and nonverbal cues, I saw no evidence that any of the questions or topics caused anyone uneasiness.1
The Karen in Aurora number around 200 and we interviewed 27 individuals from 17 different households. While the plan was to have a stratigraphic representation of the Aurora
Karen community, the reality is that we interviewed whoever was available and agreeable to being interviewed. Since these women are mostly free during the day, the interviews were limited to individuals who were also free during the day. Even so, since many refugees do not have the coveted 9 to 5 job, many were available. The participants included women, men, married, widowed, parents of school-age children, parents of grown children, employed, stay at home parents, grandparents, homeowners, renters, Christian from three different churches,
Buddhist, those who had been here several years, and even someone who had only been resettled a few months prior to the interviews. While the sample may not be accurately stratigraphic, it was multi-dimensional.
Various methods were used to create a full picture of the Karen refugee of Aurora.
Participant observation included attending various community events such as church services
1 Except, as noted in transcripts, when I asked about life in Burma. There are a few occasions when a Karen refugee told a general description of injustice at the hands of Burmese military. As is my custom, I do not press for more descriptions; the Karen refugees know that I am sympathetic to their history and understand the act of remembering is sometimes hurtful to them. The uneasiness I am describing in this footnote is with regard to the content of the memory, not the uneasiness felt based on the audience I am describing here. 34 nearly every Sunday, birthday celebrations (which are a significant events), and other community events. I also accompanied several Karen to appointments of various kinds including medical, social services, financial, educational, and athletic events during which I observed interactions between Karen and the wider community. In addition, several Karen refugees spent time in my home, during which I observed and participated in both Karen and American aspects of their lives.
While participant observation was critical, the heart of this project was the interviews.
Semi-structured interviews of individuals were conducted to obtain oral histories. In addition to individual interviews, sometimes it was appropriate for interviews to take place with several individuals present, usually family members who were either curious or who provided specific clarifying information as needed. In both cases, open-ended questions were asked to lead to follow-up questions. The interviews were flexible and participant-driven to reflect what the participant felt important to be said.
Each participant was approached by one of the interpreters regarding their availability for an interview for this specific project. The interpreters framed the project within the context of the refugee being able to tell their story. Furthermore, when I sat down with them, I began by telling them that I wanted to know their story: their time in Burma, their time in the refugee camp, and their time in the United States. I re-emphasized that I had not been to a Karen village in their area of Burma nor had I ever been to a refugee camp. I asked them to tell me about it. All of them know from the interpreters that I am quite sympathetic to their history so, since they agreed to talk to me, they appeared comfortable to respond to anything that I asked. Not only did they appear comfortable, there were instances where the interviewee recorded the interview for 35 themselves. There is a strong desire for these Karen to record their lives. They want their children to know what they lived through; they do not want the past forgotten. This desire to preserve their stories also influenced what they chose to share. With that in mind, the first question I asked was “So, tell me what you remember about Burma” and most of the follow-up questions were “…and then what happened?” in an effort for them to tell me their story as they wanted it remembered. I did have a set of topics that I hoped had been covered by the end of the interviews. If they were not, I asked various questions that prompted the participant. Such topics included items they brought with them as they moved and a description of their hopes for the future. They participants needed the most prompting with trying to describe life in the United
States so I tried to help by asking questions such as “What is hard about life in the United
States,” “What is easy about life in the United States,” and “What is your favorite thing about the
United States?” Just for fun, I always asked them their opinion of snow. The interviews were constrained by time as most of the Karen would have continued the discussion had there been more time.
All of the interviews took place in the participant’s residence. In most cases, we sat on the floor, usually on a synthetic bamboo mat. Even though this project was determined to be exempt of IRB protocol1 every participant was provided oral releases in which they orally agreed to outright or in provision. Of the 27 participants, only four requested that we not use their legal name. Only one individual refused to allow pictures taken during the interview.2 Several objected due to issues of vanity, but once I assured them that the pictures would not be used
1 Determination Notice “Activity Does Not Meet the Definition of ‘Human Subjects Research’” Protocol #HS16- 0182, dated 12 May 2016, signed by Jeanette Grommel, Office of Research Compliance 2 The participant commonly allows me to take her picture and did not object to her picture being taken during the Karen language school. 36 publicly, they all agreed. I asked every participant to write their name in English, Karen and
Burmese on my iPad. Some could, some could not. As I can read Burmese, this allowed me to understand the actual sound of their name and not rely on the (usually poor) English transliteration done in the camps.
After the interviews were gathered, the process of transcribing them began. I was privileged to have individuals help in this tedious process.1 However, as I read others’ transcriptions, it became very apparent to me that a great deal of communication occurred in a non-verbal realm as well as based on previous interaction between the interpreters and myself, such as inside jokes and background knowledge of the Karen community. In addition, I am familiar with their accents. As I conducted the interviews, I did not solicit clarification as I understood the complete communication at the time. I, therefore, edited all the transcriptions to include clarifying notes where these were needed. Overall, I believe that my personal relationships allowed these interviews to be deeper, but it also needs to be acknowledged that there could have been information that was deliberately not shared due to my presence.
Overview of Chapters
The following chapters will bring the life stories of the Karen refugees currently living in
Aurora into focus against a backdrop of academic literature. Chapter 2 provides a historical background of the Karen as presented in widely accepted academic literature. In addition, a current portrayal of the refugee resettlement process is described. As policies change over time, it is important not to make assumptions regarding the process that the Karen refugees
1 Planning to use the data for their own exhibit, the Pick Museum of Anthropology funded three research assistants who transcribed over 50% of the initial transcriptions. 37 experienced. The next four chapters contain the field work data obtained for this thesis. Chapter
3 describes life in Burma according to the Karen refugees. Following a short discussion situating the Karen as upland people, this chapter elucidates the lived experiences of everyday lives of the
Karen who live in the “hill areas” of Karen State in Burma. Chapter 4 first provides a history specific to the Karen camps as described by The Border Consortium, which has been present in those camps from the beginning as well as details specific to the Karen refugees in Aurora. The second part of the chapter includes the information directly obtained by the refugees as they told about the transition from village to refugee camp and about their lives while they and their family lived in the camp. Chapter 5 uses both interviews and participant observation to describe the Karen refugee’s life in the United States. Background material includes discussion on resettlement process experienced by refugees in Aurora now, which could differ from the resettlement process in another location, at another time. Chapter 6 focuses on when, where, and why the Karen refugees choose to wear Karen traditional clothing in relation to concepts of material culture and identity. Chapter 7 provides the analysis of the lived experience of the Karen refugees of Aurora in different geographical arenas as it relates to previous literature on Karen, refugees, and identity. This chapter provides the conceptualization of museum exhibit proposed in partnership with the NIU Art Museum.
Summary of Findings
After nearly seven years of “field work,” twenty-seven interviews, and three years of graduate study, it is impossible to convey the full picture of the Karen refugee community in
Aurora, Illinois in this limited project. There are many details, scenarios, and intricacies omitted out of necessity. The focus of this project could have taken many directions, all of them, in my 38 opinion, equally valid. When faced with the decision of what to include I chose three general topics. The first was the concept of identity, in this case the Karen refugee’s perception of Karen identity. This was the initial topic that prompted me to pursue a graduate degree. As I was exposed to more information and more topics became options, I was often distracted. In the end, though, I chose to address Karen identity in this thesis. The second topic, the resettlement process, came to be included as I read other refugees’ experiences across time and geographic locations. From my previous limited experience with the Karen refugees in Aurora, I had naturally assumed that many refugee resettlement experiences were the same. As I read other accounts, I often thought, “But that is not what it is like in Aurora.” In a current climate of critical analysis of both refugee experiences and humanitarian aid, I felt it imperative to offer another side of the story. The stories themselves present the third topic included. Even though I had heard many of the Karen tell their stories, I had never had the opportunity to listen to a complete story, let alone twenty-seven. This third topic then is the result of the research, which seems appropriate. More than that, even though I knew the general stories, hearing the Karen tell them caught me off-guard. The universality of the feeling of confinement in the refugee camp, as well as the fear felt while living in Burma, was emotionally impactful on a level for which I was ill prepared. Therefore, what follows is only a partial picture of the Karen refugee, limited by space and my capabilities as a scholar, researcher, and writer.
To Be Karen…
To be Karen, as it turns out, is very complicated. An examination of academic literature suggests that Karen people can trace a history only so far. Without a written language until the 1830s, a reliance on oral histories has left the Karen with little concrete evidence of a shared history until 39 colonizers were introduced to them in the early 1800s. What it meant to be Karen before that time is left for debate. Since then, Karen have been identified by history, language, location, occupation, religion, kinship, dress, economy, living arrangements, and village autonomy. The
Karen refugees, however, perceive an identity that is both shared and individual (Hall). The
Karen do not find a shared identity in history or religion, but in language and a unified past, in their case, of oppression by and enemies of the Burmese state. The unified past of enemies of the state has been risen out of the “created” conceptualization of the Karen by western writers (Said).
In addition to shared aspects of identity, each Karen refugee determines for themselves what it means to be Karen (Hall). Karen refugees utilize material culture, such as traditional clothing, the Karen flag, and gardening in varying degrees to express, enact, create, and recreate Karen identity and a sense of home, even in the United States (Hall, Anderson, Dudley).
The Process of Resettlement
Descriptions of the conditions refugees have faced in the past when resettling in the United
States (Kibria, Smith-Heffner, Ong, Tang, Fadiman) painted a very bleak and depressing picture.
Initially, and after several years, the Southeast Asian refugees of the 1980s had experienced continued oppression at the hands of the US government bureaucratic system of government assistance and the healthcare system. While physically safe from the oppressors of their homeland, these refugees had experienced little improvement of emotional and economic oppression, structural violence. The Aurora Karen refugees have had a much different experience due, in part, to the location of their resettlement home, the timing of their resettlement, and the structure of refuge. 40
Refugees are resettled in areas with an established infrastructure such as public transportation and social, educational, and health services that can handle an increase in population. As a result, in the early 1980s many refugees were resettled in urban areas fraught with violence and depressed economies. Aurora, in contrast, is a suburb of Chicago. Aurora contains the infrastructure needed, as well as being close to a large metropolitan area with increased employment opportunities, but it also has the suburban benefits of increased living space, less violence, and superior education.
By the time the Karen had begun resettling in the mid-2000s, the US federal resettlement process had evolved dramatically. No longer utilizing individual sponsors, select resettlement agencies are now responsible to provide mandated refugee services. The specialization of resettlement agencies has allowed for the growth of the structure of refuge: the unseen benefits only available to refugees. In Aurora, the refugee community is cared for by a network of individual and organizations who provide an extensive array of services specifically for refugees.
The structure of refuge provides goods and services that previous refugees had to provide themselves or do without. Refugees in Aurora often have one-on-one help in navigating the health, education, and social services sectors. In addition, when the poor experience a disaster of any size, as described in Hand to Mouth: Living in Bootstrap America (Tirado 2014), they are often financially destroyed. The structure of refuge in Aurora routinely provides goods and services that allow refugees to avoid such financial hardship through clothing, food, and household good donations as well as emergency relief.
The unintended consequences of the role of humanitarian aid on a global scale has received varying degrees of attention and scrutiny over the past several decades as it has grown 41 in the multi-billion-dollar enterprise that it is today. Using the positive experience of the Karen refugee in Aurora, specifically the structure of refuge, I present an alternative assessment to the role that aid, both humanitarian and government assistance, can provide; one that is beneficial and alleviates human suffering as it was originally intended. This analysis is more in line with an earlier stage of anthropological analysis of humanitarian aid when the researcher and the aid worker were perceived as united with a common moral goal.
The Stories
Listening to twenty-seven Karen refugees tell their story is a humbling experience, especially within the timeframe of six weeks. Day after day, different refugees with completely different backgrounds told their stories. However, it became apparent that the stories contained common threads. Not surprisingly, the refugees told their stories chronologically which also correlated to three locations: life in the village in Burma, life in the refugee camp in Thailand, and life in the
United States. While physical descriptions of each of these locations varied among the storytellers, the emotional descriptions were consistent. Due to the constant threat of Burmese military attacks on their villages, the Karen villagers did not feel they were free to live; they lived in constant fear. In the refugee camps, no longer afraid of daily Burmese military attack but limited in their ability to move outside of the camp by Thai authorities, the refugees now felt they were not free to leave; they felt confined. It was only upon resettlement in the United States that the Karen refugees finally felt freedom from fear and at liberty.
The final portion of this thesis describes how the stories will be utilized to create a museum exhibit in partnership with the NIU Art Museum. Instead of focusing on artefacts and 44 material culture, the exhibit will be photograph-driven as it aims to emotionally connect the
American audience to the life stories of the Karen refugee.
Chapter 2: Background
An understanding of the history of Karen and the refugee resettlement process will help situate this thesis. Every refugee situation is different and much of the difference is due to the unique history of the people involved. An understanding of the long history between Karen and
Burmese will provide insight into their vision of their lives as an ongoing struggle. In addition, the refugee process has changed greatly through the years. Certainly, cooperative agreements between the US Department of State and (only) nine agencies are different than what was happening in the early 1980’s when individuals could sponsor individual refugees. An up-to-date portrayal of this process is provided in the second section of this chapter.
Karen History
What’s in a Name?
Karen is a name applied to several distinct tribes, united by the common bond of having one language, though spoken in widely differing dialects. (Mason 1860:76) It is important to remember that Karen is the name given to the Karen by the Burmese. Literature sometimes uses the term Karens and sometimes a singular Karen. The singular Karen began to be used in an effort to create a pan-Karen identity; it is a unifying term (Marshall 1929:xiii). The following is a history of Karen according to missionaries and academic (mostly Orientalist) literature. 44
Karen as Savages – Pre-American Contact Era (pre-1828)
American missionaries (discussed below) made contact with a group of people “called
Karens” (Wayland 1853:543) in 1828 (Smeaton 1887:188). Previous to this, Karen tradition and history was all handed down generation by generation by song, poem, or story because there was no written language (Smeaton 1887:188, Tadaw 1958:8) A number of theories of the Karen birthplace have been given. Some suggest they are of Tibetan origin, others say they come from northern China, still others suggest they are the Burmese aborigines. Some even suggest that they are the lost tribe of Israel (Mason 1860, Smeaton 1887:66) due to some of their religious traditions (Smeaton 1887:66, Wayland 183:542). Smeaton suggests that the most probable connection for this is that they crossed paths with a colony of Nestorian Jews in the Middle Ages
(1887:189). The argument against the Karen being the original inhabitants is grounded in Karen folklore that tells of a river of running sand (Mason 1860:71, Smeaton 1887:66, Enriquez
1933:76) which they had to cross as they migrated. Apparently, Fa Hian, a fifth-century Chinese pilgrim also described the desert north of Burma, between China and Tibet, as a river of sand.
This would suggest that the Karen migrated from China to Burma (Smeaton 1887:66–7, Mason
1860:72). It has been argued that the Karen did not immediately go into deeper into Burma but stayed on the border and there met Jews and learned the Traditions of the Elders (Smeaton
1887:68, Mason 1860:74). Mason also suggests that the Karen themselves believed they were not aboriginal because they told him “this country is not our own…we came from the north”
(Mason 1860:71). Other scholars have suggested the Karen are descendants of an ancient Central
Asia people called Tek (or Tok), or fragments of the Huns (Naw 2015:17), while Major Enriquez suggested they came from the Sino-Tai “race” (Enriquez 1933:76). Burma itself does not have 45 much of a known history before the 11th century to help unearth the origins of the Karen.
However, some scholars have reason to believe the Karen are mentioned in scenes from the 8th and 9th centuries (Tadaw 1958:11). Linguists who have studied the Karen language believe it originated in China and came south before the Burmans or Shans but after the Mons (Tadaw
1958:14). With no clear mention of the Karen, they do not seem to be a part of Burmese history for many centuries. It could be assumed that because they occupied remote areas only strong
Burmese kings would have had the ability to control the Karen. With far-reaching kingdoms rare, it is safe to assume the Karen lived separate lives (Tadaw 1958:20, Adas 1982:79). By the time the first Italian Catholic missionary, Monsignor Percoto, arrived in 1740, the Karen presumably had been in Burma for many centuries. They were viewed as “savages” by Percoto (Smeaton
1887:68) and were seen as out of the reach of the Catholic mission (History of the Catholic
Burmese Mission in Naw 2015:3).
According to Ko Thah Byu, a Karen born in 1778, the Karen had a long history of being oppressed by the Siamese as well as the Burmans prior to the English rule that began in the nineteenth century. He recounted that the Burmans made the Karen slaves if they lived among them further lamenting that the Karen were forced to live so far apart yet could not visit each other because they were so busy. Of the Burmans, Ko Thah Byu said they made the Karen “drag boats, cut ratans, collect dammer, seek bees’ wax, gather cardamums, strip bark for cordage, clear away cities, pull logs, and weave large mats. Besides this, [the Burmans] demanded…presents of yams, the bulbo-tubors of arum, ginger, capsicum, flesh, elephant’s tusks, rhinoceros’ horns and all of the various kinds of vegetables…[The Karen] were compelled…to guard forts, to act as guides, to kidnap Siamese, and to go from one place to 46 another, till many dropped dead in the midst of the jungle…[The Karen] had their arms twisted behind them, were beaten with stripes, struck with the fist, and pounded with the elbow, days without end” (Mason 1843:16). Countering these arguments, the Burmese author Tadaw says that oppression was not singularly a Karen problem; it was a country-wide problem and not nearly as oppressive as insinuated by the Karen (Tadaw 1958:28). Regardless, this oppression was fresh in the minds of the Karen when the missionaries arrived, and thus was recorded by the missionaries.
Karen as Converts (Christian and Western) – Early Era (1828–1887)
“Up to 1828, [the Karen] were, as a separate nation, unknown. They were looked upon as a mixed horde of aboriginal savages” (Smeaton 1887:192). Many view this period as the
“awakening” of the Karen. Karen folklore describes the same biblical account of the creation, and the fall, as well as stories including a “lost book” which would be returned to them by a white brother by way of the sea.1 Thus, the Christian missionaries found ready receivers of their message. In addition to Christianity, good government (presumably English government) had roused the “sleeping” Karen nation to rise up, according to an English government official
(Smeaton 1887:64). Mason, a missionary, remarked that the Karen might be made into anything
“with the right training and God’s blessing and the two usually go together” (Mason 1860:91).
While that is conjecture and opinion, we know the story of the Karen primarily through the
American missionaries and subsequent Western interactions that began to draw the Karen into the center of discussions regarding Burma.
1 There are common threads among many Burmese ethnic groups. It is not just the Karen who report similar folklore. 47
Dr. Adoniram Judson was an American missionary in Rangoon1 who is credited with translating the Bible into Burmese (Anderson 1956 (1987):403). Following the First Anglo-
Burmese War (1824–1826), Judson redeemed a Karen debt slave, Ko Thah Bya (Mason 1843).
Ko Tha Bya eventually learned to read and converted to Christianity. Ko Thah Bya then connected Judson to the Karen people in 1828 (Smeaton 1887:192, Mason 1843) Considered The
Karen Apostle, Ko Thah Bya travelled among the Karen for many years until his death (Mason
1843:3). Dr. Francis Mason and Rev. Jonathan Wade were missionaries appointed by Judson who lived among the Karen.
Alexander McMahon argues that the missionaries might have done a disservice to the
Karen by becoming their advocates and thus re-enforcing their notions of being oppressed by the ruling ethnically Burman government. However, overall McMahon reiterates that the Karen traditions taught them to look to the West for deliverance. When the white missionaries arrived by boat with the Bible, the Karen embraced them and their message as the fulfillment of Karen folklore. The English language that the missionaries brought was also embraced because it came in “the book.” Christianity and English education spread with great intensity and were yoked together (McMahon 1876:40). In the future, this was extremely important for the Karen.
In addition to the introduction of the English language, the written Karen language was invented during this time. This was done by Jonathan Wade, Dr. Mason’s co-worker. Wade chose to use the Burmese alphabet characters as type was already available. By 1832 the first spelling book was created, thirty-three pages in length. To use this new script and spread it throughout the whole Karen nation, teachers were trained and schools were established (Wyeth,
1 Now Yangon 48
Walter 1891 in Naw 2015:9). The Karen script and pursuits of the missionaries allowed many books to be published in Karen, and not just Christian literature. With the idea of training new missionary recruits in the Burmese and Karen languages, the first Karen visited the United States in 1833. As more Karen also visited, they were exposed to new ideas they took back to Burma.
The missionaries credited Wade with transforming the Karen from “wild savage” and moving them from illiterate to literate by the 1840s (Naw 2015:10–12).
All sources written and published during this time same period (1840s–1870s) (see for example, Mason 1843, Smeaton 1887, and McMahon 1876) characterize the Karen similarly.
Mrs. Judson before them had described the Karen as a “meek, peaceful race, simple and credulous, with many of the softer virtues, and few flagrant vices. Though greatly addicted to drunkenness, extremely filthy and indolent in their habits, their morals, in other respects, are superior to many civilized races” (Wayland 1858:542). Quoting Mason, McMahon further relays that the Karen were the complete opposite of Burmans. The Burmans were said to be polished and winning while the Karen were cruel and repulsive. He continues that the Karen were not given to flatter, but were, matter of fact, and rarely exhibit emotions such as surprise, joy, gratitude, or admiration. Dr. Mason also felt the Karen readily acquired knowledge and would not lie and kept their promises (McMahon 1876:52). Despite their already good morals, these men felt that Christianity had found fertile ground and had “a marvelous influence on their character” instilling obligations as good and loyal citizens, honest pride that stimulates them to honest action, and a sense of responsibility (McMahon 1876:52).
While previous oppression might have been over-exaggerated, “real oppression suffered by the Karens under Burman rule was probably increased with the infiltration of Western 49 elements into Burma” (Tadaw 1958:30). Because the Karens looked to the British as their liberators and to the white missionaries as the givers of “true” religion, Burmans and Karens clashed. The Burmans were afraid of outsiders alienating Burmans from their native beliefs.
Burmans accused the Karen of being traitors and began destroying Karen villages (Major
Snodgrass in Tadaw 1958:30). As an example, Ko Thah Bya had been forced to flee Rangoon and sought refuge near Sandway (Wallace St. John in Naw 2015:7).
Regarding daily life, the Karen are described as swidden farmers (Mason 1860:79ff,
Smeaton 1887:87) with low technology (Mason 1860:82). Monogamous marriages were contradictorily reported to be contracted in infancy (Mason 1860:80) or never betrothed in infancy (Smeaton 1887:80). The importance of betel nut is mentioned often (Mason 1860:80,
Smeaton 1887:89).
Karen as Loyal – Colonial Era (1887–1949)
The Karen felt they had been persecuted by the Burmans for many years, so it is no surprise that they welcomed British rule in 1852. “[British rule] ushered in a new era in the political history of the Karen people: it freed them from the Burman yoke, both religious and political” (Tadaw 1953:96). British rule raised the Karen from being the Burmans’ slaves to being equal with them. Coupled together, Christianity and the introduction of Karen script created a desire for education. Karen schools, run by Karen but supported by the British, were created. An astounding number of Karen attended school. Christianity and education also lead to the development of “national self-consciousness among the Karens” (Tadaw 1953:97). While the minority Christian Karen had embraced Western ideas, other Karen had not. In an effort to stay 50 united despite their differences, the Karen National Association (KNA) was created in 1881, mostly run by Christian Karen (Tadaw 1958:99).
Prior to British rule, Burma had been multi-ethnic. While the Karen felt they had been particularly oppressed, according to the chronicles of Burmese kings, all subjects owed loyalty and were heavily taxed. With the British came the new idea of a “plural society” (Furnival 1948) composed of separate “racial” sections. The British treated each “race” differently, which irritated the Burmans and influenced how the Burmans and Karens thought of themselves (Fink in Po 2001:ix). The Karen had been educated in English for many decades, as opposed to the
Burmans who had not. This influenced the attitudes of the British rulers.
As Burmese nationalist ideas swelled during this time, so did Karen nationalist ideas. The
Karen began to fear the return of Burman rule. Having been labeled “The Loyal Karens” to the
English crown (Smeaton 1887), Karen would stand to lose much if the Burmans returned to power. In addition, many Karen spoke out in support of English Colonial rule, creating further distance with the Burmans. Karen credited their progress and advancement to the “mother” missionaries and “father” British Government (Po (1928) 2001:58). The Karen became increasingly pro-Karen and pro-English while at the same time increasingly anti-Burman.
During this time, the Karen were still being described by foreign missionaries (Bunker
1902, Marshall 1922) and foreign civil servants (Morrison 1947, Enriquez 1933) as stupid, grossly ignorant, wild, primitive, savage, and not intelligent. In contrast, San C. Po (1928), a
Karen, wrote an entire book espousing the capabilities of the Karen. San C. Po is credited with proposing the creation of a Karen state in a federated Burma, which remains a KNU demand to this day (Harriden 2002:100). 51
By the end of World War II, things had changed dramatically in Burma. The English had withdrawn. Despite their loyalty over the past decades, the Karen were abandoned by the British
Crown. The Karen sent a goodwill delegation to London in 1946 hoping to procure the British government’s blessing for a “United Frontier Karen States” called “Karenistan,” which would include Burmese and Thai Karen groups. The delegation presented a united Karen nation, but it largely reflected the Christian members of the KNU (Harriden 2002:105–6). Aung San, considered the father of Burma, also took a delegation to London, which did not include any
Karen, even though he spoke of ethnic unity and representation. The Karen made demands for adequate representation on the newly created Executive Council in Burma, but these demands were ignored. Saw Ba U Gyi, president of the KNU, effectively removed the Karen from future political discussion when he boycotted the Constituent Assembly. The Karen were adamant they were a nation. The Burmese did not agree. When Burma gained independence in 1948, the Karen rebelled. A provisional government in exile, Kawthoolei, was created which reorganized and renamed the Karen military. “[B]y maintaining a semi-permanent nation-in-exile identity, the
KNU made the Karen nation a reality in space and time for the majority of Karen in
Burma…The importance of Kawthoolei continues to lie in its symbolic function, which provides the Karen with a sense of common place, culture, and identity” (Harriden 2002:113).
Karen as Rebels – Post-colonial Era (1949–1962)
With the withdrawal of the British, many foreigners left Burma and the country tried its hand at democracy. Descriptions of Karen during this time are limited to Burmese government documents. The Government of the Union of Burma produced a booklet KNDO Insurrection, which, ironically, was written in English. Starting with a history of the Karen, it says that 52
“industrious as they are, the Karens would have undoubtedly added a few glorious pages to
Burmese history, had they attempted to consolidate themselves…and it is a pity that no trace of any significant contribution by the Karens to the country’s history has been found” (KNDO
Insurrection 1949:2). The pamphlet mentions “that the Sgaw-Karen Christians are the founders, organizers, and leaders of the present KNDO insurrection. They also create racial animosity.”
(KNDO Insurrection 1949:4). Quoting Smeaton and citing San C. Po, the booklet holds disdain for Imperialism (page 5) as a concept but is further outraged when Saw Ba U Gyi, the Karen leader, embraces it (page 6). After accusing the Karen of isolationism and lawlessness, the booklet also compares the KNU to Hitler, which would have been a timely, deeply disparaging comparison. Closing the booklet with a nod to the “Loyal Karens” the author contends that there are Karen who are still loyal to the Union government saying “Loyal Karens will yet live to save the fair name of the whole Karen race” (page 30).
Very little is written from the Karen or Karen sympathizers during this time outside of political rhetoric reflecting the movements of the Karen national organizations. But if the Karen rebels felt this time period was tough, the military regime that took power in 1962 would make it tougher still.
Karen as Insurgents – Military Rule Era (1962–1988)
While the objective of Ne Win’s Revolutionary Council was to eliminate ethnicity as a political issue, most Karen saw this Burmese Way to Socialism as a continuation of
Burmanization (Harriden 2002:117–8). The military leaders developed the Four Cuts program, which was designed to cut the four major links between insurgents and local villages: food, 53 funds, intelligence and recruits. While meant to hurt the insurgent armies, it really hurt Karen communities and villages.
It’s important to note that Ne Win’s government effectively closed Burma to foreigners
(Spiro 1967:xiii, Keyes 1977:30). Ironically, during the 1960s, studying Southeast Asia became a valid academic pursuit.1 As a result, scholars who wanted to understand Burma, had to do it from the outside looking in, with limited access to real Burmese. Instead, much research was conducted in Thailand on “tribal” populations. Among often quoted scholars of this time period regarding the Karen, Charles Keyes and F.K. Lehman stand out. However, both clearly state that the Karen they have studied are Thai Karen (Lehman 1979:215, Keyes 1979:30–31). Even Keyes admits that the Thai government has “pushed a policy of assimilation of tribal minorities into the kingdom of Thailand” (Keyes 1979:25). One should be left wondering how much the Karen of
Thailand, who have been forced to assimilate, actually resemble the Karen of Burma. Research that was interrupted by the political changes, such as Spiro’s, was never finished, even though it was published with the initial data available.
Despite military rule, many Karen prospered inside Burma during this time. The Karen, who had valued education, especially English education, were among the most educated citizens in Burma. They lived among and amidst other Burmese citizens, going to school and working
(Thawnghmung 2012:xiii). However, a conversation with a Karen academic of this era implied that writing or reporting anything Karen would have garnered unwelcome government attention.
This sentiment would explain why there remains little information concerning the Karen of
Burma during this time period.
1 This was, in large part, due to the US government fear of the “domino” effect of communism in this area. 54
Karen as Refugees and ‘Other’: 1984–Present Era
Among the many conflicts in Burmese history, the 1988 uprising was extremely detrimental to the Karen living in Burma. Often called the 8888 Uprising because it peaked on
August 8, 1988, this marked a time of nationwide civil unrest in a student-led protest against the military government. After that conflict, the military increased their attacks on Karen villages, forcing many Karen to begin fleeing to Thailand creating a new segment of Karen: the refugee.
Most families lost family members along the way as they were hunted in the jungle as they fled.
After arriving in the refugee camp, the refugees live in crowded, under-resourced living conditions. Instead of being under the rule of the Burmese government, the refugee suddenly becomes stateless. The plight of the refugee, discussed further below, is neither simple nor easy and is very traumatic (see Phan 2010, Rhoden 2011, Berg 2015 among many others).
Among the stories regarding this period told by Karen who remained in Burma include the exclusion of any Christian person from the Burmese military. A Karen could still serve in the army, but only if they denounced their Christian religion. In addition, relatives of suspected guerilla fighters were hunted and punished by the military.
And yet, in contemporary Burma, based on personal observations, Karen continue to live and even thrive within Burmese borders. Around Yangon, numerous Christian churches exist and are freely attended by large congregations. Some Karen hold positions of importance in the community as well as at places of employment. Karen can be observed freely displaying the
Karen flag and wearing traditional Karen costume often.
Research and other scholarly pursuits regarding the Karen have largely shifted to the
Thai-Burmese Border and refugee camps. Often concerning Karen and the formation of their 55 identity, such titles include Constructing and Maintaining the Ta-La-Ku Community: The Karen along the Thai-Myanmar Border (Buadaeng 2008) and Ethnic Conflict in Burma: The Challenge of Unity in a Divided Country (Kramer 2010). In addition, Michael Gravers (2007), Anders
Hovemyr (1989), and Peter Hinton (1983) all published literature cited in this thesis based on
Karen in Thailand but theoretically applied to the Karen in Burma as well. Only
Thawnghmung’s work, The Other Karen, is based on Karen in Burma, solely because the author is Karen, having grown up in Burma during the 1970s. Even then, the focus of the work is the
“other”, albeit majority in number, Karen who do not participate in the separatist movement yet, according to the author, vehemently deny being Burmese and continue to identify as Karen
(Thawnghmung 2012:xvii).
Refugee Resettlement Process in the US
At the time of writing (early 2017), the process of refugee resettlement in the United
States has come under a great deal of scrutiny. President Trump has issued a temporary freeze on all US refugee resettlement, allowing time for the process to be re-evaluated. The process in the
US has changed over the decades as the country has resettled 3.2 million refugees since 1975
(US Department of State 2017). The following reflects the current process (according the US
Department of State), which is the process the Karen refugees in Aurora completed (World
Relief 2015).
Before Arrival to United States
According to a graphic that World Relief published in December 2016, citing the
Migration Policy Institute, Refugee Council USA and the US Department of State, a refugee must go through eleven steps before finally arriving in the US. The time that this process takes 56 averages between 18 months to three years, with obvious room for it to take longer. The first step, being declared a refugee (see Chapter 1 for a discussion concerning this) by the UNHCR
(United Nations High Commissioner of Refugee), is usually done as the refugee flees their country of origin into a country of asylum and arrives at a refugee camp. Even before this can be done, the area of conflict needs to be recognized by the United Nations and the UNHCR dispatched to administrate the fleeing refugees. Refugees may spend many years in the camp after they are declared a refugee before they decide to apply for third-country resettlement. The
UNHCR has its own procedural standards for determining persons as refugees eligible for resettlement (UNHCR 2005, UNHCR 2001). Once refugees are selected for resettlement, they are referred to their assigned resettlement country by the United Nations, US or other Embassy or an NGO. The third step is the first of three security clearances that the refugee must pass if they are selected to be resettled in the US. These security checks involve several law enforcement and intelligence agencies and includes biometrics (US Department of State 2017).
Once initial security clearance is achieved, a US Homeland Security officer conducts a personal interview. Only after this process, with the officer’s approval, can the refugee be approved for
US resettlement. The sixth step includes a medical screening. Once the refugee passes the initial medical screening, they are assigned to a sponsor agency (one of nine approved resettlement agencies) (UNHCR 2017) that will assist the refugee upon arrival. This allows the agency to prepare for the arrival of the refugee (see next section Upon Arrival in US). The IOM
(International Organization of Migration) will be notified and who will then book travel. The cost of this travel is provided in the form of a loan, which the refugee must repay (US
Department of State 2017). During this time of waiting, the refugee is offered cultural orientation 57 to the US. The ninth step is the second security clearance, just as intense as the first, to check for any updated information. And once again, at the airport, in addition to additional security screening, the refugee’s identity is checked again to confirm that the refugee preparing to board the airplane is indeed the individual who was screened and approved for resettlement. Finally, the refugee arrives in the US and is met by a representative of one of the resettlement agencies.
Upon Arrival in United States
Resettlement agencies in the United States meet the refugee for the first time at the airport. That is the first of many services required of a resettlement agency. The Department of
State has cooperative agreements with only nine agencies. While some of the agencies have religious connections, they are not allowed to proselytize (Department of State 2017). Currently
(2017), refugees are resettled in about 190 communities across the US. Every refugee is met upon arrival at the airport and transported to their apartment. Inside the apartment, the agency is required to have provided furniture, appliances, climate-appropriate clothing, and some food typical of the refugee’s culture. Shortly after arrival, the agency must assist the refugee in applying for a Social Security card, registering children in school, shopping, making and traveling to medical appointments, and connecting them to language and social services. The US
Department of State provides funds to the resettlement agencies to provide rent, furnishings, food and clothing only for the initial three months of resettlement. Refugees, unlike immigrants, receive employment authorization upon arrival.1 This is vital as they must begin covering their own expenses within three months as well as begin repaying their travel loan. Refugees are required to apply for permanent residency after one year and are eligible for citizenship after five
1 This is an example of the formal structure of refuge as described by Kibria. See Chapter 1. 58 years. Most resettlement agencies provide job services and immigration legal services for refugees.
Karen refugees in Aurora have arrived at refugee status after a long, contentious relationship with the Burmese government. In some ways, the favorable relationship between
Karen and English colonizers positioned the Karen to view resettlement and life in the US favorably. Following several decades of turmoil in their lives, Karen refugees face a long resettlement process that is not easy or cheap. Considering the background and history of the
Karen compared to the long, hard process of resettlement, the Karen refugees of Aurora are given nearly impossible choices. The Karen refugees of Aurora have obviously chosen resettlement. The following chapters provide insight into what leads to that decision and how their lives have played out, first in the camps and then in the United States.
Chapter 3: Not Free to Live: Life in Burma
Introduction
It seemed important to begin in Burma. The life of Karen refugees in the United States cannot be fully understood without knowledge of their life in Burma. The refugees always speak of its beauty and idyllic lifestyle. The adult refugees continue to speak of Burma as “home” despite having not lived there most of their lives. Yet they do not live there. They were forced to leave. The idyllic life was, in fact, far from perfect. Fear ruled their lives. While a peaceful life was imagined to exist, the Karen refugees of this study were not free to live it.
Despite its empirical bent and positioning as activists who speak out on behalf of people, anthropologists have largely “approached the study of conflict, war, and human aggression from a distance, ignoring the harsh realities of human lives” (Green 1994:228, 2004:56). There is a lack of anthropological material regarding the “specific experiences and complex consequences of people’s suffering from atrocities almost unimaginable” (Pauli 2000:594). Following a short discussion which situates the Karen as upland people, this chapter elucidates the lived experiences of everyday lives of the Karen who live in the “hill areas” of Karen State in Burma.1
1Just like the name Burma, Karen state is the name given to the area by the British. Recently, the Myanmar government has reverted to the transliteration that more closely resembles Myanmar language, Kayin. As the Myanmar language does not currently have an “r” sound, the use of the name Karen reflects the English mispronunciation of the term Kayin. For consistency’s sake, I will continue to use the terms Burma and Karen state. 60
Karen Village Background
Hill People
Many of Southeast Asia’s countries contain areas of lowlands and mountainous regions, of which Burma is no different. Typically called lowlands and uplands, the lowlands have historically been centers of commerce and politics. The uplands, due to their inaccessibility, have been viewed as the periphery of those lowland centers. If this were a political science thesis, the causes and effects of these differentiations would be detailed. However, for this thesis, a few generalizations will be provided.
As rice was domesticated in Southeast Asia, central polities began to be able to provide for, and thus protect, greater numbers of people in larger settlements. As the settlements grew in size and number, more rice was required to adequately feed the population. Desirable land was in the lowlands as it was easy to farm as well as easy to access. The larger population could provide most of that labor, but sometimes a war was waged against other peoples to obtain more labor.
The lowlands, because of its ease of navigation and amenability to extensive rice production, became the center of population, politics, economy, religion, and all forms of “civilization.”
The uplands, in contrast, were very difficult to traverse; people often lived on very steep mountainsides. In addition, it was very difficult to farm large plots of land. The villages in the uplands, thus, tended to very small and self-sustained; the inhabitants of small upland villages grew and hunted all their food. Because the lowlands were far away and difficult to access, the uplanders’ contact with lowlanders was constrained, though an active trade of forest products was maintained. 61
From a central government point of view, the uplands were unattractive for farming as they did not provide enough tillable land to make it worth the effort of waging a war to take and hold this territory. In addition, the relatively high amount of labor needed to till these small, hard to reach areas would not have been worth the relatively low production. Many interactions between upland and lowland people were limited to raids on the uplanders by the lowlanders for slave labor for their many central government building or economic projects. According to James
Scott in The Art of Not Being Governed “the hills, unlike the valleys, have [not] paid taxes to monarchs” while remaining relatively free and stateless and have “actively resisted incorporation into the framework of the classical state, the colonial state, and the independent nation-state”
(Scott 2009:19). Scott goes on to propose that the inhabitants of the hills were not only those who found themselves on the outside of valley, but also included those who intentionally fled the central state.
Recently, the uplands have been known to have resources that the central government desires and which are deemed worth the time and effort to procure from the uplanders. As the uplanders have long avoided states, they have not easily relinquished these areas nor wanted to be incorporated into the larger central independent nation-state. The lowlanders, accustomed to taking what they want and believe to be theirs (through modern nation-state boundary creations) have often resorted to military force to secure the resources for state use (Denton 1968).
Hill people, a derogatory term, are often described as being “illiterate, having primitive economies and societies, living in the mountains and subsisting by cutting pristine forests to plant opium” (Gillogly 2004:116). Among Thai, many believe that the uplanders have tails, suggesting that they are not even human (Gillogly 2004:119). For decades, the hill tribes have 62 been seen as problems and have been targeted for “modernization” and “normalization” into the central government culture (Gillogly 2004:119). Uplanders have been “transformed from economically independent food and commodity producers” as powerful people appropriate the resources of weak indigenous peoples (Denton 1968:7).
Even though Karen of Burma live in the Irawaddy Delta region, in the urban settings of
Yangon and Mandalay, as well as the urban and hill areas of Karen state, they have largely and historically been associated with the hills. In 1860, one of the first ethnographies of Burmese ethnic groups, describes Karen as “most of the mountaineers of Pegu and Southern Burmah”
(Mason 1860:71). According to this early work, the Karen employed a rice cultivation method that was said to be “quite different from the lowland cultivation of the Burmese” and, in addition, raised cotton, peppers, corn, and millet as well as many other vegetables and betel. After harvest in October, the Karen were free to visit family members in other villages. In addition, the Karen would visit neighboring Burmese villages to sell items for cash as well as buy items of necessity or luxury (Mason 1860:80-83).
In the years between Mason’s ethnography of 1860 and the early 1980s, Karen villages in the hills of Karen state had become accustomed to Burmese military attacks. The villages were not close together and difficult to navigate between. Because of the rainy season in Burma, several months out of the year travel is even more difficult. While this made it difficult for the
Karen to interact with each other, it also made it extremely difficult for the Burmese military to sustain attacks on the Karen villages all year round. 63
Life in Burma
Daily Life
According to the Karen of Aurora, daily labor and food procurement in the hills of Karen
State in Burma had not changed a great deal since Mason’s 1860 ethnography. In Burma, the
Karen continued to live in small villages, numbering between 50 and 200 inhabitants. The individual houses were made of bamboo where parents and their young children lived. The homes tended to be on stilts with one to four rooms. The roofs were made of leaves. Sometimes the homes were built near their fields which put them further from neighbors, but still considered part of a community or village. Always on a mountain, the homes were also close to rivers or streams. If one married someone from another village, sometimes the husband would move to the wife’s village, like Za Lu who moved to Paw Pa’s village. That seemed to be dependent on where the best opportunity was as Za Lu, who had been injured, needed a network of individuals to help him provide for his family. The villages themselves were sometimes exclusively Karen or diverse communities of Burmese, Karen, and other ethnic groups.
The families would raise rice to feed themselves. Lah Lusaid that, in her area anyway, her parents did not cut down trees and burn them to prepare the fields; they used cows with a plow to make the fields. Rice farming on the mountainside was very difficult and often left the Karen with not enough food. Kaw Thu Lay remembers running out of rice when she was about four or five years old. On the mountainside, her father had planted his field where an upstream rain had provided a flood that overtook his field and washed it away. Kaw Thu Lay remembers:
I remember once we don’t have no rice, no food, anything. We only have a couple of cups of rice left. Then my father went to the river and he got a fish. Then we cooked the fish and, with the little rice left, made a soup and we just 64
eat that. It was not enough. We had to share [with her siblings and parents]. Then in the morning, my father went to his friends for help to borrow. He has to go like one hour to his friend’s house because we don’t live close to the other house. He borrowed one bag. We didn’t have money, so he just borrowed. But then we had food.
After the next harvest, Kaw Thu Lay’s father was able to repay the friend what he had borrowed.
For others, they simply could not raise enough rice and had to buy it. Paw Soe talked about her family never having enough food. Her father would buy rice in the summer before the harvest because they had run out of their stores.
Equally important, they would raise several different vegetables. Paw Soe said her father planted sweet rice, vegetables – mostly peppers. Several of the families also raised livestock, although not to sell; the production of the animals was for family consumption. Hunting in the nearby forest for both animals and gathering vegetables contributed a large part of the Karen diet as well.
In addition to self-sustaining farming, various methods were used to obtain cash. Ko
Mya, who fled Burma when she was a young girl, remembers her mother having a little stall that had snacks and other items for sale. Her mother would travel to a larger store to buy items to sell in her small, local stall. Paw Soe’s father hunted deer in the nearby forest and could sell the meat for cash. It was not unusual for parents to work for nearby farmers to help plant rice and tend the fields for day labor wages. In addition, some parents would travel away from the village in order to find wage earning jobs. This forced them to tend their own fields on the weekends or as part of a very long day. In another case, Ka Nya Mu Poe was left to tend the fields and the home on her own while her husband was away. These situations left the Karen exhausted. Whether because of 65 these exact situations or others, all of the Karen refugees interviewed expressed the idea that life in Burma was hard work and exhausting.
The children also contributed to the cash flow in the home. As a youngster, Paw Soe and her friends would collect hot peppers in the forest and would then sell them to fellow students at school who purchased them for a snack. An even younger Kaw Thu Lay was a vendor selling vegetables in the local market at age five. Yah Yah’s brother went to another place to earn wages and did not live at home. Eh Kaw quit school after third grade because, as the oldest child, he needed to work and help his parents.
Kaw Thu Lay also tells of caring for her younger brother and sister while her parents worked their very long days. By age four, she was left at home to care for her three-year-old brother and two-year-old sister. One day, when she was six or so, she was cooking rice and asked her brother to tend the fire while she went to bathe her sister. Her brother played with the sticks in the fire and caught their bamboo house on fire. Kaw Thu Lay ran back to the house crying and screaming. She caught the attention of neighbors who helped get water from the stream to put the fire out. But it was not fast enough, the family lost everything. Her parents had seen the fire from a distance and traveled about thirty minutes to find the home to be just smoldering embers. This event left the family very nervous anticipating the arrival of Burmese officials. The officials arrived and admonished her parents to be more careful, and extended a thousand [baht1 or khat,2 unsure of exact amount] fine. In retelling the story, the actions of the Burmese government (not the military) was framed with disdain that, even in a time of need of their citizens, they levied a fine instead of offering help.
1 Thai currency 2 Burmese currency 66
While in Burma, very few of the Karen were able to attend school on time or regularly; or for some, not at all. The education system in Burma requires the student to pay for supplies. As seen above, cash was very often not plentiful in the Karen home. Some, like Kaw Thu Lay, were needed at home to care for siblings while parents were away from the home or to provide income, or both. Kaw Thu Lay was finally able to attend school when she was seven years old.
Her parents were able to save enough money only after they sold an asset. As seen earlier, even if they started school, several children had to quit school in order to help at home.
If the community was in a Karen-controlled area, the school would be Karen, overseen by the Kawthoolei, the Karen government in exile. Often the Karen village did not have a school.
The diverse villages, where Burmese also lived, would have a school that was overseen by the
Burmese government. Of course, Karen language was not taught in those schools. If the Karen were to learn the Karen written language, it was done in the local church on the weekends. Once
Karen villagers left their home village and moved deeper into the Karen-controlled areas1, the villages appeared to have more Karen schools and many of the children could attend school at that time, at least for a while.
Most of the Karen spoke of church being an important part of their village life. They expressed being able to freely attend church as they wished, despite Burma’s majority Buddhist population, even in the diverse villages. Kaw Thu Lay’s brother was a novice and lived in a nearby monastery. Other Buddhist Karen spoke of attending the village temples regularly.
1 As described below, every family was forced from their village in different ways and at different times. Sometimes, the family fled their village when the Burmese army first attacked. Some families kept returning to their village following attacks for several years. For the sake of this argument, the more outlying villages did not provide any schooling, whether Burmese or Karen. 67
The self-identification of these individuals as Karen is central to this work. As part of the interview, they were asked what made them Karen. How did they know they were Karen while living in Burma? Most, like Paw Pa, simply said it was because they spoke a different language.
Kaw Thu Lay, who lived among Mon and other ethnic groups but not Karen, knew she was
Karen because she used to “live in a Karen village” as a small child. Even though the friction between the Burmese military and the Karen, an ethnic group, was the source of the upheaval in their lives, few knew why there was fighting. The armed conflict was never framed as by definition against the Karen as a people.
The armed conflict permeated their lives, however. Even in everyday activities and among children, the presence of the armed conflict was felt and could not be ignored. While the following story was told as a funny story, the severity of the situation cannot be ignored.
One day, when I was thirteen and my brother was twelve, we went to the river to pick vegetables that Karen eat often. We went to the forest by the river. My brother brought a gun. I was walking in front of him. He climbed over a big log that was slippery. My brother fell and the gun [accidentally] shot [me in the butt]. I felt something hurt and I knew it was the gun. I told my brother, “Go tell Daddy” and he ran home. I went to the hospital. It was very bad. I was in the hospital for fifty days. I had to go to Thailand to the hospital and have surgery because the bullet was inside my gut. The doctor said if I had waited any longer, I would not have lived. It was difficult for my family to visit me and we didn’t have money for food. After I came home, it was a year before I could return to school. – Paw Soe
A lack of food and extraordinary exposure to guns certainly contributed to shorter lifespans, but other problems existed as well. Healthcare was nonexistent. Several of the Karen spoke of family members who died before leaving Burma. Paw Pa’s parents both died because “they don’t have a hospital or medicine” when she was a little girl. Her mother, in fact, died delivering her baby brother who also died. 68
Yah Yah’s father died when she was young leaving her mother and four young siblings to take care of the farm and provide for the family. Later, after Yah Yah was married with two young children, her husband also died. This time, the death occurred as a direct result of the
Burmese/Karen conflict as her husband was a Karen soldier shot in the line of duty after seven years of service.
The Presence of Burmese military
The life of the Karen living on the mountainside near the Thai/Burmese border was not easy by any account. The inconsistent rice harvest was somewhat tempered by nearby forests and streams available for hunting, gathering, and fishing. But the actions of the Burmese military on the villagers exaggerated the difficulties to the point that it became impossible to continue living in Burma. Tha Kaw, who left Burma when she was fifteen, said when she “lived in Burma, it is very difficult to live because we have to be afraid and scared all of the time for the Burmese military”.
Ko Mya was only seven, but remembers hearing the Burmese military gunshots and being terrified. She knew her parents were afraid of being caught by the “enemy” and killed. Ta
Kaw Paw was six years old and remembers bombs1 being dropped by the Burmese soldiers. She remembers running between her house and her aunt’s house and feeling very uncomfortable because the adults were afraid. Soe Soe remembers her parents talking about the Burmese military coming to their village to “try to kill them” and being afraid.
1 In fact, the occurrence of bomb dropping is highly unlikely. In another interview, Paw Soe clarified that there were not bombs dropped from aircraft, but more likely to have been “bombs” shot from the shoulder of a soldier or could have been artillery shells. However, the largeness of the explosion led the young child Ta Kaw Paw to believe them to be bombs. 69
The Karen had reason to fear the Burmese military trying to kill them. When Ta Tha Blay was twenty-five, the Burmese military attacked his village and he saw four people killed. Three men were killed and a woman whose husband was a Karen soldier. She was specifically targeted because “they [Burmese military] hate that so they killed the lady”. A few years later, Ta Tha
Blay witnessed more killing. He was “scared” and decided he just could not live there anymore.
During this time, Ta Tha Blay was also required to be a porter. While he was a porter “nothing bad” happened to him. But he saw “some friends who were tired and fell down.” The other porters could not wait for them; the weight they carried was too heavy. He had to leave them and he did not know what happened to them later.
Thaw Tu Htoo’s father was also required to be a porter, a slave who carried food and other supplies, when the Burmese military attacked their village. When his father returned three weeks later, he was “so very tired.” He had been underfed and overworked. Paw Eh Ku’s father was forced into servitude as a porter because a relative was a KNU soldier. Stories such as this got around to neighboring Karen villages. The fear of becoming a porter led Htoo Htoo’s father to finally move his family. He had been waiting for the war to end but stories of forced slavery caused him to be afraid. He made the difficult decision to never return to their village and instead move with most of the village people to a new, safer location.
Despite having porters to carry their supplies, the Burmese military did not carry
[enough] food. Their modus operandi was to demand food from the villages they encountered, whether Burmese or Karen. When the military arrived at a village, they took whatever food and supplies they wanted – rice, animals, vegetables and, as Thaw Tu Htoo said, “everything, food, 70 clothing, kitchen items like pots and pans. Everything”. It was assumed that villages should provide supplies for their state military.
To limit the effectiveness of the Karen resistance army, the Burmese soldiers, once they had procured the supplies they wanted, decimated the Karen villages they suspected of supporting the Karen army. Mu Ga said “the [Burmese] military destroyed everything; my house, my food, my field. They burn everything. So, there was no place [to live], nothing to eat, nothing to live” with.
Sometimes, villagers heard the dreaded gunfire nearby and scurried to the forest. Paw Pa took her young children to the forest and waited. But the Burmese soldiers did not come to her village over the next few days. She was able to return to her unharmed home, but continued to live in fear, waiting for them to come for her village, which they eventually did. For Paw Pa, the
Burmese soldiers came to three more villages that she fled to. She “heard the gun shooting every day, every night” without rest, constantly in fear.
Eh Kaw spoke of the attack on his village:
It was night, about 10 o’clock pm and we were sleeping. The Burmese soldier came into the village and started a fire. We were shocked and scared. We left the village right away. We couldn’t take anything with us and we never returned.
Villagers spoke of instances of exerting a little bit of control over their situations despite their fears. Htoo Htoo remembered a time that a Burmese military patrol lost its way in the jungle and came upon their village. Htoo Htoo was fishing with his brother and father while his mom and sister had remained at their house. The Burmese military happened upon their home, which was located near their fields and away from other village structures. Although not sure what the 71
Burmese soldiers did, Htoo Htoo, who was younger than seven at the time, recounts that they did not “care much” about the woman and child. The woman and child, however, were terrified.
After a while, Htoo Htoo’s mother said that she was hungry and asked permission to leave the home to get food. The soldiers granted her permission. She, instead of obtaining food, rushed to warn the rest of village that enemy Burmese soldiers were in her house.
The Burmese military’s campaign to eliminate Karen resistance by destroying their supply chain (i.e. the local Karen villages) was not without foundation. Paw Eh Ku, who was only six or seven at the time, told the story of her Karen village being caught between the two warring factions and the actions she and other villager performed in order to try to control what happened to them. While the Karen army was supposedly fighting for her, they still demanded supplies from the local village. The Burmese military also required supplies from the same village. The Burmese military destroyed a village if it was suspected of aiding the Karen resistance army. When either army arrived in their village needing supplies, the village provided them. Occasionally the Karen army would patrol the area, checking in on local villages trying to protect them against Burmese military aggression or a Karen soldier would visit family inside the village. On different occasions the Burmese military would also come and talk to the village leader. Each time, when either Karen or Burmese military members came to the village, the villagers would make the soldiers’ footprints “disappear” by dragging leaves through the dust to obscure them. Then, when the Burmese would ask if the Karen army had been in town, the villagers would say “no.” Likewise, when the Karen army would ask if the Burmese had been in town, the villagers would also respond “no.” In this way, the villagers hoped to avoid being arrested and accused of being a spy, as well as to avoid fighting. This worked for some time until 72 a Karen soldier and a Burmese soldier arrived in the village at the same time. Fighting ensued and Paw Eh Ku was forced to leave her village.
The attacks of the Burmese military on the Karen elicited varied reactions. Za Lu, also tried to exert control over the situation in a different way. He tells his story:
My life in Burma, I am going to start when I was thirteen years old. I came to the Karen military in 1977. I never went to school because I saw what the Burmese military did every time they came to a village. They destroyed the villagers, the houses, killed the animals, destroyed their rice, the plants and killed the villagers, the innocent people. And sometimes they asked for porters. That is why I didn’t go to school and wanted to fight back [against] the Burmese soldier. That is why, when I was thirteen, I came to the Karen military and I came to be a Karen soldier.
Six years later, Za Lu lost his leg to a landmine explosion. After his long recovery, Za Lu continued to serve in the Karen military, although never again in the “fighting area.” Five years later he married. He and his wife were chased from village to village as they tried to escape the
Burmese military’s destruction.
There were many different “final straws” that eventually convinced the Karen refugees to abandon the home of their ancestors. When they did leave, very few had time to plan their departure, including packing and/or gathering the entire family to leave together. When Htoo
Htoo was seven, the Burmese military came to their village again. This time there was fighting, not a lost patrol. The entire village abandoned their homes and scattered in the nearby forest in fear. The family was unable to leave together. Htoo Htoo’s mom and sister went one direction while Htoo Htoo, his brother, and his father went another. When the villagers left, they were unable to take many supplies, including food. The fighting continued and the Burmese military remained in their village for over two weeks. Finally, after the fighting moved on for a time, the 73 villagers returned to their village to hurriedly collect “stuff they need” such as a pot, plates, spoons, clothing, and some food. In addition, the family was able to reunite before relocating.
Htoo Htoo said that the Burmese military installed land mines around their village so that the
Karen villagers would not return. In another case, Ko Mya’s mother wanted to return to her village after hiding in the forest. Unfortunately, the Karen patrol told her that it was too dangerous. Ko Mya never saw her home again after the age of seven.
Thaw Tu Htoo was only thirteen years old when he left Burma. He and his family were caught in the cycle of being attacked, fleeing, returning, then being attacked again several times.
Each time he fled, his parents could take very little with them and they lived on bamboo shoots and wild vegetables they could find in the forest. The last time he was in his village, he was playing with other children when the Burmese military arrived. All the villagers scattered and
Thaw Tu Htoo was with his aunt and uncle but not his parents or his brothers and sisters. This time, they were unable to return to their village. Thaw Tu Htoo continued to flee with his aunt and uncle, eventually arriving in the refugee camp and living with his grandparents. It was not until after his resettlement in the United States more than ten years later that Thaw Tu Htoo discovered the location of his parents, safe in another village in Burma.1
Unlike others who remember some time in Burma, La Hay was an infant when she left.
Like many infants and young children, she was carried by a family member as they raced to escape the Burmese military. The young children could not walk on their own and the additional human cargo further limited the total amount of food and supplies that a family could carry.
1 The parents and children have yet to be reunited as this time. 74
Before finally moving into a refugee camp, the Karen villagers often relocated many times and in many different border villages. Soe Soe spoke of when she had to “move to another place. Then the military go back, so [she] returned to the village. Then the military came again
[and started the cycle over]. Many times this happened” to her and her family. Sometimes the
Karen villagers relocated directly to a refugee camp, often they settled in one to several different villages for anywhere from a few weeks to several years. In every case, of those interviewed in
Aurora, eventually the Burmese military overtook these villages as well. Finally, the Karen villager became a refugee seeking refuge in a second country.
Not Free to Live: Living in Fear
At the beginning of every interview I asked the Karen refugee to tell me about Burma. I did not give them any parameters beyond that. None of them started with “I was born in such and such a year. My house looked like this. My father did this for a living.” Every person interviewed began their description of Burma with ideas of being afraid. Even when they would describe a detail, they usually included feelings of being afraid. They were afraid when they walked to school. They were afraid when they went to work. They were afraid when they played. They were afraid when they went to sleep. They were constantly afraid the Burmese military would show up and destroy their homes and families. Ka Nyaw Mu Po said that she “had to be aware every day, we have to make sure our things like our clothes and food were ready for an emergency, if something happens suddenly. One day the Burmese soldiers came and we grabbed our stuff, like basic rice and clothes and moved.” 75
Conclusion
For years, hill people such as the Karen maintained a subsistence living, growing and hunting all of their food, without much interaction with the central government. The yearly cycle of planting and harvesting was interwoven with births, marriages, and deaths as well as social events such as religious activities and seasonal festivals. As shown through the testimony of the
Karen refugees in Aurora, this dependable yearly cycle was disrupted by the presence of the
Burmese military. As the Karen attempted to continue their lifestyle, it was constantly interrupted and sabotaged by the actions of the Burmese military. The Karen were not free to live as they desired, or even as life necessitates, because they lived in constant fear. The only option left to them was to flee.
Chapter 4: Not Free to Leave: Life in the Refugee Camp
A few years ago, I did some informal research for a class paper. I wanted to ask my
Karen refugee friends about their life in Burma, the refugee camps, and the USA. I gathered several family members together in one room and asked them to take a piece of paper and the colored pencils provided. I simply asked them “I have never been to Burma, can you draw me a picture of Burma as you remember, please?” I have found that when speaking through a translator, many times fine points are left out to simplify and speed up the process. I hoped this method would allow them to draw whatever they wanted and I would then ask about details of the picture. It was beautiful. The pictures, in varying degrees of artistry, depicted homes on mountains, with green everywhere, but lots of color throughout. There were suns, clouds, and birds in the air. Every picture had a river close to the single home and most of them had people doing daily activities. Several of them even added flowers. We talked, laughed and I learned for about an hour. Then I asked them to do the same thing for the refugee camp. Every person who would participate (some would not even do it) chose a single color – black, brown, blue – to draw a tightly packed group of tent silhouettes. Occasionally there was a road, and maybe a cross for the church, but largely these drawings were boring, simple, and contained no life.
This activity, along with several conversations over the years, led me to believe that I would receive similar responses during the longer interviews conducted for this thesis. I expected there to be an array of descriptions of the refugee camp. I assumed there would be descriptions of the crowdedness, the dirtiness, the poverty, the lack of food, and the lack of things to do. The 77 assumptions proved true. Everybody described a different part of the camp, the part they remembered. But what surprised me the most, in fact the most surprising detail of the entire project, is that almost every person included in their description the idea of not being free. And while the exact words they spoke, some shared below, may seem nondescript, the emotion and tone of voice with which they spoke of this left no doubt that this feeling of confinement, not being free to leave, was the real tragedy of the refugee camp. This feeling of confinement is what prompted them to choose to leave permanently, to resettle to a third country.
Based on research around the world, the imbalance of power within refugee camps between outside aid workers and refugees has been shown to contribute to this feeling of confinement. Most often refugees worldwide are “contained” in camps that are administered by foreign government and non-government organizations. The camps provide a place of transformation of the refugee by the outside aid worker (Mortland 1987). The placement of refugee camps in rural, hard-to-access locations as well as the dependence of refugees on aid agencies for vital supplies often further contributes to this feeling of confinement as humanitarian aid often acts with a policing mentality (Agier 2011). In contrast, the Karen camps are located in Thailand, who has not approved the UNHCR Refugee Convention. In addition, while many foreign NGOs provide aid in the Karen camps, the camps themselves are administered by Karen, not outside agencies. The following chapter first provides a history specific to the Karen camps as described by The Border Consortium, which has been present in those camps from the beginning as well as details specific to the Karen refugees in Aurora. The second part of the chapter includes the information directly obtained by the refugees as they told 78 about the transition from village to refugee camp and about their lives while they and their family lived in the camp.
The Camps
The Karen, since joined by several other ethnic groups such as Shan, Kachin, Karenni, and Mon, have been in armed conflict with the Burmese military since 1949. Due to their inaccessibility, life had continued with little change during these years for many farmers and ordinary hill people. There were occasional skirmishes and certainly the Four Cuts1 Policy of
General Ne Win Oo in the early 1960s, which intended to cut the supplies to insurgent groups, periodically, but adversely, affected those Karen close to the Burmese military advancements. In
January 1984 Burmese troops entered deep pockets of ethnic areas, sending nearly 10,000 people into neighboring Thailand. Many assumed this was another short-lived inconvenience and they would return home soon. However, this was a large-scale attack and Thailand reacted a month later by asking volunteer agencies working on the other side of the country with Cambodian,
Lao, and Vietnamese refugees to come assess and assist this new refugee situation. Upon arrival, the agencies found the new refugees to be extremely well organized. The new arrivals had already begun to create camps much like their villages. Schools and medical facilities, however rudimentary, were in place and supplies were being provided by contacts within the Karen
Christian community. The visiting established NGOs formed a plan to work with the well-run
1 As explained in Chapter 2, following General Ne Win Oo’s rise in power, the military leaders developed the Four Cuts program, which was designed to cut the four major links between insurgents and local villages: food, funds, intelligence and recruits. While it was meant to hurt the insurgent armies, it really hurt Karen communities and villages. 79
Karen communities to coordinate administration and provision of the refugee population (Barron
2004).
Unfortunately, the 1984 attacks did not end. What started in 1984 with 10,000 (mostly)
Karen refugees crossing into Thailand had grown to 80,000 by 1994. Just three years later the number was 115,000. Twenty years later, in 2004, when Between Worlds: Twenty Years on the
Border was compiled and published, the number had grown to 154,000 refugees in nine camps along the Burma/Thailand border. Also in 2004, the UNHCR (United Nations High Commission of Refugees) reported numbers of over 120,000 registered camp inhabitants (The Border
Consortium – TBC 2004). The high point (to date) of registered camp population reached
165,214 in August 2007 (TBC). In December 2016, thirty-three years after the initial arrival of
10,000 temporary refugees, TBC reported a population of ten Karen refugee camps of over
102,000 individuals. An additional nearly 9,000 were in five IDP (Internally Displaced) camps within Burma’s borders.
The number of the refugee camps has expanded and decreased over time. Some camps have combined with nearby camps or completely disappeared. In 2004, the camps, in English transliteration, included, from northernmost to southernmost, Ban Kwai, Ban Mae Surin (both are Karenni1 camps), Mae La Oon, Mae Ra Ma Luang, Mae La, Umpiem Mai, NuPo, Ban Don
1 Karenni, or “Red Karen,” are another ethnic group closely related to the Karen. It is beyond the scope of this study to explain the distinction. For the sake of this description of camps, the Karenni camps are often included in the total number of Karen camps, but then further separated in the details, just as I have done here. 80
Figure 1 Map of refugee camps (TBC 2004:3)
Yang and Tham Hin.1 A map of these camps, along with small x’s demarcating former refugee 81 camps, is in Between Worlds: Twenty Years on the Border. This map (see figure 1) and book was used by the translators during the interviews at various times to provide perspective or to clarify descriptions of travel.
Of the seven Karen refugee camps of 2004, the twenty-six Aurora Karen refugees interviewed had lived in five of them: twelve of them lived in Tham Hin, three in Mae La, three in Umpiem Mai, three in Ma La Oon, and two in Ban Don Yang. Tham Hin, as stated previously, is the southernmost Karen refugee camp in Thailand and the closest to Bangkok. In 2004, it had an approximate population of 9,500. Proceeding northward the populations were: Ban Don
Yang, 3,600; Umpiem Mai, 18,000; Mae La, 48,000; and Ma La Oon, 14,000.
Per TBC, the Karen Refugee Committee (KRC) administered the camps largely from the beginning. The Thai Ministry of Interior (MOI) is responsible for governmental oversight. The
MOI oversees a Coordinating Committee for Services to Displaced Persons in Thailand which works with several INGOs (International Non-Government Agencies) as well local and district authorities. The UNHCR, which oversees all refugee programs, began the group resettlement process of Burmese refugees in 2005 with [unrealized] plans for completion in 2014 (UNHCR
2014).
The Karen refugees interviewed for this project represent a small percentage of Karen refugees and an even smaller percentage of Karen. It is important to remember, also, that this small representation of Karen are those who have chosen to uproot their family from their homeland to come to a country that has snow, a different language, and different way of life.
Despite the daunting obstacles, the Karen who were interviewed obviously hated the refugee camps so much that they chose to leave the camps and thereby abandon the possibility of a return 82 to Burma. So, one does not expect the individuals interviewed for this thesis to have favorable opinions of the camps.
Getting to the Camp
Once the Karen villager decided to seek refuge in a camp, it was not a simple task of just driving up and being admitted. Usually because of direct Burmese military attack, individuals, families or entire villages would relocate. Htoo Htoo remembers the day:
…some people were cooking and they had to leave the food because they were in such a hurry and so afraid. Some people died in the fighting and one woman had a baby and it died…
Ko Mya was 10 when she was in school one day:
…I was in school with friends and teachers when they heard the gunfire of the enemy soldier. I was afraid. I ran from school to home and found my parents packing a bag to leave the house and run again…
Ko Mya’s family intended to go to a refugee camp in Thailand, but they were met with
Thai soldiers who made them sleep outside the camp for over a week. Paw Soe said that this time was sort of like a vetting process as the Thai soldiers did not want any Karen resistance army personnel (Karen National Union (KNU)) in the refugee camps. Because the villagers left in a hurry and could not carry much, if anything, they experienced much hunger and sleep deprivation. Ta Kaw Paw described this time, between village and camp, as “a very shameful place.”
Za Lu, an adult male, remembers this time because he was forcefully separated from his wife and two small daughters. As a male, he was not allowed to join the other refugees 83 immediately. Thankfully, this was usually resolved within a couple of weeks, but the uncertainty during that time was stressful to all members of the family. Ta Tha Blay, another adult male, spent this time with a group of Karen men going back to the abandoned villages helping those who were unable to leave themselves such as the infirmed, disabled, and the aged. In an incredible, but not surprising, act of humanitarianism, Ta Tha Blay and his group also rescued and helped enemy Burmese soldiers who had either fled the army or had been abandoned as too ill to carry on. Ta Tha Blay supposed he…
…helped 30-40 [Burmese soldiers]. We gave them food and helped them until they could walk well… Some wanted to go home so we helped them return to their village. Some do not want to go back because they hate the Burmese or are afraid. They became KNU. Others just wanted to go Thailand to get a job.
Life in the Camps
Daily Life
Once they arrived at the camps, the refugees were given food and allowed to rest, if only for the first night. Paw Pa said that when she arrived in the refugee camp that it was “a little better because UNHCR came and gave us rice, food, and firewood. And they gave us bamboo
[and wood] to build a house.” Lu Lu was relieved to get to a camp so she did not need to “worry about the Burmese military in the refugee camp.” Even though the refugee camp was “little better” than the villages they had fled, most expressed the same sentiment Paw Soe did when she said that upon arrival she “felt like she don’t want to live in the camp”. Some, like Paw Soe and
Ka Nyaw Mu Poe, arrived in the camp before there was a school, hospital, or a church. In those beginning days, UNHCR provided bamboo and wood for houses. As time went on, and in other 84 camps, Tha Kaw said refugees did not “have enough bamboo and wood for houses, but the Thai military won’t let the people cut bamboo.” The houses were small, crowded, dirty, and “in lines.”
Despite the allegedly well-calculated, nutritionally based rations of rice, fortified flour, fish paste, iodized salt, mung beans, cooking oil, dried chilies and sugar (Dwe & Clark: 2011) provided by UNHCR and other NGOs, most refugees spoke of being hungry as well as not having adequate food that they really liked, such as green vegetables and meat. Paw Soe said she never had enough food; she was always hungry. Lah Luechoed that saying UNHCR “gave food such as rice and oil, which should be enough for each family. But it was never enough. There was not enough for the children to eat.” Lack of food, lack of favorite foods, as well as lack of clothing and other household items not included in rations, led most refugees to find additional household income.
As the years wore on, the camps had more services, including health services. Most refugees received better healthcare in the camps compared to in their villages, but it was still subpar. Lah Lu’s husband died from an apparent ulcer but was only given paracetamol
(acetaminophen) for treatment.2 In addition, Lah Lu cared for, and resettled to the US with, a boy whose parents had died in the camp. Unfortunately, Paw Paw’s father, who was sick before arriving only lived about two months in the camp; the health clinic could not help him. As refugees, the Karen were denied general access to better established Thai healthcare because, as
Ta Tha Blay said, “in the refugee camp, we have to follow Thai law. The Thai law says we cannot go out.”
2 This assessment of medical care as lacking was Lah Lu’s opinion. 85
Some refugees said they did nothing while they were in the camp. Tha Kaw lived in the camp for 20 years. When I asked her to tell me about the camp, she said she “didn’t do anything” and even when I further prodded, she continued to say she “didn’t do anything, just went to school.” She had gone to school, lived, married, and started a family but the overall feeling was that she had done “nothing.” Most reported similar stories of continuing life: they went to school, some got married, some bore children, some continued raising the children they had brought into the camp.
Most refugees reported that the chance for education was a positive of life in the camps.
Whether they stayed in school or not, all the school age refugees that I interviewed attended several years of school. Because they could start in the first standard (first grade equivalent) no matter their age, children who had never attended school now had that opportunity, even if they were teenagers. Ma Nyunt’s attended school for the first time in the camp. Due to a sick father,
Paw Paw had never had the opportunity to attend school in the villages she had lived. When she arrived in camp at age fifteen, she attended school for the first time gladly learning to read and write.
Students routinely had seven subjects in school: Karen language, English language,
Burmese language, science, math, social studies (or history, mostly Karen) and geography. La
Hay only studied five subjects in the younger grades: Karen, Thai, English, Burmese and math.
After completing their own coursework, some refugees began to work in the schools as teachers and administrators. Htoo Htoo, who had started school in Burma, completed high school and then began teaching fifth grade social studies. After one year, he began working in the administration side of the school, working directly with the NGO and speaking to visitors. 86
Education was not Htoo Htoo’s passion, he said he only worked there because it was an available job. Others, like Paw Pa, had been teachers before arriving in the camp so she taught in the camp as well.
Not all school-age children felt that education was the highlight of refugee camp. Aurora3 remembered going to school but as soon has he had done his after-school chore of watering the garden he spent his time playing volleyball. He was even part of a high school team that travelled outside of the camp for competitions. Other times he snuck out to swim in the lake and other adventures. As many teenage boys, he was equally afraid of being caught by his parents or the
Thai authorities. La Hay, who came to the camp as a toddler, remembers helping her mom and using bamboo to make little houses to play with. Of course, there was no money for toys or electronics in the camps.
Paw Soe was an exceptional refugee teenager. She arrived at Tham Hin refugee camp when she was a young girl, already addicted to learning. In Burma, she had traveled over an hour each way every day in order to attend school. At Tham Hin she began in fifth standard and eventually graduated high school. Upon graduation, she started a special college, FSP (Further
Study Professional) and attended classes to get her GED in the evenings. She was granted special permission to travel back to Burma to attend a school and return to the area to be an education trainer. In addition, she was an activist in the KWO (Karen Women’s Organization), KYO
(Karen Youth Organization), KSO (Karen School Organization) as well as programs against sexual and gender violence. While Paw Soe was exceptionally involved, many other refugees reported involvement in community organizations as well.
3 Aurora is a pseudonym. In some cases, the participants chose their own pseudonym. This is the case for Aurora. Even though it may be confusing in this paper as it matches the city in which he resides, I honored his request. 87
As reported by the TBC, the refugee camps use refugee labor for all aspects of the camp administration (Barron 2004:7–8). Many refugees worked for various INGOs, some received pay, some received extra rations. ZaLu acted as the section leader for Zone 3, Section 3. He was responsible for the section roster and food disbursements for around 120 families, roughly 300-
400 people. Eh Kaw worked for the INGO who provided water for the camp. Eh Kaw would turn the well pumps on every morning so that refugees could get their daily water ration.
Some of these in-camp positions paid wages, but several refugees found other ways to add household cash within the camp. Yah Yah and Kaw Thu Lay were weavers. Yah Yah had learned in the village in Burma by watching her mother. When she came to the camp she would weave bags and clothes to sell them to other Karen in the camp. She could make a little money for her household. Kaw Thu Lay did not arrive in the camp knowing how to weave. She learned by watching others and was soon making garments to sell. By selling garments that she wove, she could have clothes that she said she would not otherwise have been able to have. Kaw Thu
Lay wove because she needed clothes. For her, weaving was a chore done out of necessity, like gathering wood for fire. Neither woman has used a loom since resettling. Yah Yah’s eyes cause her problems, but more importantly, her children do not want her to have to work so hard. Kaw
Thu Lay, on the other hand, does not want to be reminded of the hard life of the refugee camp.4
Other refugees spoke of operating food carts to supplement their income as well.
4 Since these interviews, Yah Yah, Kaw Thu Lay, and Paw Pa traveled to NIU to demonstrate how to use a donated back strap loom. None of the women had even seen a loom since they had left the refugee camp several years ago. Like seeing an old friend, they quickly and efficiently put the loom in working order and proceeded to weave. Yah Yah was the first to weave and quickly fell into rhythm. Kaw Thu Lay, though, surprised herself with how much she enjoyed the weaving process. She exhibited exceptional design techniques and enthusiasm for the process. 88
Even though there were not enough jobs inside the camps, refugees, according to Paw Eh
Ku, were “not allowed to have a job outside of camp” per Thai government law. Ta Kaw Paw said that if refugees left the camp to get a job, “they have to be careful of the Thai authority people. If the refugee is not careful, the Thai authority people can arrest them and send them away to [an area outside of Ban Don Yang camp where disobedient Tham Hin refugees were sent for punishment].”
The threat of punishment did not stop the refugees from leaving camp for jobs, though.
Despite constant fear of Thai officials, most refugees interviewed had household income from day labor jobs in the area. Paw Eh Ku said that…
…after fifth grade, I saw that many of my friends had beautiful clothes and pretty shoes but because I have such a large family, I feel like that I do not have too much beautiful clothes and shoes. Because of school fees, I don’t have any money. So, I quit school and went to Thailand to get a job.
Soe Soe did not like school in the refugee camp and, since there were not rules that said she had to attend, she quit school and began working as a day laborer for nearby Thai Karen in their fields. Mu Ga’s first husband, and the father of her daughter, abandoned her before she left
Burma. In the camp, she met her second husband while both worked as day laborers. Tha Kaw finished school, got married, and began working as a day laborer as well. However, she said that her “husband did not like his job [as a day laborer outside of camp] because he was afraid of the
Thai military. When they catch people, they took them away from the refugee camp.”
In addition to day labor and other wage earning positions, refugees found various other ways to earn extra household cash. Yah Yah said that it was very hard to go out and that there was no opportunity to look for a job, yet her husband left the camp regularly to cut bamboo and 89 bring it back to sell it to other refugees who had paying jobs, such as teachers and those who worked for NGOs in camp.
Kaw Thu Lay’s parents worked during the week in a Mon village while she was in school. On the weekends, her family would travel several hours into the mountain to collect bamboo shoots and vegetables to sell. Sometimes her father would cut large bamboo and carry it all the way back to camp. In addition, they would go to the forest to collect firewood. This allowed the family to sell the charcoal they received as a ration from the UNHCR for additional household cash.
Ta Tha Blay provided for his family by working outside of the camp as well. But, in addition to earning money, Ta Tha Blay witnessed, and helped, victims of human trafficking that, he says, was unfortunately common in the area. Here is his story:
I worked in a Thai village where I cut bamboo. I met three girls [ages 16, 18, and 21] who were trafficked; three Karen girls from Mae La refugee camp. They were sold by people to get money and they didn’t know how or where to go. I built a tent by the river and another tent [close by] was the girls’ tent… At night, before I went to bed I would read my Bible. The girls saw me read my special book and asked if I was a Christian. I said, “Yes, I am a Christian” and they requested prayer. So, I prayed for them and helped them. At first I didn’t know what was going on. But I looked at them and thought they looked different, like something different was going on with them. After about a month, the girls started to tell me what had happened. In 1995 they had been trafficked and I met them in 1997. The people who took them said they would be safe but sold them instead. The man [in the tent with them] was going to sell two of them again, but keep one for his wife. I decided to help. I don’t speak Thai well and I knew that if I talked to the men [in the tent] there would be trouble. So, I talked to a Thai soldier, who handcuffed me in front of the tent and took me away. That night we returned to the tent and asked the girls to come down. The girls were scared because they do not have Thai picture ID. I told the girls to trust me, that I could only help them this one time so they had to act. They came with the Thai soldier. The Thai soldier sent the girls back to refugee camp. I made my way back to the camp and spoke to the Karen Woman Organization and told them that the girls were victims of human trafficking so they helped them. 90
Ta Tha Blay was also pleased to say that he knows where the three girls are today. One has resettled in Illinois, not far from Aurora, and he gets to see her often.
Not Free to Leave: Feeling Confined
Whether to go to a job, harvest wood for resale, tend gardens along the river, or travel, the refugees spoke of “sneaking”5 out of the camps on a regular basis. But in the same interviews, the refugees spoke of the overwhelming sense of not being free to leave the camp and not being free in general; a feeling of confinement. These feelings were expressed not as a direct response to a question, but would arise in various situations. For example, when I asked about education, Thaw Tu Htoo mentioned that he “wanted to go to school in a different place, but it is very difficult to go because you have the Thai police around the refugee camp.” Paw Soe said that “when I lived in Tham Hin refugee camp, we couldn’t go out, we couldn’t go outside of the camp. When we do, the Thai police catched the people.”
According to a Human Rights Watch report, the Thai government’s refugee policies are quite inadequate. Thailand has not accepted the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of
Refugees nor the 1967 Protocol. This “lack of legal framework leaves refugees…uncertain”
(Human Rights Watch 2012:1). The refugees are not allowed to obtain legal status, forcing them to choose between camps where they are protected from arrest but not free to leave, or to live
5 As stated in the methodology section, this term “sneak” was provided by me to the interpreter in one of the first interviews. Mu Ka Naw was searching for an English word to describe the situation. I provided the term “sneak” and even added a wavy hand motion. After the interview, we talked more about the word and its connotations of being against the rules and usually done in a stealthy manner. From that moment on, anytime a Karen described leaving the camp, the interpreter would use the term “sneak” and add the wavy hand motion. I believe most of the time the word was used in its proper context, but I cannot be sure. Therefore, when I read the transcripts and see the word “sneak”, I am not sure if it implies all that most native English speakers would assume. 91
[without legal status] outside of the camps where they are constantly subject to arrest and deportation. Coupled with a recent decrease in aid available to these camps, the Karen refugees on the Thai/Burmese border suffer abuse and exploitation by the Thai officials. “Fear, uncertainty, and a feeling of powerlessness [make camp refugees wonder] whether justice is available to them” (Human Rights Watch 2012:3). “While these camps offer their residents relatively more protection than for Burmese living outside the camps, the Thai government imposes harsh restrictions on refugees’ freedom of movement, prohibiting residents from leaving the camps, earning income, or their children from obtaining a good quality education” (Human
Rights Watch 2012:2).
Conclusion
Life in the refugee camps was not easy. Despite the relative stability and availably of education, medical help, food rations, and family members close by, the refugees that were interviewed did not like living in the camps. As they spoke of the everyday activities, the words they used (or that the interpreter used), their tone of voice, and their body language conveyed an overwhelming sense of confinement. On one hand, it was voluntary. They had chosen to escape to the refugee camps. But on the other hand, they felt oppressed, dehumanized, and that the Thai soldiers were exerting control over every aspect of their lives. Thus, it was the refugee’s opinions that this “police mentality of confinement” (Agier 2011) came not from humanitarian aid agencies, but from the Thai authorities. Under different circumstances and in a second country, once again, the Karen refugees were not free from fear. The Karen refugees were not free to leave the camps, thus creating a feeling of living in confinement.
Chapter 5: Freedom and Liberty: Life in the United States
Introduction
For the Karen refugees, the decision to leave the refugee camp and resettle to a third country was an effort to take back some control of their life, to regain a portion of their humanness, and to flee oppression once again. Ka Nyaw Mu Poe just did not like the refugee camp: “it was crowded, the houses were crowded together. It is not good for our health to live so close. Also, the water is not clean and there was not enough food.” Htoo Htoo, a young married man with two small daughters, decided to resettle for his children. He had “lived in the refugee camp for ten years and nothing improved.” Despite living in the camps for many years, not every refugee wanted to relocate. The thought of permanently leaving family members haunts many.
Ta Kaw Paw had registered to resettle at age 16 before she was married. Once she got married, her husband could resettle with her, but he was “50/50…because his mom is in Burma, somewhere in Burma, maybe in the jungle or somewhere in a village. I told him, ‘If you love me you need to come with me.’” Her husband decided to join her. Many Karen refugees had been told for several years that third countries could provide them with opportunities for jobs and a better life. However, until one of their relatives resettled and reported back, they were not convinced. Htoo Htoo came because of his brother and Paw Paw came because of her brother.
Despite whether initially skeptical or excited, the Karen refugees in Aurora eventually made the transition. This chapter first provides background information about Karen in the United States, the city of Aurora, Illinois, World Relief in Aurora, organizations that help refugees in Aurora, 94 as well as a local Karen church to understand the Karen in Aurora. The last part of the chapter provides details, both observed and recorded during interviews, of aspects of their life in the
United States as they begin to experience a life of freedom and liberty.
Background of Refugees in Aurora
Karen in the US
According to UNCHR, by 2012 nearly 70,000 Karen refugees had been resettled in the
United States alone with more since then. The largest Karen populations are in Fort Wayne,
Indiana and St Paul, Minnesota with a combined population estimated to be around 10,000, through both initial resettlement and secondary relocation. However, as of 2011, there were 136 established Karen churches in 36 states from California to New York, Minnesota to Florida
(Karen Konnection 2017). While this is not an exclusive list of Karen in the United States, based on observations and conversations within the Karen community, it is fair to assume that Karen refugees attend all of these (136) churches and that every Karen community will have a church.
Of note, however, in the two cases of which there is first hand data, there are more churches than listed in the 2011 database. In St. Paul, one of the two churches visited is not listed and in
Aurora, the church has now split into two separate congregations. These instances would lead one to believe that there could be more situations such as these across the US. In addition, in
2011, there could have been many communities who had not yet formed a church. However, what this information does provide is the understanding that Karen refugees have been resettled throughout a large part of the United States and not in just a few areas. Interaction between these communities is getting easier, but is, of course, geographically limited. The exact numbers are hard to find, but based on observations, around 200 Karen live in the Aurora area. 95
Aurora, Illinois
Aurora is quite a contrast from the villages of Burma and the camps of Thailand. In 1834, around the time the Karen were gaining a written language, a settlement along the Fox River was established. In 1837, with the establishment of a post office, the city was officially named
Aurora. In 1881, Aurora became one of the first cities in the United States to use all-electric street lights, thus earning the nickname “City of Lights”. With a population of 197,800 in 2010,
Aurora is the second largest city, behind Chicago, in the state of Illinois. In the 1990s, Aurora had a large amount of gang violence. With adoption of focused programs, such as Operation
First Degree Burn, between the Aurora Police department and the FBI, gang membership and the resulting violence has been decreasing. For example, the high incidence of murders has been drastically reduced, from an average nearly 30 a year in the 1990s to zero in 2012.
A city the size of Aurora demands a certain degree of infrastructure. Aurora is home to two hospitals, which are now part of greater Chicago health system networks. Public transportation involves a bus system as well as commuter train access, which is the final stop connected to Chicago’s Metra system. Aurora University, two campuses of Waubonsee
Community College, and a branch of Rasmussen College are located in Aurora. There are three main public school systems in Aurora as well as Catholic, Christian, and Montessori private schools and IMSA (Illinois Mathematics and Science Academy), a publicly funded residential magnet school. Three school districts serve the Aurora city: East, West, and Indian Prairie.
Indian Prairie is in the far eastern portion of Aurora and relatively new. East and West, the original two districts, are divided by the Fox River, which the downtown district and historical district straddles. In recent years, the East side has seen a population growth of native Spanish- 96 speakers. Because of that, the East side school district has transitioned to a bilingual system in which a student can choose to take a class, such as algebra, in English or Spanish. In contrast, the
West side, with a graduating class of around 750 students each year from its one high school, has a much more developed ESL (English as a Second Language) curriculum for elementary through high school students serving multiple languages. Due to this factor, refugees are resettled primarily on the West side of Aurora, in the West school district, as this provides the greatest chance of educational success for refugee children but also allows the refugee family to take advantage of favorable rent rates and the rest of Aurora’s infrastructure.
World Relief Organization in Aurora
World Relief Organization (WRO), the agency that provides federal government prescribed resettlement services to the refugees in Aurora, Illinois, began as a war relief organization in 1944. Throughout the decades, their programs have grown in number to include, among others, refugee resettlement in the 1970s. The World Relief office in Aurora (WRA) opened in 1999. The office in Aurora is part of a dual office with World Relief DuPage in
Wheaton, making it the largest WR office in the United States. The two offices share some resources, but generally meet the needs of their clients independently. In contrast, there is an additional World Relief office in Chicago with which there is little interaction. WRA provides initial resettlement services through case workers, English classes, job training (although these have recently been eliminated due to the freeze of refugee resettlement and the attached funding), job services, education and child services, as well as legal services. Over the last decade, WRA has primarily resettled Bhutanese/Nepali and Burmese refugees, with only a few
Middle Eastern, eastern Europe, and African refugees. 97
As with all VOLAGs (Volunteer Agencies), WRA depends heavily on volunteers to provide a full range of services to refugees. A full-time positon of Volunteer Coordinator handles the paperwork of volunteers, trains volunteers, and focuses on establishing volunteer networks.
Apartments are stocked with donated items installed by volunteers. Airport pick up is usually done by volunteers using the provided WRA 15-passenger van. English classes are taught by staff teachers but assisted by a team of volunteers, some who also provide on-site childcare.
Tutoring sessions are designed by the director of child services but additionally staffed by volunteers, including high school students from IMSA. Friendship partners are volunteers assigned to individual families to help them acclimate to their new surroundings. Volunteers provide a multitude of services and goods which WRA manages and assigns. WRA aims to provide these services for three years to new refugees.
‘Structure of Refuge’
World Relief Agency is contracted with the government to make sure that refugees take advantage of opportunities available not only to all immigrants but also benefits available only to refugees. Nazli Kibria called these “refugee only” governmental structures, such as employment assistance, ESL classes, and others, “the structure of refuge” (1993). But he furthered this discussion by including other social connections that grow out refugee’s interactions with volunteers that benefit the refugees outside of government structures.
Volunteers who collaborate with WRA often become quite passionate about refugee situations and some develop personal relationships with refugees. In some cases, volunteers provide services beyond those of the WRA umbrella. These volunteers, as opposed to WRA, are not limited to providing services for only recently resettled refugees. In Aurora, First Baptist 98
Church of Geneva (FBCG),6 a large church about twenty minutes away, provides a weekly after- school program for elementary school children. FBCG has also hosted Christmas parties in which every refugee child7 who attends, over 100 a few years ago, and their families, share a holiday meal and enjoy a Christmas program while each child receives a generous Christmas gift. FBCG also provides a summer program that can last a week or, on other occasions, one day a week all summer. Among the Karen refugees, especially the adults, by far the favorite service provided by FBCG is Ladies Tea Time. This group meets weekly on Thursday afternoons and is a time for any refugee woman in the community to gather with others to practice English, build community, do crafts, share about themselves, and learn about America. Often this group will go on outings in the community designed to both bring families together but to also expose the refugees to activities they might not try on their own, such as visiting a pumpkin patch in the fall.
The small church basement where they meet in their neighborhood has a kitchen. It is here, with instruction provided by the American women, that many refugee women learn their way around the unfamiliar American kitchen. One of the things several Karen women are quite proud of is that they can prepare a traditional American Thanksgiving dinner for their family.
In addition to FBCG, there are a multitude of businesses as well as religious and community organizations who also contribute above what WRA, as the designated resettlement agency, can provide. One church provides garden space to refugees in their extra lawn space.
Another church provides space for Ladies Tea Time and other meetings as well as space for semi-organized recreation in their yard. There are several local businesses who have developed
6 This church is in the process of changing their name to Chapelstreet Church. 7 Not just Karen refugees, but the entire Aurora refugee community that includes a much larger population of Hindu Nepali and others. See chapters 5 and 7 for more discussion regarding the availability of services based on religion. 99 practices of hiring any available refugee into their entry level positions. IMSA provides space and volunteers for after school tutoring sessions.
There are many community organizations in Aurora that help refugees. For example, one helps refugees buy a house. The organization owns several homes in Aurora that are maintained by various other volunteers and/or volunteer organizations. The refugee family can move into the home for roughly 18 months, depending on circumstances. The refugee continues to pay the same amount of rent as they were paying. However, the community organization allows the refugee to deposit this money into a savings account with the goal of saving enough for a down payment on their own home. The refugee is always in control of their money, but the organization has developed several programs which, if followed, prepare the refugee for home ownership, including budgeting and home maintenance. In addition, several individuals within this organization are aware of many grants and other moneys available to first time home owners. The organization works hard to enroll refugees in educational classes and other programs which allow the refugees to take advantage of these services that they might not otherwise know about. Through this program, several refugees have navigated the home-buying process, which is new to them, and become homeowners. To date, there has not been a Karen family who has taken advantage of the full program, but many have benefited from the educational aspect of this organization.8
Whether through an initial introduction to refugees through WRA or through a later interaction in the community, volunteers as well as local organizations choose to help and encourage refugees, sometimes purely based on the fact that they are refugees. Aurora has a
8 Though many Karen own homes, they simply have not participated in the full program. 100 large immigrant community but the refugee sector benefits from some relationships solely because they are refugees.
KBCWC History
Not all Karen in the United States have resettled as refugees. Throughout its complicated history, Burma has allowed Karen individuals to seek higher education. Some have made the
United States their home. Dr Angelene Naw, after receiving education in Burma and Hawaii and teaching in Burma and Singapore, became a professor at Judson University in Elgin, Illinois in
2002. In 2007, she, along with her son, became aware of Karen refugees who had resettled in the area. Even though Elgin is nearly 45 minutes away from Aurora, a core group of individuals starting meeting to provide community, a social network, and religious services in Karen
[language] to the small group of refugees in the form of the Karen Baptist Church of Western
Chicago (KBCWC). Celebrating its tenth anniversary in 2017, the congregation has grown and holds a central position in the Karen community in Aurora. While most of the Karen refugees identified as Christian (mostly protestant Baptist) in both Burma and the camps, KBCWC works to meet the needs, especially physical, of all Karen refugees in Aurora, regardless of religious affiliation. The leaders of KBCWC feel strongly that there needs to continue to be a Karen language church option for the Karen refugees, possibly for many decades. While all the school aged children, especially those who have been born here or arrived before age six, will become fluent in English, there are many (for example, La Hay who is only 22) who will never be able to speak or understand English enough to participate in meaningful worship in English. It is out of respect for these older refugees that a Karen church continues to exist. 101
Life in the United States
Packing for a trip is difficult. Packing a house for a move is even more difficult. What to bring? What is important? When asked what the Karen refugee brought to the United States, the list varied but it was always very short. The refugee is only allowed one 23 kg bag per person to pack everything they wish to remember their homeland with as well as everything they wish to take to their new home. Among the first refugees, they would try to bring items needed to set up a new house. Ta Kaw Paw tells her story…
I brought some clothes, Karen clothes, and some food for my kids. And my mom put in a pan in my clothes because we thought, in America, they don’t have pans. We bring it but the pans broke in the airplane.
This story provided much laughter as Ta Kaw Paw and her mother, Paw Pa, looked back at their assumption that America would not have pans. When Paw Pa followed her daughter just a few weeks later she made a few adjustments based on her daughter’s report:
My daughter told me you don’t have to bring anything because when we live in the America we have EVERYTHING. You don’t have to bring any house things.
Reports back to the camp from refugees who had already resettled altered packing plans in other ways as well. Yah Yah tells her story of why she brought five met6al plates:
When I came to the United States, somebody told me that I don’t have to bring anything, nothing, because whatever you bring, someone will check it and throw it away or tax you. But, I brought five metal plates because there were five people in my family. Somebody told me when I live in the United States, the United States plates are heavy and when they drop, they break and I would need to buy more.
102
Karen clothes were noted repeatedly among the refugees who said they “only brought the clothes, the Karen clothes.” Observations conclude that refugees bring everyday clothes to wear as well. Soon these clothing items are replaced, but upon arrival each refugee has at least a few clothes to wear every day. The omission of listing these mundane clothing items is noted. In addition, several mentioned bringing a Bible in the Karen language and Aurora said he also brought a Karen hymnal. Based on their conversations with already resettled refugees, the Karen refugees learned that in the United States almost everything was available with no need to bring it. However, if a Karen refugee wanted something explicitly Karen such as clothing, a Karen
Bible, or a Karen hymnal, they should make room in their limited luggage to bring those items.
Just like Lah Lu, many refugees also packed their bags with “stuff that people asked her to bring with her” such as jewelry and Karen clothing. Often these items are sold to Karen refugees upon arrival allowing someone to make a small profit. Htoo Htoo also brought a
“chopping knife” that he continues to use for all kinds of purposes around his house such as chopping meat and vegetables. This knife is about 18 inches long with a blade width of two to three inches and had been indispensable in his life in and around the jungle for chopping food as well as wood and bamboo.
With these few items, Karen refugees arrive at their new apartment to start their new life, which promises many opportunities for education, work, and freedom. The apartments prepared by WRA in Aurora, tend to be located close together. Some are single-story, ground-level apartments, some are multi-story apartment complexes with single-floor apartments. But there are also many apartments in older single-family multi-story homes that have been remodeled to accommodate several individual apartments. Upon arrival, the refugee finds furniture and 103 household supplies for their family. In all of these tight living arrangements, the Karen refugees quickly learn to take advantage of outdoor spaces for social gathering, kids playing, and vegetable growing.
Just like in the camps, Karen refuges soon realized that vegetables they were accustomed to were not readily available in the United States, especially the very small, very hot red peppers that is a favorite and essential ingredient in every meal. Since resettling, Karen refugees have taken advantage of almost any scrap of ground they could to augment their diet with greens they grow themselves. Doh Kwah, an elderly gentleman, lived in one of the ground-level apartments for four years. With very little space, he squeezed in sunflowers, cucumbers, tomatoes, and, of course, peppers into a space of about six inches wide and ten feet long. Now, Doh Kwah, as do many other Karen, has acquired an assortment of lumber for raised beds, metal fencing for trellises, and nearly a hundred pots in which he plants a large variety of vegetables and flowers in his current apartment. In addition, Doh Kwah has a few plots at the Aurora city community garden where he and his friend, Za Lu, frequently ride their bicycles to tend throughout the summer. Plus, Doh Kwah has a couple more plots at a community garden provided by a local church. Multiple garden plots are not unusual. Za Lu, who owns his home, also has a modest backyard planted in vegetables as well as sunflowers planted in the garden by the front porch.
Instead of being able to garden in one location, most Karen utilize several gardens to meet their needs. This takes a great deal of time and effort, which many employed Karen cannot do. Ta Tha
Blay, owns his home and his backyard is extensively planted in vegetables and other greens. Ta
Tha Blay’s cucumber patch was roughly 30 feet by 60 feet, the back portion of his yard. But he still had at least that much room again for a very large patch of peppers and long beans. Several 104
Karen utilize freezers, even purchasing chest freezers, to preserve the buckets and buckets of little red chilies they grow for use during the winter. Besides gardening, many Karen take advantage of the nearby Fox River to catch fish, which are commonly frozen until needed.
When asked, “What was easy about living in the United States and what was difficult,” there was wide range of answers. Soe Soe said “everything is hard. It’s hard to go to the clinic to see a doctor. I don’t know how to go and I don’t know how to speak to the doctor. And I don’t know how to use the LINK (government provided cash assistance for food) card.” Paw Pa, however, acknowledge language difficulty but said “it is very difficult to speak English. And everything else is easy…to cook, to shower, to use lights. When we were in the camp, we had to carry our water. And when we want to cook, we had to cut the firewood.” Paw Eh Ku further explained, “The apartment is very clean and I’m free to live here without worry…The bed is very comfortable. The water is clean. The cooking is very convenient, you just turn on the gas.
The water is very convenient, you just turn on the water.”
The language difficulty in medical situations is felt by nearly all Karen refugees. Without someone to accompany them to doctor’s appointments Mu Ka Naw and Paw Soe both faced first pregnancies without support. Paw Soe’s daughter was born with a heart issue which “the doctor knew about but did not tell me. It was only after the baby was born” that Paw Soe was informed.
Paw Soe’s husband could not speak any English and Paw Soe could not drive. As there were few
Karen in Aurora at that time, Paw Soe was forced to rely on volunteers to drive her downtown
Chicago for doctor’s appointments and surgery. Paw Soe tells more of her story:
After the doctor told me that my daughter had a hole in her heart, I didn’t want to love her too much because I don’t want my heart broken. We love our first children so much but I was afraid. On the day of the surgery, the doctor came in and explained everything. There was only three people – me, my husband, 105
and the one who drove us, no friends. The doctor asked me, “Do you trust me?” and I felt hopeless. I didn’t say that I didn’t believe him, but in my thoughts I believe God. But I said “yes.” But in my thoughts I said, “oh no, even though you are a doctor you cannot know 100 percent” but I said “yes” to the doctors. They took my daughter and I could not hold the tears… My daughter got better and I changed, I want to love her.
Paw Soe has always been the best English speaker among Karen refugees while Mu Ka Naw is a close second. However, Mu Ka Naw’s son’s hearing loss was misdiagnosed for the first two and a half years of his life. The fear and hopelessness these two women felt is exacerbated among those who understand little to no English. Learning to navigate the American healthcare system requires an entirely different and often complicated vocabulary. As a rule, Karen refugees do not trust the medical interpreters they are forced to rely on. Based on instances in their own community, they are quick to believe the story that a Karen refugee in New York lost his life when a medical interpreter misinterpreted the dialogue between patient and doctor.
In addition to high stakes interactions between medical personnel and Karen refugees, the refugees struggle to complete tasks such as scheduling and attending appointments. Paw Soe, as well as Mu Ka Naw and Law Eh Doh, often help other refugees even though it takes a lot of time. Paw Soe says “I remember when I first came that I don’t understand even how to make appointments” so she does what she can to help.
So, I make appointments and they say, “press 1” “press 2” “press 3” ahhhhhhh, it is so hard for me to understand! The first time I tried to make an appointment, it took five times to reach the person I need. That is why when they come to me I say, “OK.” If I can help, I help them.
It is quite common, observed several times, that a Karen refugee will go see a doctor who will include follow-up instructions in the discharge order but the refugee does not follow-up. Yet, the 106
Karen refugees appreciate, even if they do not understand or comply with, the American healthcare system and the opportunity to obtain advanced medical assistance. Paw Soe said it best when she acknowledged “if my daughter was in Thailand or Burma, there is no hope.”
Paw Soe referred to her faith in God while her daughter was in surgery. It is indeed the faith of many Karen, as expressed by many such as Kaw Tha Blay and Mu Ko Paw, that has sustained them throughout the many struggles of life in Burma, life in the refugee camp, and life in the United States. Most of the Karen attend protestant churches in the Aurora area. However, even though as many as 70% of Karen are Buddhist, only about 2% of resettled Karen refugees are Buddhist.9 Among the Karen in Aurora, there are several. Two, Mu Ga and Lah Lu, of those interviewed were Buddhist. Mu Ga has a proper Buddha alter with daily offerings inside her apartment and attends a temple in West Chicago when she can, maybe once a month or so. The interaction between Christian and Buddhist bears no difference than between Christian and
Christian, the common thread is Karen language and refugee status without regard to religion.10
The maintenance of the Karen language and the passing it on to children is of utmost most importance and generally takes place within the Christian church setting. Even in Burma,
Karen who could not attend school which taught the Karen language would often attend lessons in the local church on the weekends. That tradition continues in the United States. The KBCWC
9 There is a great deal of literature on this subject discussing why there is a disproportionate number of Christian refugees resettled. While it is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss them, accusations of favoring Christians in the camps, which would align with research by Mortland and others, have been levied. However, the fact that the area from which the Karen are fleeing, the hills, has a greater percentage of Christian while the lowlands tend to have a greater percentage of Buddhist could be a simple explanation. 10 This is a hard concept to believe, but I do not make this statement lightly regarding the Aurora community. 107 congregation collects money for supplies, snacks, and prizes and staffs a two-week summer language program. This program is open to all Karen children who want to attend.11
The local Karen churches also use Karen language for all singing, teaching, and preaching further emphasizing the importance of the language for all. The children, who attend
English schools all week, learn and recite Bible verses exclusively in Karen. All of the Karen families speak Karen at home. Ka Nyaw Mu Poe continues to teach her grandchildren Karen every Saturday.
While language is important, the importance of Karen clothes seems to have increased upon resettlement in the United States. See Chapter 7 for a more detailed discussion of the role of clothes in the life of the Karen refugee.
Ka Nyaw Mu Poe spoke for all the adults interviewed when she said, regarding the future, that “I don’t have a goal for myself because I am old and cannot speak English, but I have hope that my grandchildren will become educated, with second educations, to get a better job and have a better life.” Lah Lu added “I don’t have a hope [for myself] but I want to live here. I want to stay here and live a long time.”
Conclusion
Karen refugees living in Aurora continue to struggle on many levels, especially economically and linguistically, which stifles their ability to take advantage of all opportunities promised them in the refugee camp. Yet, the Karen refugees continue to look at this stage of life compared to the two previous stages in Burma and Thailand: life in the United States provides
11 Language education is not tied to religion, it is simply the largest social institution that has the resources to provide instruction. 108 freedom and liberty. Paw Eh Ku, like so many others, sacrificed her ties to her homeland and endured the humiliation of the refugee camps for the next generation. She does not have hopes and dream for herself, they are dead, but she does “have goals and hope for my children. I will work and save money for them to go to college so they can be educated. I want them to get a better job so they will not be poor like I was as a child.” As a child Paw Eh Ku, like all of the
Karen refugees, lived in fear, unable to live or to leave. In the United States, the Karen refugees have found freedom.
Chapter 6: Clothes Gone, People Gone: Karen Clothing
According to Literature
Rev. Harry Ignatius Marshall wrote The Karen People of Burma: A Study in
Anthropology and Ethnology in 1922. This book was “after all, but another by-product of the great missionary enterprise” (Marshall 1922:xiv) and intended to be one of a series of publications that would highlight different tribes from Burma. It is full of data. It remains today as the latest, most thorough description of the Karen (Jorgensen 1997:v). A chapter on Dress and
Ornaments (Marshall 1922:35–47) and another on Spinning, Dying, and Weaving (Marshall
1922:108–13) in Marshall’s book provides a historical description of Karen traditional clothing which continues to be used as the standard reference for current literature (Howard 1999, Dell
2003, Howard 2005, and Green 2008, for example).
Before Marshall, however, in 1860 Francis Mason wrote that “[s]ome of the [Karen] women are well skilled in weaving and embroidery; and their dresses, adorned with the golden green wing cases of the buprestis beetle, or the seeds of Job’s tears, are very pretty” (Mason
1860:82). Mason provided no description beyond this assessment. Marshall says that to “describe in detail the costume of every tribe of the Karen would…fill a volume” (Marshall 1922:35).
Instead he described certain characteristics that “prevail more or less widely among the whole people” (Marshall 1922:35).
The clothing item itself resembles a “smock” that is loose and unfitted. It is created when two narrow strips of fabric are sewn together. Holes are left in the seams for arms and an 110 opening is left in the middle seam for the neck (see figure 2). For the men, some groups wore longer versions without additional pants, while other groups wore shorter versions and Burmese longyi or Shan pants (as seen in figure 2). The women often wore a smock and a skirt (figure 3).
Many little girls wore longer smocks, often to their ankle, until puberty. The women’s dress varied from group to group, often with each village having its particular weave, although there is a much similarity.
Figure 3 Karen man's suit Figure 3 Karen women's garments (Marshall 1922:36) (Marshall 1922:39) A common design of the weave itself is supposedly derived from the python. According to Marshall, the story is that a mythical female character of ancient times was kidnapped by a
“fabulous White Python” and carried to his den. Her husband came and rescued her by sacrificing himself at the mouth of the den. The woman was released and allowed to return to
“upper earth” again. One rendition of the story reveals that during captivity the woman was compelled by the python to weave patterns on his skin which remain. Once she was released, she began weaving skirts with the same pattern for herself. The woman felt this was the greatest insult she could inflict upon the python. The python pattern soon spread generally to all Karen 111
(Marshall 1922:38, Dell 2003:81, Green 2008:29). Other weaving patterns exist among the
Karen including seeds, little pagodas, cowries, etc.
Figure 5 Karen back strap loom Figure 5 Burmese loom (Marshall 1922:112) (Marshall 1922:112)
Weaving on a back strap loom (Marshall, Dell 2003:80), and the tasks leading to it, was, and continues to be, done by women (Marshall 1922:108, Dell 2003:80). Cotton was grown on
“cotton trees” (Karen News Team 2003:00:53, Howard 2005:120), spun into thread (Marshall
1922:110), and dyed with natural pigments (Marshall 1922:110, Dell 2003:80). Unlike the
Burmese loom (figure 5), the Karen loom (figure 4) does not have a frame. Instead support is provided by a strap around the weaver’s waist (Marshall 1922:111), hence the name back strap loom. The weaving takes place in the Karen home. Marshall remarks that “such cloth is very firm and almost indestructible” (Marshall 1922:111). The width of the strip is as it comes from the loom (18 – 20 inches) and three to four yards would be required for one skirt. The tunic could be left untouched or enhanced with various decorative techniques including assorted embroidery stitches (Mason 1860:82, Green 2008:36) or adorned with seeds of Job’s tears (Mason 1860:82,
Green 2008:29). While some Karen literature indicates that these embroidery stitches might reflect occupations of village members such as fishing or farming (Traditional Karen Cloth, 112
Drum Publications), notably missing from the literature reviewed is any indication that traditional Karen clothing contains religious or spiritual meanings.
Traditional Karen Clothing Today
Even in 1922, Marshall noted that it was customary for the men to wear Burmese garments, saying “the only time they put on their Karen garments, if they have them, is when they hold their ‘Bgha’ feast” (Marshall 1922:37). J. G. Scott, in his slightly earlier assessment in
1921, very boldly stated that the “Karens have been so influenced by the Burmese, and later by the missionaries, that their dress and ways can now be hardly called national” (Scott 1921:123).
This view would not be widely accepted among Karen nor among contemporary scholars who can identify Karen clothing nearly 100 years later.
Today, as seen in the video produced by Karen News Traditional Weaving Skills Fade in
Karen State, many traditional Karen who remain in Burma are concerned about losing this part of their heritage. In the film, a Karen male blames the disruption of the Karen life brought on by the Burmese Army as not allowing many traditions to continue. The Karen are constantly fleeing their oppressors and moving around, not being able to stay in one place long enough to carry on traditions such weaving. In addition, the Karen are forced to leave items such as looms behind in the haste of escape. The male and female in the film both speak of younger Karen who wear
“other people’s” clothes. These “other people’s” clothes are chosen because they are lighter and easier to obtain. Both individuals featured fear that weaving will become a lost art. The male clearly believes that the Karen will one day have their own nation-state and is concerned that, even if a person says they are Karen, the lack of traditional clothing will make it difficult to identify Karen (Karen News 2013). 113
Karen have been noted to wear traditional Karen clothing only on special occasions, such as to church on Sundays and other holidays, especially the Christian Karen (Dell 2003:78). And even in the Karen churches, Karen in Yangon metropolitan area are more likely to wear western or Burmese traditional clothing instead of Karen traditional clothing to Sunday services (see figure 7).
Figure 6 Choir of Karen Baptist Church in Insein, Burma (author 2015)
Karen Refugees at Church
Each Sunday at the Karen Baptist Church of Western Chicago, approximately 50 Karen adults, and that many more children as well, meet for Christian services. Of those, approximately 80% of them are refugees and their children who have resettled nearby within the last several years.
Earlier in the day, English Baptists gather for their services in the same building, a typical midwestern church. After the English services are over at noon, the Karen begin their two-hour service at approximately 1:30 PM. Walking into the foyer, strolling down the hall, and entering 114 the auditorium, there is no doubt that the worshipers identify with another culture. The language heard is not familiar, the clothing worn by many is not “American”, and the behavior does not reflect the general decorum found in an American church during Sunday services.
The services themselves reflect elements common in most American protestant church services. There is a “worship band” on stage, a choir, a song leader, greeting time, song lyrics and scripture projected by PowerPoint, prayer time, offertory, sermon, and an obvious benediction. Songs that have been practiced beforehand by adults are shared as special music. It is very common for the children to share a scripture memory verse and a song, which they had learned the previous week during special children’s classes that take place during the sermon, on stage in front all congregants. The fact that this takes place in a suburban church reinforces the observer’s expectation of American activities.
The congregants and their children commonly wear traditional Karen clothing. Most of the attendees from the oldest, Doh Kwah who is over 70 years old, to the youngest, children born in the last few months, will wear some form of traditional Karen clothing on any given week.
The young girls wear long tunics, often with leggings underneath during the winter months. The young boys wear small, primarily red, tunics with jeans and tennis shoes. Many of the married women will wear Karen skirts, sometimes with English shirts but often, with Karen tunics. Very few Karen men, save Doh Kwah, continue to wear Burmese longyis as is so popular in Burma.
Instead, most men wear western shirts under a Karen tunic or jacket with jeans or dress slacks.
The school age children are the ones to most consistently wear western clothing, but they do not neglect Karen clothing. 115
The services are carefully planned and an order of service followed. If an individual is scheduled to sing or pray in front of the entire congregation, often that individual will choose to wear traditional Karen clothing that day. As Karen interact with Americans through their resettlement process, it is not uncommon for them to gift a piece of traditional Karen clothing to the American. This activity itself speaks of how the Karen view their traditional clothing as unique. Locally, Judson University has provided much support for the Karen church community and several Americans attached to the college have received such gifts. Often guests will wear the gifted traditional clothing to the church service. In addition, on particularly holy days such as
Christmas and Easter, where even American churches see an increased attendance, more Karen attend services and a greater percentage of them will be wearing traditional Karen clothing.
In addition to these religious holidays, other overtly Karen activities at church seem to demand full traditional Karen regalia. At least once a year, the school-age children at church participate in a memorization contest. Grouped by age, the children are assigned a specific scripture to memorize and then perform before judges and the entire adult congregation. On that day, children between the ages of three and thirteen arrived prepared to be on stage. Every child was dressed in Karen clothing, with very little Western influence. The girls were wearing new dresses while the boys wore Karen tunics with Western slacks. There were a few boys who even had pants fashioned from Karen cloth. There were only a few students who had a traditional
Karen head scarf. This head scarf was shared by several of the children. When it was one child’s turn, they would put on the head scarf before presenting their memory work on stage. Then when they were finished they would hand it to another child. In this scenario, every child was trying to 116 have complete traditional Karen clothing attire while presenting to the judges and adult congregation.
In contrast to Sunday services, congregants will meet for times of recreation and relaxation. Still consisting of the same individuals, if the Karen church meets at a park for food and sports most of the Karen do not wear traditional Karen clothing. The occasional older adult might wear a Karen tunic, but most individuals will wear western clothing that is thinner, lighter, and easier to play in.
In the larger Karen community, because not all Karen are Christian or attend Sunday church services, Karen will occasionally wear traditional Karen clothing for special occasions.
At Waubonsee Community College, many Karen refugees enroll in English as a Second
Language (ESL) classes to improve their English skills, and hopefully, their economic status.
Upon completion of the course there is a graduation ceremony. When Karen participate in the graduation, some will wear Karen traditional clothing. However, others do not choose to wear
Karen clothing, choosing instead to wear American clothing for this special occasion. In another example, arguably one of the most special of occasions and yet clearly American, Sha Ka Baw chose to wear American “nice clothes” instead of Karen traditional clothing on the day he took the US citizenship oath. Law Eh Doh, on the other hand, chose to wear American clothing to the
ESL graduation but chose to wear traditional Karen cloth fashioned into a western dress on the day she became a citizen. 117
While doing research Law Eh Doh12 reviewed an article, written in Karen script, regarding Karen clothing. Chapter 3 was translated as “We Should Know Our Cloth” and included several sections that described the cloth, the clothing article’s design, the embroidery including the material used such as seed or shell and what each represented (Traditional Karen
Cloth). As Law Eh Doh reviewed the descriptions and details she commented that she did not have any idea that any of the stitches were intentional nor that they were meant to relay meaning.
She said that she “just picked the clothes because they are pretty” (personal conversation, 2016).
In formal interviews of twenty-seven Karen refugees who live in Aurora, Karen traditional clothing was discussed. When the refugees lived in Burma, very few of them could wear Karen traditional clothing. Of the twenty-seven interviewed, only Yah Yah was a weaver in
Burma. If any of them had any Karen clothes it was because they could sell some cash crops or barter in the village. Most of the Karen said that due to the extreme poverty they lived in, items of any value were scarce and abandoned when the Burmese military attacked their village, extra or special clothing included. Pictures taken (and somehow maintained to the US) show the Karen adults and children in a hodge podge of western clothing, Karen traditional clothing, and
Burmese clothing.
Once they arrived in the refugee camps, the Karen had more access to Karen clothing.
However, due to the continued poverty, not very many of them could afford such a luxury. One young woman spoke of looking around and seeing fellow students with clothes and shoes that
12 Law Eh Doh is currently 32 (in 2017) and has lived in the US for six years (since age 26). Prior to resettling she had lived in the refugee camp for over fourteen years (since age 12). While a large part of her time in Burma was spent fleeing the Burmese, she has spent enough time in each space to remember ideas regarding clothing. 118 she envied. She was the oldest of six children and she knew her family could never afford pretty clothes for her. She decided to quit school to get a job so she could have the clothes she desired.
Most Karen said that they still only had one set of Karen traditional clothing in the camp.
A group of women demonstrating a back strap to a local museum director commented that there were women in the camp who worked for an NGO where they spent all day, every day, weaving.
The result was that everyone in that refugee camp received one piece of Karen traditional clothing a year. Other women took up weaving only upon arriving in the camp. Kaw Thu Lay said that she could not afford clothes in the camp so she decided to learn to weave. She would weave items to sell which then supported her ability to weave clothes for herself. At least two other women had also learned to weave in the camp. Since leaving the camp they had not done any weaving since, despite having access to looms and materials. These women seemed to have the opinion that weaving was a chore done out of necessity and not done as a creative expression.
They were glad to be done with it when they arrived in the US.13 However, these same women, when presented with a back strap loom in the US five to seven years after they last saw one, readily engaged with the simple machine. They laughed and really seemed to enjoy the activity, excitedly demonstrating various patterns. While it might have been a chore and only a way to obtain clothing, it was also an activity of community bonding which allowed some expression of creativity.
When the refugees leave the camp and head to the US for resettlement, they bring very few belongings. There are a few reasons for this. For one, the refugees in the camp have communicated with refugees who have resettled and have been told that “America has
13 It is important to note that this feeling is not shared by all Karen refugees in the United States. In other communities, weaving circles are important avenues of carrying on a traditional Karen craft. 119 everything” and there is no need to bring anything. For another, as stated before, very few refugees can accumulate much material wealth in the camps; they own very little. However, if a
Karen refugee chooses to bring anything, it is a traditional Karen outfit. Even though the US has everything, most of the refugees knew that obtaining Karen clothes was not as easy as obtaining cooking supplies.
After they have been here for a few years, most of the Karen refugees find themselves with a least a little bit of discernable income. With this income they purchase traditional Karen clothing. The refugees speak about how they own more Karen clothing items in the US than they ever owned in Burma or the refugee camp. Almost every refugee who resettles brings extra
Karen clothing and sells them when they arrive; often taking orders for specific items. In addition to new refugee arrivals, which can be unpredictable, within the Karen network in the US there are several traditional Karen clothing providers. Previously in the Aurora community there was neither a seamstress nor a practicing weaver. In June 2016, a seamstress arrived as a newly resettled refugee. She has been kept quite busy providing clothing to the community. It is not uncommon for the Karen refugees in Aurora, adults and children alike, to own several items of traditional Karen clothing.
It is the traditional Karen clothing, along with language, that makes a Karen unique and different from Americans, according the Karen refugees in Aurora. Htoo Htoo said that Karen clothing is the one item that he would choose to show an American and say “this is Karen”.
Almost everything else in their lives, especially their daily lives, have been and are items that are also used by Burmese, Thai, and Americans. Due to its uniqueness, then, the Karen parents spend much effort convincing their school age children to wear traditional Karen clothing to 120 church. The parents say the children want to wear the (American) clothes worn to school during the week. But Ko Mya says “wearing the clothes is important” and, while she allows her daughters to wear American clothes occasionally, her daughters consistently wear traditional
Karen clothing to church just like all the other Karen children in attendance.
Discussion
Much of the Karen traditional clothing literature has been accumulated and presented by English and American authors. Marshall’s work of 1922 continues to be the standard to describe Karen traditional clothing. One should wonder where the Karen authors are. Said (1979) implied that this outside “expert” portrayal of items such as Karen traditional clothing prohibits the Karen themselves from describing and attributing value to certain aspects as they understand them to be. While the Karen seem to be able to identify traditional Karen clothing readily, more work by the Karen themselves should reveal and preserve these intricacies.
Considering concepts of identity, wearing traditional Karen clothing allows the Karen refugee to culturally identify as Karen. Karen individuals understand the shared history of Karen around the world each time they choose to wear traditional Karen clothing. But each individual occupies a completely different space and has a unique set of experiences that allows them to understand what being Karen means to them. The “rules” for being Karen change constantly for every individual. In Hall’s terms, cultural identity is constantly being created. In fact, that may be what several older, more “traditional” Karen are afraid of. They have historically identified as
Karen through the wearing of traditional Karen clothing. Many of these older Karen fear that younger Karen will no longer need to wear traditional Karen clothing to identify as Karen. This is exemplified in the Karen church, as the older Karen more consistently wear traditional Karen 121 clothing. At the same time, they encourage an environment where younger Karen can wear traditional Karen clothing without the scrutiny of their American peers.
The younger generations of Karen who will grow up in the US (and other third countries), will not have a firsthand knowledge of the struggle the Karen have been a part of for nearly 70 years. Even though older Karen have resettled to the US, they have not given up hope for a unified Karen nation on what is currently Myanmar soil. They firmly believe that this nationalism must be passed to the younger generation if this dream is to become a reality.
To continue a Karen identity and not get lost in the American melting pot, Karen refugees strive to carve out a place and time where they can “be Karen” without the pressure to assimilate.
The Karen refugee spends all week at low-paying, stressful jobs, in school where they do not understand the language well, in a community with unfamiliar faces, in a land with unusual laws.
The Karen refugee parent takes their child to English tutoring, sports practices, and community outreach events hoping to establish the child with more cultural capital which would ideally lead to a better educational experience and a better job. Ironically, it is because of these better jobs that have allowed the Karen refugees the ability to dress in more Karen clothing. In their villages in Burma and in the refugee camps often they did not have enough money to own traditional
Karen clothing. It is only in the US they have enough money to dress in traditional Karen clothing and, therefore, identify as Karen.
In addition to identity, with Sandra Dudley’s encouragement, it is important to investigate a more practical reason why Karen choose to wear traditional Karen clothing, especially on
Sundays. The Karen refugee has been chased from their home, hunted, and driven to 122 unwelcoming lands. They live in exile. Not home. Dudley suggests that through everyday activities such as eating and choice of clothing, the Karen refugee tries to recreate home.
The church provides an answer for these needs. Because it is not combined with English worshippers, the Karen are free to be Karen. They can speak Karen. They can act Karen. And importantly, they can look Karen. Through this sensory and material aspect, they can feel Karen.
It is in this environment that aspects of Karen identity can safely and effectively be relayed to the next generation.
Conclusion
By understanding the history of the Karen and Karen identity, traditional Karen clothing can be understood to have originally played a practical, yet understated role in Karen identity.
Traditional clothing was an important marker of Karen identity for foreign anthropologists and
“experts” in Said’s terms, even while Karen themselves often could not afford to wear them.
Over time, as conflicts and ethnic identities intensified, Karen traditional clothing began to play an important material role in Karen identity. It seems the farther the Karen are from the physical space of their homeland, the more important such things as traditional Karen clothing become.
Sunday church services provide a space for Karen refugees to wear traditional Karen clothing to create and maintain a pan Karen identity, to pass along ideas of nationalism and identity to the next generation, and to create a space where a feeling of “home” can exist despite being in exile.
The new jobs in the American society allow the income to be able to afford clothing from
“home.”
“When do you choose to wear Karen clothes? Why?” Law Eh Doh told me that she chooses to wear Karen clothes to church, at Karen New Year, Christmas, and Memorial Day (for 123
Karen, not American). She also told me that she chooses to wear Karen clothes because they represent Karen culture. She ended by saying that she wears Karen clothes because “if we wear
Karen clothing we know who [we] are and [we] don’t forget who [we] are. Clothes gone, people gone”.
Chapter 7: Analysis and Conclusion
The natural flow of this thesis has been chronological due to the nature of the interviews as oral histories. Through their words, we have been able to follow Karen refugees as they lived in fear in Burma, as they moved to safer but more confining refugee camps, until they finally arrived in the US to find perceived freedom and liberty in Aurora, Illinois. The refugees’ idea of
Karen identity and its expression has changed over the course of time. Secondly, the Karen have had a relatively positive experience in Aurora, which can be partially attributed to the role World
Relief plays as a resettlement agency as well as how it connects refugees to the greater community. As a final outgrowth of this research, through a partnership with the Art Museum at
NIU, the oral histories of the Karen refugees will be shared with a wider American audience to reveal aspects of both their physical and psychological journey.
At the outset of this thesis, I wanted to discover cultural features that Karen refugees themselves considered to be uniquely Karen. As I spent time with them over the years, I learned the Karen refugees did not want to leave their homeland; they did not want to live in the United
States with its unfamiliar weather, language, and own cultural markers. Through collecting these oral histories, especially in the form of stories instead of focused interviews, new contributions to academic literature can be made to describing concepts of identity and the process of resettlement. 125
To Be Karen…
Just as is true of every other person or group of people, Karen are complicated. Aspects of one arena of life bleed into other arenas. A career choice does not define a person, but it can affect length, depth, and breadth of family interactions. A different career choice would have different implications. What is true for one person, does not make it true for all, or even for the majority. So what makes a Karen Karen? I have asked this question many different times. The answer is always different.
The Karen refugees in Aurora say they do not care about their history. In fact, often they laugh at me and say that I know more about their history and their larger story in Burma than they do. It has happened often that a doctor, nurse, or teacher has asked a Karen refugee about their history. In those instances, the Karen refugee will look to me to provide the answer, often saying they do not know. When questioned about Karen folklore, sometimes stories could be recalled, other times they could not. Mu Ka Naw specifically said she would not tell these stories to her children. True, there are a couple of Karen in Aurora who are concerned about historical facts, but not many. In fact, at the beginning of this formalized project, I was at a birthday party where Paw Soe was also present. In anticipation of the project she told me that she was going to contact a friend of hers in Fort Wayne, Indiana regarding Karen history. Paw Soe, who is the most well versed in Karen history in Aurora, said she does not really know Karen history but this friend does. Since she wanted me to get facts, she was going to ask this friend for details and dates of Karen history for me.
Therefore, it is important to realize that the Karen refugees do not put a great deal of value on their long-term history as Karen. But what is long term? Most Karen could not tell me 126 even details of the wider Burmese government nor Karen specific policies and actions that had directly affected their experiences in the last twenty years. As seen in the interviews, the Karen refugees could never explain why the Karen and Burmese were fighting, just that they were and had been for a long time – “since before my parents.” The most common response to how they knew they were Karen was to say “because my parents told me.”
Parents obviously play an important role in shaping the identity of Karen. Many of these refugee’s parents would have lived during (some) part of English colonization. Even the oldest of these parents, or grandparents, would not have been alive before the English arrived in the early 1800s. Despite debate of Karen history before that time, there is no escaping the effect the
English relationship had on Karen. The so-called evolution of Karen from “savages” into model
English citizens, with western manners, an English education, and a “civilized” religion, was a
“success” story of the 1800s. The English, and ideologically similar Americans, developed an affection for the “loyal” Karen. Through their mutual admiration, the Karen developed a favored-group status with the English government.
Religion has remained a key point of argument between scholars and Karen. Scholars continue to argue the validity of Karen conversion to a Western world religion. The Christian
Karen refugees vehemently argue the legitimacy of their faith. At the same time, neither
Christian nor Buddhist Karen denies the Karen identity of the other. In contrast, Khmer refugees have said “that to be Khmer is to be Buddhist” (Smith-Hefner 1999). Karen, in Burma, in
Thailand refugee camps, and in the United States, do not find their identity in religion in the same way. This is, as described above, linked to the advantages of being perceived as the “loyal”
Karen. 127
If the Karen do not find a shared identity in history or religion, what role does language
(Hall 1990) play? During the interviews, language was identified both in Burma and the United
States as a way to “know” if someone was Karen. Often times, when asked how they knew they were different from the Burmese military who was attacking them in Burma, the Karen said it was because they spoke a different language. When asked how they knew they were Karen in
Burma, the response was because they spoke the Karen language. The same response was given with regard to life in the United States. When a new refugee arrived in Aurora, it was the ability to speak Karen that demarcated if they were Karen or not, even if was a different dialect and not understandable.14
The children in the Karen refugee community provide a conundrum when it comes to language. All of the children can converse in Karen, as Karen is the language spoken in the home, but to varying degrees. The children, especially the younger children, spend a greater percentage of their time using English. They must learn English, and be highly competent in it, in order to succeed in school. As children interact with their parents, they speak Karen. However, at school the children speak English to classmates, friends, and teachers. This often spills into their home life as some school friends are from the Karen community. School age children often find themselves speaking English even at home to their Karen friends.
Parents and grandparents are pulled between two worlds of pride and melancholy. On one hand, they are very proud of their child for learning the language of their new country. While the parent probably does not have a good understanding of the English language, they know that this
14 S’gaw Karen is the most prevalent “dialect” among all Karen and especially Karen who have resettled. However, P’wo Karen is also spoken by some. The two dialects are not similar and S’gaw speakers cannot understand P’wo and vice versa. It is not uncommon, however, for P’wo speakers to speak S’gaw as a second language, at least among refugees. 128 skill is crucial for the economic success of the next generation. The parent knows this hope for their children is what motivated them to choose to choose resettlement in the first place. On the other hand, parents are saddened by the fact that Karen is being spoken less and less in their homes. This decrease in the use of Karen increases the divide between children and parents, as is the case with other Southeast Asia refugees (Kibria 1990, Smith-Hefner 1999, Ong 2003).
A desire that children continue to speak and read Karen as an expression of their identity is the motivation behind the language courses taught during the summer. Even in this first generation of refugees, the Karen adults realize that if the language is not deliberately taught it will die soon. To make this task even more difficult, there are a number of Karen refugees who cannot read or write Karen. As we have seen, not all children in Burma have access to education, especially Karen language education, nor is it required in either Burma or Thailand – it becomes a personal choice. The task of teaching Karen children the written language, therefore, falls on just a few in the Karen refugee community.
In addition to the home and summer language school the Karen language is spoken by everyone when the Karen Baptist church meets on Sundays. Unlike school, church is multi- generational and contains individuals who lack the motivation,15 ability,16 or the competence17 of learning English. The church, then, can be seen as either accommodating to only-Karen speakers or a place of further language training for the younger generation, or both.
15 Some Karen refugees express that learning English is too hard. These refugees feel they have gained “enough” English and do not see any benefit, especially in terms of obtaining better employment, of expending so much effort to learn more English. 16 Some Karen refugees do not have the time, due to work schedules, to attend English classes. 17 A few Karen have been diagnosed with early stages of dementia indicating a decreased ability to learn new skills. 129
As I have spent more time with the Karen over the years, I have learned a few key words and phrases. As I study Burmese, upon which the Karen written alphabet is based, I have transferred some of that knowledge into obtaining further Karen language skills. Many of my
Karen friends are quite proud of my Karen skills.18 When the issue of language comes up in terms of what makes a Karen Karen, I always ask if I became fluent in Karen, would that make me Karen. The answer is always no.
Language in the Karen community, then, is a delicate cultural feature. Hinton (1993) suggested that the linguistic group of Karen was too broad to be uniquely Karen but the Karen refugees do not share that opinion. At this point of the resettlement process, approximately ten years after the first refugees arrived, Karen refugees firmly defend language as a cultural feature.
At the same time, the Karen refugees insist that their children, who may not be fluent in Karen, are Karen. In the case of their children, language is not expected to be a cultural feature. Their children are Karen. In addition, if an outsider learns Karen, they are not classified as Karen despite being fluent in the language. An outsider is not Karen. It would seem that Karen cannot agree on a guideline concerning Karen language as a cultural marker; it changes with each situation.
The Karen refugees may not know their history, but it has certainly affected them. The interaction between previous generations of Karen and English government is partially responsible for the predicament that forced the Karen refugees into fleeing and resettlement.
Determining how much of the interaction between the two has been created is debatable. The
“creation” (Said 1979) of the “loyal” “civilized” Karen made them enemies of the Burmese state.
18 I am not that good at all! But I appreciate their enthusiasm. They appreciate my willingness to try; hearing words in Karen is extremely rare in America. 130
It is from this position as enemies of the Burmese state that the Karen refugees exhibit the shared identity of a unified past (Hall 1990). Throughout the interviews, the Karen refugees told stories of how they had lived in fear in Burma, had been driven out of their villages, and had found safety in the refugee camps. While the Karen refugees rarely came from the same area in
Burma, let alone the same village, and were spread throughout five different camps, they interacted with the interpreters and each other using plural pronouns such as “we were always afraid of the Burmese military” and “the Thai authorities would not let us leave” creating a sense of common experiences. While the Karen refugees could not explain their centuries-old, or even decades-old, history, they could agree on the most recent past of being chased, hunted, and hated by the Burmese military.
The designation of refugee also creates a unifying past component. Many of the Karen refugees did not know each other before arriving in Aurora. The Karen move into a community that has refugees from many different countries. All refugees, regardless of country of origin or refuge, are serviced by the same resettlement agency. Therefore, services such as ESL classes and job training are shared with all refugees, not just Karen. It these situations, Karen refugees, who previously did not know each other, coalesce. In addition, there are several Karen in the area who did not arrive in the United States by way of resettlement. These Karen did not live in the uplands of Burma, were not driven from their villages by the Burmese military, and did not spend years in a refugee camp. The Karen refugees interact with both groups, bound to both in different ways: one as refugees, one as Karen. But the Karen refugee community exhibits exceptional bonds that excludes both of the other groups. 131
In addition to shared history, religion, language, and a unifying past (Hall 1990), one must look at the role material culture (Dudley 2010, Svasek 2012) plays in the lives of Karen refugees in Aurora. Throughout the interviews, the Karen refugees were asked specifically
“What did you take with you?” as they told of fleeing their villages and leaving the refugee camps. By asking what the Karen refugees chose to take with them, it would be assumed that objects of higher value would be the items chosen. Due partly to the way in which the Karen refugees left their villages and partly to their dire poverty and lack of possessions, they did not take very many items with them. The Karen refugees did not have time to grab necessities such as food or extra clothes, therefore, rarely did they take anything else as they fled their villages ahead of a Burmese military attack. In addition, the Karen village where the refugees lived did not own artefacts of historical or monetary value. While taking a group of Karen through a
Burmese art exhibit, they commented on their lack of cultural items. Law Eh Doh remarked that due to the longevity and severity of conflict with the Burmese, her “people did not have any items left, they were all gone.”
The Karen refugees in the camp had more stable and consistent living conditions, but they did not accumulate many more Karen cultural artefacts. Again, mostly due to extreme poverty, when the Karen packed their one allotted bag to move to their new home in the United
States, they brought very few items with them outside of necessary clothing. Among the few items that the Karen brought with them were practical items such as clothes, a knife, dinner plates, and cooking pots. Refugees who resettled later even stopped bringing these items as they learned that every necessity could be purchased in the United States. 132
There were a few non-essential, non-practical items brought to the United States. It is from these few items that a small amount of analysis can be done. Among the additional items brought were Karen clothing (usually only one piece), a Protestant church hymnal in the Karen language, and a Karen Bible. These items were chosen because the refugees felt that these items would be harder, if not impossible, to obtain in the United States. The choice of Karen clothing is interesting because, according to the Karen refugees, they did not wear traditional Karen clothing items often in Burma nor the Thailand refugee camps. Based on pictures and testimony of the refugees, Karen wore a hodge-podge of Karen, Burmese, and western clothing in both locations.
Also, despite literature that portrays traditional Karen clothing to include only certain colors and designs, the traditional clothing that the Karen refugees brought and wear is varied. Among the
Karen refugees, there does not exist a typical traditional Karen costume, in color or design.
The inclusion of the Karen hymnal and Karen Bible as important items, valuable enough to be chosen, provides insight into the position of the Western religion of Christianity in the lives of Karen. Both items require the owner to be literate to be of any use. In addition, neither of these artefacts existed before the English colonization of Burma. Both would have been introduced to the Karen in English and translated into Karen later. Yet, several Karen chose these items to bring with them. Said (1979) warned about creating a description of “other” that eventually becomes fact. In this way, scholars often argue over whether the Karen described in the early ethnographies and missionary reports were created. However, based on the items chosen such as a hymnal and the Bible, regardless whether it was created or not, Karen refugees believe they correlate to the descriptions of those early works. The Karen, even Buddhist Karen, cannot be separated from Western religion and education. 133
The lack of artefacts was frustrating as we thought of ways to create a museum exhibit on the Karen. The desire to project who the Karen are based on items that can be displayed is confounded. Additionally, it is tempting to identify items such as a knife, dinner plates, and cooking pots as valuable solely based on the fact that they were chosen as items to be brought with the refugees. However, conversations with the Karen refugees reveal that, if nothing else, they are a practical group. These items were brought due to their practicality. One cannot eat if one does not have a pot to cook in or a dinner plate to eat off of. This is further verified as later refugees did not bring these items once it was discovered bringing them was not necessary.
After the Karen refugees arrive in Aurora and create a routine that becomes their new lifestyle, it is interesting to note what activities they choose to engage in. Dudley (2010) and
Svasek (2012) suggest that diaspora communities, especially refugees, try to create a sense of home through everyday activities such as choice of clothing and food items. Just as any traveler knows, there is value in activities and items that “feel” like home. The Karen refugees do this in a number of ways including maintaining large gardens, wearing Karen clothing, and displaying the Karen flag.
Upon arrival, Karen refugees, like other refugees in Aurora, are first consumed with basic activities such as eating, sleeping, staying clothed and warm. As with many others, rice is an important staple of Karen refugee diet. In Aurora, refugees are usually provided a rice cooker as well as a large bag of rice immediately. After a few days, weeks, or months, refugees begin to look for familiar food to add to their rice. This is more complicated than initially assumed. First, greens and other vegetables common in Burma and Thailand are not readily available in
Chicagoland supermarkets. Second, unlike in their village or refugee camp, these “exotic” food 134 items cost a significant amount of money, of which the Karen refugee has very little. Due to these limiting factors, almost immediately Karen refugees look for areas where they can grow familiar food.
Many Karen live in apartments with community yards and very little personal space.
Despite this, Karen refugees obtain seeds, seedlings, and starts of plants from other refugees and a local Thai store. Soon they are able to augment their diet of rice and American produce with familiar greens and vegetables, especially hot peppers. As time goes on, Karen refugees become aware of and are able to take advantage of community gardens provided by the city of Aurora and local churches. When a Karen refugee purchases their own home, they often convert the entire back yard and all foundational flower beds into vegetable gardens. The vegetables are meticulously cultivated, eaten, and harvested throughout the summer, with the surplus frozen in chest freezers for use during the long northern Illinois winters.
These gardens serve two purposes. First is the obvious, practical provision of food at a fraction of the cost compared to purchasing in a local grocery store. Aurora has a large population of Mexican immigrants who also like hot peppers. However, the peppers are not the same and the Karen refugees do not care for the plentiful peppers available locally. In addition, the amount of peppers that each Karen family consumes is large, especially compared to that of a typical American home. The local grocery store does typically stock the volume needed for the
Karen community. Thus, vegetables are recognizable and plentiful if they are grown by the
Karen refugees. By growing their own vegetables, the Karen are able to eat familiar foods, foods that taste like home. 135
Secondly, it can be argued, the gardens provide Karen refugees with an activity that feels like home. All the Karen refugees were self-sufficient farmers in Burma. While a few had side employment, all the families grew their own food. As farmers, the Karen experienced the satisfaction of understanding and working with nature to produce food that was needed and used by their family. Instead of directly providing food for their families, the resettled Karen refugee works for a low wage to purchase items in a cash centered economy. Many people, not just refugees, express a lack of satisfaction in such a life. The gardens, then, provide a space for
Karen to participate in an activity that is both satisfying and familiar. Gardening, despite looking different from farming in Burma and Thailand, helps Karen refugees feel at home.
As discussed above, Karen clothing did not act as a cultural marker for the Karen in
Burma or Thailand. Why, then, did they choose to bring Karen clothing with them? In addition, the Karen flag, prominently displayed in most Karen refugees’ homes, was not personally owned by Karen refugees either in Burma or in the camps. Both of these items seemed to be used as material culture from home in order set themselves apart from local residents (Svasek 2012).
Both Karen clothing and Karen flags, or items bearing the flag as a logo, have a markedly increased presence among Karen refugees in Aurora compared to Burma or Thailand. Three possible explanations could account for this. First, for the first time in their lives, Karen refugees have extra money. While Karen clothing was too expensive and, therefore, not plentiful to villagers or residents of the camps, a Karen clothing network exists to provide a Karen clothing marketplace to refugees throughout the United States. The same jobs that do not provide a sense of satisfying labor do, however, provide cash income. Among the non-essential items commonly purchased by Karen refugees, Karen clothing and a Karen flag are the most plentiful. Second, 136 now that the Karen do not live in Burma in a network of Karen villages nor in a camp of thousands of other Karen, the Karen find themselves without Karen next door neighbors. With only a few hundred Karen in a city of over 250,000, Karen feel insignificant. Through the wearing of clothes and displaying of the Karen flag, the Karen differentiate themselves from their neighbors. These outward displays of Karen cultural features subtly draw the attention of local residents. And, third, the visible use of material culture allows the Karen to feel at home as they wear the clothes and see the Karen flag displayed, just as it was at home.
According to the Karen refugees, to be Karen in Burma meant that one spoke the same language and was oppressed by the Burmese army. The Karen lived in areas and in villages that were considered Karen. As the Karen villages were uprooted and dispersed, the Karen villagers joined with other Karen villagers recognizing each other by their common language. However, the Burmese military targeted them exactly for their difference. In Burma, both the Burmese and the Karen identified them as Karen.
While they lived in refugee camps, the Karen learned more about the history and the political policies that united this “imagined community” as a nation. Rarely having seen the
Karen flag in Burma, it was commonplace in the Karen refugee camps. In the refugee camps, the leaders spoke their language, providing all information in their common language and not the language of the Burmese oppressor. In school, Karen children were taught the Karen language as well as Karen history. They were surrounded by Karen, and so they were Karen.
A small enclave of two hundred Karen refugees in a city of 250,000 are hard to identify.
The Karen refugees of Aroura, continue to identify each other through common language and, often, the display of the Karen flag. Nobody oppresses them just because they are Karen. They 137 are not surrounded by Karen. In Aurora, they must navigate what it means to be Karen in this new setting, with different surroundings and different actors. For some, the importance of the
Karen language has been laid aside for the acquisition of the language of education and economy. For others, the importance of Karen history has been replaced with US history as adults seek to become citizens and children seek good grades. Realizing the Karen nation, army, and leaders ultimately failed them, some Karen refugees embrace new life in the United States which might mean abandoning Karen customs.
Yet, there are many instances of the Karen refugee reproducing long held Karen traditions in the United States. Wearing Karen clothing on Sundays, within and around only the
Karen community, is a statement to each other that they continue to be Karen. It can also be argued that the Karen wear Karen clothing in order stand out against Americans as different, whereas in Burma and Thailand that was not necessary. Therefore, the Karen wear Karen clothing in order to assert their identity on their neighbors and classmates instead of being allowed to be lost in the melting pot of American ethnicity.
Even though Karen is not the only, nor the most important, language spoken by Karen refugees of all ages, there continues to be a great deal effort put into preserving the language, both written and oral, through the occurrence of special schools as well as the strict adherence of a Karen only church service. And whether it is specifically Karen or more of an identity as a upland residing farmer, the extensive and elaborate gardens that the Karen refugees maintain to reap both the rewards of providing for the family as well as the essential hot chili peppers is another example of reproducing Karen traditions in the United States. 138
In addition to elements of identity, both Karen clothing and their gardens can be explained as ways in which Karen refugees use what resources they have to exert a little bit of control over their circumstances and create a bit of home within which they can find comfort despite the distance. The Karen refugees have chosen to leave parents and siblings behind for the chance at a better life. This burden weighs heavily on many as they consider what those left behind continue to endure. Through Facebook and cell phones, the two parties are in constant verbal, and often video, contact. But there is further solidarity when both parties, separated by thousands of miles, are discussing common topics as their vegetable gardens or the display of a new Karen outfit. In addition, there is a reason that two common phrases “comfy clothes” and
“comfort food” elicit such relaxing feelings among Americans. For the same reason, despite the less than ideal circumstance of life in Burma, Karen refugees are comforted by the clothes and food of their homeland.
At the conclusion of this project, there seems to be no clear definition of what it means to be Karen as defined by Karen refugees in Aurora. Whether by direct conversation or observed behavior, Hinton’s claim that there is not a discernable Karen identity seems to be substantiated by the Karen refugees in Aurora. However, the Karen refugees adamantly maintain their
“Karenness.” As Hall suggested, identity contains both a shared facet and an individual expression. Even though the Karen cannot identify specific shared history, religion, or language, they do find unity in feelings of oppression by and opposition to the Burmese state. Each individual must decide what it means to them to be Karen and how they choose to express that identity in the United States. Some Karen are forced to acknowledge that Karen language may not need to be an essential element as they are faced with children who cannot speak Karen, 139 despite language school. Other individuals, due to economic constraints, cannot afford to dress in
Karen clothing nor do they have time to tend a garden or attend local church services.
Encouraging each individual to continue to engage in the activities that help them feel Karen will provide the environment in which Karen refugees can propagate Karen identity to future generations.
Membership in Karen “nation” in not one in which can be joined freely, it is joined at birth. Aspects of Karen nation such as the conceptualization (Said 1979) of being “loyal” to
England has positioned the Karen in such a way as to be opposed to the ethnic Burmans. The
Burmans and the Karen both accept this conceptualization. At the same time, Karen membership is exhibited in many ways depending on who you are and where you live (Hall 1990). Wearing
Karen clothes and displaying the Karen flag announces your membership to others who recognize them as Karen. Communicating in the Karen language further solidifies your membership. But, more commonly, the Karen refugees just “know” they are Karen. The Karen feel they belong to Karen “nation” due to a shared experience of oppression, and to a lesser degree, a shared language. Aspects of Karen identity are sure to be contested in the coming years as future generations are further removed from the Burmese oppression and do not continue to learn the Karen language. In the future, I predict that a shared history will become more important to Karen diaspora. Projects such as this thesis, which includes a collection of stories, will provide part of that shared history, as well a shared history of their struggles here in the US.
The Process of Resettlement
Unlike refugees portrayed in previous works (Kibria, Smith-Heffner, Ong, Tang, and
Fadiman), the Karen refugees in Aurora say they have experienced a positive resettlement 140 process. In every case, Karen refugees had very little to complain about regarding their interaction with their resettlement agency, World Relief.19 While World Relief is responsible for providing guaranteed services, the office in Aurora promotes an environment and community that meets the needs of incoming refugees through various networks, including other refugees and the larger structure of refuge present in Aurora.
The Karen use of social networks has been shown to be an important part of every leg of their journey. In Burma, done completely by word of mouth, villagers worked together to ward off attacks and to look out for each other’s family members if separated during a time of fleeing.
Secondly, when a farmer suffered loss, another farmer would step in and loan the family food until the next harvest. Thirdly, villages communicated with each other regarding the location of
Burmese military and the likelihood of eminent attack. Fourthly, when one village was attacked, often the villagers would disperse to surrounding villages where they were greeted with food and shelter as need. And, finally, it was through an extensive network that Karen villagers learned of the existence of and opportunities at the refugee camps.
In the camps, Thai officials and other NGO leaders, were surprised to find networks in place that had arranged and provided food so quickly to the new refugees. As time wore on, the
Karen social network inside and outside Burma, kept Karen in the camps aware of, and in touch with, other family members still inside Burma. The Thai officials did not allow for the education of Karen refugees, but through the Karen social networks, many could obtain the desired level of education. Also, while in the camps, Karen refugees began to take advantage of a new type of
19 Although it is true that my own position as a link in this structure of refuge network would make it less likely they would complain to me, many Karen refugees do not know of my initial connection to the Karen community as a WRA volunteer. However, this connection cannot be ignored. 141 social network - Facebook and other social media platforms. It was through these platforms that
Karen in the refugee camps became instantly aware of what items they should and should not bring to the United States. It was also through these platforms that many refugees could see the
United States and decide to resettle.
Once they reached the United States, the Karen were accustomed to using social networks. In a practical sense, nearly all refugees depended on the Karen who had come before them to help them transition to life in the United States. A new Karen refugee did not need to immediately learn how to navigate the social services sector as they could depend on other Karen refugees to help them out. In times of need or of major purchases, the Karen social network will also step in with financial aid. Of course, the use of social media has only increased as Karen refugees in the United States can now interact with family members in other countries on demand online. In addition, Karen refugees can remain connected and aware of political issues specific to Karen, which would be harder to maintain with the distance of resettlement.
Social connections within the community are vital to the resettlement process of a Karen refugee but connections outside the Karen community have enriched the lives of the Karen even more. Volunteers met through WRA who continue to provide services, friendship, and education beyond the obligation, are examples of this. Ladies’ Tea Time and the organization that helps refugees buy homes are further examples. Through these associations, the Karen refugees of
Aurora have been able to increase their social capital at a much greater rate than without.
In contrast to the resettlement process of the early 1980s, WRA, as opposed to individual sponsors, provides all the required services for refugees. WRA employees procure living arrangements, interact with school districts regarding enrollment and student issues, arrange 142 initial medical appointments, provide ESL and job trainings, arrange after school tutoring sessions, give immigration assistance, and register refugees for health insurance and social services. In earlier decades, individual volunteer sponsors would have been tasked with providing these services which requires a lot of time. Instead, WRA provides these services allowing volunteers to help refugees in other arenas. As a result, Karen refugees have friendship partner volunteers who can focus on helping them navigate such things as obtaining a driver’s license, medical appointments beyond the initial screenings, parent teacher interactions, and reading mail.
Refugees of previous decades often continued to feel the effects of structural violence as they felt that areas such as dangerous neighborhoods, welfare offices, and the healthcare industry continued to oppress and marginalize refugees, even after resettlement (Ong 2003, Tang 2015).
Instead, WRA has been able to successfully maintain a large network of volunteers that are trained, background checked, and willing to provide time and resources to help refugees in many ways, depending largely on the volunteer’s area of expertise. Within the Karen community, I have often provided medical advice as well as attended hundreds of appointments of Karen refugees. Law Eh Doh or Mu Ka Naw accompany me to the appointments. Each time, I emulate appropriate behavior for the healthcare setting, including the United States healthcare expectation that a patient asks questions, to both the patient and Law Eh Doh or Mu Ka Naw.
After several years, Law Eh Doh and Mu Ka Naw now feel more comfortable attending medical appointments. They now often accompany other Karen to medical appointments.
Unlike in the 1980s when medical translators were not readily available, every Karen refugee is able, and has the right to, phone interpreters at every medical appointment. This has 143 created an environment in which the refugee is less oppressed as well. The doctor or medical personnel, through the phone interpreter, talks directly to the patient instead of conversing solely with the accompanying interpreter. The Karen refugee is able to exert much more control over their personal health. In fact, if desired, a Karen can attend a medical appointment without
English speaking help. Due to the availability of a volunteer to provide advocate services, the
Karen refugees, despite continued language issues, do not express a feeling of oppression imposed by the United States healthcare system. The Karen refugees are appreciative of the doctors and lifesaving treatments they have experienced.
In addition to the healthcare system, previous refugees have felt oppressed by social services. Due to lack of employment options in the urban setting, refugees often felt that they could not escape the cycle of federal and state income assistance (Ong 2003, Tang 2015). For example, Bronx Cambodians were told to apply for jobs that did not exist or that did not match their skill set and were further mislead about their rights regarding assistance which resulted in
“most of the refugees continued [subsistence] in the welfare state well” after a decade of resettlement (Tang 2015:77–8).
While Aurora does not resemble the small villages of Burma, it not an economically depressed, often violent, urban setting that so many previous refugees found themselves. In contrast, the Karen refugees have little problem obtaining and maintaining employment. In
Aurora, WRA maintains relationships with several employers who will provide employment to refugees. While these jobs are not always ideal, such as working in a frozen meat plant, they do provide the much-needed paycheck and consistent work. Many Karen continue in the same employment they first obtained several years ago. In addition, as has been the experience of most 144 refugees, a refugee can contact a temporary agency and be able to work, at least part time, within a week. This is very different from the late 1970s and 1980s when long-term cash assistance dependency was the norm.
Consistent income does not alleviate poverty, but it has allowed many Karen to increase their economic standing. Having been unable to retain land in Burma or Thailand, over half of the Karen interviewed have been able to purchase their homes. Considering many of the Karen refugees arrived with absolutely no capital, barely even essential clothing, less than ten years ago, this is an amazing feat.
The structure of refuge (Kibria 1990) not only includes the formal, mandated federal services only available to refugees, but it also includes the informal, social connections that benefit refugees directly. Through WRA’s favorable image within in the community and its volunteers, the Karen refugees have benefited in ways not always available in other locations or periods. For example, a few years ago, Aurora experienced a high volume of rain, approximately twelve inches, in less than 24 hours. In a particular apartment complex, several refugee families lived in garden level, or more accurately described as basement level, apartments. The sudden onslaught of water could not be handled by the Aurora sewer system and the apartment occupants woke up in the middle of the night to nearly a foot of water. By 9 AM the next morning, there was a group of community members on site helping the four displaced refugee families. Two local families volunteered to house the families indefinitely. Over the next few weeks, several different individuals utilized their available networks to provide cleaning, painting, and new furnishings and clothes to replace those damaged. Not only was new furniture found, it was delivered and installed in the apartments. Neither World Relief or the apartment 145 complex management was involved in this activity at all. What could have been a financial disaster to families living at poverty level, was negated by the informal structure of refuge in
Aurora.
Other examples of the informal structure of refuge in the lives of Karen refugees includes the availability of garden space provided by individuals and local churches. Volunteers observed the refugees gardening creatively in their very limited physical space. These volunteers approached a local church, who possessed an abundance of “green space” and a water hose, to meet a need of the refugee community in a practical manner from their abundance. Garden space as well as water for irrigation is provided, free of charge, to refugees. Christmas parties, Easter egg hunts, Halloween “Trunk or Treats,” and local park, museum, and library outings are planned and provided to refugee families regularly. In addition, practical needs such as coats, children’s clothing, and baby showers are provided by many local organizations targeting refugees exclusively. These activities are not done “to” refugees; refugees are not forced to participate, it is their choice. However, how the larger refugee community in Aurora, as well as individuals, appropriate these opportunities varies. For example, although Halloween naturally comes with candy, it is at these events that winter coats, boots, scarves, and gloves will also be available for refugee parents to “shop” for children who have outgrown last year’s winter wear.
Some families will enjoy the festivities as their children participate in an “American” holiday, often sharing the “loot” with extended family and friends. Other families can use this pretense to obtain much needed, otherwise expensive, essential items for their children. All of these modes of the informal structure of refuge make it possible for Karen refugees earning a poverty level wage to escape the structural violence of continued oppression. 146
Karen refugees in Aurora experience a supportive resettlement process due, in large part, to the activity of World Relief. As a resettlement agency responsible for specific, government mandated tasks, their employees complete these tasks with a manner and attitude that make the
Karen refugees feel comfortable. Idealized and successful resettlement is not without precedence in the western suburbs of Chicago at World Relief as Mawi Asgedom relayed in his book Of
Beetles and Angles (2002) of his life as a refugee and eventual Harvard graduate. In addition,
WRA places Karen refugees close to other Karen refugees and encourages interdependence. The
Karen are accustomed to reliance on networks and, therefore, quickly fall into roles as provider or recipient of help. And finally, based in part on the positive interaction of WRA in the greater
Aurora community, Karen refugees benefit from an informal structure of refuge which reduces the structural violence felt by the refugees.
Aid and the Karen Refugee in Aurora
Woven throughout the story of the Karen refugee is the role of aid, both in terms of humanitarianism and US government assistance. Regarding identity, humanitarian aid and associated NGOs are often implicated in “creating” a pan Karen identity (see Buadaeng, Kramer,
Gravers, Hovemyr, South, Harriden) in the refugee camps. Also, manifested in refugee camps but carried over into the resettlement process, is the role aid plays in governmentality (Agier
2011) and oppression of the refugee (Ong 2003, Tang 2015). In addition, the role of the aid worker needs to be examined (Mortland 1987, Malkki 2015). This section concerning aid, then, is applicable to all aspects of the thesis and will be tackled separately here rather than in each section. 147
What is humanitarianism? To each person, a different set of images comes to mind. It is, therefore, very difficult to define. To some, it is the “moral imperative to intervene…to do good” or to improve the human condition from suffering and to save lives (Ticktin 2014:274). To others, it represents a form of government or a set of laws. Within that scope, there is much debate about how long it has been around as well. However, in the late 1980s, “humanitarianism began to take shape as a particular moral and political project through the formation of transnational nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)” (Ticktin 2014:274). The presence of the
“refugee” has always been central to the discussion of humanitarianism even though it encompasses so much more (Ticktin 2014:275).
Anthropology’s relationship with humanitarianism has changed over the decades. Miriam
Ticktin (2014) lays out three stages. The first, which wed legal and medical anthropology, was the examination of humanitarian responses as legal and medical issues. On the legal side, studies focused on international refugees and displacement and the legal institutions that created and mediated those spaces, such as the UNHCR. On the medical side, suffering—even “universal suffering” (Ticktin 2015:276) —became the focus of study, especially in emergency situations.
During this time, it was said that “humanitarian action’s single-minded purpose (is) alleviating suffering, unconditionally and without ulterior motive” (de Torrente 2004 in Ticktin 2015:276).
However, anthropologists began to investigate the “unintended consequences of humanitarianism” in their critical analyses. During this second stage, three main areas of anthropological exploration of humanitarianism emerged: spaces, people, and events. Refugee camps are the best example of “spaces of exception” created by humanitarianism. Refugee 148 camps20 are “complex, sites of new forms of politics, nationalism, rivalry, and entrepreneurship, as well as new forms of sociality, violence and suffering” (Agier 2002 in Ticktin 2015:278).
Refugee camps are intended to create a safe place for victims to receive life-saving provisions such as food and shelter. While those goods are delivered, the organizations that provide them have often been exposed as being more focused in transforming (Mortland 1987) and governing
(Agier 2012) refugees inside the camps. Other works, such as Mark Schuller’s Humanitarian
Aftershocks in Haiti (2016), bring to light the devastating effect outside humanitarian aid can have on displaced people, in this case, suffering from a natural disaster such as the 2010 earthquake. The “multibillion-dollar aid response [from the US and other countries] …triggered a range of negative unintended consequences” (Schuller 2016:3).
There are two classes of people involved in humanitarian aid: the “victims” and the humanitarians. The inequality between these two sectors has been explored by many (see
Mortland, Ong). Often humanitarianism involves experts such as doctors, nurses, psychologists, and teachers who create expectations of the model refugee that “often ends up favoring certain kinds of people” to be “granted rights” within the camp and for resettlement (Ticktin 2015:279).
The inequality between the refugee and the aid worker creates an oppressive environment of discipline and control exerted by the outside aid worker on the refugee.
Aiwha Ong (2003) posits that this oppression continues through the refugee resettlement process and into the United States. The way that humanitarianism is practiced, through bureaucratic procedure, in the refugee camp determines who qualifies as a refugee, especially a
20 Please note, this refers to refugee camps worldwide, not specifically Karen camps or even Thai-Burma border camps in general. Worldwide, refugee camps take on many different forms. See extensive literature starting with Ticktin 2015:278 and Agier 2012. 149 refugee considered fit for resettlement. If a refugee performs certain actions, they are more likely to be selected for resettlement. This discipline process controls the behavior of the refugee.
Upon arrival in the US, Ong suggests that government bureaucracy again works to discipline and control the refugee “in other unexpected or unplanned ways” (Ticktin 2015:279). The refugee has a set of ideal behaviors, such as financial independence and, therefore, refusal of government assistance, thrust upon them if they are to be considered an exemplary model US citizen. The inability of many refugees to live without government assistance has the unintended consequence of the inescapable feeling of oppression (Ong 2003).
The third area of exploration by anthropologists is events; the three most prominent are conflicts, epidemics, and disasters (Ticktin 2015). Anthropologists, with their critical approach, have shown how humanitarianism has used conflicts to get involved in political matters, “rather than keeping the status quo, as humanitarian principles would suggest” (Ticktin 2015:280).
Critical anthropological work on epidemics has emphasized structural violence. And finally, the critical literature on events “illustrates one of the defining features of this body of work on unintended consequences: its focus on humanitarianism as a new form of government” (Ticktin
2015:281).
These key anthropological works (Schuller, Agier, Mortland, Ong, Tang and more) are representative of the much-needed critical approach to aid such as humanitarianism and government assistance. Unlike the previous assumption that humanitarianism was good, this critical approach exposed the problems with humanitarianism. However, every “on-the-ground” situation is different and, as these authors would readily agree, humanitarianism is not all bad.
There continues to be a large amount of resources, human and monetary, designated for 150 humanitarian aid. These critical approaches hope to shape the future use of such aid to avoid these negative consequences. In addition, these critical approaches have revealed “inequality and domination” within humanitarianism which can be addressed (Ticktin 2015:283).
The third stage of humanitarian and anthropological engagement involves the most recent approach of “more cautious, ethnographic examinations and descriptions of its complexities, limits, and boundaries” (Ticktin 2015:283). For example, Liisa Malkki’s (2015) The Need to
Help explores, not the humanitarian organization, practices, or its decision-making processes, but the volunteers themselves and their motivation to do the humanitarian work they are involved in.
With Finland’s International Red Cross and local “old women knitters” as her informants,
Malkki found that the people with needs met through humanitarianism was not limited to just the
“victims” but also included the “humanitarians” as well. Those participants who traveled to crises, often relayed a sense of connecting to the outside world, beyond their local, mundane life.
In addition, and surprisingly, the local knitters who created Aid Bunnies for suffering children also wanted to connect to the world “out there” (Malkki 2015:9). These humanitarians were just as needy as the victims they were helping (Malkki 2015).
The Karen refugees did not attribute their concept of Karen identity to organizations that they had met only upon arrival in the refugee camp (as suggested by Buadaeng, Kramer,
Gravers, Hovemyr, South, and Harriden). According to the refugees, their ideas of being Karen were cemented in Burma as they shared a language, culture, and a concept of oppression.
However, a critical analysis would certainly reveal subtle transformations taking place over an extended period as Karen refugees lived in the camps. For this thesis, I did not visit the refugee 151 camps so a complete analysis on the role of humanitarian aid in the creation of Karen identity is beyond the scope of this research.
In addition, my inability to visit the refugee camps prohibits a complete analysis of the role humanitarian agencies plays in the feeling of confinement felt by the refugees.
Humanitarianism as a new form of government positions the refugee camps as spaces for discipline and governmentality. The NGOs, as the actors with power, often act too powerful and begin to police the refugees, contributing to the sense of confinement. Based on the Karen refugees’ stories, the Karen camps offer an alternative origination of the overwhelming sense of confinement felt among the refugees. Since much of camp governance is in the hands of Karen organizations, people interviewed did not discuss INGOs as controlling the camps. It is evident that international organizations are important to the daily life and resettlement of the Karen refugee. Not all Karen refugees choose to resettle, but there is definite evidence that not all refugees who want to resettle can. There must be a bureaucratic determination process in place, even if the Karen refugees did not emphasize or discuss it in their explanations of camp life.
However, even considering this, the Karen refugees said that it was the Thai officials that policed them and made them feel confined. The Thai government has not ratified the UN Refugee
Convention that provides protection to refugees. Without rights or citizenship, the refugees feel the oppressive presence of Thai soldiers if they venture outside of the camp boundaries. It is within this context that feelings of confinement are attributed to Thai officials and not to humanitarian organizations.
However, one area that this thesis can contribute new information is the idea of continuing oppression felt by refugees after resettlement. Ong (2003) and Tang’s (2015) critical 152 assessments of refugees’ participation in government assistance programs led them to conclude that those institutions had unintended consequences of continuing to oppress struggling refugees long after initial resettlement. Most of the refugees in those studies were unemployed and continued to rely on government assistance for survival. The unskilled refugees were unable to find appropriate or long-term employment. Often living in economically depressed, violent neighborhoods, the refugees felt oppressed and confined. The bureaucratic control exerted by the public assistance and food stamp programs were made more onerous by the redesign of
“welfare” programs under the Clinton administration in the 1990s (Tang 2015).
The Karen refugees of Aurora, have largely been able to avoid this feeling of continued oppression through resettlement due the timing and location of their resettlement and to the structure of refuge. The Karen refugees have arrived in the US nearly twenty years after the
Cambodian refugees of Ong and Tang’s work. During that time, federal policies regarding refugee resettlement have evolved. Most noticeably is the reliance on a select number of
VOLAGs to provide resettlement services instead of individual or religious sponsorships. In addition, federal funding for refugees has decreased from an initial 36 months to the current three-month timeline. This decrease in funding available combined with the reliance on
VOLAGs as the only deliverer of services has forced the VOLAGs to become more efficient in job training and job placement services. Continual approval as a resettlement agency is contingent on the VOLAGs ability to meet the needs of the refugees assigned to them. If they are unable to deliver the services, the VOLAG stands to lose their funding and role as a resettlement agency. 153
In addition to timing, the location of resettlement in a suburban setting has benefited the
Karen refugees of Aurora. Aurora is a suburb of Chicago, the fourth largest city in the United
States. Because of its proximity to a large metropolitan area, numerous employment options are available. This setting stands in stark contrast to the economic depression and violence of
Oakland and the Bronx as described by Ong and Tang respectively.
In addition, there are several teaching medical universities within driving distance. These medical offices in these facilities are staffed with medical students at various stages of their educational experience. The students, anxious to learn and perform medical diagnoses and procedures, as well their supervising doctors, provide a learning environment for both the staff and the refugee patient. In addition to having access to the many advantages of a city such as
Chicago, Aurora is on the very edge of Chicagoland: the Karen refugees drive past farmland as they travel to work and church. The suburban setting is less violent and provides more space for individuals and families. Community gardens are present in larger cities, certainly, but the area available to the Karen refugees for gardening is comparatively vast. Education in a suburban setting continues to outpace urban settings (Guerrero 2017).
While timing and location of resettlement have important roles in decreased oppression felt by the Karen refugees in Aurora, the structure of refuge is the primary contributor. Refugees often feel they must face oppression in this new setting of resettlement without the familiar structures of home such as gender roles, kinship ties, and social status (Kibria, Ong, Tang). Often refugees have created new social networks within the community of refugees whose country of origin were not the same, and likely not even from the same continent. These new arrangements create an interdependence between neighbors which benefits all involved (Conquergood 1992). 154
The Karen refugees in Aurora have been able to maintain some of their social structures in part because they often fled as villages from Burma to the refugee camps. In addition, the Karen have an extensive network in Burma, in Thailand refugee camps, and, now, in the US and other third countries of resettlement. These distances are shrunk by the ubiquitous nature of social media which connects all of these communities across physical spaces. Karen who move into Aurora are immediately welcomed by Karen. If the new refugee is not known in the Aurora Karen network before arrival, WRA plays an important role in getting the parties connected.
WRA’s role as resettlement agency overshadows its equally important role in connecting people to each other. WRA has created its own network of individuals who have expressed some level of desire to assist the refugee community. The volunteer coordinator meets and interviews potential volunteers. The volunteer coordinator will be made aware of various needs within the refugee community and is tasked with contacting someone (or more) who would be willing and able to meet that need. Often, the volunteer coordinator calls on volunteers to partner together who were previously unknown to each other. The resulting action often creates a bond between two individuals, and possibly two organizations. In addition, WRA holds a large volunteer appreciation banquet and a summer picnic. During these times, volunteers interact and create connections. Soon, as volunteers see each other “in the field” in the refugee community; needs of the refugee community are shared and met without the involvement of WRA. Over the years, the volunteers initially connected through WRA have created their own network which has become an extensive structure of refuge for the Karen, and the greater, refugee community in Aurora.
Physical needs such as winter coats, clothes, household provisions, used cars, and sometimes food have been met. In other situations, space for gardening, recreation, and religious functions 155 has been provided. At times, free babysitting has been provided so that parents could work or simply enjoy an evening out, a luxury many low-income families cannot enjoy. Still other times, counseling has been identified as a potential need when a refugee exhibited depression or violent behavior, which would have been missed without the near constant presence of the structure of refuge. Because WRA provides the services mandated by the federal government such as job and language training, the structure of refuge individuals are able to assist refugees in arenas that the refugees of Ong and Tang were left to navigate by themselves such as education, healthcare, and legal services. And finally, the social and cultural educational meetings, provided exclusively by those outside of WRA, are valued most by the Karen refugees who feel they have a place to ask questions in a friendly, non-threatening environment. In short, the Karen refugee does not feel they must face their new, unfamiliar life alone. Structure of refuge provides an extensive network where physical and emotional needs can be met without cost to the refugee.
As discussed in Chapter 5, WRA has primarily resettled Bhutanese/Nepali and Burmese refugees, with only a few Middle Eastern, eastern Europe, and African refugees. While most the
Karen are Christian, the majority of refugees in Aurora are not. The structure of refuge in Aurora is available and is utilized by all members of the refugee community. The Karen refugee’s experience with outsiders and networks as well as individual needs influences their interaction with the structure of refuge. Likewise, the greater refugee communities’ interaction with the structure of refuge is specific and individual, but no less effective.
Within the Aurora community, those individuals and organizations that contribute positively to the structure of refuge would fit within the scope of “humanitarians.” The motivation to participate in humanitarianism has also been a focus of research. In Malkki’s work 156
(2015), she focused on a humanitarian organization that did its work in another country. Woven throughout her analysis is the idea of another world, whether personally visited or connected to only by way of the handcrafts created that were sent. This desire, this need, to experience another world “out there” was a large contributing motivation of involvement in humanitarianism. In contrast, the humanitarians who contribute to the refugee community in Aurora are meeting needs within the community in which they live. Often, the humanitarians will have children attend the same schools and see and interact with refugees in their “own” community, even when not specifically engaged in humanitarianism. If the motivation of involvement in an “out there” world is removed, what, then, is the motivation of the humanitarians who continue to provide the structure of refuge year after year?
As, arguably, a humanitarian myself,21 it is often disheartening to read so much critical analyses of humanitarianism. Without doubt humanitarian organizations play a role in creating, or at least solidifying, a pan identity for Karen in the refugee camps with the sudden plethora of
Karen flags and education. The degree to which this is detrimental to the Karen regarding their own concept of Karen identity is contested by the Karen refugees’ interviews. Due to their unique, but unobserved, camp structure, Karen refugees largely escape some of the governmentality and oppression felt in other refugee and displacement camps around the world.
The confinement felt in the camps is a result of the political stance of the country in which they seek refuge, Thailand, as it has not adopted the UN refugee protocol regarding the protection, and not policing, of refugees.
21 I say that only because I am not officially associated with an humanitarian agency. 157
The oppression felt by many refugees after resettlement, is, again, lessened for the Karen refugees in Aurora. Through a structure of refuge, many refugees can survive on limited income through the donation of household items on a regular basis. In fact, because they do not have to purchase many of these items, many of the Karen in Aurora can save money to buy a home.
Despite the positive effects of humanitarianism in Aurora, even the motivation of volunteers in humanitarian aid work has been questioned, speculating one would not provide assistance without personal gain of some kind. While critical analyses, and even criticism, is needed, in the case of the Karen refugees in Aurora, aid, both humanitarian and government assistance, has been beneficial and alleviated human suffering, as it was intended. This one-on-one personal assistance seems to contrast favorably with the control and governmentality of the public assistance bureaucratic system described by researchers working with other refugee communities.
The Stories
This project could have been approached in a more methodologically structured manner. As I endeavored to discover ideas of identity, I could have easily formulated interview questions that focused on those concepts. In addition, I could have asked specific questions targeting the resettlement process. Instead, I chose to approach this project as a collection of oral histories.
Oral histories are inherently chronological as the informant recounts their life. During the collection of oral histories, I did indeed discover concepts of identity as well as details of the resettlement process. However, the life stories that were told by the Karen refugees of Aurora provided an emotionally powerful element. 158
The twenty-seven informants provided consistent stories. The informants came from different villages, lived in different refugee camps, and resettled at different times at different ages. Yet, as they told their stories of their life in Burma, their life in the refugee camp, and finally their life in the United States, they consistently spoke of themes of living in fear in
Burma, feeling confined in refugee camps, and experiencing freedom and liberty in the United
States.
Every participant was asked to tell about their life in Burma to begin their narrative. The response was always the same: they lived in fear. Eventually, most of the refugees told about the green, beautiful mountains of their homeland. Details of everyday life such as farming, growing vegetables, raising livestock, going to school – or not, fishing, playing, getting married, raising a family and more were described. However, pervasive throughout was the idea of living in fear.
The Karen refugees were afraid of the constant threat of Burmese military attack on their village.
Through their networks, they heard of the military’s movement and its decimation of nearby villages. Always aware the enemy was close, the Karen refugees lived in a constant state of alertness. In some cases, they could flee their village before the Burmese military arrived; other times they were surprised. Mothers were afraid for their children, fathers were afraid for their families, and children, often unaware of details, felt the palpable fear of their parents. Fear permeated their lives with no escape. Just like the Guatemalan widows in Green’s book, Karen refugees’ “fear [was fed] on the absence of justice and accountability for the army perpetrators”
(Gill 2000:945). In the opinion of the Karen villagers, the Burmese army’s attacks on Karen villages were unjustified and inhumane, yet the military did not appear to be operating under any set of rules. This uncertainty compounded the feeling of living in fear. 159
When the Karen villager finally decided to escape life of constant fear, they were left with no other option but the refugee camps across the Thai border. Camp life provided a stable, consistent living arrangement. No longer did the Karen refugee feel the need to flee from one location to another. However, eventually they realized they had traded a life of fear of the
Burmese army for a life of fear of the Thai authorities, which lead to lead to feelings of confinement. The Thai officials were not attacking their homes, villages, and families but they restricted the movement of the Karen refugees.
Descriptions of the camp paint a dreary picture, devoid of the green, lush vegetation of
Burma’s highlands. Daily life became routine, but lacked the familiar routine of providing for their household. Completely dependent on outside aid for essential supplies such as food, clothing, water, and shelter, Karen refugees were often bored and felt they did nothing. Despite often leaving the camps for gardening, day labor, and collection of vegetables, the Karen spoke of constantly being afraid of the Thai authorities and not being allowed to go anywhere. In contrast to the literature that indicates refugees might feel confined by the governmentality exerted over them by NGOs inside the camp (Agier 2011), the Karen refugees feel confined by the Thai military. Thailand has a right to protect its citizens from intruders, but it seems that Thai officials have not been willing to accommodate the UN mandated rights of those fleeing persecution, leading Karen refugees to feel confined.
Of course, we understand that just because the camps are administered by Karen leadership and not outsiders their actions are not always above reproach. Several observers have even suggested that the Karen refugee camps are maintained to funnel aid to the Karen resistance army, although no proof exists. In contrast to other camps around the world where outsiders 160 come in and run the camps, the Karen refugee camps, however, are run by insiders. Given the extensive social networks that have existed for generations, there is also a certain level of accountability of the Karen leadership to the Karen refugee population. On one hand, Karen refugees might accept guidelines and rules created by insiders more readily. On the other hand, as evidence by the current (April 2017) criticism of the KNU leadership elections, Karen feel freer to express displeasure and offer alternative options to leadership made up of insiders (Karen
News Facebook).
As with life in Burma before it, life in the refugee camp becomes unbearable. The refugee decides to take another step to escape the life of fear and feeling of living in confinement and applies for resettlement. Once the refugee arrives in the United States, they express enjoying a life of freedom and liberty. The Karen refugees no longer live in fear and welcome the ability to move freely.
Applied Component: The Art of Surviving
During the thesis proposal process, the Pick Museum of Anthropology at NIU planned to create an exhibit focusing on oral histories of local Karen refugees. As the liaison to the Karen community, I collaborated with the research assistant on the project concerning the interview questions and targeted informants. In addition, my previous interaction with the Karen community had registered the desire of many to record their stories. As such, despite focusing on concepts of identity, the interviews of this project were framed as a “Tell me your story” 161 narrative. The opening question was always “Tell me about your life in Burma” which allowed the informant to shape the storyline.22
As a result of the information obtained during the interviews, the ideas for an exhibit were re-conceptualized and the planned exhibit moved to the NIU Art Museum in collaboration with the NIU Center of Burma Studies. This project will now include an online resource, a traveling exhibit, and will be the focal exhibit at the 2020 International Burma Studies
Conference held at NIU. The new exhibit design, due in part to the lack of Karen cultural artefacts as described above, is proposed to be a photograph driven exhibit, allowing visitors to experience the story of the Karen refugees of Aurora. It is tentatively titled The Art of Surviving.
The creation of an exhibit that reflects the experiences of this group of informants remains the focus of The Art of Surviving. As the interviews followed a chronological pattern with three distinct time periods, it seemed the exhibit should as well. While it would be easy to focus on the beautiful greenery of Burma and possibly a bamboo house which could display items considered “exotic” to an American audience such as a backstrap loom, fish baskets, rice, and bamboo, it seemed imperative that a sense of pervasive fear, of being constantly watched, should be conveyed. Museum curators will be tasked with how to convey this sense of fear while considering the balance between revealing Karen ideal life in Burma and the harsh realities of living in fear. While the presence of a bamboo house provides a sense of life in Burma, a burned down house with its contents destroyed more accurately, and more dramatically, portrays the remembered reality of the Karen refugees’ village experience.
22 A special thanks to the Henry Luce Foundation for providing funding for this research and exhibit. Funding was also provided by the NIU Center for Southeast Asian Studies with Department of Education, Title VI funding. 162
As the exhibit moves to the next section, the refugee camp, an overwhelming sense of confinement needs to be felt by the viewer. The camps were quite large, housing several thousand, but they felt small and imprisoning to the refugees. Material culture from the camps, including NGO propaganda and examples of rations, can be displayed to provide insight into the daily life of Karen refugees. However, once again, it is not the artefacts that are the most important. In the case of the refugee camp, the American audience must feel an overwhelming sense of confinement. Museum curators will decide whether or not to utilize physical boundaries to promote a feeling of confinement. In addition, the drab, dreary, boring life of the refugee camp might be communicated through the use of single color, such as sepia or black and white, photographs. As the audience moves through the exhibit, in addition to seeing objects and photographs that promote understanding of the life of the Karen refugee, the design would also, and more importantly, connect the Karen refugee and the viewer on an emotional level. The shared experience of fear and confinement unifies and creates understanding between the
American audience and the Karen refugee.
The lack of artefacts owned by the Karen refugees provided a dilemma in the creation of a visual exhibit. In addition, while the chronological delivery of their stories was tied to geographical locations, the Karen refugees’ stories seemed to be tied more closely to emotions rather than artefacts. Conveying emotion is challenging and relies on the skill of artists in the creation of the exhibit rather than artefacts. And finally, the Center of Burma studies owns artefacts that have been identified as uniquely Karen, according to historical evidence. Among these items are a Karen bronze drum, a Karen harp, and a Karen horn. Both the drum and horn are Karen cultural features that are so important that they are included symbolically on the Karen 163 flag. However, the use of these items in an exhibit about the Karen refugee of Aurora experience is challenging. Despite the importance of these items in Karen history, the Karen refugees of
Aurora have never seen them. To use these artefacts in an exhibit, despite their overall importance in Karen history, may mislead the audience to assume these items were important to the Karen refugees before they arrived in the United States.
Through museum exhibit, the oral histories of the Karen refugees will be shared with a greater American audience. The exhibit will fulfill several purposes. First, the Karen refugees’ stories will be documented and shared. The informants, and the greater Karen community, have voiced their appreciation of the importance of this. From their perspective, it validates their suffering as well as the lives of friends and family who did not survive. Secondly, an American audience, as they are exposed to the emotions of the Karen refugees’ journeys, will gain empathy for their plight. Karen refugees hope that more advocates globally will increase pressure on the
Burmese military to cease human rights violations as well as positively influence public opinion and, possibly, government policy regarding refugees. Thirdly, the Karen refugees in Aurora feel they lack the time and the resources to preserve this portion of Karen history for future generations. The informants agreed to be a part of this project to allow NIU to use its resources to create such an exhibit.
This project discovered various actions, expressions, thoughts, and feelings of Karen identity as perceived by Karen refugees in Aurora. Common language, heredity, a shared unifying past of oppression and opposition to ethnic Burmans, as well as everyday activities such as clothing choices, display of the Karen flag in their home, and gardening of familiar foods provided contemporary assertions of Karen identity while a long history and religion did not. 164
Through the process of gathering, organizing, and writing down the oral histories, the Karen refugees are encouraged to continue valuing concepts of Karen identity and handing them down to the next generation despite their new circumstances and surroundings. Secondly, more accurate data has been provided about how these Karen people perceive their history, contemporary identity, and the process of resettlement, which adds to the literature on the
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