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The Movement: An Integrated Approach to the Study of the Origins and Evolution of 1960s Radical Thought A thesis submitted to Kent State University in partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts Dionna D. LaRue August 2010 Thesis written by Dionna D. LaRue B.A., Kent State University, 2007 M.A., Kent State University, 2010 Approved by ________________________________, Advisor Elizabeth Smith-Pryor ________________________________, Chair, Department of History Kenneth Bindas ________________________________, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences John R. D. Stalvey ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………...iii Chapter I. Introduction…….……..……………………………………………………......1 II. Early Activism: Intellectualization, Gandhian Nonviolence, and Civil Disobedience.............…........................................................................................10 III. The Colonial Analogy……………………………….....................................23 IV. A Case for Violence in the Peace Movement.................................….……...39 V. Conclusion.....................……………………………………………………..58 Bibliography.......................................................................................................…..........61 iii INTRODUCTION During the 1950s and 1960s, three movements that sought to change American society emerged on the national scene: the Civil Rights Movement (CRM), the New Left Movement (NLM), and the Black Power Movement (BPM). While these three movements seemed to be independent entities with different goals, they actually shared many of the same tactics and advocated the same basic underlying messages. Historians, however, by studying the three movements separately have made it difficult to see the connections between them. What this thesis does is examine the three separate entities, in order to identify their commonalities, as part of a whole, which I call “the Movement.” Martin Luther King, Jr. realized early on in the CRM that the black freedom struggle might turn violent. In his April 1963 letter he wrote to the public while in a Birmingham jail, King advised that “there is a more excellent way of love and non- violent protest” in opposition to “donothingism” and the “hatred and despair of the black nationalist.” 1 In September 1963, one month after the March on Washington and the bombing of a Birmingham church that took the lives of four little African American girls, Martin Luther King, Jr. warned President Kennedy that it was becoming difficult to 1 Martin Luther King, Jr., “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” in Clayborne Carson, “The Unfinished Dialogue of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X,” Journal of American History (January 2005): 23. 1 2 encourage nonviolent protest in the black community. 2 Also, a few years later, previously pacifist white youth activists, such as Students for a Democratic Society’s Tom Hayden, facing increased fear from the Vietnam War draft, and rising pessimism about the ability of the American system to change, began exploring more revolutionary and more violent means to end American social ills. 3 While white and black Americans did not always fight for the same causes, this thesis suggests that the activists belonged to a single overarching national Movement for human rights that peaked in intensity in the late 1960s. This thesis will trace how many black and white activists followed the same path during the 1960s, starting with a nonviolent-protest approach and as oppression and internal colonialism persisted, subsequently introducing the ideas of self-defense and violence as acceptable means of promoting change, and finally abandoning direct activism in favor of academia and the intellectualization of social ills. It is important to study this era’s ideas and actions in order to better understand America’s history of radicalism and racial conflict. By converging the origins and transformation of the radical ideas of these seemingly unrelated movements into one larger national Movement, a clearer picture of 1960s America can be deduced. When used by historians, the term “Civil Rights Movement (CRM)” usually refers to a period of time in American history that began with the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka U.S. Supreme Court decision to outlaw school segregation and ended with the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1968. It is known as a period of peaceful, nonviolent protest and ideals grounded in Christianity following a 2 King, 24. 3 Tom Hayden, Rebellion and Repression (New York: Meridian Books, 1969), 15. 3 precedent set by Gandhi’s nonviolent freedom struggle against British colonial rule in India. Blacks and whites, led primarily by Dr. King, are reported to have worked alongside one another amicably and cooperatively in order to pass landmark legislation, such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights of Act of 1965. It is remembered as a time of victory, where America overcame its racist past and made grand gestures towards equal rights for all, due to the bravery of the activists who stood up to the government. What is often missing from history books are the stories of youth rebellion, from the early 1950s beatniks and poetry critical of the United States, through the late 1960s and the rise of Black Power and violent revolution. In recent years, some historians such as Jacquelyn Dowd Hall have challenged this narrow time period, arguing that the Civil Rights Movement started much earlier, to Hall as early as the 1930s, and continues today, since racism and discrimination persist. The New Left Movement (NLM) and the Black Power Movement (BPM) have been remembered as fringe movements, initially inspired by the CRM but then taking on their own identities. The NLM consisted primarily of white affluent youth, such as the students who orchestrated and participated in the 1964 Berkeley Free Speech Movement, and members of organizations such as Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). The BPM has historically been referred to as a sort of antithesis to the peaceful CRM. Beginning in 1966, when Stokely Carmichael yelled out the powerful phrase at the James Meredith March, the BPM, primarily led by the Black Panther Party, the BPM has been explained as grounded in radical, violent ideals and a profound hatred of white people. Many believe that Black Power was responsible for the death of the black freedom struggle because it made white Americans so fearful they retaliated instead of cooperated. 4 4 Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, “The Long Civil Rights Movement and Political Uses of the Past,” 4 International fights for self-determination, such as the 1954 Algerian War for independence from French colonial rule, were extremely violent and African Americans, following the lead of influential black Americans such as Richard Wright, Robert F. Williams, and Malcolm X, followed the revolutions in Africa with a close eye because they identified with the racial oppression present in the colonies. Those intellectuals, activists, and political leaders who wrote about their firsthand experiences in these revolutions, such as Frantz Fanon, Albert Memmi, and Kwame Nkrumah were read by American activists and intellectuals in order to better understand their own plight in America’s racist system and also in order to come up with solutions to American racial conflict. Since men like Fanon and Memmi witnessed and wrote about successful violent revolution, disparaged blacks in America turned to violent rhetoric as well. 5 Historians today are doing a lot of work to revise the “traditional” thinking about the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Power Movement and the 1960s in general. Many scholars believe that the history of this time period is more complicated than previously espoused. Historians, by looking at the period from different angles or in different ways, hope to understand it more clearly. First, the majority of the literature written about the time period focuses on black people and their involvement in changing America. There have been several articles written on the origins and activities of the New Left, but it has not been until recently that historians have closely scrutinized the overall success and effectiveness of the movement. In Hayden’s own recollection, Reunion: A Memoir, and Todd Gitlin’s The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage , accounts of the movement by Journal of American History 91 (March 2005): 1233-1236. 5 Martin Thomas, “France's North African Crisis, 1945–1955: Cold War and Colonial Imperatives,” History 92 (April 2007): 207-212. 5 those within it read more like justifications for their actions than historical analyses. The actors themselves have written most of the work about whites instead of impartial parties trained in historical analysis. There have been a few recent works about whites in America at the time, such as Jason Sokol’s There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945-1975 , but Sokol’s interest lay not in activists but in everyday white Americans and the impact of the CRM on their lives. 6 The years following World War II were a time of global revolution and historians have been challenged to view the domestic political upheavals of the 1950s and 1960s in terms of international politics. Mary L. Dudziak, in Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy , explained the role of the Cold War in American racial politics. She argued that the Cold War helped CRM leaders by forcing the United States to address its institutional

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