Pakistan's Scheduled 2008 Election: Background
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Islamist Politics in South Asia After the Arab Spring: Parties and Their Proxies Working With—And Against—The State
RETHINKING POLITICAL ISLAM SERIES August 2015 Islamist politics in South Asia after the Arab Spring: Parties and their proxies working with—and against—the state WORKING PAPER Matthew J. Nelson, SOAS, University of London SUMMARY: Mainstream Islamist parties in Pakistan such as the Jama’at-e Islami and the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam have demonstrated a tendency to combine the gradualism of Brotherhood-style electoral politics with dawa (missionary) activities and, at times, support for proxy militancy. As a result, Pakistani Islamists wield significant ideological influence in Pakistan, even as their electoral success remains limited. About this Series: The Rethinking Political Islam series is an innovative effort to understand how the developments following the Arab uprisings have shaped—and in some cases altered—the strategies, agendas, and self-conceptions of Islamist movements throughout the Muslim world. The project engages scholars of political Islam through in-depth research and dialogue to provide a systematic, cross-country comparison of the trajectory of political Islam in 12 key countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, Jordan, Libya, Pakistan, as well as Malaysia and Indonesia. This is accomplished through three stages: A working paper for each country, produced by an author who has conducted on-the-ground research and engaged with the relevant Islamist actors. A reaction essay in which authors reflect on and respond to the other country cases. A final draft incorporating the insights gleaned from the months of dialogue and discussion. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. -
Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
Politics of Exclusion: Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan by Sadia Saeed A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor George P. Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Fatma Muge Gocek Associate Professor Genevieve Zubrzycki Professor Mamadou Diouf, Columbia University © Sadia Saeed 2010 2 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents with my deepest love, respect and gratitude for the innumerable ways they have supported my work and choices. ii Acknowledgements I would like to begin by acknowledging the immense support my parents have given me every step of the way during my (near) decade in graduate school. I have dedicated this dissertation to them. My ammi and baba have always believed in my capabilities to accomplish not only this dissertation but much more in life and their words of love and encouragement have continuously given me the strength and the will to give my research my very best. My father‘s great enthusiasm for this project, his intellectual input and his practical help and advice during the fieldwork of this project have been formative to this project. I would like to thank my dissertation advisor George Steinmetz for the many engaged conversations about theory and methods, for always pushing me to take my work to the next level and above all for teaching me to recognize and avoid sloppiness, caricatures and short-cuts. It is to him that I owe my greatest intellectual debt. -
E-Newsletter on COVID-19 Contents……
E-Newsletter on COVID-19 Vol. 02, No, 08 Issue: 23-25 January, 2021 …..About Newsletter Contents…… Subscribe In order to keep abreast of emerging issues at the National/International and Op-Eds local level, the SDPI brings Articles/Editorials/News comments …………………………….…...02 out a Bi-weekly E-Newsletter on “COVID-19”. National News It carries reference • Islamabad • Punjab information’s to the News • Khyber Pakhtunkhwa • Gilgit Baltistan items/Comments/Op-Eds • Sindh • AJK appearing in leading • Balochistan • National/International dailies. International News Newspapers Covered: • Countries News • Donors News • Dawn • The News SDPI Engagements • The Express Tribune • Webinars News • Researchers Articles • The Nation • Urdu Newspapers • SDPI: Other Engagement • Business Recorder coverages • Daily Times • Pakistan Observer • Pakistan Today • Urdu Point A Product of ASRC-SDPI Sustainable Development Policy Institute, SDPI Team: Data Managed by: 10-D West, 3rd Floor, Taimoor Chamber, Fazl-ul-Haq Road, Shahid Rasul , Abid Rasheed Blue Area, Islamabad. Pakistan, Compile & Layout Design by: Tel: +92.51. 2278134, Fax: 2278135, Ali Aamer Javed COVID _19: E-Newsletter Op-Eds/Articles/Editorials Op-Eds/Articles/Editorials Procuring vaccines Source: Editorial, The News, International , 2021-01-23 While countries in the neighbourhood, including India with its massive population, have begun dishing out the Covid- 19 vaccine to millions of people, with India setting particularly ambitious targets for itself and also providing vaccine to neighbouring countries including Bhutan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Seychelles, we get no images from Pakistan of people rolling up their sleeves t.....more >> The other have-nots Source: Zehra Waheed, Dawn, Islamabad , 2021-01-23 COVID-19 has impacted us all. -
Pakistan: Arrival and Departure
01-2180-2 CH 01:0545-1 10/13/11 10:47 AM Page 1 stephen p. cohen 1 Pakistan: Arrival and Departure How did Pakistan arrive at its present juncture? Pakistan was originally intended by its great leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, to transform the lives of British Indian Muslims by providing them a homeland sheltered from Hindu oppression. It did so for some, although they amounted to less than half of the Indian subcontinent’s total number of Muslims. The north Indian Muslim middle class that spearheaded the Pakistan movement found itself united with many Muslims who had been less than enthusiastic about forming Pak- istan, and some were hostile to the idea of an explicitly Islamic state. Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, but in a decade self-styled field marshal Ayub Khan had replaced its shaky democratic political order with military-guided democracy, a market-oriented economy, and little effective investment in welfare or education. The Ayub experiment faltered, in part because of an unsuccessful war with India in 1965, and Ayub was replaced by another general, Yahya Khan, who could not manage the growing chaos. East Pakistan went into revolt, and with India’s assistance, the old Pakistan was bro- ken up with the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. The second attempt to transform Pakistan was short-lived. It was led by the charismatic Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who simultaneously tried to gain control over the military, diversify Pakistan’s foreign and security policy, build a nuclear weapon, and introduce an economic order based on both Islam and socialism. -
My Charlie Wilson War by Fatima Bhutto
My Charlie Wilson War by Fatima Bhutto Why is the University of Texas naming a chair of Pakistan Studies after the notorious U.S. congressman who helped destabilize that country? Fatima Bhutto—niece of the late Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto—demands an answer. Pakistan’s new government, the only in the world headed by two former convicts—who have their fingers on the button of a nuclear-armed state, no less—is nothing if not a keen purveyor of irony. There’s currently an effort underway by the Pakistani diplomatic mission in Texas to raise funds for a chair of Pakistan Studies at the University of Texas in Austin. The chair, a dream of the Pakistani diplomatic community, is to be named after Charlie Wilson. For those who missed the movie, it’s worth noting that of all the people to name a chair of Pakistani Studies after, Charlie Wilson is possibly the stupidest. Why Pakistan would chose to honor Wilson is beyond everyone, even the Texans. ―Good-Time Charlie,‖ as Wilson was affectionately known by Afghan warlords and Texan socialites alike, has the dubious reputation of being the godfather of what would later be known as the Taliban in Afghanistan. (He was also buddies with Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza.) In the 1980s, Wilson led Congress into supporting the CIA covert operation aimed at funneling money and arms into Afghanistan through Pakistan’s military and secret services, the ISI. That money, it should be said, did not go to Afghan refugees fleeing the Soviet’s communist invasion. No, it went to the mujahideen in the form of $17 million worth of anti-aircraft weapons, armaments, and other war toys. -
Political Development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the Elections of 1970
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1973 Political development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the elections of 1970. Meenakshi Gopinath University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Gopinath, Meenakshi, "Political development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the elections of 1970." (1973). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2461. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2461 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FIVE COLLEGE DEPOSITORY POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, THE PEOPLE'S PARTY OF PAKISTAN AND THE ELECTIONS OF 1970 A Thesis Presented By Meenakshi Gopinath Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS June 1973 Political Science POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, THE PEOPLE'S PARTY OF PAKISTAN AND THE ELECTIONS OF 1970 A Thesis Presented By Meenakshi Gopinath Approved as to style and content hy: Prof. Anwar Syed (Chairman of Committee) f. Glen Gordon (Head of Department) Prof. Fred A. Kramer (Member) June 1973 ACKNOWLEDGMENT My deepest gratitude is extended to my adviser, Professor Anwar Syed, who initiated in me an interest in Pakistani poli- tics. Working with such a dedicated educator and academician was, for me, a totally enriching experience. I wish to ex- press my sincere appreciation for his invaluable suggestions, understanding and encouragement and for synthesizing so beautifully the roles of Friend, Philosopher and Guide. -
Pakistan's 2008 Elections
Pakistan’s 2008 Elections: Results and Implications for U.S. Policy name redacted Specialist in South Asian Affairs April 9, 2008 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34449 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Pakistan’s 2008 Elections: Results and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary A stable, democratic, prosperous Pakistan actively working to counter Islamist militancy is considered vital to U.S. interests. Pakistan is a key ally in U.S.-led counterterrorism efforts. The history of democracy in Pakistan is a troubled one marked by ongoing tripartite power struggles among presidents, prime ministers, and army chiefs. Military regimes have ruled Pakistan directly for 34 of the country’s 60 years in existence, and most observers agree that Pakistan has no sustained history of effective constitutionalism or parliamentary democracy. In 1999, the democratically elected government of then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was ousted in a bloodless coup led by then-Army Chief Gen. Pervez Musharraf, who later assumed the title of president. In 2002, Supreme Court-ordered parliamentary elections—identified as flawed by opposition parties and international observers—seated a new civilian government, but it remained weak, and Musharraf retained the position as army chief until his November 2007 retirement. In October 2007, Pakistan’s Electoral College reelected Musharraf to a new five-year term in a controversial vote that many called unconstitutional. The Bush Administration urged restoration of full civilian rule in Islamabad and called for the February 2008 national polls to be free, fair, and transparent. U.S. criticism sharpened after President Musharraf’s November 2007 suspension of the Constitution and imposition of emergency rule (nominally lifted six weeks later), and the December 2007 assassination of former Prime Minister and leading opposition figure Benazir Bhutto. -
Honour Killing in Sindh Men's and Women's Divergent Accounts
Honour Killing in Sindh Men's and Women's Divergent Accounts Shahnaz Begum Laghari PhD University of York Women’s Studies March 2016 Abstract The aim of this project is to investigate the phenomenon of honour-related violence, the most extreme form of which is honour killing. The research was conducted in Sindh (one of the four provinces of Pakistan). The main research question is, ‘Are these killings for honour?’ This study was inspired by a need to investigate whether the practice of honour killing in Sindh is still guided by the norm of honour or whether other elements have come to the fore. It is comprised of the experiences of those involved in honour killings through informal, semi- structured, open-ended, in-depth interviews, conducted under the framework of the qualitative method. The aim of my thesis is to apply a feminist perspective in interpreting the data to explore the tradition of honour killing and to let the versions of the affected people be heard. In my research, the women who are accused as karis, having very little redress, are uncertain about their lives; they speak and reveal the motives behind the allegations and killings in the name of honour. The male killers, whom I met inside and outside the jails, justify their act of killing in the name of honour, culture, tradition and religion. Drawing upon interviews with thirteen women and thirteen men, I explore and interpret the data to reveal their childhood, educational, financial and social conditions and the impacts of these on their lives, thoughts and actions. -
Pakistan – NWFP – Jamaat-I-Islami – PPP – Political Violence
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PAK30102 Country: Pakistan Date: 11 April 2006 Keywords: Pakistan – NWFP – Jamaat-i-Islami – PPP – Political Violence This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Have there been any reports of significant political violence in the NWFP involving the Jamaat and the PPP since 2001? RESPONSE 1. Have there been any reports of significant political violence in the NWFP involving the Jamaat and the PPP since 2001? Jamaat and the PPP – reports of violence post-2001 Only two reports could be located in reference to the occurrence of significant political violence between the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Jamaat-i-Islami (Jamaat or JI) in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) in recent times. Reporting on the situation in the NWFP during the local elections in August 2005: • A Pakistan Times bulletin states that “activists of PPP and Jamaat-i-Islami [were said to have] entered into clashes on the premises of Primary School Ghorkai and opened crossfire [sic]. The clash claimed two lives and injured another” (‘Polls-related Violence: LB Elections take 33 Lives in Pakistan’ 2005, The Pakistan Times, 26 August http://www.pakistantimes.net/2005/08/26/top.htm – Accessed 6 March 2006 – Attachment 1); • A Dawn bulletin states that “[w]orkers of People’s Party Parliamentarians (PPP) and Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) [had] clashed in union council Banda Gai of tehsil Talash in Lower Dir, but police intervened and brought the situation under control” (‘Low turnout, thin women attendance in NWFP’ 2005, Dawn website, 25 August http://www.dawn.com/2005/08/26/nat1.htm – Accessed 6 March 2006 – Attachment 2). -
Survey March 7-30, 2009 Survey Methodology
IRI Index Pakistan Public Opinion Survey March 7-30, 2009 Survey Methodology • In-person, in-home interview • National representative sample of adult residents of Pakistan. • n = 3,500 • Conducted between March 7-30, 2009 • Margin of error ± 1.66 percent overall • Data collected by Socio Economic Development Consultants (SEDCO) • A multi-stage probability sample was used. In the first stage, the sample was stratified into four provinces. In the second stage, the sample was further stratified into districts within each province by rural and urban categories. In the third stage eachdistrict was further stratified by Union Councils. • The sample was distributed at the provincial level, rural and urban, in all four provinces of Pakistan (except for the Federally Administrative Tribal Areas (FATA), Chitral and Kohistan). The sample was then post-weighted to make it proportionate to national representation by province. • The eligibility criteria is age, which for this survey is 18 years and above. • The response rate was just over 90percent. • The interview teams were comprised of both of males and females;the female respondents were interviewed by female interviewers and male respondents by male interviewers. • Kish method was used to select respondents 18 years and older within the randomly selected household. The right hand method was used to select every third household in localities selected through area probability sample. • The information in this report has been compiled in accordance with international standards for market and social -
Israel-Pakistan Relations Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS)
P. R. Kumaraswamy Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS) The purpose of the Jaffee Center is, first, to conduct basic research that meets the highest academic standards on matters related to Israel's national security as well as Middle East regional and international secu- rity affairs. The Center also aims to contribute to the public debate and governmental deliberation of issues that are - or should be - at the top of Israel's national security agenda. The Jaffee Center seeks to address the strategic community in Israel and abroad, Israeli policymakers and opinion-makers and the general public. The Center relates to the concept of strategy in its broadest meaning, namely the complex of processes involved in the identification, mobili- zation and application of resources in peace and war, in order to solidify and strengthen national and international security. To Jasjit Singh with affection and gratitude P. R. Kumaraswamy Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations Memorandum no. 55, March 2000 Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies 6 P. R. Kumaraswamy Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies Tel Aviv University Ramat Aviv, 69978 Tel Aviv, Israel Tel. 972 3 640-9926 Fax 972 3 642-2404 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.tau.ac.il/jcss/ ISBN: 965-459-041-7 © 2000 All rights reserved Graphic Design: Michal Semo Printed by: Kedem Ltd., Tel Aviv Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations 7 Contents Introduction .......................................................................................9 -
The Colour Khaki
tariq ali THE COLOUR KHAKI Now each day is fair and balmy, Everywhere you look: the army. Ustad Daman (1959) n 19 September 2001, General Pervaiz Musharraf went on TV to inform the people of Pakistan that their country Owould be standing shoulder to shoulder with the United States in its bombardment of Afghanistan. Visibly pale, blinking and sweating, he looked like a man who had just signed his own death warrant. The installation of the Taliban regime in Kabul had been the Pakistan Army’s only foreign-policy success. In 1978, the US had famously turned to the country’s military dictator General Zia-ul- Haq when it needed a proxy to manage its jihad against the radical pro-Soviet regime in Afghanistan. In what followed, the Pakistan Inter- Services Intelligence became an army within an army, with much of its budget supplied directly from Washington. It was the ISI that super- vised the Taliban’s sweep to power during Benazir Bhutto’s premiership of the mid-nineties; that controlled the infiltration of skilled saboteurs and assassins into Indian-held Kashmir; and that maintained a direct connexion with Osama bin Laden. Zia’s successors could congratulate themselves that their new province in the north-west almost made up for the defection of Bangladesh in 1971. Now it was time to unravel the gains of the victory: the Taliban pro- tectorate had to be dismantled and bin Laden captured, ‘dead or alive’. But having played such a frontline role in installing fundamentalism in Afghanistan, would the Pakistan Army and the ISI accept the reverse command from their foreign masters, and put themselves in the fore- front of the brutal attempt to root it out? Musharraf was clearly nervous new left review 19 jan feb 2003 5 6 nlr 19 but the US Defence Intelligence Agency had not erred.